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English Clandestine Satire 1660–1702

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English Clandestine Satire 1660–1702 HAROLD LOVE

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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi São Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Harold Love 2004 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available ISBN 0-19-925561-x 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Typeset in Sabon by Jayvee, Trivandrum, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Biddles Ltd., King’s Lynn, Norfolk

Acknowledgements My interest in scribally transmitted clandestine satire began in the mid-1960s at the time when it was ﬁrst opened for serious scholarly study by the publication of David M. Vieth’s Attribution in Restoration Poetry, John Harold Wilson’s Court Satires of the Restoration, and the early volumes of the Yale Poems on Affairs of State series, all of which have remained foundational to the subject. At a later date I proﬁted from the published scholarship and personal encouragement of Peter Beal, John Burrows, Andrew Carpenter, Nicholas Fisher, Paul Hammond, Robert D. Hume, Hilton Kelliher, Arthur Marotti, and Timothy Raylor, to all of whom I am indebted. The death of Keith Walker while this book was in the press deprived me of an unfailing source of knowledge, friendship, and encouragement. Many other friends and colleagues have contributed useful suggestions and help in locating sources and I have also received a great deal of assistance over the years from librarians, among whom I particularly need to mention Stephen Parks and Earle Havens, of the Osborn Collection at the Yale University Library. Among my Monash colleagues Wallace Kirsop and Clive Probyn have been generous with time and knowledge. While preparing the ﬁrst edition of The Penguin Book of Restoration Verse (1968) I acquired microﬁlms of a number of the primary sources for clandestine satire, which were added to across the years. A simple ﬁrst-line index of this material proved invaluable in investigating connections between sources and allowing me to frame questions about the nature of transmission, authorship, and reception. A chapter on ‘Restoration Scriptorial Satire’ in my Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England (1993) was my ﬁrst attempt to synthesize this material; however, this did not address the problem of how to identify authors, which, over a much broader ﬁeld, is the subject of my Attributing Authorship: An Introduction (2002). Work for my edition of Rochester (1999) deepened my practical acquaintance with every aspect of scribal culture and demanded the acquisition of more microﬁlms. A three-year grant by the Australian Research Council allowed me to employ Meredith Sherlock to

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prepare detailed indexes of all the major sources then known to me (several through the agency of Peter Beal). Her invaluable, meticulously prepared lists were then used to generate a much improved ﬁrst-line index, a version of which is included in this book as the Appendix. Further indexes were prepared by Felicity Henderson who in 2001–2 also reviewed the entire body of indexes. My debt to both of them is great, as will be that of all future scholars who make use of their indexes, which it is hoped can eventually be made available for reference through the Monash English Department website. A substantial proportion of the sources themselves are to be published in 2005 in a microﬁlm edition by Adam Matthew Publications. I must also thank Anthony Butler and Tracey Caulﬁeld for their assistance with the ﬁnal checking of the typescript. I am deeply grateful for the support of Oxford University Press in publishing what has turned out to be a trilogy of studies, the ﬁrst the general survey of scribal publishing, the second the edition of a major author who worked in the medium, and now the extended survey of the literary genre in which that author made his most important contribution. Finally, as always, my thanks and gratitude to my wife Rosaleen, our children and grandchildren, and our dog, the all-too-aptly named Wilmot, for providing the perfect antidote to so many years of absorption with a world of the imagination not notable for its cultivation of the ﬁner human feelings. H.L. Monash University Clayton, Victoria

Contents Abbreviations

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A Note on Texts and Citations

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1 Origins and Models

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2 The Court Lampoon

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3 The Town Lampoon

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4 State Satire

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5 Lampoon Authorship

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6 The Lampoon as Gossip

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7 A Poetics of the Lampoon

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8 Transmission and Reception

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Appendix: First-Line Index to Selected Anthologies of Clandestine Satire

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Select Bibliography

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Index

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Abbreviations CSP (Dom) CSR Dorset, Poems Dryden, Works

POAS (1702–7)

POASY

Rochester, Works SPISCE

Calendars of State Papers (Domestic Series) John Harold Wilson (ed.), Court Satires of the Restoration (Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1976) The Poems of Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, ed. Brice Harris (London: Garland, 1979) The Works of John Dryden, ed. Edward Niles Hooker, H. T. Swedenberg Jr., and Alan Roper, 20 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1956–89) Poems on Affairs of State, 4 vols. (London, 1702–7) [Case 211 (1) (e) 1702; (2) (a) 1703; (3) (a) 1704; 211 (4) (a) 1707] George deF. Lord (gen. ed.), Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse 1660–1714, 7 vols. (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963–75) The Works of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, ed. Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999) Harold Love, Scribal Publication in SeventeenthCentury England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993)

A Note on Texts and Citations Some anomalies in the citation of sources require explanation. Wherever possible clandestine satires are quoted from the annotated, modern-spelling, edited texts in POASY and CSR, where they can easily be located for reference. Where a satire is cited from a manuscript source, the text and title are given in the exact spelling and punctuation of that source except for common contractions being silently expanded; however, the ﬁrst line, which is used throughout this book as the primary identiﬁer, will be in the standardized form found in the Appendix (pp. 303–414), and therefore in modern spelling and without punctuation. Where no ﬁrst line is cited it is because the ﬁrst line is already contained in a quoted passage. In that case it will be in the version and spelling of the source of that quotation, which may differ in some particulars from that of the Appendix, but not to the extent of making it unlocatable. All quotations are cited to a source. When a satire not directly quoted is identiﬁed by a ﬁrst line but not a source, the Appendix should be referred to for locations.

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Origins and Models George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham (1628–87) has not had a good press. A still current view would have him a glamorous lightweight with an unrealistic estimate of his military and political capacities whose attempts at great achievements all ended in failure. Accounts routinely narrate the sordid incidents of what looks at ﬁrst sight like an entertaining but futile existence.1 He followed the king into exile and then deserted him in order to make peace with the Protector. Having smarmed his way back into favour at the Restoration, he used his talent for ridicule to undermine devoted patriots such as Clarendon, Arlington, and Sir William Coventry. He developed an absurd crush on the king’s sister and chased her to Paris when she was already engaged to the brother of Louis XIV, thus sparking an international incident. He associated with revolutionary sectaries without suspecting their evil designs. He was a bisexual rake who was prosecuted for sodomy. He ruthlessly killed the husband of his mistress while she was present disguised as a boy and slept with her afterwards in the shirt stained with her murdered husband’s blood. When his wife complained about the relationship he told her to pack her things and go back to her father. Plays and poems attributed to him were largely written by others. He was the dupe of alchemists and foolishly believed he could restore his health and fortune by ﬁnding the philosopher’s stone. Charles II sent him on sham embassies, when the real negotiations were in other hands. Having been dismissed from his ministerial post for incompetence, he petulantly joined the Whigs but was never taken seriously even by them. He made foolish speeches in parliament which led to his being sent to the Tower. His ears, as Samuel Butler put it, ‘were perpetually drilled with a Fiddlestick’. He squandered a vast fortune through being 1 For the life see Winifred, Lady Burghclere, George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham (London: John Murray, 1903), Hester Chapman, Great Villiers (London: Secker and Warburg, 1949), and John Harold Wilson, A Rake and his Times (New York: Farrar, 1954).

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‘Begger’d by Fools’, as Dryden put it, and died a miserable death, as Pope put it, in ‘the worst inn’s worst room’.2 Not much of this is supportable. Buckingham’s misfortune was to have lived at a time when there was little reliable information about events at the upper reaches of power. Court politics was premissed on exclusivity—kings were not accustomed to take their subjects into their conﬁdence. Newspapers only appeared relatively late in the century and at most periods prior to 1694 were subject to state censorship. An indiscreet pamphlet might send its author and printer to prison or the gallows. The enormous information vacuum thus created was ﬁlled by gossip, correspondence, and clandestine satire, each (as we will see) feeding off the others. Buckingham’s life as it is told today is essentially one that has been compiled from satires—a process as likely to yield a balanced account as if the lives of presentday political leaders were to be written from newspaper caricatures or impersonations by stand-up comedians. In Buckingham’s case the satires would ﬁll a book. The opening of one of them, not altogether implausibly attributed to Dryden, will indicate the style. It begins with a distillation of what earlier satires had said about Buckingham’s famous father. I sing the Praise of a Worthy Wight, Whose Father King Jemmy that never wou’d ﬁght For his Face, but more for his Arse made a Knight; With a fa, la, la, la. This Knight soone after a Duke became, And got at the Island of Rhee such Fame That all true English curse Buckingham. With a fa, la, la, la. This Idoll Duke, to that greatnesse did swell, That Honours, and Riches, before him fell, Till Felton, the Brave, sent his Grace to Hell With a fa, la, la, la. And now shall heare how mighty the Son With that very small Sin of Incest begun And then to Treason and Bugg’ry went on With a fa, la, la, la. 2 Butler, Characters, ed. Charles W. Daves (Cleveland: Case Western Reserve UP, 1970), 67; Dryden, Works, ii. 22; The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London: Methuen, 1963), 583.

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For the Incest Old Richmond, can tell when and where, For the Treason, the papers of Old Oliver; And Kenistons Arse, knows his Buggerer With a fa, la, la, la. Now he who soe bravely, and Nobly begins, Must afterwards thinke (when such glory he wins) Adult’ry and Treason, but triviall Sins . . .3

The poem was circulating in manuscript by 1680, together with a parody of the Anglican litany to be sung to the same tune, which recounts in compressed form every accusation made against Buckingham its writer could remember. From a sensual, proud, atheistical life, From arming our lackeys with pistol and knife, From murd’ring the husband and whoring the wife, Libera nos. From going ambassadors only as panders, From re-killing dead kings with monstrous slanders, From betraying the living in Scotland and Flanders, Libera nos. From a wild rambling nowhere abode, Without day or night, nor at home nor abroad, From a prince to unhorse us on Dover road, Libera nos. From crowning the hearse of our babe of adultery, Interr’d among kings by a lord of the prelacy, Whom we got cashier’d for carnal arsery, Libera nos. From selling land, twice ten thousand a year, All spent, no mortal can tell how or where, And then reform kingdoms as a sanctiﬁ’d peer, Libera nos . . .4

And so on to a total of sixty lines, not counting ‘Libera nos’. What is telling about this passage is that its writer is able to assume that each of his highly compacted biographical allusions will be intelligible to 3 ‘A New Ballad to an Old Tune Call’d Sage Leafe’, Yale MS Osborn b 105, pp. 369–71. ‘Sage Leaf ’ is unrecorded in Claude M. Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1966) but the lines go well to ‘Cavalilly Man’ (pp. 87–9). 4 POASY, ii. 192–3.

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readers—in other words, that they had access to a detailed life history not obtainable from any printed source, but only from gossip and earlier lampoons. The papers of ‘Old Oliver’, if they survived at all, were not available for the asking, nor would ‘Old Richmond’, the duke’s sister, so called to distinguish her from a younger, concurrent bearer of the same title, have been willing to answer questions about putative incest. The lampoon genre was the bearer of a vast secret history of the times with which politically active members of society were assumed to be familiar. Further attacks on Buckingham will be cited later in this book. The question that immediately arises is ‘Why Buckingham?’ He could not have had the career he did at the centre of English politics if even a fraction of the accusations made against him were true. A long satire on his enthusiastic reception in 1677 by the mayor and aldermen of Oxford gives the game away Now when as the Duke he appeared in sight They all march’d out in their scarlet so bright, And Carfax bells they did ring out right, For the Duke was come to the town-a, For the Duke was come to the town-a.5

Could it be that he was much more formidable than we imagine: a dangerous political opponent who had to be stopped by any means? In any case most of the accusations recorded in the opening paragraph are demonstrably untrue. The civil war desertion sprung as much from fundamental policy differences within the royalist court in exile as personal disloyalty. Buckingham championed accommodation with the English and Scottish Presbyterians as a means of regaining the throne, a policy resisted by both the Anglicans around Clarendon and the crypto-Catholic king. He pursued that goal after his return to England by allying himself with Fairfax against Cromwell, and remained a lifelong advocate of toleration. His reputation for promiscuity was very likely exaggerated and, in any case, was nothing unusual for his time, or ours. His relative Brian Fairfax insisted that ‘He was the onely person in a vicious age and Court that was publicly censured for Weomen; not so much out of hatred to the Crime, as the Person. He lay under so ill a name for it, that if he was 5 ‘A Proper New Ballad Concerning the Reception of his Grace the Duke of Buckingham by the Right Worshipful the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Oxon. 1677’, ll. 36–40, ibid., i. 432.

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shut up with a Fox hunter, a Chymist, a Poll, or Poet, it was sayd to be with a woman.’6 His pursuit of the Duchess of Orléans, almost an adoptive sister, was so far from causing an international incident that Louis XIV regarded it as a great joke at the expense of his unpleasant brother—which may have been how Buckingham meant it. The prosecution for sodomy (with a female not a male) was a trumped-up one engineered by the notorious Colonel Blood in which Buckingham was vindicated by the court and his accusers punished. If he had a homosexual relationship with the actor Edward Kynaston (a claim made only in ‘Sage Leaf’), they were both consenting adults. He fought a duel with the Earl of Shrewsbury because he could not honourably refuse it, and wounded but did not kill him. Shrewsbury’s unexpected death was the result of septicaemia. The countess was in France at the time. Buckingham’s life with his duchess had its ups and downs like many marriages but she always stood by him when loyalty was called for, including an episode when she raced a king’s messenger in her coach to warn him of an impending arrest. Fairfax records that they lived ‘loveingly togeather, she patiently bearing with those faults in him which she could not remedy’.7 His interest in chemistry was a perfectly serious one: a volume of scientiﬁc notes prepared for him is preserved at Alnwick Castle.8 Dramatic writing was a recreation which he liked to pursue collaboratively in the company of friends but it can hardly be questioned that the principal works—The Rehearsal, Sir Politick Wouldbe, The Country Gentleman, and the adaptation of Fletcher’s The Chances—are informed by his distinctive spirit of urbane mockery. Far from being bubbled out of his estate, he shrewdly put it into the management of sympathetic City bankers who paid off his debts and gave him a guaranteed income of £5,000 a year—a princely sum for those days. This device—the origin of today’s family trusts—also protected the estate from seizure by the crown.9 He was a founder not a follower of the Whig party and its principal public face in parliamentary and municipal election campaigns. Anthony Wood bitterly resented his inﬂuence among the townspeople of Oxford.10 ‘Account of the Family of Fairfax’, BL MS Harl. 6862, fos. 21r–v. 8 Ibid. fo. 24r. MS 609. 9 See Frank T. Melton, ‘A Rake Reﬁnanced: The Fortune of George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham, 1671–1685’, HLQ 51 (1998), 297–318. 10 The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford: Oxford Historical Society, 1891–1900), ii. 391, 516. 6 7

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He died after falling ill far from home at the end of a day’s hunting. He was taken to the best not the worst house in the nearest village— Pope’s squalid room is entirely imaginary.11 Buckingham certainly had his faults but the highly coloured picture that has been conveyed to us by means of clandestine satire is one that was concocted by his enemies for the purpose of countering his political inﬂuence. Had he lived a few months longer to see the triumph of his cause in the Revolution of 1688, history and poetry would probably both have come to kinder verdicts. Instead, his reputation was mortally wounded by satire in exactly the way he had wounded the reputations of others through his own satires. Having said that, we must also acknowledge that the ‘Buckingham’ created by the satirists is a fascinating ﬁgure in its own right, and one that reveals a great deal about the dreams and nightmares of the Restoration political imagination. The lampoon lived by the hyperreal and fantastical, and it was in hyperreality and fantasy that early modern subjectivities were founded. The virtuosi who gathered at Gresham College to inaugurate a new way of modelling the world through number and exact measurement; the political arithmeticians who debated with Sir William Petty and Gregory King, with uneasy glances over their shoulders at Hobbes, whether the same mechanistic principles might yield an account of the operations of society; and the philosophers who followed Locke in his rejection of the ﬁgurative from the operations of thought in favour of a regulated discourse of corporeal reason, could at any time have exploded the narratives of the actions of great persons presented to them through satire and gossip; but as far as we are able to tell they swallowed them whole. Pepys, who was one of their number, certainly did. Perhaps Hobbes had predisposed them to accept that the lowest common denominator of human motivations was likely to yield the most accurate account of any given action. The ever-extending reach of scepticism spared the lampoon. Politics at all its levels from that of the village to that of the nation was to remain something perceived in mythic terms, with its real-life performers encased behind masks of their own or someone’s else’s imposing. 11 See Stuart Gillespie, ‘ “The worst inn’s worst room”: Pope’s Setting for Buckingham’s Death’, N&Q 235 (1990), 306–8. This and other matters raised are considered in fuller detail in the biographical introduction to the forthcoming OUP critical edition of Buckingham, edited by Robert D. Hume and Harold Love.

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modes and origins Clandestine satire is satire written for circulation through means other than the licensed press, which is to say by oral recitation, manuscript transcription, or surreptitious printing. Of these, the ﬁrst two predominated in both volume and authority. It arises from poetic traditions independent of and often actively hostile to those fostered by the metropolitan book trade. Clandestine satires are usually referred to in this book as ‘lampoons’, but this is purely a matter of convenience, which involves some stretching of the contemporary meaning of that term. In their own day they would have been lumped under the umbrella term ‘libels’. The view of both private and public life given by clandestine satire was distorted, irreverent, and partial; but where many important events and issues were concerned it might be the only written commentary available. Irrespective of one’s sympathy with its viewpoints, one had to consult it for clues to what was likely to befall the nation, and when one did so some of its mud was bound to stick. So much for Buckingham! The richness of this verse repertoire is demonstrated for the period 1660–1714 by the admirable seven-volume Yale University Press Poems on Affairs of State series, which borrows its title from a series of collections published between 1689 and 1707 of satirical and also non-satirical verse, much of which had formerly circulated only in manuscript.12 However, political satires were only one part of the huge body of verse lampoons written, and even of these only a proportion has ever been available in print. For the period before 1660 the best current guide is Arthur Marotti’s in the second chapter of Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric.13 The carryover of themes and forms from one period to the other was considerable, yet, curiously, the many manuscript anthologies of Restoration lampoons that survive contain very little pre-1660 material. The world the later satirists addressed and the social and political questions that stirred them to verse were both different from those of 12 Cited in this study as POAS (1702–7), from the last and most comprehensive collection, issued in four volumes of which the ﬁrst reprints two separate, earlier collections, each with its own pagination. The Yale collection (gen. ed. George deF. Lord) is cited as POASY. 13 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1995), 75–133. See also Harold Love and Arthur F. Marotti, ‘Manuscript Transmission and Circulation’, in David Loewenstein and Janel Mueller (eds.), The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 55–80.

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their parents’ generation. Robert D. Hume has argued that scholarship should always avoid ‘dangerously generalized contexts’ such as ‘the seventeenth century’ and ‘the Victorian frame of mind’, warning that ‘the context that does not come from within the decade at issue is unlikely to be anything but misleading’.14 In what follows I will be examining a number of contexts for the writing and reading of lampoons which stretch for as long as forty years—a procedure whose risks have always been vividly present. In order not to worsen the situation even more, I have chosen to reduce my coverage of the preRestoration lampoon to the minimum of information necessary to begin the study of its successor. Timothy Raylor’s invaluable study of mid-seventeenth-century burlesque and satire and future accounts promised by Andrew McRae of the earlier seventeenth century and Steven May of Elizabethan clandestine satire will help in establishing longer continuities, discontinuities, and recurrences; but even then we may well ﬁnd that we are dealing with the pursuit of different goals by similar means.15 From very early times, individuals who behaved in ways that were displeasing to a community have been mocked in verse, often to the accompaniment of music and mimicry. One form of this was the ‘rough music’ of the traditional British skimmington but related forms of shaming can still be observed in any schoolyard.16 Horace believed that stage comedy and literary satire had arisen from such rituals, which in Roman Italy were associated with the gatherings of farm families after the harvest: Through this custom came into use the Fescennine licence, which in alternate verse poured forth rustic taunts; and the freedom, welcomed each returning year, was innocently gay, till jest, now growing cruel, turned to open frenzy, and stalked amid the homes of honest folk, fearless in its threatening.17 14 Reconstructing Contexts: The Aims and Principles of Archaeo-historicism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 60, 139–40. 15 Timothy Raylor, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture: Sir John Mennes, James Smith and the Order of the Fancy (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1994). 16 For the skimmington, see in particular Douglas Gray, ‘Rough Music: Some Early Invectives and Flytings’, YES 14 (1984), 21–43; Martin Ingram, ‘Ridings, Rough Music and Mocking Rhymes in Early Modern England’, in Barry Reay (ed.), Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (London: Routledge, 1985), 166–97; and James Grantham Turner, Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern London: Sexuality, Politics and Literary Culture, 1630–1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 32–7, 47–73. 17 Epistles 2. 1. 145–50, from Horace, Satires, Epistles, Ars Poetica, trans. H. Rushton Fairclough (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP, 1955), 409.

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At various stages in the ancient world versions of this improvised folk poetry made the transition to literate culture, as in abusive verses inscribed on walls at Pompeii and Herculaneum. In Greece and Rome this eventually gave rise to the satirical epigram as practised by Martial and Catullus, the versiﬁed curse, as exercised in the iambics of Archilochus and the Ibis of Ovid, and, most prestigiously, the extended verse satire and satirical epistle of Lucilius, Horace, Persius, and Juvenal. In Celtic societies, the duties of a court bard might include the ritual cursing of enemies and the giving of licensed criticism to rulers, as in the rhymes of Lear’s fool.18 The Scots Dunbar and Kennedie drew in their famous ‘ﬂyting’ on an indigenous tradition of competitive excoriation similar to that described by Horace.19 Early modern England possessed a similar folk heritage of orally composed communal satire which passed over ﬁrst into literacy and then literature. Examples of shaming verse composed in small towns and villages have been discussed by C. J. Sisson, David Underdown, Alastair Bellany, and Adam Fox.20 Underdown found that organized shaming behaviour was likely to be strongest in the ‘regions of arable cultivation covering much of southern and Eastern England’ where villages were ‘nucleated, tightly packed around church and manor-house (often with a resident squire), the whole structure ﬁrmly bound by neighbourhood and custom’, as opposed to more dispersed woodland and pastoral communities.21 The arable community was also more likely to resist the attempts of the godly to suppress seasonal revelry. In Sisson’s main example the victim was a Puritan vicar of Stratford-upon-Avon. Yet, shaming behaviour could just as easily be provoked by simple violations of the moral code, especially through unchastity. Moreover, there is no need to believe it was restricted to 18 One of the themes of Robert C. Elliott, The Power of Satire: Magic, Ritual, Art (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1960). 19 ‘The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedie’, in The Poems of William Dunbar, ed. James Kinsley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 76–95, and on its background pp. 282–6. 20 C. J. Sisson, Lost Plays of Shakespeare’s Age (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1936), 186–203; David Underdown, Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603–1660 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985); Alastair Bellany, ‘Railing Rhymes and Vaunting Verse: Libellous Politics in Early Stuart England, 1603–1628’, in Kevin Sharpe and Peter Lake (eds.), Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford UP, 1993), 285–310; Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000). 21 Revel, Riot, and Rebellion, 5.

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villages. When, in Beaumont and Fletcher’s Philaster (ﬁrst acted c.1611), the maid of honour, Megra, is caught in bed with Pharamond, the poltroonish suitor to the princess, her punishment is depicted as a subjection to various forms of ridicule: I dare my lord: your whootings, and your clamors, Your private whispers and your broad ﬂeerings . . .

on which the king elaborates: and all the Pages, And all the Court, shall hoote thee through the Court, Fling rotten Oranges, make ribal’d rimes, And seare thy name with candles upon walls:22

The rotten oranges (an expensive import) would not have penetrated far down the social ladder but the hooting, the pelting, and the pursuit were regarded by the dramatist as being as likely to occur at court as in the country. The ‘ribal’d rimes’ are here presented as a just vengeance on a transgressor. Megra responds in the play with an untrue accusation that the princess has been unchaste with a page-boy, which is immediately believed. This will trigger the same process of insult: The Princesse, your deare daughter, shall stand by me On walls, and sung in ballads, any thing:23

We know about the circumstances of composition of several such impromptu ballads because their texts are preserved in the records of court cases for slander. Fox, Underdown, and Laura Gowing all cite examples.24 By the sixteenth century it had become common for such pieces to be written out and ‘posted’ in some public place. While the ostensible aim of this was to give publicity to the accusations, it may also have been felt to possess a magical function like the ancient depositing of written curses at wells, where they were thought to be more accessible to the gods of the underworld.25 It was then a short step for them to be circulated in manuscript copies and for new 22 The Dramatic Works in the Beaumont and Fletcher Canon, ed. Fredson Bowers (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1966–), i. 429–30. 23 Ibid. 430. 24 Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, 299–334; Underdown, Revel, Riot, and Rebellion, 29, 57, 84, 115, 121, 127, 143, 280; Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996), 84, 108, 121, 126. See also SPISCE, 232–3. 25 There is a Latin example from Bath illustrated in Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth (eds.), The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998), 201.

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pieces of the same kind to be written for scribal circulation. A good deal of later English written lampooning was a straightforward transference of oral models to new social circumstances and a more reﬁned mode of expression. Such satire is always personal. By contrast, most admonitory verse of the Middle Ages and early Renaissance had prided itself on attacking the vice in generalized terms rather than the vicious individual. John Peter distinguished reprobations of this kind as ‘complaint’ from what was subsequently known as satire, which is normally held to have come into existence as a recognized literary mode with the naturalization of the classical Roman satire and epigram during the 1590s by Donne in manuscript and Hall, Marston, and Sir John Davies in print.26 These writers drew on a Humanist classical heritage and the particular examples of Horace, Juvenal, and Martial; but where the folk lampoon had spoken on behalf of its communities, the new manner of verse reprobation foregrounded the personality, or persona, of the satirist, often representing him as an alienated railer. Victims too might be personalized, though under the disguise of type names, since printed satire was public, not clandestine.27 Hall and particularly Marston favoured an esoteric vocabulary that was about as far removed as it could be from the directness of the folk lampoon. At v. i. 464–528 of Jonson’s Poetaster, modelled on Lucian’s ‘Lexiphanes’, Crispinus, representing Marston, is made to vomit up a series of such excesses, beginning with ‘retrograde’, ‘reciprocall’, ‘incubus’, ‘glibbery’, ‘lubricall’, and ‘defunct’ and concluding with ‘obstupefact’.28 The experiment was brought to a halt by the ‘Bishops’ ban’ of 1599. Its inﬂuence on later satire was small, though some of its features survive in Cleveland and it probably encouraged the writing of invectives in pentameter 26 Complaint and Satire in Early English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). Marston’s and Hall’s claims to have founded a new verse genre should not be taken too seriously; but they had certainly created a new performative identity for the satirist and a new urban orientation for satire. 27 Discussed in Peter, Complaint and Satire; O. J. Campbell, Comicall Satyre and Shakespeare’s ‘ Troilus and Cressida’ (San Marino, Calif.: Aderaft Press, 1938); Anthony Caputi, John Marston, Satirist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1961); and Alvin Kernan, The Cankered Muse: Satire of the English Renaissance (New Haven: Yale UP, 1959). The social context of the new satire is illuminated by Lawrence Manley in the closing section of his ‘Literature and London’ in Loewenstein and Mueller (eds.), Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature, 399–427. 28 Ben Jonson, ed. C. H. Herford and Percy Simpson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932–52), iv. 312–13.

12

Origins and Models

couplets rather than in Goliardic tetrameters or stanzas sung to a broadside ballad melody. The reigns of James I and Charles I saw both the couplet and the stanzaic kinds of literate clandestine satire engendering formal subtraditions of some complexity. As well as the straightforward lampoon pattern of either sustained invective directed at a single person or a series of separate, epigram-like attacks on several, verse libels made frequent use of parody, especially the mock-epitaph, the mockencomium, and, as we have seen, the mock-litany. Lampoons in pentameter couplets would sometimes mimic the gravity of the classical grand style, in anticipation of Augustan mock-heroic though without the polish. A lighter form of burlesque, written in octosyllabic couplets, had as one of its inspirations a centuries-old tradition of rhymed Latin satirical verse most signally represented by Richard Braithwaite’s Barnabae Itinerarium (1638), which was actually an extended stanzaic lampoon meant for singing. The Latin is presented side by side with an English version, describing how the eponymous Barnabas visits town after town (usually at a rate of one per stanza) and immediately heads for a tavern or vinous friend: Tenens cursum et decorum, Brickhill, ubi Juniorem Veni, vidi, propter mentem Unum octo Sapientum; Sonat vox ut Philomela, Ardet nasus ut candela.

Holding on my journey longer, Streight at Brickhill with Tom Younger. I arriv’d; one by this cheese-a Styl’d the eighth wiseman of Greece-a, Voice more sweet than Prognes sister, Like a Torch his nose doth glister.29

Either version can be read singly but the real pleasure lies in the ingenuity with which effects in one language have been recreated in the other. There was also some awareness of English forebears: Sir John Mennes admired Chaucer and James Smith praised Skelton. Timothy Raylor suggests a closer inﬂuence from Herrick: Mennes and Smith were familiar with Herrick’s sack poems . . . The fairy poems were well known and exhibit many features found in earlier travesties and burlesques as well as in the drolling manner of Mennes and Smith: these features include competitive composition, the use of comic octasyllabics with absurd rhymes, the debunking of mythology through the ﬁlter of rustic domesticity, the juxtaposition of the charming and the grotesque, and a tone of knowing and playful irony.30 (London, 1638), K4v–5r. Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture, 128. For the history of the style in English see pp. 124–8. 29 30

Origins and Models

13

Burlesque and travesty were separate genres from the lampoon, in the sense that neither demanded that attacks be made on persons rather than literary modes; yet they contributed much to its characteristic tone and language. As with lyric verse circulated in manuscript, a lampoon often provoked a reply which then circulated along with it.31 The genre was characterized from the start by sexual explicitness, portraying its victims as either monsters of lust or ludicrously ineffectual aspirants to that status.32 As these aspects of the lampoon will be copiously illustrated in the following chapters, examples will not be given at the present time. A crucial transition was that by which the popular forms, having emerged from orality to literacy, were then accommodated to the more discerning tastes of educated and courtly readers. Smith’s The Loves of Hero and Leander (London, 1651, but written perhaps two decades earlier) is described by Raylor as ‘an extended collage of proverbs, ballads, idioms, and colloquialisms’, illustrating the poet’s intense awareness of the world of orally transmitted texts, but using them ‘with a gently ironic affection’ that reveals a ‘developing awareness among the elite of a distinction between their own and popular culture’.33 But Smith had no pretensions to elegance. Suckling was one of a number of poets of the court of Charles I who helped bestow polish and literary respectability on clandestine satire. Two of his poems stand at the head of enduring traditions. The ‘Ballad upon a Wedding’ is not itself a satire but was used as the basis of several later parody lampoons, while the model of ‘A Sessions of Poets’ was repeatedly reaccommodated to new generations of writers as well as being extended to other groups of victims in the sub-tradition of what will be referred to as ‘sessions satire’. The term ‘lampoon’ seems itself to have emerged about this time, as a refrain word to be sung after each verse of a stanzaic libel. In its French derivation (‘lampons’ from ‘lamper’) it means simply ‘let us drink’. Among the Cavalier poets, the lampoon was one of a number of genres to which acknowledged wits would be expected to turn their hands and through which they could demonstrate their abilities. It is often difﬁcult to judge whether a particular piece was written to display its writer’s talent, to utter an unwelcome but necessary truth, or out of gratuitous malice: the effect need not be much different. Stanzaic 31 32 33

Cf. Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric, 159–71. For the prevalence of bawdy verse in manuscript collections see ibid. 76–82. Raylor, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture, 140.

14

Origins and Models

lampoons emanating from the court were still almost always written to a ballad melody, even when this was not declared in the title. In its movement from being part of a social ritual of popular shaming to being an element in the written culture of the educated, the lampoon also became a constitutive practice of communities based on the production and exchange of documents, such as the universities, the Inns of Court, and the Church of England. Erudite libels (often in Latin) were a commonplace of university life. On the occasion of the contested entry of Sir Thomas Clayton in April 1661 to the wardenship of Merton College, Anthony Wood wrote: All seniors, that had known what Thomas Clayton had been, did look upon him, as the most impudent fellow in nature to adventure upon such a place (the wardenship of Merton coll.) that had been held by eminent persons. They knew him to have been the very lol-poop of the University, the common subject of every lampoon that was made in the said university, and a fellow of little or no religion, only for forme-sake. They knew also, that he had been a most lascivious person, a great haunter of women’s company and a common fornicator.34

Wood’s assuredness over the last-raised matter may, of course, have been dependent on the lampoons themselves. Inns of Court satire numbered the court among its targets, as the satirical verse of Donne and Sir John Davies shows. Within such closed communities, libels performed a homeostatic function, conﬁrming members’ sense of their own institutional identity, providing a sanctioned way of dealing with deviations from agreed norms of behaviour, and offering an outlet for otherwise irremediable dissatisfaction.35 As long as they restricted themselves to these functions, they were not seen as socially disruptive. Yet by early in the reign of James I a new kind of verse libel was in circulation whose intended audience was general rather than communal or institutional and which instead of attacking local authority ﬁgures directed its often considerable venom at the political and religious leaders of the nation. The immediate, though not the sole, cause of this mutation was the accession of a king with poor communication skills, inﬂexible ideas about the power of the prerogative, and a 34 Life and Times, i. 394. For further references to Oxford lampoons see i. 487–9, ii. 44, 150, 391, 496, 550, iii. 138. 35 These functions are explored for university and Inns of Court clandestine satire in Felicity Henderson, ‘Erudite Satire in Seventeenth-Century England’ (Monash University Ph.D. thesis, 2003).

Origins and Models

15

preference for ruling through favourites. The great seventeenthcentury outburst of clandestine satire was in a real sense an outcome of the Stuart phenomenon and the particular vision of modernity that dynasty tried to impose. What were later to be called ‘state poems’ had existed in the past but never in such numbers, nor had they ever been so eagerly sought after; moreover, their circulation was almost impossible to control. Archbishop Whitgift had been able to ban the print publication of satires and epigrams, but at his funeral in 1604 the manuscript of a Puritan lampoon was found pinned to his hearsecloth.36 Clandestine state satire provided a steady stream of uninhibited commentary on court scandals and unpopular ministers. Marotti lists some of its targets: The falls of ambitious or highly placed individuals in the Elizabethan, Jacobean, and Caroline periods attracted much attention in the manuscript collections of the period, which contain poetry (and prose) related to the treason and execution of the earl of Essex; the trial, long imprisonment, and eventual execution of Sir Walter Raleigh; the political eclipse and death of Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury; the murder trial and conviction of Robert Carr, earl of Somerset (and of his wife Frances Howard); the impeachments of Sir Francis Bacon and of Lionel Cranﬁeld, earl of Middlesex; the career and assassination of George Villiers, duke of Buckingham; the political fall and execution of Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford; and the trial and execution of the earl of Castlehaven for sexual crimes.37

Thomas Cogswell has described this early body of state satire as providing ‘as close to a mass media as early Stuart England ever achieved’.38 The death of Cecil in 1612 was the occasion for an extraordinary outburst of libels, which has been studied by Pauline Croft.39 In The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England: News Culture and the Overbury Affair, 1603–1660, Alastair Bellany has traced the operations of an amazingly rich body of orally 36 Alastair Bellany, ‘A Poem on the Archbishop’s Hearse: Puritanism, Libel and Sedition after the Hampton Court Conference’, Journal of British Studies, 34 (1995), 137–64. 37 Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric, 94. 38 ‘Underground Verse and the Transformation of Early Stuart Political Culture’, in Susan D. Amussen and Mark A. Kishlansky (eds.), Political Culture and Cultural Politics in Early Modern England: Essays Presented to David Underdown (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1995), 277–300. 39 ‘The Reputation of Robert Cecil: Libels, Political Opinion and Popular Awareness in the Early Seventeenth Century’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser. 1 (1991), 43–69. See also Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric, 101–2.

16

Origins and Models

and scribally communicated texts, including lampoons, in broadcasting and interpreting the events that culminated in the trials of the Earl and Countess of Somerset for the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury.40 Overall, ‘approximately twenty ﬁve different poems and two libellous anagrams survive, about half in multiple copies’. One collector, William Davenport, possessed ten, one of which he might have written himself.41 Verses on the Castlehaven case were almost all short, cheap and public, drawing their authority from humour and an alleged immediacy to their subject matter. They appeared (or at least this is where later copies claim that they appeared) afﬁxed to hearses, statues, or anything available where a literate person might ﬁnd, read, and recite them.42

Milton’s friend Alexander Gill was lucky to escape with his life after being found in possession of ‘libels and letters . . . touching on the late Duke of Buckingham’.43 The older style of personal invective associated with seasonal festivities had not given rise to political anxiety because it was seen as communally contained. Objections were rather to the festivities themselves, with their temptations to heavy drinking, promiscuity, and riot. Only the dissident productions of militant Catholics on one side and extreme Puritans on the other had given any real cause for concern and, since it was hard to disguise one’s membership of these communities and the bare possession of such a text might be judged treasonable, fear had inhibited their free circulation. Public outbreaks of personal abuse, such as the Martin Marprelate and Nashe–Harvey controversies or the so-called ‘war of the theatres’, were dealt with through established legal mechanisms. Yet, with the wide circulation of manuscript libels directed at leading ﬁgures in Church and state, there was a change of view by which all forms of criticism, slander, and defamation came to be regarded as a corrigible threat to public order. The response of the legal system to this challenge has been summarized by Lindsay Kaplan, who quotes a telling passage from Ferdinando Pulton’s De Pace Regis and Regni (1609), in which the libeller is described as a ‘foule puddle that ouzeth from the same corrupt quagmire’ of slander but does so not by open words (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 74–135. Ibid. 97, 102, and on verse libels generally, pp. 107–11. 42 Cynthia B. Herrup, A House in Gross Disorder: Sex, Law and the 2nd Earl of Castlehaven (New York: Oxford UP, 1999), 120. 43 CSP(Dom) 1628–9, 338–9. 40 41

Origins and Models

17

but ‘seeming to sit quietly in his study’.44 In 1593 the Privy Council authorized the use of torture to discover the authors of libels. In the early years of the following century the Star Chamber, as the judicial arm of the Council, made use of the new notion of criminal libel in a series of prosecutions of which that of William Prynne in 1632 was the most momentous. Under a judgement of the same year, anyone encountering a written libel was legally required to burn it if its target was a private person or to bring it to ‘the Kings Councell or some competent judge’ if it touched on matters of state.45 To compose one, according to the resurrected principle scribere est agere, was to engage in constructive treason.46 Lampoons, as a subset of the wider category of libel, might be dealt with under any of three jurisdictions. Where no temporal loss was involved, the matter was traditionally left to the ecclesiastical courts. Where damage to a reputation required restitution, the injured party would seek it through the common law. However, a libel that threatened a breach of the peace became a matter for the Star Chamber, which steadily expanded its criteria of relevance to the point where it was eventually dealing with humble cases of village insult that would previously have been handled by one of the other two jurisdictions.47 While the severity of this court is notorious, it could not apply the death penalty. It was the passing of its jurisdiction after 1660 to the court of King’s Bench that was to prove fatal in 1683 to Algernon Sidney. Yet, whether judicial intervention had any effect on the writing and communication of lampoons is doubtful. It should rather be seen as evidence of sharply escalating ofﬁcial anxiety over their ubiquity and inﬂuence. Needless to say, not all satire was directed towards the crown and high-placed favourites: there was a strong counter-tradition of loyal satire whose targets were Puritans and parliamentarians. Andrew McRae has explored one phase of its development in a study of Richard Corbett as both a panegyrist of the court and excoriator of its enemies.48 But even royalist satire had its problems in a society 44 The Culture of Slander in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997), 20–4; Pulton, De Pace, fo. B1v. 45 S. R. Gardiner (ed.), Reports of Cases in the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, Camden Society, ns 39 (London, 1886), 152. 46 See David Sandler Berkowitz, John Selden’s Formative Years (Cranbury, NJ: Folger Books, 1988), 79–80. 47 As in Skipwith’s case, 1622, discussed in SPISCE, 232–4. 48 ‘Satire and Sycophancy: Richard Corbett and Early Stuart Royalism’, RES 54 (2003), 336–64.

18

Origins and Models

where the very right to criticize was under attack. A personal libel, according to Sir Edward Coke, was likely to disturb the peace because it provoked revenge. Libelling also undermined the moral standing of the individual, leading to ‘1. Prauitatis incrementum, increase de lewdnes: 2. Bursae decrementum, euacuation del burse et beggerie. 3. Conscientiae detrimentum, shipwracke de conscience.’49 Erudite and literary quarrels were to be regretted because they distracted participants from their proper task of encouraging order and obedience. Shortly before his death James was considering the establishment of a historical Academy of eighty-four appointed members as ‘an institution for policing the realm of ideas’.50 Gowing examines insult and slander as expressions of conﬂict between households in the urban environment of London with its huge population of immigrants from the country. It is still widely believed that married women could not go to law in their own right in early modern England; but this only applied to the secular courts, not the ecclesiastical ones, where women comprised a majority of plaintiffs in cases of slander. The records of these cases yield a good haul of street insults which we can measure against those of the verse libellers, as well as revealing a number of cases where verse libels were used as an element in disputes between households, families, or neighbourhoods.51 But their signiﬁcance to a contemporary would have lain in their potential to disrupt social cohesion at its most fragile level, that of the overcrowded metropolitan streets and tenements with their incessant turnover of population. Unlike the punitive Star Chamber, the church courts that heard these cases sought wherever possible to promote reconciliation. Cavalier attempts to support Sunday sports and seasonal revelry against Puritan criticism had as one offshoot a strong tradition of libertine lampooning in which attacks on the opponents of festive liberty were accompanied by unashamed celebrations of sexual and bacchanalian excess. Théophile de Viau and the poets of Le Parnasse satyrique offered models for this which may have inﬂuenced the libertine verse of Charles Cotton and later Rochester. Théophile had himself spent time in England in the entourage of the ﬁrst Duke of Buckingham. One striking body of libertine verse associated with the royalist wits of the ‘Order of the Fancy’ has been studied in Raylor’s 49 50 51

Quinta pars relationum Edwardi Coke (London, 1612), fo. 126r. Berkowitz, John Selden’s Formative Years, 82–3. Domestic Dangers, passim.

Origins and Models

19

Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture. The two leaders of this group, Mennes and Smith, had both been present in 1627, along with D’Avenant, Herrick, and Suckling, on the disastrous military expedition to the Île de Ré. They became the literary stars of meetings at which doggerel, travesty, and the improvisation of meaningless speeches were the approved modes of displaying wit. During the interregnum, clandestine satire made an important contribution to the maintenance of Cavalier solidarity and the spread of opposition to military rule. Mennes has left an account in exuberant tetrameters of an entertainment given in 1654 at Cologne by Lord Chancellor Hyde at which all the participants got hopelessly drunk; however, it would be incorrect to call this a lampoon: rather it exploits the ancient comic topos of the repas ridicule.52 The Mennes–Smith circle also cultivated the no less ancient topos of the paradoxical encomium, in which ironic praise was lavished on something intrinsically unworthy of it. There is a Restoration successor to this in Oldham’s prose ‘Character of a Certain Ugly Old P——’.53 The burlesque and lampoon verse of the Cavalier poets, after initial oral and manuscript circulation, came to wider knowledge through such printed ‘drolleries’ as Musarum Deliciae (1655), Sportive Wit (1656), and Choyce Drollery (1656), the latter two of which were seized and destroyed by the interregnum government.54 The lampoonists of the Restoration were, therefore, the inheritors of several well-cultivated prior traditions. That of oppositional anticourt satire fell out of favour for a while after 1660 but was to experience a spectacular revival following the failures of the second Dutch War. A predictable early vogue for anti-Puritan satire was sustained by the success of Butler’s Hudibras, not in this case a clandestine work but the result of ‘a lengthy process of generic transmutation, as the gentlemanly drolling style of the 1630s was applied to the horriﬁc events of the 1640s’.55 Court satire from the days of Charles and Henrietta Maria offered models for a new, less idealistic generation installed at Whitehall, which Dorset, Buckingham, Sedley, and Rochester were to develop in remarkable ways. The 52 Text in Raylor, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture, 242–5. For the tradition, see Olga Rossettini, Les Inﬂuences anciennes et italiennes sur la satire en France au XVIe siècle (Florence: Institut français, 1958), 204–13 and Harold Love (ed.), Restoration Literature: Critical Approaches (London: Methuen, 1972), 158–9. 53 Remains of Mr. John Oldham in Verse and Prose (London, 1684), 109–30. 54 Raylor, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture, 202–7. 55 Ibid. 187.

20

Origins and Models

Jacobean experiments of Hall and Marston had been forgotten but models for how moral verse of a classicizing kind might be written were available in Donne, Lovelace, and Cowley on one side of the channel and Regnier and his successors on the other.56 How to write outrageous invective could be learned from Cleveland: Oldham was one of his pupils-at-a-distance. Burlesque and travesty not only appealed enormously to the spirit of the age but could draw on contemporary French models, especially that of Scarron, with which the returned Cavaliers were thoroughly familiar—Charles Cotton proved the English master of Scarronian travesty. Most important of all, the native tradition of satirical rhymes set to familiar broadside ballad tunes continued to be practised in villages and towns, in the streets and taverns of London, in university colleges and legal inns, and even by the frequenters of Presbyterian and Anabaptist meeting houses. There was a heady mix of possibilities all of which would be taken further as clandestine satire advanced to its greatest, and most deplorable, period of achievement. But while much had been inherited, the ground under the satirists’ feet had shifted irrecoverably. As Raylor puts it: ‘The tone of Restoration society, conditioned by the long years of exile and poverty, involved an obscenity more vulgar, a cynicism more bitter, and a vandalism more fundamental and skeptical than anything ever dreamt up by the Order of the Fancy.’57 The case of the second Duke of Buckingham, discussed at the beginning of this chapter, illustrates the correctness of this opinion. 56 Consultable in the collection Fernand Fleury and Louis Perceau (eds.), Les Satires françaises du XVIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: Garnier, 1923). 57 Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture, 210.

2

The Court Lampoon Like Restoration comedy, the Restoration lampoon took several years to mature into a distinctive genre. The resumption of monarchical rule in 1660 was rejected root and branch only by extreme Puritans; most other republicans were prepared to bide their time and see how the new order of indemnity and oblivion promised under the Declaration of Breda worked in practice. In any case open opposition would have been dangerous: Milton came close to losing his life for having persevered in the good old cause when it was already lost. Savage satire was to be encountered everywhere but it was directed at Puritans, not the restored monarchy, and followed wellestablished models. The verse collected in such much-reprinted collections as J. Cleveland Revived (1659) and Ratts Rhimed to Death, or, the Rump Parliament Hang’d up in the Shambles (1660) exhibits the same tauntingly vengeful spirit as John Tatham’s theatrical burlesque The Rump; or the Mirrour of the Late Times (February 1660) in which the Commonwealth leaders are brought on as characters in an Aristophanic farce. The publication in 1663 of the ﬁrst part of Samuel Butler’s Hudibras was the high point of anti-Puritan satire, after which it mutated into a stock reﬂex of attacks on citizens, Nonconformists, and eventually Whigs. The verse of the royalist drollery poets could now be printed with impunity in such collections as Merry Drollery . . . The First Part ([1661?]) and an enlarged reprint of the 1656 Wit and Drollery. These poets were inheritors of a time when alcoholic and sexual excess had in itself been a form of political loyalism. In ‘Timon’ (1674)

}

. . . mine Host Had beene a Collonell, wee must heare him boast Not of Townes won, but an Estate he lost, For the Kings service; which indeed he spent, Whoreing and drinking, but with good intent. (ll. 95–9)1 1

Rochester, Works, 261. The poem is also attributed to Sedley.

22

The Court Lampoon

Deprived of its validating political context, the drollery tradition also lost its good intent by being absorbed into the general current of Anacreontic and libertine verse represented by the work of Charles Cotton and Alexander Radcliffe. If there were catcalls to be heard among the hurrahs, they were those of old Cavaliers, ruined by the wars, who saw that their sacriﬁces had gone unrewarded, while turncoats and time-servers of the ‘phanatical crue’ had . . . got so much wealth, By their plunder and stealth, That they creep into proﬁt and power:

But even these grumblings were decently muted: Alexander Brome’s bill of complaints is followed by reassurance: Yet we will be loyal still, And serve without reward or hire, To be redeem’d from so much ill, May stay our stomacks, though not ﬁll; And if our patience do not tire, We may in time have our desire.2

The theme of Brome’s poem was to resurface among ‘country’ criticisms of crown policies in the 1670s. An inﬂammatory speech of 1671 by Charles, Lord Lucas deplored royal bounty ‘poured out into the Purses of private men’, many of whom ‘att his Maties returne were worth little, or nothing’, but who now kept ‘their Coaches, and sixe Horses, their Pages, and Lacqueys’ while loyal Cavaliers had ‘scarce sufﬁcient left, to buy them Bread’.3 Yet, those established wits who had retrieved their estates or found proﬁtable niches under the new regime were disinclined to bite the hand that fed them. Sir John Mennes was reinstalled as an admiral in Charles’s navy, James Smith received church preferments, Denham became surveyor of works, and D’Avenant and Killigrew patentees of theatre companies. Waller, having blotted his copybook during the interregnum, returned to a new and fruitful career as a court poet for Charles II, whom he outlived. It is only from the mid-1660s that we begin to encounter satires expressing open hostility to the new regime. The spirit of opposition engendered by the great ejection of Nonconforming ministers which 2 3

Alexander Brome, Songs and Other Poems, 2nd edn. (London, 1664), 50. Bodleian Library, MS don. b 8, p. 198.

The Court Lampoon

23

took place on 24 August 1662 was initially conveyed through surreptitiously printed pamphlets and sermons. The idea that a few jesting stanzas circulated in manuscript might be just as effective in manipulating public attitudes took time to catch on. A good proportion of the satire of the 1670s was to be concerned with the religious question or political issues that ﬂowed directly from it; but the foundations of a new tradition of ‘state’ satire could not be laid until public opinion had been further alienated by the incompetence displayed in the conduct of the second Dutch War (1664–7). Charles II was quicker to squander the contents of his treasury than the huge fund of goodwill engendered by his Restoration but eventually he managed that as well. Apart from this erosion of support, there were two other preconditions for a restoration of the verse libel—a rejuvenation of poetic forms and the creation of a repertoire of easily identiﬁable targets. As regards the ﬁrst, it should not be assumed that, because lampoon-like poems had been written for many decades, it was a simple matter to crank out more of the same, or that the older manner was still acceptable to a self-consciously ‘polite’ age. Despite a degree of continuity in verse forms and structural principles, the Restoration lampoon has a characteristic tone, even a characteristic kind of viciousness, that was foreign to its Caroline and interregnum precursors brieﬂy discussed in Chapter 1. Before the lampoon could reassume its centrality to the communication of opinion it had to be remade in ways that will be considered shortly. It also needed a cast. Few things fall ﬂatter than a satire written about people about whom nobody knows or cares. What is not so obvious is that even before well-known people can be used effectively as butts of satire there have to be instantly recognizable signs by which they can be identiﬁed, and stock accusations against them that are universally known and accepted. Satire does not have time to explain: it must get straight to the business of viliﬁcation. The charges do not have to be true; indeed, in order to satisfy the strange needs served by the genre it is often a good idea if they are not true, or no better than half-true. Rochester insisted to Burnet that ‘the lyes in these Libels came often in as Ornaments that could not be spared without spoiling the beauty of the Poem’.4 The untrue accusation is also likely to be especially wounding to its victim. Shadwell, aware 4 Gilbert Burnet, Some Passages of the Life and Death of John, Earl of Rochester, in V. de Sola Pinto (ed.), English Biography in the Seventeenth Century (London: Harrap, 1951), 106.

24

The Court Lampoon

that his plays had been as successful as Dryden’s, was as irritated as much by the inaccuracy of MacFlecknoe as by its abuse: the Author of Mack-Fleckno reﬂects more upon himself than me; where he makes Fleckno commend Dullness, and chuse me for the Dullest that ever writ; and repeats dull, dull, &c. over and over . . . and has no more reason for that, than for giving me the Irish name of Mack, when he knows I never saw Ireland till I was three and twenty years old, and was there but four Months.5

A character in satire was as much a conscious artistic construction as a character in comedy and might bear as little relationship to the real world. Once an accusation was given currency it would stick, regardless of truth. Jane Middleton, a beauty of the court of Charles II who was also a gifted painter, was pursued throughout her long career as a subject of lampoon satire by the accusation of unpleasant body odour. Mordaunt’s ‘The Ladies’ March’ (1681) includes the quatrain Middleton, where’er she goes, Conﬁrms the scandal of her foes; Quelled by the fair one’s funky hose, Even Lory’s forced to hold his nose.6

‘Lory’ was Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester: that he was Middleton’s lover at the time was another convenient assumption by the lampoon writers for which we have no objective evidence. Pepys is our witness to gossip circulating as early as 1665 that ‘the ﬁne Mrs Middleton is noted for carrying about her body a continued soure base Smell that is very offensive, especially if she be a little hot’.7 From the moment this rumour ﬁrst circulated, the lampoon poet had both a stock character and a stock accusation to ﬁll up a stanza whenever required, as will be demonstrated in what follows. The technique of turning real-life individuals into satirical icons is familiar to us from visual caricature, which customarily begins from the exaggeration of one or two prominent physical features. At the 5 Dedication to The Tenth Satire of Juvenal (1687), in The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell, ed. Montague Summers (London: Fortune Press, 1927), v. 292. 6 (‘Stamford’s countess led the van’), CSR, 57. For the attribution to Mordaunt, see Harold Love, ‘Charles, Viscount Mordaunt and “The Ladies’ March” ’, RES (forthcoming). 7 The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1970–), vi. 251 (3 Oct. 1665).

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present day when a new celebrity becomes a subject of newspaper cartoons, there is often an introductory phase in which the portraits do not immediately declare the identity and may differ from artist to artist; but in a short space of time, through a process of professional complicity or mutual plagiarism, an iconography is created which makes that person immediately recognizable. It is only by this means that caricature, as a language of elementary signs that need to deliver their meaning instantaneously, becomes possible. These people are not always the most important ﬁgures of their time; rather, they belong to a class of publicly emergent zanies or stock butts around whom an endless variety of comic inventions can be generated. The British fortnightly magazine Private Eye has made notorious use of such repetition, often choosing marginal public ﬁgures almost at random, or because of some transient dislike, and then recycling their names, appearance, or opinions for years or decades. Behind this technique lies the perception that a good joke can be repeated for ever and that satire, so conducted, does not destroy its victims but nurtures them up to continued life. The original moral or political purpose of such attacks is quickly lost sight of in the pleasure of the repetition. A certain arbitrariness in the selection of victims may also be a way of magnifying the apprehensiveness inspired by the journal or the medium. The Restoration lampoon did all these things and could not have developed as it did before it had spawned instantly recognizable stock ﬁgures who could be assailed over and over again in a kind of satirists’ shorthand that dispensed with any need for explanation. At times this extended to whole classes of individuals, such as the ladies of honour and gentlemen of the bedchamber at court, the royal bastards, or the aldermen of the City of London. Some later verse libels seem to have been written solely around collections of these stock ﬁgures, without any other detectable point of view or animus: they were simply games with the lampoon-writers’ Lego set. As the number of recognizable butts grew, the lampoons became easier to write and therefore longer. Attacks on completely new targets were most likely to work when they were inserted into populations of old ones. When Marvell in the ‘Third Advice to a Painter’ tried to make a lampoon protagonist out of the Duchess of Albermarle, it failed to work because there was no hinterland of previous representations to give point to this ambitious new one. Not even the author seems quite sure where the joke lies or how it should be elaborated and he ends

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up over-prolonging it. Yet, it should not be thought that the writing of these pieces, any more than the writing of a modern newspaper gossip column, was an effortless process: one needed contacts, a retentive memory, and opportunities for research. Rochester hired a spy disguised as a sentinel to lurk about the court at night in order to discover who was paying nocturnal visits to whom. Jack Howe was briefed by his sisters.8 These shorthand methods of characterization were part of a wider simpliﬁcation in which all human actions were reduced to matter in motion under the inﬂuence of irresistible instinct. Mordaunt’s ‘The Ladies’ March’ (1681) brings on what John Harold Wilson describes as ‘a procession of twenty-three Court ladies marching across a stage, as if seeking erotic preferment and applause’.9 The opening ten lines will give the ﬂavour: Stamford’s countess led the van, Tallest of the caravan, She who ne’er wants white or red, Or just pretense to keep her bed. Lofty Richmond followed after; Richmond scorns to hold her water, Piqued that Stamford should take place For height or lewdness of her grace. She distills her heavenly dew On all that swear they will be true.10

Wilson’s description does not do justice to the kinaesthetic force of the poem’s trochaic tetrameter couplets (formally anticipatory of contemporary rap lyrics) in turning the unfortunate ladies into sexually possessed automata. In its concluding portrait of Moll Howard, it moves from couplets to the repetition of a single rhyme: Courteous Mall would fain pass by her, Lined by duke, lord, knight, and squire, And eke by her confessing friar. All trades help to quench the ﬁre, Pricks as tall as Sarum spire, Daily plunged into her mire, All too short to satisfy her. 8 Gilbert Burnet, Bishop Burnet’s History of his Own Time (London, 1724–34), i. 264; Wilson, CSR, 42. 9 10 CSR, 56. Loc. cit.

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This is the original ending; however, one unsatisﬁed reader, was driven to rewrite the last four lines: Yet still she burns, or men belie her; Mall is scratched by every briar, Hers is no common low desire, If you wont believe me, try her, Ask her but once, and she’ll retire. Nay, she’ll beg, who can deny her? Though to plunge into the mire. Pricks as long as Sarum spire Most devoutly, daily ply her, All not enough to satisfy her. Mall, adieu; you’ve lost your squire.11

The rhyme repetitions seem meant to mimic the motions of orgasm, with the ‘loss’ of the squire representing the speaker’s inability to continue with either the verbal or the (analogized) sexual performance. The vision of human nature which informs this unﬂattering picture, and the twenty-two that precede it, recalls the monomania which Jonson, at the beginning of the century, had made the foundation of his dramatic characterizations; but Jonson’s method was no longer a usable one for Restoration topical satire. Where the words and actions of Jonson’s characters were expressions of a diseased subjectivity, the characters of the Restoration verse libel exist purely as material bodies engaged in a Hobbesian pursuit of material objects of desire, whether these are other bodies or such tangibles as money, land, white staffs, letters patent, and coronets. In the case of ‘Courteous Mall’ and her ﬂock of lovers (the males as machine-like in their rutting as herself), the subjective is reduced to a raw succession of sensations and the universally shared passions which are triggered by these. Or as Rochester (paraphrasing Hobbes) put it: What ever is to come is not: How can it then be mine? The present moment’s all my Lott And that as fast as it is gott Phillis is wholly thine.12 Ibid. 62. Rochester, Works, 25. As Jeremy Treglown was ﬁrst to point out in The Letters of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (Oxford: Blackwell, 1980), 12–13, this passage is directly derived from Leviathan, ch. 3 (Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. C. B. Macpherson (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), 97). 11 12

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Rochester has at least paused to consider the cognitive basis of desire. The libellers concern themselves only with the externals of dress, manners, and motions, as these become manifest in the eternally present moment, leaving them in the happy position of simplifying a simpliﬁcation. Satire has always operated through simpliﬁcation; but in the period with which we are concerned there seems to have been a widespread conviction that the imagined world of all-compelling desire in which the only allowed motivations were those of vanity, lust, and acquisitiveness, pursued behind a screen of dissimulation, was being lived out in real life by the new power elite of the Restoration court. Moreover, this pursuit could hardly be, as Jonson would have had it, a form of mania, for no one could deny that these material things were, by any rational assessment, well worth possessing. Alan Marshall correctly describes the court as a ‘Hobbesian world of all against all, where trust was never given freely and life was always lived on the edge’.13 James Grantham Turner summarizes even more sensationally: As Stallybrass and White observe, ‘the Restoration court projected a collective image of living in ironic and even deﬁant incompatibility with its inherited forms of public representation . . . The Court was both classical and grotesque, both regal and foolish, high and low.’ ‘The Practise of their Lives’, as Margaret Cavendish would say, was ‘not answerable to the Degree of their Dignities.’ To Pepys, and indeed to every eager consumer of gossip and lampoon, the Court presented a monstrous spectacle of ‘wanton talk’ and obscene writing, drunken brawling, riot, injury, outrage, window-smashing, and wife-snatching—a general state of warfare, both verbal and physical, in which sexuality and disease are the weapons. The age that coined the ‘noble Savage’ also produced the savage noble.14

Within this world nothing, naturally, was to be taken at its face value; indeed it was safer to assume that realities were the diametric opposite of appearances: Wherever too much sanctity you see, Be more suspicious of hid villainy. Whoever’s zeal is than his neighbor’s more, If man think he’s a rogue, if woman whore . . .15 13 The Age of Faction: Court Politics 1660–1702 (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1999), 92. 14 Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 166. 15 ‘Rochester’s Farewell’, POASY, ii. 225.

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All was subjugated to ‘a perpetuall and restlesse desire of Power after power, that ceaseth onley in Death’—in Hobbes’s famous phrase— or, at least, a pursuit of the appearance of power, for Charles’s system of government by divide and rule was designed to leave no minister, or mistress, in unthreatened possession of their place.16 If it is true, as Halifax judged, that Charles had ‘as little mixture of the Seraphick part as ever Man had’, it is possible that it was only in satire that he could truly be represented.17 By the same token, writers who agreed with Hobbes that ‘Life it selfe is but Motion, and can never be without Desire, nor without Feare, no more than without Sense’18 would ﬁnd it difﬁcult not to write satire. Yet, even when strong provocations to topical satire appeared in the mid-1660s the Restoration lampoon required time to respond to them. The materials, the tool-kit, the cast, the universe, the psychology, and the physiology all had to be ﬁne-tuned before the genre was ready to set off on its triumphant progress. There also had to be an apparatus for the distribution of verse libels, another matter to be considered elsewhere: a libel that did not travel was defeated of its purpose. For all these things to come together, experiments had to be performed in a laboratory, which in this case was the court.

t h e c o u rt a n d c o u rt l a m p o o n The Restoration lampoon, as a kind distinct from its precursors, ﬁrst took shape at the court of Charles II as an instrument of factional warfare within that court. That it should have become a nationwide phenomenon probably surprised no one as much as its ﬁrst exponents. Many of the key texts for a discussion of this evolution are fortunately available in John Harold Wilson’s superbly annotated Court Satires of the Restoration and the Yale Poems on Affairs of State series; however, the deﬁnition of a ‘court’ satire used in this book is a more restricted one than that of Wilson, who includes a number of what I would call ‘Town’ satires. A court satire, for present purposes, is a satire written within the court by a court author about court personalities for a court readership: if it happened to be Leviathan, 161. The Works of George Savile, Marquis of Halifax, ed. Mark N. Brown, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), ii. 490. 18 Leviathan, 130. 16 17

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read outside the court that was a secondary and unanticipated consequence. The moment satire began to be written by court insiders which envisaged outsiders as its primary audience it ceased to be court satire and became something different. Court satire also has to embody the views and values of the court or of a faction within the court: satire written from an erudite humanistic perspective or from a religious one was by deﬁnition invoking a different value system from the court’s Hobbesian criteria for assessing human worth. The court lampoon, as here deﬁned, was a highly speciﬁc product of a highly idiosyncratic institution, which we will need to understand. Only historians these days are likely to have a clear idea of what a court really was and how it worked; and even they may be hazy about the details of a court like that of Charles II, in which carefully reinstalled ancient structures were buckling under the weight of innovative modern content.19 It will therefore be necessary to describe some institutional fundamentals. Though principally located at the palaces of Whitehall and Windsor, the court of an English monarch was a portable affair which might be set up anywhere. Charles took his with him to Bath, Tunbridge Wells, and Newmarket. It served two sometimes concordant, sometimes conﬂicting roles as the royal household and as the headquarters of the national administration. In the late seventeenth century these functions were still not clearly separated. Fundamentally, the court was a structure of spaces arranged in a hierarchy of exclusiveness and of appointments attached to those spaces. The most exclusive space was the bedchamber. It had a staff of gentlemen (all nobles) and grooms (highly placed commoners), who took turns at ‘waiting’, as well as more mundane functionaries. One of the tasks of the gentleman of the bedchamber was to sleep the night on a truckle bed close to the royal four-poster which stood in an ‘alcove’. Rochester’s graphic portrait of what supposedly went on in that most sacred of spaces (‘This to evince wou’d be too long to tell yee | The painefull Tricks of the laborious Nelly, | Imploying Hands, Armes, Fingers, Mouth and Thighs | To raise the Limb which shee each Night enjoyes’20) could well rest on actual 19 Marshall’s The Age of Faction is a sound introductory study. See also Eveline Cruikshanks (ed.), The Stuart Courts (Stroud: Sutton, 2000); R. Malcolm Smuts (ed.), The Stuart Court and Europe: Essays in Politics and Political Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996); and for the earlier heritage David Starkey et al., The English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London: Longman, 1987). 20 Works, 86.

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overheard dialogue. External to the bedchamber was the privy chamber, with its own staff of gentlemen and grooms, but of a lower rank and with lower emoluments. Least exclusive was the presence chamber, where the king made his public appearances. Any commoner of some standing and suitably attired could gain entrance to this third space. Being seen there regularly was the accepted way for a newcomer without powerful friends to make a beginning at court. A well-ﬁlled, splendidly dressed presence chamber was an outward sign of successful monarchy and while Charles, unlike Louis XIV, never made such attendance compulsory, one might easily be drawn to the chamber in order to make use of the court’s other public areas—the long and the stone galleries for strolling, the groom porter’s lodgings for gambling, the great withdrawing room for exchanging gossip, and the court theatre for plays. Pepys’s accounts of his visits to these areas are a good guide to their atmosphere.21 When the king dined in state he would be surrounded by respectful bystanders under the same principles that governed his appearances in the presence chamber. The motive for attending is made clear by an exchange in Wycherley’s The Country-Wife: Harcourt. Pray, ﬁrst carry me, and reconcile me to her. Sparkish. Another time, faith the King will have sup’t. Harcourt. Not with the worse stomach for thy absence; thou art one of those Fools, that think their attendance at the King’s Meals, as necessary as his Physicians, when you are more troublesom to him, than his Doctors, or his Dogs. Sparkish. Pshaw, I know my interest, Sir . . .22

Sparkish is present to be seen as much as the monarch is. His hope is that assistance in adding to the glitter of such occasions will translate itself into an offer of preferment. The Stuart tradition of government through favourites was continued intermittently by Charles, giving rise to two distinct kinds of power, one of which came from ofﬁce and the other from physical closeness to the monarch. A highly placed administrator without direct access to the king could only put forward policies through presenting them at Privy Council meetings (at which the king was notoriously inattentive) or invited interviews, and otherwise had to See Diary, ii. 239 (27 Oct. 1662); iv. 75 (16 Mar. 1663); iv. 360 (2 Nov. 1663). The Plays of William Wycherley, ed. Arthur Friedman (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 291. 21 22

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make use of intermediaries with freer access. The holder of a bedchamber appointment, by being close to the king in his private moments, had the capacity to insinuate policies in subtle ways: there is a sense in which Clarendon and later Arlington were laughed out of ofﬁce. However, the most inﬂuential of all denizens of the household were the court mistresses, who came to assume a position similar to that of the court eunuchs in imperial China. Those wishing to inﬂuence the king when he was most impressionable had to work through these women and reward them accordingly. Charles seems to have been perfectly happy with this arrangement: the women both screened him from importunity and allowed him to communicate on his own terms with those whom they represented. As a result, as Halifax reminds us, ‘It was resolved generally by others, whom he should have in his Arms, as well as whom he should have in his Councils.’23 The Duchess of Portsmouth throughout her long career at court remained a loyal agent of inﬂuence for Louis XIV. Factions would intrigue to install their own candidates in this post.24 As can be imagined, the court was a ﬁercely competitive environment. Acquiring a position was difﬁcult enough; retaining it could be no less so. Many positions were purchasable under a system which allowed a retiring incumbent to retrieve the investment or to accept money for the ‘reversion’ while continuing to occupy it; others were virtually heritable; but many were held purely by royal favour and could be ended on a whim, as a punishment, or as part of a political deal. Uncertainty was institutionalized. An acceptable level of social performance was an important qualiﬁcation for success. Inability to reach required standards of conversational wit or elegance in dress could make one the subject of humiliating ridicule. Rochester in ‘A Ramble in St James’s Park’ displays insider’s malice at an aspirant who could only perform an imperfect imitation of these arts: The First was of your Whitehall Blades, Near Kin to th’ Mother of the Maids, Grac’d by whose favour he was able, To bring a Friend to th’Waiters Table; Where he had heard Sir Edward Sutton Say how the King lov’d Bansted Mutton. ‘A Character of King Charles II’, in Works, ii. 491. As Buckingham, and his sister, the Duchess of Richmond, tried to do with Elizabeth Lawson in 1680. See POASY, ii. 189–91; CSR, 259–60. 23 24

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Since when he’d ne’er be brought to eat, By’s good will any other Meat. In this, as well as all the rest, He ventures to do like the best. But wanting common Sence, th’ingredient, In choosing well, not least expedient, Converts Abortive imitation, To Universal affectation; So he not only eats, and talks, But feels, and smells, sits down and walks; Nay looks, and lives, and loves by Rote, In an old tawdrey Birth-Day-Coat.25

Samuel Butler’s character of ‘A court-wit’ offers an outsider’s view of the reigning court manner: ‘They have agreed on a mode of repartees, as well as a demeanour of faces, legs and elbows; and he that is unaccomplished that way is as ridiculous as he that wears the colours of his garniture out of season, or is trail’d by an old-fashion’d scent.’26 Marshall sees court life as comprising ‘a series of minidramatic performances’ allowed to unfold ‘before a select audience, in a form of politics by other means’. A successful courtier ‘was the sum of many calculated poses’.27 The training that royal and aristocratic children received in deportment, walking, sitting, rising, and dancing was designed to ensure that every action had an arresting balletic ease. Dean Spence remembered that when Buckingham entered the presence chamber ‘it was impossible not to follow him with your eyes, he moved so gracefully’.28 Even the deadly art of fencing was to be performed with a hypnotic grace. To shine in such an environment required not only personal virtuosity but the ability to unsettle others. Hamilton’s narrative of Gramont’s sojourn at court in the early 1660s contains numerous accounts both of dazzling acts of self-advertisement and of practical jokes designed to embarrass and humiliate.29 Heads of factions used every stratagem available in order to insert their own candidates into household positions and to displace those ll. 45–62, in Works, 77–8. See below p. 34 and n. 31. Characters, ed. Charles W. Daves (Cleveland: Case Western Reserve UP, 1970), 261–2. 27 Age of Faction, 28, 76. 28 Joseph Spence: Observations, Anecdotes and Characters of Books and Men, ed. James M. Osborn (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), i. 276. 29 Anthony Hamilton, Memoirs of the Count de Gramont, ed. Henry Vizetelly (London: Vizetelly & Co., 1889). 25 26

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of their rivals. A lampoon, as stated, could be an effective weapon in such campaigns. Rochester’s role was for many years that of a poetical gladiator for the powerful faction headed by the Duke of Buckingham. In a satire of the early 1670s Buckingham is portrayed giving an account of the membership of his faction as it then stood: The party I have made are brave and strong. First Rochester next envy’d Arlington And next Albermarle’s Debauched Sonn. Next Buckhurst, Sidley and their wenching Traine, And Mulgrave soe belov’d of Castlemaine. Our p<ar>ty in the house are numerous, Wee hate all those who seeme religious. Nay, to make sure wee’ve gott the Speaker too, Then name the thing that wee han’t power to doe.30

Rochester returned the compliment in lines 120–5 of ‘An Allusion to Horace’ by including Buckingham among the inner audience of his scribally circulated verse: I loath the Rabble, ’tis enough for me If Sydley, Shadwell, Shepheard, Wicherley, Godolphin, Butler, Buckhurst, Buckinghame And some few more, whome I omitt to name Approve my sence, I count their Censure Fame.

}

The second of these passages needs to be read in the light of the ﬁrst. The satires of these courtier poets were never disinterested: probe them hard enough and there will nearly always be a factional occasion. Rochester’s attack quoted above on the ‘Whitehall blade’, who was probably Charles Blount, is coloured by the fact that he had gained his entrée through a member of the queen’s court, not the king’s.31 Rochester, Buckingham, and their close friend the Earl of Dorset (previously Lord Buckhurst, as above, and Earl of Middlesex) held appointments as gentlemen of the bedchamber, and were therefore always in a position to inﬂuence the king or to annoy him, as also sometimes happened—these were high-risk appointments, interrupted in 30 Yale University, Beinecke Library, MS Osborn fb 140, p. 98. Compare the parallel list of members given in Marshall, Age of Faction, 41–5. Arlington’s presence in the lampooner’s list is a mystery. 31 Blount was a nephew by marriage of Lady Sanderson, the ‘Mother of the Maids’ referred to.

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Rochester’s case by at least two banishments and in Buckingham’s by a long sojourn in the Tower. Politically, on both the court and the national scale, they constituted an Erastian Protestant faction to balance the supporters of the Catholic faction headed by the king’s brother, James, Duke of York and the Church of England faction founded by Clarendon and resuscitated in the mid-1670s by Danby; but their primary objective in court politics was simply to maintain themselves in wealth and ofﬁce. (It should be noted here that court factional politics and national politics, while often closely aligned, were not identical. The long career of Sunderland, which makes no sense at all with reference to national politics, and may even be seen as a series of disasters rather than the splendid success it really was, is perfectly comprehensible in terms of court factional politics, to which it is a valuable index.) The king had been glad of Buckingham’s services in getting rid of Clarendon, which was performed as much through wit as through policy; however, bedchamber inﬂuence alone proved insufﬁcient to maintain him in power after the failure of his toleration policies and the setbacks of a new Dutch War and an unpopular French alliance.32 James, as heir to the throne, had his own separate court, smaller in size than the king’s but with a similar hierarchy of spaces and appointments. His personal political following was largely constructed out of trusted courtiers and the ofﬁcials of his household. Pepys’s administrative career was pursued as client of the duke. Conﬂict between the king’s and the duke’s courts was intense, especially after James’s acknowledgement of his conversion to Catholicism. In the late 1670s a Yorkist group of writers, with Dryden as its star, was assembled by John Shefﬁeld, Earl of Mulgrave to ensure that the duke’s court did not lose out in the game of wit; however, the members of this group were mostly professionals rather than courtiers.33 Rochester responded with a series of savage attacks on Mulgrave as ‘My Lord All-pride’. Mulgrave hit back in ‘An Essay upon Satyr’ with a scarifying portrait of Rochester for which he probably had the assistance of Dryden. Administratively distinct courts were also created for the queen, the queen mother, Prince Rupert, and the two successive Duchesses of York and their children. Hamilton records how the ﬁrst duchess, the former Anne Hyde, ‘in order to form her For the unseating of Clarendon see Marshall, Age of Faction, 100–5. A kind of roll-call of them is given by the contributors to the group enterprise Ovid’s Epistles Translated by Several Hands (1680). 32 33

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new Court, resolved to inspect all the young persons that offered themselves, and without any regard to recommendations, she chose none but the handsomest’ and the difﬁculties that ﬂowed from choices made under this principle in an environment where mental endowments were also essential.34 The structure of the court of Mary of Modena, the second duchess, as it stood in 1677, will suggest something of its more fully staffed counterparts. The senior functionary was the Groom of the Stole (i.e. close-stool), Lady Peterborough, who managed the bedchamber. Under her were two ladies of the bedchamber, four maids of honour, and six bedchamber women (all gentlepersons). There were also a starcher, a seamstress, a lacemender, a secretary, two gentlemenushers, four gentlemen waiters, four pages of the back stairs, a master cook, a necessary woman, eighteen watermen, a master of the horse (the Earl of Roscommon), two equerries, eight footmen, four coachmen with postilions and helpers, ﬁve grooms, and two chairmen.35 Many of the households of the great aristocrats were organized along similar lines. So, to take one example, the elderly dowager Countess of Devonshire lived ‘in the style of something more than a great princess’, setting ‘a sumptuous table every day’.36 The senior royal mistresses also presided over court-like establishments. When the Duchess of Portsmouth went to take the waters at Bath in 1674 she dined in state every night and expected other noble ladies present in town to wait on her on these occasions. She also had her own musical establishment of French virtuosi, whose performances were particularly relished by the king. When her position as premier mistress was threatened in 1676 by Charles’s departure with the Duchess of Mazarin for holidays at Windsor, Louis XIV reinforced this body with singers from the Paris opera, from whose performances Charles found it impossible to remain absent.37 Mazarin in due course set up a mini-court at Chelsea, of which Saint-Evremond and the composer Jacques Paisible were ornaments, ﬁnancing it with rigged gambling. Memoirs, ii. 90. Edward Chamberlayne, Angliae Notitia: or, The Present State of England. The First Part (London, 1677), 205–6. 36 Lorenzo Magalotti at the Court of Charles II: His Relazione d’Inghilterra of 1668, ed. and trans. W. E. Knowles Middleton (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1980), 117. 37 For a detailed account of this highly revealing episode, see John Buttrey, ‘New Light on Robert Cambert in London and his Ballet et Musique ’, Early Music, 23 (1995), 199–220. 34 35

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Being prepared to lose money at cards seems to have been a kind of entrance fee to the more interesting minor courts. The queen’s and the two Duchesses of York’s courts, in addition to their domestic staff, each had an allowance of maids of honour and ladies of the bedchamber. These were the most prominent court appointments reserved for women. Each group of maids had a gouvernante known as the ‘Mother of the Maids’ but she possessed little real authority. The position of the maids was not a happy one. Their expenses, particularly in dress, were heavy and their emolument light: in May 1674, when the queen’s maids were refused subvention for their annual journey to Windsor, they actually went on strike, appointing Frances Sheldon their negotiator.38 Those of them who did not take lovers, especially royal lovers, were accused routinely of being lesbians. (Elizabeth Harvey apparently was.) But at least they had recognized appointments, whereas the mistresses (unless they were simultaneously maids or matrons of honour, a matter of some delicacy) held their positions by courtesy alone: there was no establishment position of maîtresse en titre. Appreciating this, the Duchess of Cleveland badgered Charles until he forced the queen, after violent protests, to accept her as one of her ladies. The lives of the mistresses were perpetual theatre: they were the target of all eyes, and the gossip of all tongues. Most difﬁcult of all were their appearances in ‘the circle’ at court, where their dress and appearance would be subjected to hostile scrutiny. It is with this trial by ordeal that Dorimant threatens Harriet in The Man of Mode: Dor. Though you are obstinate, I know ’tis capable of improvement, and shall do you Justice, Madam, if I chance to be at Court, when the Critiques of the Circle pass their judgment; for thither you must come. Har. And expect to be taken in pieces, have all my features examin’d, every motion censur’d, and on the whole be condemn’d to be but pretty, or a Beauty of the lowest rate. What think you? Dor. The Women, nay the very lovers who belong to the Drawing-room will malitiously allow you more than that; they always grant what is apparent, that they may the better be believ’d when they name conceal’d faults they cannot easily be disprov’d in.39

‘Conceal’d faults’, like Middleton’s body odour or Harvey’s ‘long clitoris’, whether real or imaginary, are a dominant theme of the Henry Stubbe to the Earl of Kent, [20 May 1674], BL MS Add. 35838, fo. 274v. iv. i. 135–47, in The Dramatic Works of Sir George Etherege, ed. H. F. B. BrettSmith (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1927), ii. 248–9. 38 39

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court lampoon.40 Seeing that the mistresses, despite their insecurity of tenure, were always the wealthiest and most powerful group among the court women, male courtiers of the king’s court were keen to cultivate them. One way of doing this was to write ribald satires on their behalf against their despised, tenured rivals of the queen’s and duchess’s courts. Court factional politics also had its territorial element concerned with the possession of privileged living space within the palace of Whitehall. The group-authored lampoon ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ contains a joke at the king’s expense put into the mouth of the Duchess of Portsmouth whose lodgings (three times demolished and reconstructed before she was satisﬁed with them) were at the end of the Long Gallery, the upper storey of the main north–south range of the palace: Great Sir, I pray, what doe you intend, To fumble soe long att the Galleryes end? If you Fuck mee noe better, I’le have you to know, I’le lay you aside for Seignior Dildoe.41

Her predecessor Cleveland had occupied apartments above the king’s with an interconnecting staircase. Less favoured invitees to the bed in the alcove had to make their way through the famous back stairs which led up from the Stone Gallery, the lower storey of the Long Gallery. Courtiers’ ‘apartments’ should not be seen as elements of a classically designed palace like Versailles. Apart from its major east–west range and north–south gallery, Whitehall was more like a crowded medieval town, in which one’s personal rooms might be in the form of a detached or semi-detached building or a lean-to erected against the side of some larger structure. Status was determined partly by the amount of space assigned and partly by proximity to the bed royal and privy chambers; insigniﬁcance was measured by their opposite, as in ‘The Ladies’ March’: Behold a dame too old to chancre ’em, Vulgarly called my Lady Ancram, Lodged in a garret at Whitehall, Hard by the Countess of Fingal.42 40 For the latter see ‘Oh! what damn’d Age do we live in’, l. 7, in Rochester, Works, 279 and ‘Colin’, l. 45 (CSR, 25), where Middleton and Harvey are represented as lovers. 41 42 Rochester, Works, 250 (ll. A69–A72). CSR, 57.

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Both the women mentioned belonged to the queen’s court. There was keen competition for favoured locations. Court lampoons often have an implicit geography, unperceived by modern readers—a matter further discussed in Chapter 5. Their writers and readers would have been well aware of places of waiting and residence within the palace.43 So, conﬂict at court was never a simple matter. To factional competition for status and privilege within the king’s court, rivalries between ofﬁcial and supernumerary place-holders, and competition between the four ofﬁcial courts and a number of unofﬁcial ones, we have to add acute competition for favoured pieces of territory within the palace. The other major form of conﬂict was generational. The early Restoration court was still dominated by elderly survivors, headed by the Earl of Clarendon and the Duke of Newcastle, from the pre-interregnum courts and the court in exile. The exiled court had already seen tension between the old Cavaliers and those of the young king’s generation, such as Buckingham and his allies. These came to a head while plans were being made for the invasion from Scotland of 1651. The 23-year-old Buckingham had successfully opposed Clarendon by advocating an alliance with Argyle and the Covenanters at the expense of the Scottish royalists under Montrose, a decision which led inevitably to Montrose’s execution. Once away from Clarendon’s direct inﬂuence Buckingham became even more peremptory towards the king, pursuing him on horseback when he attempted to escape to the royalists. The failure of the expedition left Clarendon in unchallenged control of policy. Unable to match the older generation at statecraft, Buckingham resorted to ridicule. Clarendon wrote about him that His quality and condescensions, the pleasantness of his humour and conversation, the extravagance and sharpness of his wit, unrestrained by any modesty or religion, drew persons of all affections and inclinations to like his company, and to believe that the levities and vanities would be wrought off by age . . .44

Burnet saw the situation in darker terms: The man then in the greatest favour with the king was the Duke of Buckingham; he was wholly turned to mirth and pleasure; he had the art of turning 43 For one application of court geography to a text created for court performance, see my ‘Was Lucina Betrayed at Whitehall?’ in Nicholas Fisher (ed.), That Second Bottle: Essays on John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000), 179–90. 44 Selections from the History of the Rebellion . . . and the Life by Himself, ed. G. Huehns (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1955), 471.

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things into ridicule beyond any man of the age; he possessed the young king with very ill principles both as to religion and morality, and with a very mean opinion of his father, whose stiffness was with him a frequent subject of raillery.45

Charles, however, greatly preferred Buckingham’s personal style to Clarendon’s and so, following the Restoration, did a new generation of place-holders who were too young to have had any meaningful experience of the civil wars but were formed by the triumphalism and the rapidly succeeding cynicism of the Restoration. The wits of this generation, who included Rochester, Dorset, and Sedley, used a three-pronged method to unseat their elders, exploding their moralism with ﬂagrant assertions and performances of its opposite, undermining their seriousness with unrelenting frivolity, and countering their formal antiquated manners with the new ‘easy’ elegance. The lampoon contributed to all three processes. This intergenerational strategy also poised the lampoon on a delicate balance between elegance and vulgarity which could easily tip over in either direction but which, when it is successfully maintained, produces a characteristic tone which has been admired in the satirical lyrics of Rochester, Dorset, and Sedley. It will be convenient to use one of Rochester’s grossest poems to illustrate this point since it is, in a sense, one that only a virtuoso of the genre could have brought off. The lyric ‘By all Loves soft, yet mighty Pow’rs’ is short enough to quote in full: Song By all Loves soft, yet mighty Pow’rs It is a thing unﬁt, That Men shou’d Fuck in time of Flow’rs Or when the Smock’s beshit. Fair nasty Nymph, be clean and kind, And all my joys restore; By using Paper still behind, And Spunges for before. My spotless Flames can ne’re decay, If after ev’ry close, My smoaking Prick escape the Fray, Without a Bloody Nose ;

45

Burnet, History, i. 33; see also i. 69.

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If thou wou’dst have me true, be wise, And take to cleanly sinning; None but fresh Lovers Pricks can rise, At Phillis in foul linnen.46

The achievement of the poem resides in a perfect matching of the form and cadences of the Cavalier lyric, as perfected by Waller and Suckling, with wholly incongruous content. This in itself brings about a further complication of tone, which arises in the piece’s double quality as a knowing and irreverent dislocation of the elements of the Wallerian genre and an expert and even deferential tribute to it. Great skill was required to sustain such a balance without tumbling over into burlesque or parody, and yet this does not happen: what we have instead is a perfectly poised piece of vers d’occasion. The poem does not convey dislike of the woman addressed and expresses neither repugnance nor unseemly arousal at the manifestations of her bodily functions; rather, it constitutes a good-humoured recommendation how intercourse, like other relationships of court civility, could be made more decorous for both of them, or, if we like, that Butler’s agreed ‘demeanour of faces, legs and elbows’ might be extended to other bodily parts. Phillis would hardly be ﬂattered by being the recipient of this poem, and would be even less pleased by the revelation of her ‘conceal’d faults’ to all its other readers; and yet it is also a compliment to her presumed savoir faire and even an act of friendship in that it is alerting her to a handicap affecting her performance in the universal battle for wealth and status. (No rival would warn her of this!) A contextual reading would suggest that Phillis was a woman of wit and address but new to the reﬁnements of court civility, which would be exactly the case if, as seems likely, she was Nell Gwyn.47 The poem also clariﬁes to the modern reader that, while there was nothing in any way mystiﬁcatory about courtly sex, it was always an intensely theatrical transaction in which attention had to be paid to every detail of self-presentation. If it shocks us today it is not because of its images (though divorced from a particular kind of generic control these would certainly shock) but because of a threatened transgression of both social and poetic decorum which, in the event, proves not to have taken place. What ﬁrst presents itself as a piece of Works, 37–8. See my ‘Nell Gwyn and Rochester’s “By all Love’s soft, yet mighty Pow’rs” ’, N&Q 247 (2002), 355–7. 46 47

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impertinent malice has persuaded us by its close that it was almost well-meaning. It is this reconciliation of vulgarity of content with polished assurance that is the distinctive achievement of the Restoration court lyric and the best of the lampoons. It is not always achieved, and it must be acknowledged that many of the poems directed at women are blatantly misogynistic; and yet at its best such verse stays in touch with the canons of civilized conversation, in the gladiatorial sense in which these were then understood. The origin of this discordia concors lay in the intergenerational politics of the early years of the Restoration. The young needed to display their contempt for the idealism of the older generation of court Platonics, while simultaneously demonstrating that they exceeded them in the arts of courtliness which had been so prized in the last age. A lyric like ‘By all Loves soft, yet mighty Pow’rs’ performs both tasks; however, this represents an achievement of the 1670s that was still to be secured in the early 1660s when the lampoon and the lyric traditions both began. We need now to return to these beginnings.

t h e e a r ly c o u rt l a m p o o n It is from the rivalries enumerated, as they took form around 1663, that we can identify the birth of the Restoration court lampoon. Its ﬁrst recorded manifestations are partly generational but also arise from a state of endemic rivalry between the male courts and the female ones. Early in 1663 the Earl of Chesterﬁeld, learning of an affair between his countess and the Duke of York, had the bad taste to remove her to the country. Hamilton’s account of this is as follows: It was certainly some evil genius that induced Lord Chesterﬁeld to distinguish himself from his patient countrymen, and by making a ridiculous fuss to afford the world an opportunity of examining into the particulars of an adventure, which would perhaps not have been known beyond the Court, and would have been everywhere forgotten in a month’s time. As soon as ever he had turned his back, to start on the march with his prisoner, and the ornaments she was supposed to have bestowed upon him, God knows what a terrible attack was made upon his rear. Rochester, Middlesex, Sedley, Etherege, and the whole band of wits, produced a number of ballads which diverted the public at his expense.48 48

Memoirs, ii. 41–2.

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There are problems with this narrative, written decades after the events described and in a form that was intended for the diversion of ladies at the courts of Hanover and France rather than to give a faithful account of historical facts.49 Rochester was only 15 at the time and absent from England on the Grand Tour; moreover, no verse libels on this subject are known to survive. Nonetheless, Hamilton’s narrative is plausible as a confused memory of one such occasion overlaid with memories of others of the same kind for which corroborating records do survive.50 Chesterﬁeld was transformed into a stock butt partly because of his refusal to be a compliant cuckold in a court where oldfashioned values of that kind and those who maintained them were under constant attack, but principally, one suspects, because of his position as Lord Chamberlain to Catherine of Braganza, who headed the staidest and least fashionable of the three major female courts. George deF. Lord’s comment that ‘Except for The Queen’s Ball, the unfortunate Queen Catherine is hardly mentioned in Restoration satire’51 is misleading, since she was continually under attack by proxy through her ladies and maids. (Any direct assault might have compromised the king.) There were also to be hysterical Whig attacks during the Popish Plot agitation. By contrast the Chamberlain of the queen mother’s establishment at Somerset House was the rakish Henry Jermyn, an elderly favourite of the younger wits. Conﬂict between the male and female courts certainly underlies another surviving satire of 1663, which exists in two forms, the ﬁrst beginning ‘Cary’s face is not the best’ and the second ‘Roger told his brother clown’. It consists of seventeen six-line stanzas using a distinctive trochaic opening to the ﬁrst line and with the fourth and ﬁfth only half the length of the others, suggesting that it was written to a pre-existing tune. The tone can be gathered from the two opening stanzas of the shorter version: Cary’s face is not the best, But sh<e’s> as useful as the rest, Though not so much alluring; She’s near as good As Madam Wood For pimping and procuring. 49 The origins of Hamilton’s text are described in Paule Koch, ‘Trajectoire européenne d’une œuvre sans passeports: les “Fragments de la vie du comte de Gramont” ’, in Giovanni Crapulli (ed.), Transmissione dei testi a stampa nel periodo moderno (Rome: Edizioni dell’Areneo, 1987), ii. 207–54 + 8 pp. plates. 50 51 Cf. Rochester, Works, 92, 424. POASY, i. 421.

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The Court Lampoon Strangely pleasant were their chats, When Mayne and Steward played at ﬂats, Their marriage night so taught them; Till Charles came there And with his ware Taught how their fathers got them.52

The second stanza illustrates the way in which the lampoon both fed off and was dependent on pre-existing gossip. Without knowing the story involved one would not be in a position to identify ‘Mayne’ as the Countess of Castlemaine (later Duchess of Cleveland) nor have any chance of decoding the very elliptical narrative of a female samesex mock-marriage ceremony in which she was the bridegroom and, after taking Frances Stuart to bed, allowed the king to take her place, a story which Pepys records as ‘said to be very true’ (8 February 1663).53 More to the point is that all of the women libelled in the ﬁrst ﬁve stanzas were members of the queen’s court: Simona Cary, a maid of honour, Castlemaine, a lady of the bedchamber, Stuart a maid of honour, Winifred Wells, a maid of honour, Ellen Warmestry, a maid of honour, Katherine Boynton, a maid of honour, and Bridget Sanderson, the Mother of the Maids.54 Stanza 8 brings in Sir William Killigrew, Vice-Chamberlain to the queen, and his daughter Elizabeth, one of the queen’s dressers, and stanza 16 Elizabeth Livingston, a maid of the privy chamber to the queen. The remaining stanzas, some of which may have been additions tacked on in circulation, deal with other court ﬁgures; however, there can be little doubt that the satirist’s initial aim was to libel women of the queen’s court and that any other attacks were secondary to that. While making use of already circulating gossip, the poem is emphatically the work of an insider writing for other insiders. Its trochaic metre was to recur in such later satires on court ladies as Dorset’s ‘Colin’ (1679), Mordaunt’s ‘The Ladies’ March’ (1681), and ‘On the Mayds of Honor 1689’ (‘Franklyns beauty does surprize’).55 It should be noted that the queen’s appointees were mostly Catholics or Catholic sympathizers, as were the duchess’s after her conversion. In the early 1660s this was unlikely in itself to have been a source of antagonism but 52 CSR, 3, slightly relineated. See also Elmer L. Brooks, ‘An Unpublished Restoration Satire on the Court Ladies’, ELN 10 (1973), 201–8. 53 54 Diary, iv. 38. For these identiﬁcations see CSR, 6–9. 55 First two ibid. 23–31; 56–62.

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was soon to become so. Attacks on the female courts are increasingly coloured by sectarian bitterness. That we do not have a richer harvest of court lampoons from the early 1660s may in part be owing to the absence at the time of any effective mechanism for collecting and recording scribally circulated clandestine satire. For this to happen there had to be a recognition that such pieces were worth preserving in written form (within the court they may well have travelled memorially or by being read aloud rather than retranscribed), so ensuring that a large enough pool of copies emerged to offset the inevitable vulnerability of fugitive ‘separates’ passed from hand to hand. By the late 1670s this task was being performed by professional copyists who prepared both single copies and anthologies of libels for sale, and by compilers of private commonplace books who would make copies for their personal records; but for the early 1660s we have only one known manuscript source, Yale MS Osborn fb 140, ‘A Collection of Poems, Sayters and Lampoons’. The manuscript as we have it was written during the mid-1670s but incorporates a number of earlier linked groups of poems of varying date and theme encountered as already formed collections. The volume begins with a sequence of preRestoration drollery poems and anti-Puritan satires which are followed by a ‘state’ satire of 1670, ‘The King’s Vows’. Next comes a group of early court satires beginning with ‘On the Duke’s Servants’ (‘Charles Berkly talks aloud’) and the ﬁrst two stanzas of ‘The Court Ladies, a Lampone’ (‘Cary’s face is not the best’ in the ‘Roger’ version). The following nine leaves have been excised; however, the index reveals that, besides the rest of ‘Cary’s face’, they contained three satires whose titles were ‘A Lampoon’ commencing on p. 22, ‘Upon the Dks: Maids of Honour’ commencing on p. 38, and ‘A Lampoon’, commencing on p. 40. These are followed by an attack on a group of male courtiers ‘Young gallants of the town leave whoring I pray’ of which the larger part survives.56 It is possible that among the excised pieces were lost poems by Rochester referred to in two anecdotes recounted by Hamilton: Saying this, the perﬁdious Hobart showed her friend half a dozen shameful couplets [i.e. stanzas], which Rochester had made against the former maids of honour. It was Miss Price whom he mainly assailed with the most bitter

56

For sources of the full version see Appendix.

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shafts, anatomizing her person in the most hideous manner imaginable. Miss Hobart had merely substituted the name of Temple for that of Price, which she made to agree with both the measure and tune of the song. *** Upon this discourse, Talbot thought it right to begin the recital of his sufferings and ﬁdelity, when Miss Temple, with a paper in her hand, entered the room. This was a letter in verse, which Lord Rochester had written some time before, upon the intrigues of the two Courts; wherein, upon the subject of little Jennings, he remarked that Talbot had struck terror among the people of God, by his gigantic stature; but that Jermyn, like a little David, had vanquished the great Goliath.57

Rochester made his ﬁrst formal appearance at court on Christmas Day 1664, immediately following his return from the Grand Tour. The ‘Satire on the Duke’s Servants’, taken together with the lost satire on the duchess’s maids of honour, might have constituted the satire on ‘the intrigues of the two Courts’ remembered by Hamilton. The male-directed lampoon uses the same tetrameter couplets as ‘Cary’s face’, distinguished from the Hudibrastic kind by the predominant trochaic metre: Never Prince was soe provided Of things more ﬁtt to be derided Here’s a Stock would make one Cry Coxcombes for th’ whole Family58

Suspect though Hamilton’s accounts may be in matters of date and fact, there is no need to reject his testimony that libels were frequently transmitted by being read aloud and that they could be rewritten in transmission to change their application. The textual history of two well-documented later court lampoons, ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ and ‘In the Isle of Brittain’, show each being supplemented, revised, and interpolated as they passed from scribe to scribe.59 From the early 1670s court lampoons were much more likely to be 57 Memoirs, ii. 106, 168. For further commentary on these passages see Harold Love, ‘Hamilton’s Mémoires de la vie du comte de Grammont and the Reading of Rochester’, Restoration, 19 (1995), 95–102 and Rochester, Works, 474. Brooks, ‘An Unpublished Satire’, 201 records an advertisement for a printed version of ‘A Satyr on the Court-Ladies’ by Rochester which either never appeared or has failed to survive. 58 Yale MS Osborn fb 140, p. 22. 59 See my ‘A Restoration Lampoon in Transmission and Revision: Rochester’s(?) “Seigneur Dildoe” ’, Studies in Bibliography, 46 (1993), 250–62; ‘A new “A” text of “Signior Dildo” ’, Studies in Bibliography, 49 (1996), 169–75; and ‘Rochester’s “I’ th’isle of Britain”: Decoding a Textual Tradition’, English Manuscript Studies 1100–1700, 6 (1997), 175–223, as well as Rochester, Works, 596–9.

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preserved, largely because they had come to be eagerly sought by collectors outside the court. ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, written late in 1673 as an unofﬁcial set of Fescennine verses for the marriage of James II to Mary of Modena, is a series of highly abusive stanzas directed chieﬂy at Catholics and with a strong representation of the women functionaries of the queen’s court.60 In this respect the hostilities underlying ‘Cary’s face’ remained unchanged, though it would be fair to say that Catholic faith was much more of a political issue now that the heir to the throne had declared himself a Catholic and married a Catholic duchess. Rivalry between the women of the king’s, the queen’s, and the duchess’s courts seems also to have inspired a complex satire of 1674, ‘Say Heav’n-born Muse’, which is one of the most unpleasant examples of its genre, a fact that has led some editors of Rochester to demote it from the canon.61 However, the piece deserves attention for the sheer brilliance with which, by deploying a tissue of allusions to Virgil, Milton, Spenser, Shakespeare, Homer, and the New Testament, it marries the materials of the court lampoon to the formal tradition of classical burlesque, anticipating in this respect the mock-heroic method of Dryden’s MacFlecknoe, written three or four years later. In my edition of Rochester I argue for its being an authentic work, despite the fact that Rochester himself appears in a not very ﬂattering light as a character in the poem; but in view of David M. Vieth’s rejection I will simply refer readers to the evidence for and against presented there.62 The action of the poem (a competition, parodying that over the Homeric apple of discord, between three aristocratic ladies for the ownership of a dildo donated by Rochester) is set in Bath. The latest datable event referred to in it took place on 23 April 1674. Rochester’s presence in Bath in the following July is proved by a letter of Henry Stubbe, which also establishes that he was in attendance on the king’s maîtresse en titre, Portsmouth. Stubbe’s letter indicates that she had set up a miniature court of her own, that she regularly dined in state with ‘all people . . . admitted to see her, as were she Queen’, and that the aristocratic ladies of the district had reacted to this presumption by not ‘visiting’

For identiﬁcation see Rochester, Works, 475–81. See in particular David M. Vieth, Attribution in Restoration Poetry: A Study of Rochester’s ‘Poems’ of 1680 (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963), 174–7. 62 Works, 414–15. 60 61

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her.63 The queen’s partisans in Bath would naturally have given their support to the boycott even if they did not organize it. The satire gives every sign of having been written from within Portsmouth’s retinue in order to revenge the snub. There is an additional slur at the expense of the Earl of Mulgrave, whose adherence to York had recently secured him the Garter. The poet has, therefore, aligned himself with Portsmouth’s faction within the king’s court against the representatives of the queen’s and the duke’s courts. The next problem is to identify Portsmouth’s enemies. This proves difﬁcult because the poem gives every sign of having been revised in order to change the identities of its subjects. These are four women (Tall-boy, Kill-prick, Suck-prick, and ‘the mother of the maids’) and a clergyman. The ﬁrst three named are living in the same house in Bath, where they are ‘Wanton in Bed, and Riotous at Board’. The clergyman seems to have been intended in the ﬁrst version for a Catholic, possibly the queen’s almoner, Father Patrick, a stock ﬁgure of such lampoons: the ﬁeld of candidates is a restricted one owing to the stringent laws then in place against Catholic worship. There are jokes about ‘the man of God’ singing te deum, his devotion to ‘Holy Church’, and his advocacy of intercession to saints. But the portrait has been overwritten to apply to the rector of Bath, Joseph Glanville, an Anglican cleric of Puritan inclinations who is pointed to by an obscene joke about the title ‘rector’ and a pun on the title of his philosophical treatise, Plus Ultra. The ﬁrst of the women, Tall-boy, appears to be a similar composite of the queen’s maid of honour Philippa Temple and one of the queen’s ladies of the bedchamber, Mary Berkeley, Countess of Falmouth. Jokes about ‘Gigantick’ size, drunkenness (a tallboy was a drinking glass), and affairs with clergymen were the lampooners’ stock accusations against Temple. In ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ she is ‘Temple soe tall’. In ‘The Ladies’ March’ (1681) she is ‘Manton’s spouse’ (referring to the Presbyterian divine Thomas Manton) and a devotee of ‘ale and cheese’. In ‘An Essay of Scandal’ (1681) a repetition of the ‘ale and cheese’ taunt is combined with an accusation of her having been sodomized by the Bishop of London. In ‘An Heroic Poem’ (1681) she is pilloried for her grotesque appearance and susceptibility to ‘some spread pampered 63 Henry Stubbe to the Earl of Kent, 18 July 1674, BL MS 35838, fo. 276r–v, reprinted in James Jacob, Henry Stubbe, Radical Protestantism and the Early Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983), 135–6.

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stallion robed in black’.64 In ‘A Ballad’ (‘To honourable court there lately came’) she is accused of an addiction to ‘bottle ale’.65 However, the fact that Tall-boy was a widow skilled at the ‘Cornish hug’ points at another frequent butt in Falmouth.66 In this case it is not clear which portrait is the overwritten one; but there may have been a good reason for removing Falmouth, who in June 1674 had secretly married Rochester’s friend the Earl of Dorset. Kill-prick and Suckprick, a mother and a daughter, are still unidentiﬁed, probably because a similar overwriting has produced a confusing mixture of features; but they may be one (or both) of two mother-and-daughter pairs introduced in the slightly earlier satire on the Catholic nobility, ‘Seigneur Dildoe’.67 ‘The mother of the maids’ is Lady Sanderson, the gouvernante of the queen’s maids of honour. While there is an element of speculation to all these identiﬁcations except the last, collectively they identify the poem as directed at the queen’s supporters. It might well be asked whether the portraits could have been constructed on a scattergun principle to catch as many victims as possible; but, if so, it would be against the overwhelming tendency of Restoration court satire to be extremely precise in its targeting. Indeed, it was rare not to give names directly. Wilson in his Court Satires seldom has to look far for an identiﬁcation. Even Rochester’s more literary satires will often when probed reveal particular identities behind supposedly general portraits—Charles Blount and Lady Sanderson again in ‘A Ramble in St James’s Park’, Isaac Barrow in ‘Against Reason and Mankind’, Nell Gwyn in ‘By all Loves soft, yet mighty Pow’rs’.68 It must again be stressed that lampoons, like Private Eye and stand-up comedians today, depended on a small number of stock ﬁgures, who would be recognized immediately by readers. The key assumption is that of revision. Let us hypothesize, without making any assumptions about Rochester’s involvement, that ‘Say Heav’n-born Muse’ had been drafted as a Whitehall not a Bath lampoon by a member of the king’s court as a contribution to an already established genre of attacks on members of the queen’s 64 CSR, 16, 19, 57, 60, 64, 72, 75. She was a different person from the Miss Temple mentioned in the Gramont passages quoted earlier. 65 BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 59r. 66 The port of Falmouth is in Cornwall. The countess had been a widow since 1665, but not according to the lampooners a chaste one. Temple was single. 67 ll. A25–36, A73–6, in Rochester, Works, 248–50. 68 See Works, 412, 388 and Love, ‘Nell Gwyn and Rochester’s “By all Love’s soft, yet mighty Pow’rs” ’.

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court. An awkward aspect of the narrative is that ‘Rochester’ has to return from Bath to Whitehall in order to consult the Mother of the Maids: this would have been avoided if the whole action had been set at the palace. There is even a possibility that not Rochester himself but another ‘Spiney Lord’ may have been the protagonist of the earlier version: the most likely substitute would be a Catholic member of the queen’s or the Duke or Duchess of York’s households. Let us hypothesize further that having been brought to Bath, the poem was then hastily revised to apply to supporters of the queen involved in the snubbing of Portsmouth. Rochester may have been the author of the original version, the Bath revisions, or both. He must certainly be a very strong candidate for the Bath revisions. In adjusting an existing verse libel to new circumstances he was doing no more than what was done, as Hamilton records and the textual history of ‘In the Isle of Brittain’ veriﬁes, to his own writings. Information yet to be discovered may help conﬁrm or confute this hypothesis but can hardly disqualify this unpleasant piece from being one of the masterpieces of Restoration court satire. It is also fairer than most in its allocation of abuse to male and female: ‘Rochester’ is moved by exactly the same Hobbesian, corporeal impulses as the three women, and is forced in the end, despite his display of prodigies of fornicatory valour, to relinquish them to his superior in virility, the parson.69

c o u rt sat i r e b e c o m e s n at i o n a l ‘Say Heav’n-born Muse’ is a particularly pure form of its genre. Its centring on a set of conﬂicts that were very much internal to the court meant that it would have had very little interest or meaning outside the court, or even outside Bath, and it is not surprising that it comes down to us via a single manuscript and one printed source.70 It also afﬁrms the mystique of the court as an institution constituted out of rules of behaviour that were unintelligible to outsiders. Nonetheless, from the mid-1670s other, less hieratic kinds of court satire were beginning to ﬁnd a double audience through being read both inside the court, as in-house communications, and outside it as accounts of the 69 Another argument for Rochester’s authorship: compare ‘Against Reason and Mankind’, ll. 202–9 and ‘A Ramble in St James’s Park’, ll. 90–6 for two other examples of clerical stallions. 70 Works, 594.

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circumstances under which the state was being ruled. One channel of transmission was through the Inns of Court, whose members, while generally hostile to the younger male courtiers, were also fascinated by them and secretly aspired to join their ranks.71 A considerable amount of copying of court lampoons seems to have taken place in the Inns and further copies to have accompanied communications to legal clients in the country.72 The effects of this external rereading were sensational. Accusations of sexual misconduct routinely made in the course of factional rivalry under a ﬁgurative substitution in which, as we will see, they stood as metaphors for power relationships were now given a new literal force as an index of the corruption of the whole system of monarchical government. The impact of these pieces can be compared with that of the Nixon and Clinton White House scandals: in both cases deeply treasured images of the dignity of supreme power were shattered beyond restitution. The difference between the reading practices of the two audiences soon came to be reﬂected in the appearance of new state lampoons written outside the court, attacking the court mistresses, which have none of the polish and playfulness that redeem the grossness of the true court lampoons, but display an almost hysterical misogyny. Consider the title alone of a performance directed at the Duchess of Portsmouth: ‘The Downfal of the French Bitch, England’s Metropolitan Strumpet, The three Nation’s Grievance, The pickled pocky Whore, Rowley’s Dalilah, all in a word, The damn’d dirty Dutchess.’73 Under the same inﬂuence genuine court lampoons began to appear which had more than half an eye on the wider national audience. It will be helpful to look quickly at a few of these in their relationship to the parallel genre of state satire, concentrating on those which are available for consultation in Wilson’s Court Satires and the Yale POAS collection. Dorset’s ‘Colin’ stands ﬁrmly in the tradition of the satires on the court women we have already considered. It is linked directly with ‘Cary’s face’ not only through its strong admixture of trochaic lines 71 On the hostility, see Brice Harris, Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, Patron and Poet of the Restoration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1940), 51–2. 72 For one example of legal involvement in the transmission of satires see my ‘Scribal Texts and Literary Communities: The Rochester Circle and Osborn b. 105’, Studies in Bibliography, 42 (1989), 219–35. John Hoyle and Godfrey Thacker were among legal ﬁgures involved in the transmission of court satires. 73 (‘What down in the dirt by St Leonard her grace’), POAS (1702–7), iii. 211. Even this piece has to yield in point of grossness to an attack on Queen Catherine, ‘Thou worst of ﬂesh in superstition stewed’.

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but by the device of the pastoral introduction. In the ‘Roger’ versions of the earlier poem this takes the form of a single introductory stanza: Roger told his Brother Clowne Such newes as hee heard in the Towne Just as they came from ringing Soe they sat downe upon the ground And thus they fell a singing74

No more is then heard of the pair. In ‘Colin’ the corresponding introduction runs as follows: As Colin drove his sheep along By Whitehall there was such a throng Of early coaches at the gate, The silly swain was forced to wait.

At this point Colin too effectively disappears until the concluding So they adjourned, And Colin to his ﬂock returned, Swearing there was at every fair Blither girls than any there.75

Likewise each lampoon is constructed round a series of abusive penportraits of court ladies, those of ‘Colin’ being more extended but essentially the same mixture of received scandal and revelations of ‘conceal’d faults’. Wilson calls ‘Colin’ a ‘sessions’ satire, comparing it with the two Restoration ‘Sessions of the Poets’, modelled on Suckling’s original,76 and other lampoons in which malefactors are brought before an imaginary court; but it is equally suggestive of a parallel tradition in which the victims are introduced in a march or procession. ‘The Ladies’ March’ (1681; CSR, 56–9) is a poem of a very similar kind to the two under discussion, which also makes free use of the trochaic tetrameter. The pattern reminds us that real-life courtiers did quite a deal of processing, in strict hierarchical order. But in other ways ‘Colin’ stands outside this tradition: for a start it is not concerned with rivalry between the courts or even within the king’s court but with the malign inﬂuence of the ofﬁce of maîtresse en titre on the king’s governance of the realm. 74 76

75 Yale MS Osborn fb 140, p. 22. CSR, 23. POASY, i. 327–37, 352–6. See also below pp. 80–1.

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The situation presented is one in which Portsmouth is imagined as having offered her position for sale through a bidding process in which Charles was to choose the winner. The bidders enter one by one, are described, present their proposal, and are dismissed, with no ﬁnal decision being made. Dorset’s position at the time of the poem’s composition was an ambiguous one. As a gentleman of the bedchamber he was still involved in court ceremonial and factional politics on a day-by-day basis but at a national level he was opposing court policies in the Lords. The Buckingham faction, of which he had been a leading member, had been driven from political power by Danby and were now doing their best to destabilize Danby’s administration. Danby was simultaneously under attack from the Yorkist faction who were even more violently opposed to the Buckinghamites. A short lapse of time would see Danby in the Tower and the Yorkists on the defensive in the state against a concerted Whig parliamentary and popular movement to have the succession altered to debar the duke from becoming king. Dorset writes as a court poet whose attention is now diverted towards political action outside the court rather than intrigue within it. His poem reﬂects this tension and as a result invites different readings not by accident but by design from two differentially envisaged audiences. As a court poem it works by recycling time-honoured gossip about love affairs and ‘conceal’d faults’, such as Jane Middleton’s body odour. Next Middleton appeared in view, Who soon was told of Montague, Of baits of Hyde, of clothes from France, Of armpits, toes, and sufﬁcance. (ll. 34–7)77

There is a certain routine quality about the retailing of this and other court lampoon clichés, suggesting that the genre was beginning to live off its past. As a national poem, on the other hand, its aim is to strip the court of its glamour. There is nothing particularly erotic about the women, as the poem presents them, or about the appeals they offer the king which, since this is a formal sale of a place, have to be monetary as well as sexual. And Morland fair enters the list, Husband in hand most decently, And begs at any rate to buy. 77 CSR, 24. ‘Sufﬁcance’ here has its secondary French sense of vanity or bumptiousness.

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The Court Lampoon She offered jewels of great price And dear Sir Samuel’s next device, Whether it be a pump or table, Glass-house or any other bauble. (ll. 47–53)

Charles’s own motives are also primarily economic: This hour from French intrigues, ’tis said, He’ll clear his Council and his bed. Portsmouth, he now vouchsafes to know, Was the cast miss of Count De Soe, Each night with her dear as a sessions Of the House, and fuller of petitions . . . (ll. 11–16)

He has decided in favour of ‘retrenching’ and ‘would no more of costly wenching’. In other words he is behaving exactly as the parliamentary Whigs wished him to behave. The materials of this poem are drawn from court life and Dorset’s voice is still recognizable as that of a court factional satirist; but the perspective of appraisal and condemnation is external to the court. The sense of court life being represented for the amusement or instruction of another constituency becomes even more strongly evident in satires of the next few years. Even so unmistakable a court satire as ‘Ignis Ignibus Extinguitur’ (1682) feels the need to make a concession to possible women readers outside the walls of Whitehall. The main theme of the poem is that Charles (who is directly addressed in court style as ‘sacred Sir’) should dispose of Nell Gwyn. Protect this Drab no more; If you must have One, have a handsome Whore. Of such foul Hags there ne’r can be a Dearth; O send her to her Dunghil, Mother Earth! Old, Wrinckled, Ugly, Loathsome as a Grave, She’d turn the Stomach of your meanest Slave.78

The objection is, again, primarily aesthetic: Nell no longer looks good enough to hold her position at Whitehall, and is in any case of low birth. (She was also of course a Protestant, though this is not explicitly raised: the lampoon could well have originated from the retinue of one of the Catholic mistresses.) However, the author is uncertain enough about his audience to preface the piece with a general apology: 78

BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 110r.

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Your pardon then, you Fairest ones, (for all Under that Universal notion fall), If what I paint, you construe for ill Nature. The wise will Kindness see in every Feature; Ungovern’d Lewdness wou’d I fear Traduce The pleasing Sport, and shame it of use.79

This is not the tone of court satire, which had always been totally unapologetic about its misogyny and totally frank about the prevalence at court of ‘ungoverned lewdness’. The poem’s concern for the sensibilities of female readers is a ‘Town’ one. ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ (‘Tired with the noisome follies of the age’; late 1680 and present in twenty MS sources) is a diatribe written from what appears to be a moderate Yorkist factional position. Mulgrave is ridiculed for seeking military glory in Tangier, while Monmouth, Buckingham, and the inevitable Mazarin and Portsmouth are treated much more roughly. The opening expresses a general hostility towards the court as an ‘Augean stable’ which is impossible to clean, and there is a vividly dismissive depiction of the departing Tangier ofﬁcers at a court ball: First at her Highness’ ball he must appear, And in a parting country dance learn there With drum and ﬁfe to make a jig of war. What is of soldier seen in all the heap Besides the ﬂutt’ring feather in the cap, The scarf, and yard or two of scarlet cloth From Gen’ral Mulgrave down to little Wroth?

(ll. 57–63)80

But what follows is a series of personal attacks with no evident thematic connection. It is as individuals rather than as courtiers that the satirist’s victims are brought to judgement and the faults for which they are castigated are moral ones not violations of courtly decorum. ‘An Heroic Poem’ (1681), which survives in thirteen MS sources, is superﬁcially easy to categorize as a court poem because of the large number of court functionaries and hangers-on named in its short, barbed attacks.81 A passage of particularly gross, visually speciﬁc abuse directed at the long-suffering Philippa Temple indicates that hostility towards the queen’s maids of honour was still a motivating force: 79 81

80 Fos. 109v–110r. POASY, ii. 221. Texts in CSR, 68–75 and POASY, ii. 228–34.

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The Court Lampoon First Temple shall forbear t’admire the back Of some spread pampered stallion robed in black, She who so long a fallow land has laid, And brought a scandal on the name of Maid, Who while before the other nymphs she walks, And with her hanging dugs like dewlaps stalks, As some milch cow that leads the tender mulls, Licks up and goads the cods of slouching bulls; So, drunk with lust, she rambles up and down And bellows out, ‘I’m bulling round the town.’ Not Felton’s wife was in her youth more lewd, Or on the rising cud has oft’ner chewed, Nor Nell so much inverted nature spewed.82

Having conceded the grossness and no doubt unfairness of this portrait, we should also acknowledge it as evidence of the point made earlier about the arbitrary nature of lampoon accusations. Once Temple had been set up as a stock butt, the accusation of her being a seductress of clergymen became an automatic reﬂex. So far the poem is ﬁrmly anchored in court life and appearances; yet, there is no strong sense of factional animus and the victims seem to have been chosen merely because they irritated the satirist personally. Like ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ ‘An Heroic Poem’ is written in heroic couplets of a sententious neoclassical kind. Opening with a mock-Virgilian statement of topic followed by a burlesque invocation, it constitutes polished writing by the standards of the genre. Consider this: He was a vermin that stuck fast to bite; Put sullen virtue on to cloak his sin, Scipio without, but Catiline within.83

or this, with its ironical echo of Othello in the closing line: Victorious dullness sits upon his brow, And in each line of his notorious face, As in its proper indisputed place. In full deﬁance to pretense of wit, In broad Scotch characters, Fool, Fool is writ.84

The Homeric simile of the milch cow leading the mulls has Spenserian analogues. It comes as no surprise to ﬁnd the poem ascribed to 82 84

83 CSR, 72. Ibid. 69; also POASY, ii. 229. CSR, 70; also POASY, ii. 231.

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Dryden in one manuscript source nor that stylometric tests conducted by John Burrows point to Dorset as the author.85 Its neoclassical polish would suggest that it was not intended for court readers alone, who had little appreciation of such things, but the wider constituency of the wits of the Town, the Inns of Court, and the universities. A later poem by Dorset, ‘A Faithful Catalogue of our Most Eminent Ninnies’, shows a further stage in the colonization of court satire by neoclassicism. While ‘Say Heav’n-born Muse’ and ‘An Heroic Poem’ move the court lampoon into the territory of the mock-heroic, it is the 481-line ‘Faithful Catalogue’ (discussed in detail in Chapter 7) that represents its most determined genuﬂection towards the Juvenalian model of formal verse satire.

s e x a n d t h e s i n g l e c o u rt i e r Since the lampooners’ hostile treatment of Philippa Temple has been instanced several times in this chapter, there is an obligation to make some kind of sense of it. The satirists’ vision of her ‘bulling’ around the court is unlikely to bear any relation to reality. Temple’s vulnerability to insult is more likely to have resulted from her being unusually tall and attached to the least fashionable of the sub-courts, that of Queen Catherine. That she was an alcoholic and a compulsive seducer of clergymen is most unlikely. Her much-ridiculed fondness for ale probably indicates no more than that, following traditional English custom, she made small beer her table drink in a court of Gallophile winebibbers. (The queen herself drank only water.) For the second accusation to arise required only that she should display a degree of religious commitment which, while unusual among Protestants at court, was common in society at large. In any case we would hardly blame a woman in her situation for wishing to distance herself from the Catholics of the queen’s court during the dangerous Popish Plot years when Catherine herself became the object of accusations by Titus Oates which were much worse than any directed at her maid of honour.86 The writer of another lampoon on the maids 85 From a database of major poets of the period, he is strongly preferred. The question then arises whether an unrepresented minor poet could have been capable of so virtuosic a piece. 86 These included her involvement in the murder of Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey and planning to poison her husband. Oates went too far here: despite his many inﬁdelities Charles was always totally loyal to Catherine in her position as his consort.

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of honour, ‘To honourable court there lately came’, can ﬁnd nothing worse to say about her than Pious Temple who has long been musty and stale By her dayly devotion and hope to prevail To gaine . . . kind creddit for more bottle Ale87

Allowing that she may have had affairs, she could hardly have been the monster of lust depicted by the lampooners and simultaneously held her position as a maid of honour to the queen for over twenty years.88 So how are we to interpret such descriptions as the following from ‘An Essay of Scandal’ (1681) in which Charles is urged to cashier the expensive Portsmouth and Gwyn in favour of ‘cheap, wholesome whores’. To achieve this he should Take Temple, who can live on cheese and ale, Who never but to bishop yet turned tail; She’s seasoned, ﬁt to bear a double brunt, In her arse London, Rowley in her cunt. Bishop and King, choose (handy-dandy) either; They still club votes, why not club seeds together?89

The author has the grace to concede that Temple is only a putative lover for Charles and no one would for a moment have believed the accusation directed against Henry Compton, the Whig Bishop of London—indeed, it is explicitly conceded that she was ‘wholesome’ (i.e. free of venereal disease). What we are actually given is an allegory of the political alliance (clubbing of votes) in which the bishops in the Lords had unanimously supported Charles’s anti-exclusionist policies in the cycle of parliaments recently completed. ‘Temple’ in this description is the surrogate for those parliaments, corrupted simultaneously by the king’s gold and the more subtly disbursed patronage of the Church of England hierarchy. We have to read past this sexual narrative for its political core in the same way as Lois Potter has instructed us how to read through the more decorous narratives of royalist writers of the interregnum.90 ‘Ballad’, BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 59r. Temple was still a maid of honour in the absent queen dowager’s residual English court as late as 1700. 89 CSR, 64. 90 Secret Rites and Secret Writing: Royalist Literature 1641–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989). 87 88

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Sodomy, with both sexes, was ineradicably associated in the minds of Protestant Britons with the Roman Catholic clergy and with Catholicism generally.91 In the obscene play Sodom, Charles’s Declaration of Indulgence of 1672, which gave Catholics a measure of religious freedom, is parodied as a universal legitimization of buggery.92 Elsewhere, Rochester, in a morbid piece of self-parody, announces that he has . . . swiv’d more whores more ways then sodoms walls E’re knew or the Colledge of Romes Cardinalls.93

It was also tacitly assumed that those members of the Church of England who had to endure enforced celibacy, which included the fellows of Oxford and Cambridge colleges, were addicted to the Roman vice, while their Nonconformist counterparts were portrayed as ‘stallions’ to ‘holy sisters’. The association of Catholicism with sodomy recurs in a verse lampoon comparing Portsmouth with Nell Gwyn: Have you not heard how our Soveraigne of late Did ﬁrst make a Whore then a Dutches Create A notable Wench of the Catholick kinde A Whore not onely before, but a Bugger behinde Poor Protestant Nell, well were it for thee Wert thou a Whore of a double Capacity Alas the Royall Pintle never yet went Into thy Maiden Lach or Fundament Thou art Resolv’d, what e’re on it come Protestant like to keep Chast thy Bum. Thou nobly scorns’t, by such base Arts to thrive But let the best French Whore that’s now alive Meet if she dare, and fairely with thee swive.94

Taken together, these examples and the Temple satires point at a more general analogy through which sexual subjection stands as a metaphor for the subjections enforced at every level of court behaviour by the assertion of absolute power. Either the male or the female 91 On the history of this prejudice see Alastair Bellany, The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 257–61. 92 On this point see Richard Elias, ‘Political Satire in Sodom’, SEL 18 (1978), 423–38. 93 ‘To the Post Boy’, ll. 5–6 (Works, 43). 94 ‘A Satyr’, Yale MS Osborn fb 140, p. 173. For Portsmouth, cf. Turner, Libertines and Radicals, 259–60.

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might be dominant in such relationships: the point at issue was whether the person who was sexually dominant was also dominant in the ‘natural’ hierarchy of the state. If this was the case both the relationship and the lust it aroused might be seen as laudable; but in situations where the power gradient of the relationship was opposed to that of the established hierarchy we would expect to discover constructive treason, which would express itself through irregular forms of sexual activity. So, while there could be no objection to Temple’s submitting to the king, there clearly was to her submitting, in explicit violation of Erastian principles of statecraft, to the bishop. The unnaturalness of Portsmouth’s sexual domination of the king is a perpetual theme of both the court and the state lampoon. By a symbolism most memorably encapsulated by Rochester, the woman who had control of the king’s penis was in control of the state: Nor was his high desire above his Strength: His Scepter and his Prick were of a length, And she may sway the one who plays with t’other95

Because Portsmouth’s intercourse with the king reverses the constitutional delegation of power, it cannot count as fair swiving and must, therefore, be depicted as sodomy. Nell on the other hand, who offers the king pleasure without in any way wishing to encroach on his prerogative, becomes a champion not only of Protestantism but of orthodox intercourse. In such ways the sexual invective endemic to the lampoons often asks to be construed as political allegory. I believe this was sensed by at least some of the writers of these pieces and that in their narratives of scandal they were interrogating problems in the exercise of power that could not at that period be addressed in any more satisfactory or intelligent way. One consequence of this emblematic use of sexual insults is that accusations of sodomy, whether heterosexual or homosexual, made in lampoons cannot, when they belong to the language of political allegory, be taken as a guide to actual patterns of sexual behaviour at the court or elsewhere. (It should also be noted that ‘arse’ will often be used as a metonym for vagina in couplets where it is needed as a rhyme word for ‘tarse’ and ‘bum’ when it has to rhyme with ‘thrum’.) The same naturally applies to heterosexual behaviour attributed as 95 Works, 85–6. The theme of Portsmouth’s power over the kingdom exercised through her sexual control of the king is most fully developed in a state satire, ‘The Looking Glass’, BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 51r–52v.

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part of the same hermetic language to men and women who were real-life homosexuals. While the lampoon tradition, taken collectively, contains much otherwise unobtainable evidence about Restoration homosexuality its purpose was never sociological. One of several lampoon references to Anne, Lady Freschville, accusing her of being a lesbian, adds the anatomical detail: It once was my fortune to turn up her Cloths, Three Inches of P—k hard by her C—t grows. You Ladies who yet have not heard of her Name, At her House may be sped with a Man or a Dame.96

The notion that lesbians had large clitorises comes from folk legend, while its introduction as a ‘concealed fault’ is patently generated by the medium, not any personal knowledge of the lampooner. The political subtext of the reference is to be sought in Freschville’s position as a gentlewoman of the bedchamber to Princess Anne at a time of hostility between her and her sister Queen Mary, one of the issues of which was Anne’s infatuation with Sarah Churchill.97 These decodings of sexual insults are not meant to absolve the lampooners of their habitual, often brutal misogyny, something explicitly proclaimed in the opening lines of ‘Essay on Scandal’: Of all the plagues with which this world abounds, Our discords causes, wid’ners of our wounds, Sure woman is the lewdest can be guessed; Through woman, mankind early ills did taste; She was the world’s ﬁrst curse, will be the last.98

Patriarchal prejudice could not be more nakedly displayed. Homophobia is just as routine and unthinking. Surprisingly little lampoon verse openly adopts a gay perspective.99 In other cases, the pornopolitics of the lampoon betrays a very ancient and persistent moral position in which sex itself is seen as inherently corrupt. There is little uncomplicated celebration of the pleasures of copulation to be found among the writers of scribally circulated verse, and when this is attempted, as in Mulgrave’s ‘The Perfect Enjoyment’ (‘Since now my ‘Satyr, on the Ladys of Honor’, Bodleian Library, MS Firth c 16, p. 213. For this see POASY, v. 339–44 and the attack on the ‘Princess’ ladies’ at v. 351, which accuses them of being prudish and malicious. 98 CSR, 63. 99 That which does is considered in Paul Hammond, Figuring Sex between Men from Shakespeare to Rochester (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002). 96 97

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Sylvia is as kind as fair’), it often strikes a strangely unpersuasive note. Instead, the governing equation is one between sexual performance and physical decay. Lust is a ﬁre that not only corrupts the soul but distorts the body, especially those parts of the body most directly engaged in it. Penises are deformed, chancred, or become too ‘limber’ to execute their function; clitorises ‘mount in open day’; vaginas become monstrously enlarged or congested with ‘whites’: Besides her other charming qualities, As dewlaps hanging down her tawny thighs And ever moistened with congenial glue, Just like the bull that ﬁerce Almanzor slew; Besides an odoriferous perfume, Which yet, like strength of cordials, may o’ercome.100

The comic exaggeration of decay at the conclusion of Sodom is different only in degree from the habitual representations of the court lampoon. The Pr—s are eaten off the womens parts Are witherd more then their dispareing hearts The Children harbour heavy discontents Complaineing sorely of their fundaments. The old doe curse and envy all that swiue And yet in spight of impotence will striue And Fuck and bugger tho’ they stinke aliue101

}

These descriptions, for all their comic bravura, reinscribe an ancient body-hating morality inherited from the medieval Church and the attendant medical doctrine, also embraced by Donne, that orgasm was a dissipation of vital powers that were essential for the prolongation of life and health. For all their impropriety, their moral lesson is actually a very conservative one—a matter to be considered further in Chapter 6.

t h e r e i g n s o f J a m e s a n d W i l l i a m a n d M a ry The accession of James II in 1685 saw a serious attempt to suppress the sexual excesses of Charles’s time, a campaign that became even more marked as Protestant functionaries were replaced by Catholic 100 101

‘On Three Late Marriages’, ll. 65–9; CSR, 78. Rochester, Works, 330.

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ones, including those holding orders. This should have led to a decline in the older style of court lampooning but its effect was the reverse, in that much had now come to depend on the new reforms being proved to be as hypocritical as those formerly made by the Puritans. To be godly in either form was to provoke an immediate suspicion of insincerity. How the court was now seen from outside is indicated by a revealing passage in ‘The Town Life’ (‘Once how I doted on this jilting town’), a ‘Town’ lampoon of 1686 describing a typical day spent in the new pleasure city of the West End. Viewed from this perspective the court is no longer the fons et origo of values and styles but simply one of the sideshows of the Town to be visited in the normal course of the day. It was still of course the centre of the national administration but actual power, as the events of 1688 were to show, was steadily slipping out of the hands of that administration. But now for cards and play they all propose, While I who never in good breeding lose, Who cannot civilly sit still and see The ladies pick my purse and laugh at me, Pretending earnest business drive to court, Where those who can do nothing else resort. The English must not seek preferment there, For Mac’s and O’s all places destin’d are. No more we’ll send our youth to Paris now— French principles and breeding once would do— They for improvement must to Ireland sail, The Irish wit and language now prevail. But soft my pen, with care this subject touch, Stop where you are, you soon may write too much!

(ll. 116–29)102

The court so reconstructed was no longer central in any meaningful way to the cultural and intellectual life of the metropolis but had become an outpost of an alien minority. This siege predicament had the effect of muting factional conﬂict within the court itself, even though important differences certainly existed at the political level, even among Catholics. A large portion of the old functionary class simply withdrew from active participation in the ceremonial life of the court or kept their appearances to a minimum. Unlike Charles, who had liked to keep factions at each other’s throats in order to prevent any single one from gaining an ascendancy, James wanted a court that 102

POASY, iv. 67.

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was uniﬁed in politics and, if possible, also in religion. The copious satire directed at his priests, the old Catholics, and the new converts came from outside the court. Much of it had its origin in a kind of dispersed, Protestant court in exile who were perfectly acquainted with the life of the palace. The coming to the throne of William and Mary brought yet another set of relationships between the court and the outside world. William was contemptuous of court ceremonial and was no more inclined than James to tolerate the older kinds of ﬂagrant immorality. He restricted himself to a single discreet mistress, and though the Jacobites never ceased to accuse him of homosexual relationships with his closest Dutch male advisers there is a sense of a desperate raking for scandal to these attacks. Mary’s female court was relatively free of the kind of scandal which had stigmatized its predecessors. Both of them disliked the old palace of Whitehall (which in 1698 was destroyed by ﬁre), preferring to spend their time at other residences, especially Hampton Court. The only competing court on English soil was that of Mary’s sister, the future Queen Anne, the two being distinguished in one satire as ‘Kensington Court and the Court of Bantam’, but neither provided much occasion for lampoons.103 Despite this superﬁcially unpromising atmosphere, poems about court life, largely from the pens of Dorset and his circle of protégés, continued to appear, circulated in manuscripts written by the ‘Cameron’ scriptorium.104 However, the bulk of the lampoons on court topics do not constitute court poetry in the sense given to the term at the beginning of this chapter. Instead we encounter work by exiles from the court writing about the court for an external audience, total outsiders writing about the court, and political satire with no connection with the court using the language and tropes of court satire as a way of attacking the great. All these will be considered shortly under other headings. As a sign that an era was at an end, the period also saw the consolidation of the court satire of the previous two reigns into vast manuscript anthologies, some of which, arranged in chronological order, constituted a kind of secret history of past events in the inner recesses of power.105 But little of the new, genuine verse had either POASY, v. 369. W. J. Cameron, ‘A Late Seventeenth-Century Scriptorium’, Renaissance and Modern Studies, 7 (1963), 25–52. 105 Collections of this kind include BL MS Harl. 7319; Victoria and Albert Museum MS Dyce 43 and its near twin Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 14090. 103 104

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the savagery or the vivid particularity of the old. Rather it recounted, with urbanity and amusement, the kind of day-to-day altercations and impertinencies that might have arisen in any large settled community. In some cases, represented by the two poems ‘The Nine’ and ‘The Female Nine’, the occasions arose during William’s frequent absences in Ireland or to campaign in the Netherlands when the conduct of the state was left in the hands of a council.106 It is doubtful how far the considerable body of vituperative verse that emerged from the court in exile at Saint-Germain should be allowed to count as court poetry: for the most part its motivation is undisguisedly national and political. The cultural life of the exiled court was a richer one than is normally realized and it had its distinguished writers as well as its great musicians (including François Couperin); but it remains beyond the consideration of this study. Court satire was to revive at several points during the eighteenth century but by 1700 the particular heteroform composition of the Restoration court, and the ﬁerce energies released within that unstable compound, were largely neutralized. It is time now to consider what the court invention had contributed to the broader ﬁeld of satirical writing beyond its walls. 106

See POASY, v. 195–201, 202–10 and pp. 163–4 below.

3

The Town Lampoon In the epilogue to Aglaura (1638), Suckling divides up the Blackfriars audience into ﬁve juries, each of which is to give its separate opinion of the play. The ﬁrst is a ‘Grand Jurie . . . of Towne-wits’. The second is a ‘Jurie of the Court’. The third and fourth are composed of the ‘Ladies of the Towne’, and ‘their servants’. The ﬁfth is that of ‘the Citie’.1 This indicates that there was already a clear conception of the ‘Town’ as something distinct from the older urban entities of the court and the city—a matter that has been perceptively explored by Lawrence Manley.2 In the prologue to Marriage A-la-mode (1671) Dryden speaks more speciﬁcally of the theatre’s ambition ‘T’oblige the Town, the City, and the Court’ (l. 39). This triform division of the metropolis, which is also made by several other Restoration dramatists, reﬂects a distinction that by that time was geographical and demographical as well as cultural.3 Geographically the City was the old London within the medieval walls and its ancient suburbs beyond them, and was governed by its mayor, aldermen, and livery companies. The court was identiﬁed with the palace of Westminster at what was then the southern extremity of the metropolis, facing open ﬁelds on the opposite bank of the Thames. The Town was the new westward and south-westward extension from the City that was rapidly 1 The Works of Sir John Suckling: The Plays, ed. L. A. Beaurline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 95. 2 Literature and Culture in Early Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995), 481–97. 3 For further examples of this tripartition, see the epilogue to Shadwell’s The Sullen Lovers (1668), l. 8, in The Works of Thomas Shadwell, ed. Montague Summers (London: Fortune Press, 1927), i. 92; Buckingham’s ‘A Familiar Epistle to Mr Julian, Secretary to the Muses’, l. 61, in POASY, i. 390; the epilogue to Nathaniel Lee’s Theodosius (1680), l. 29, in The Works of Nathaniel Lee, ed. Thomas B. Stroup and Arthur L. Cooke (New Brunswick, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1954–5), ii. 304; v. i. 489–90 of Otway’s The Soldier’s Fortune (1681), in The Works of Thomas Otway, ed. J. C. Ghosh (Oxford, 1932), ii. 186; and ii. iii. 25 of Crowne’s The English Frier (1690), in The Comedies of John Crowne: A Critical Edition, ed. B. J. McMullin (New York: Garland, 1984), 522.

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ﬁlling the space between it and the palace. Dryden makes no reference to the Southwark area of the south bank, although half a century earlier this had been the primary site of theatrical performance. The pull of the court and the Town had drawn the players and dramatists northwards. At the time he wrote, one house, Drury Lane, stood in Covent Garden, and the other, specializing in spectacular drama, was operating within the boundaries of the City at Dorset Garden. The geographical Town is usually designated by that name; however, since ‘town’ continued to be used in its old general sense of the entire conurbation, it was also common to speak of ‘this end of the town’ or ‘t’other end of the town’, with the import of the phrase varying with the social allegiance of the speaker. One also encounters ‘t’other-end-of-the-town’ and ‘this-end-of-the-town’ as compound adjectives.4 Characters in Ravenscroft’s The London Cuckolds i. i contrast ‘that damn’d lewd other end of the Town’ with ‘this sober end of the Town’ (i.e. the City).5 Though terminology wavered, there was an acute sense of a cultural difference which is reﬂected in the styles of lampooning characteristic of court, City and Town.

T ow n v e rs u s c o u rt While the Town lampoon and the court lampoon use a similar verse manner to attack many of the same members of the ruling elite, and while ‘Rochester’s Farewell’, ‘An Heroic Poem’ and the ‘Faithful Catalogue’, already discussed, might, depending on one’s personal orientation, have been read as either, there is usually little problem in categorizing particular works as being written from a court or a Town perspective. A court satire is of the court, courtly: it is written for a court readership about court concerns of status, factional striving for power, and corporate style. It arises from a sense of the special identity of the court as a community and sets out to reinforce that community’s sense of exclusiveness. A Town satire speaks to a new social formation which was still in the process of fashioning its identity. 4 e.g. in Behn, The City Heiress, ii. i. 87–8, The Revenge, i. i. 30, and Sir Patient Fancy, iv. iii. 92–3, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, 7 vols. (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1992–6), vii. 23, vi. 167, vi. 57; and Cibber, The Double Gallant, iv. i. 314–15, in Colley Cibber’s ‘ The Double Gallant’: A Critical Old-Spelling Edition, ed. John Whitley Bruton (New York: Garland, 1987), 130. 5 (London, 1682), 2, 7.

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Satire was a means of asserting this community’s independence from the older, competing pair, of training its members in acceptable modes of deportment, and of articulating shared values. The Town looked to its lampooners, along with its dramatists, to explain to it what it was and what it might become. This applied even when writers and readers were technically members of more than one community, since individual allegiances might easily vary to suit the environment of the moment. An analogy today might be the kind of change in attitude that takes place when a member of the community of pedestrians gets behind a wheel to become a member of the community of drivers or vice versa, switching one variety of road rage for an entirely different one. Rochester ‘was wont to say that when he came to Brentford the devill entred into him and never left him till he came to the country again’ but he might well have had a similar experience in moving between Whitehall and Covent Garden.6 However, before attempting to discover what distinguished a Town mindset from a court one, it will be necessary to give some attention to the urban dynamics of the metropolis during the Restoration decades. In the reign of Charles I, when government policy was ﬁrmly opposed to the development of the West End for housing, much of it was still ﬁelds. This anti-development policy was prompted by a fear that, if the opportunity were available, the better-off gentry families would abandon their responsibilities as landlords, justices of the peace, and manipulators of parliamentary elections in favour of spending the greater part of the year in London. During the interregnum, with political priorities reversed, this was exactly what began to happen. After 1660, squares and terraces, many bearing the names of Restoration courtiers, marched steadily westward and south-westward from the City into the parishes of St James, St Paul, St Anne, St Giles, and St Martin. The Fire of 1666, which destroyed the City, spared the West End. In the decades that followed many families who had formerly been renters during short winter residences became householders, only returning to their estates for the summer. This alteration was particularly agreeable to the females of those families, for whom the country regimen of agriculture and hunting was less congenial than to their menfolk and who, being less mobile, were more affected by the isolation of rural existence. They 6 John Aubrey, Brief Lives, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1898), ii. 304.

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took to Town life and its attendant freedoms with enthusiasm. The presence in this newly settled area of the metropolis of a continually growing body of wealthy countrypersons come to Town brought with it a migration of professionals to serve their practical needs and entertainers and shopkeepers to minister to their pleasures.7 The new arrivals brought new forms of sociability, initially built around county afﬁliations. There was an annual Kentish feast, and Jeffrey Boys inaugurated a Kentish Club in 1671 which met for a number of weeks at the Greyhound Tavern.8 Yorkshire gentry, meeting in 1690 for their annual feast, commissioned an ode from Purcell.9 But the most important changes were in modes of interpersonal communication. Court sociability was structured around the hierarchical relationships of the levee, in which those of lower rank would ‘wait’ upon those of higher rank in a display of conspicuous clientage which has already been glimpsed, at its highest level, in the descriptions of waiting and dining at Whitehall but which was imitated at the subordinate strata of an extended culture of deference. In opposition, the new arrivals developed a kind of sociability based on ‘visiting’, which quickly acquired its own rules and exclusivities but was essentially an adaptation of a freer country practice to the new opportunities of the metropolis.10 Visiting was performed by coach among near equals and, while not free of hierarchical constraints, represented a conscious reaction against court formality. Many scenes in Restoration comedy are constructed as visits. In Act I of Etherege’s The Man of Mode (1676), Dorimant, an aristocratic 7 For some of the consequences of this see my ‘Dryden, Rochester and the Invention of the Town’, in Claude Rawson (ed.), John Dryden (1631–1700): His Politics, his Plays, and his Poets (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2003), 36–51 and ‘Dryden’s London’, in Steven Zwicker (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Dryden (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004), 111–28. This second migration was opposed by the City, which wished to keep crafts and trades housed within the walls where they were under the legal jurisdiction of the respective companies. Emigration of craftsand tradespersons into the newly settled parishes, where they were free of City supervision, undermined the anti-competitive aspect of the guild system. 8 See H. R. Plomer, Kentish Feast: Being Notes on the Annual Meetings of the Honourable Society of Natives of the County of Kent, 1657–1701 (Canterbury: Cross & Jackman, 1916) and G. J. Gray, ‘The Diary of Jeffrey Boys of Gray’s Inn, 1671’, N&Q 159 (27 Dec. 1930), 452. 9 ‘The Yorkshire Feast Song’ (‘Of old when heroes thought it base’, Z333). 10 For the visit, see Hannah Woolley, The Gentlewoman’s Companion; or, a Guide to the Female Sex (London, 1675), 48–50 and, for an invaluable modern account, Susan E. Whyman, Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England: The Cultural Worlds of the Verneys 1660–1700 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999), esp. 87–109.

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libertine, receives news of Town happenings from his friends Medley and Bellair. That the meeting is a visit, not a levee, is made clear by bonhomie and mutual kissing. Earlier Dorimant had chatted amiably to Swearing Tom, the shoemaker, and Orange Nan, the fruit woman and bawd, neither of whom shows any particular deference. His own later visit in the persona of Mr Courtage to Lady Woodville’s house requires more formal manners but is still portrayed as part of a relaxed coming together of near equals, which is to say as a Town rather than a court occasion. Visits might often include the exchange and discussion of lampoons: one satirist, who will be quoted again, complains: A man can make no visitt now but his Caresse Is a Lewd satyr shewn which Pray sir Guess whose still [style] it is:11

At other times the Town gathered to fare la passegiata on foot in the Mall, to parade by coach in Hyde Park, to converse in the ordinaries and coffee houses that now proliferated, to shop in the New Exchange and the India houses, to visit dressmakers, tailors, wigmakers, booksellers, and portrait painters, and to see and be seen in the dress circle and pit of the theatres, especially Drury Lane. Southerne’s The Wives’ Excuse (1691) shows us the Town engaged in several of its social rituals. The play opens with a scene set in the antechamber to the concert room at York Buildings, in which footmen and pages gossip about the love affairs of their employers in a manner very similar to that of the lampoon writers. We are then taken inside the concert hall to see the Town engaged in two of its principal diversions, music and sexual intrigue. When the concertgoers emerge there is a busy interlude of calling for chairs and coaches and arranging meetings, an attempt to pass a billet-doux, and a stage-managed quarrel. Act II begins with a description of visits hosted by Mrs Witwoud, ‘an old blown-upon she-wit’: you’re never to be seen in your Lodging at any other time of the day; and then, too, as soon as you’re out a Bed a morning, you Summon a Congregation of your Fellows together, to hear you prate by the hour, ﬂatter every body in the Company, speak ill of every one that’s absent, and scatter about the scandal of that day.12 11 ‘ The Visitt’ (‘Pox on the rhyming fops that plague the town’), Lincolnshire Archives Ofﬁce, MS ANC 15/ B/4, p. 20. 12 The Works of Thomas Southerne, ed. Robert Jordan and Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1988), i. 289.

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In real life such meetings might also be research sessions for lampoons. iii. ii is a Mall scene. Group after group pass over the stage absorbed in the various concerns of the Town. Act IV shows us the closing stages of a fashionable dinner party during which the guests drink tea, intrigue, and settle to cards and a rafﬂe. Southerne mocks the endemic consumerism of the Town, when Mr Friendall launches into catalogues of his rare wines, snuffs, and teas. The last and grandest scene is a masquerade. Though the principal characters are all from the beau monde, they are not ostensibly connected with the court (Mr Friendall boasts of his inﬂuential friends in the City who are the source of his rare consumer goods). Their lives are wholly devoted to the pleasures of the Town and an unending round of sexual pursuit and resistance. What the play sets out to tell us is that this life is never simple to live and that dangers to status, reputation, and, for the few who possess it, integrity lurk everywhere. One of these dangers is poetical: after, as he imagines, being stood up at an assignation, Mr Friendall snarls, ‘There are Lampoons, Sir, I say no more; But I may do my self reason in one of ’em, and disappoint her yet of her disappointment.’13 While the inexperienced and the overconﬁdent lurch from disaster to disaster, those with more understanding are occupied with schemes either to ruin them entirely or to rescue them from the consequences of their folly. The only wisdom that matters is the wisdom of the Town, and even that is a dubious entity whose governing rules are never clear, though by the end of the play one of them—that ﬁdelity to an unfaithful spouse is ipso facto ridiculous—has at least been called into question. What is never questioned is that this new, pleasure-centred Town life is the best that can rationally be hoped for. Even those who despise it have no desire to escape from it. Insofar as the Town had a central meeting place for the assertion of its collective identity, it was the theatre. It is at the King’s House in Drury Lane that Wycherley’s Horner in The Country Wife must present himself to establish his new status of eunuch by surgery and to discover how he is to be treated by society at large. In i. i. 166–89 he interrogates his friends about the judgements which have been passed on him. In The Wives’ Excuse Mr Friendall chooses ‘the Sidebox, before the Ladies’ as the place where he is to receive a public apology for an affront.14 The Restoration comedy of manners is in a 13

v. iii. 138–9 (ibid., i. 335).

14

Ibid., i. 302.

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fundamental sense Town comedy, concerned with teaching practical lessons about how to distinguish between prudent and imprudent behaviour—lessons which had to be assimilated by new immigrants from the country if they were to enjoy the Town rather than being destroyed or corrupted by it. This holds particularly for ‘comedies of manners’ written for Drury Lane. Dorset Garden favoured a more populist style directed at its City audience; however, The Man of Mode was performed at Dorset Garden. Of the three plays just mentioned, The Wives’ Excuse contains ﬁfty occurences of the word ‘town’, The Country Wife sixty, and The Man of Mode a remarkable 115. The Country Wife deals explicitly with the collision of country spontaneity and Town dissimulation in its two models of naivety, the sophisticated but incorrigibly trusting Alithea and the ignorant but quick-to-learn Margery.15 Marriage was placed under particular stress as country husbands encountered the artful operators of the Town sex industry, with consequences described in the history of Corinna as narrated in Rochester’s ‘Artemiza to Chloe’, and wives found themselves subjected to the ﬂattering attentions of predatory Town rakes. Neither class of temptation had been prevalent in the shires. That marriage in its country conception had a hard time bearing up under this new liberty is the explicit theme not only of The Wives’ Excuse but of Southerne’s darker The Maid’s Last Prayer, Cibber’s Love’s Last Shift, Vanbrugh’s The Relapse, and Farquhar’s The Beaux’ Stratagem and The Recruiting Ofﬁcer. The governing assumption of the Town, as presented in these plays, is that regulated adultery was a satisfactory substitute for an unsatisfactory marriage (the lampoon being one of the modes of regulation), but some playwrights go further to suggest that an institution which in its country sense was essentially a contract between families needed to be revised to take account of individual needs for love and ﬁdelity.16 Congreve’s three mature comedies experiment warily with this possibility, but only Love for Love could be said to embrace it unreservedly. Here a male dupe of Town consumerism, having exhausted his money, ﬁnds he is still 15 For this aspect of the plays see my ‘Restoration and Early 18th-Century Drama’, in The Cambridge History of English Literature 1660–1780 (forthcoming). D’Urfey’s The Fool Turn’d Critic (1676) and Squire Oldsapp (1678) present a broader, farcial version of the theme of the Town tyro. 16 Historically these represent a development, charted by Laurence Stone in The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500–1800 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977), towards a new ‘companionate’ ideal of marriage.

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valued as a marriage partner because he is constitutionally generous. The other side of the coin is shown by the two marriages in The Way of the World, in one of which the partners agree to be ‘as well bred as if we were not marri’d at all’ while the other gives rise to the plaintive complaint ‘Why did you make me marry this Man?’ and the Machiavellian Town reply ‘To save that Idol Reputation. If the familiarities of our Loves had produc’d that Consequence, of which you were apprehensive, where could you have ﬁx’d a Father’s Name with Credit, but on a Husband?’17 The daily round of pleasures depicted in the comedies is also the topic of ‘The Town Life’, cited in Chapter 2. The male speaker has grown jaded with the ‘jilting town’, ﬁnding its beauties ‘artiﬁcial’ and its pleasures ‘but a short and giddy round’, and has retired to, of all places, the country.18 Nonetheless, he continues to relive its activities vividly in remembrance. Town ‘sparks’ begin their day by getting dressed ‘with much ado’ by noon. They then walk in the Mall in the hope of snaring some ‘ﬂutt’ring, gaudy butterﬂy’. Next comes dinner at Locket’s ordinary, where they take their ﬁll of gossip, and then the theatre, where neither the faces nor the performance—‘a tragic farce of Banks’—yield much enjoyment. Now comes a coach journey to Hyde Park, where the occupants take part in a ritual known as ‘side-glassing’ in which an exchange of ogles from vehicle to vehicle may provoke a pursuit of one by another. Another satirist gives us a gloss: In vain the Coachman turns about, And whips the dappl’d Greys; When the old Ogler looks out, We turn away our Face19

Since it is too early to drop in at court, the next activity is to ‘visit where the beaux in order come’. 17 iv. i. 209 and ii. i. 263–9, in The Complete Plays of William Congreve, ed. Herbert Davis (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1967), 450, 417. 18 Text in POASY, iv. 61–7. 19 ‘Advice to the Old Beaux’, The Poetical and Dramatic Works of Sir Charles Sedley, ed. V. de Sola Pinto (London: Constable, 1928), i. 35. Cf. also the speech of Laura in Crowne’s The English Frier (London, 1690), iii. ii. 32–7: ‘When I go to Hide Park, my motions seem to turn the world, for as I turn, all the coaches i’ the Circle turn to meet mine, the ladies to see my dresses, the men to see me. There do I ride i’ my shining chariot, like the moon on a bright cloud, while all the little beautys move round beneath me, like fairys’ (Comedies, 536).

74

The Town Lampoon Flatt’ring the present, the absent they abuse And vent their spleen and lies, pretending news; Why such a lady’s pale and would not dance, This to the country gone, and that to France, Who’s marri’d, shipp’d away, or miss’d at court; Others’ misfortunes thus afford them sport. A new song is produc’d, the author guess’d, The verses and the poet made a jest . . .

After a while the company turn to cards, upon which the ‘spark’, who has by now become an ‘I’, not wishing to ‘civilly sit still and see | The ladies pick my purse and laugh at me’, ﬁnally leaves for court, though this too is to prove a wasted journey as there is no company in the reformed drawing room of James II except ‘Mac’s and O’s’ in whose presence it is dangerous to speak. The poem concludes with a review of the various destinations of the night. His is his ‘peaceful home’; some ‘May have, but oft pretend, a close intrigue’; others head for the tavern, while the rest ‘Must see an easy mistress ere they sleep’. Although the poet sneers at this lifestyle, his progressive movement from the third to the ﬁrst person shows he is still in thrall to it. In his withdrawal to the country he is not only identifying himself as part of an emigration of inﬂuential Protestant gentry and aristocracy that was to prove politically fatal to the king, but temporarily reversing the migration that had created the Town in the ﬁrst place. Returned to the active leadership of their local communities, these families were soon involved in anti-centrist conspiracy. The lampooners also share comedy’s concern with the problematical state of marriage. Country notions of honour and ‘that Idol Reputation’ still needed to be sustained at least as a façade. Otherwise this new kind of urban society based on leisure, pleasure, and conspicuous consumption would inevitably succumb to its own excesses. Whether the perspective from which this critique was made was the libertine ethic of following nature, espoused in Rochester’s ‘Against Reason and Mankind’, or a more traditional moral rigourism, inherently suspicious of the body, its immediate function was that of pillorying those of either sex in the Town who were insufﬁciently attentive to the health of their reputations not to transgress discreetly. It is true that such attacks also served the contrary function of advertising the prevalence of the behaviour they castigated, but this was no surprise to a generation whose notion of social order was deeply inﬂuenced by Hobbes. The problem articulated

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by Hobbes and re-explored by Mandeville of how to construct a working society out of the materials of a human nature energized by desire for pleasure and power required the striking of a delicate balance between acceptance and inhibition that was best pursued through the vivid depiction of negative examples. There being no easy way of explaining what was right with the Town—an entity still imperfectly understood by those who composed it—there must be no mistake about what might go wrong. This was particularly so for the reason that the pursuit of pleasure easily became a distraction from the pursuit of power and necessary corrective reactions to that pursuit by its potential victims. Historical retrospect suggests that the circle of Town pleasures had until the date of the reverse migration described in ‘The Town Life’ exercised a politically anaesthetizing effect, and that Charles II may have been wiser than he is given credit for in encouraging members of the ruling class to come to Town, with one sex devoting its time to the pursuit of wine and drabs and the other to rataﬁa and sparks. With these demographical points in mind, we are able to reﬁne our distinction between court satires and Town satires. The central discriminant is that a Town satire is concerned with a new kind of identity and new patterns of behaviour which are associated with the life of urban pleasure as it was lived in the newly settled squares of the West End and with the hedonistic social round of the parks, the Mall, the coffee and chocolate houses, the ordinaries, visits, bookshops, and theatregoing. A further mark of a Town satire is a way of regarding the court as just another of the sideshows of the Town to be included in the regular round of its sights and pleasures but not conceded any overriding authority in questions of style, manners, or wit. To become besotted with the court was a kind of treason to the Town. Melantha in Dryden’s Marriage A-la-mode is characterized in i. i. 182 as ‘a Town-Lady, without any relation to the Court’ who nonetheless insists on being ‘seen there three or four times a day’. Her ideal life is described in ii. i. 73–5: ‘you shall be every day at the King’s Levé, and I at the Queen’s; and we will never meet, but in the Drawing-room’.20 At iii. i. 107 she asserts that ‘nothing can be so ridicule, as a meer Town-Lady’, without realizing that she is one herself. Doralice and Artemis, two of the princess’s maids of honour, gently convey this to her by ridiculing the behaviour of Town ladies 20

Works, xi. 244.

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who ‘crowd and sweat in the Drawing-room’ so that they can ‘write Letters into the Countrey’ about what they see. The passage cuts both ways: the courtier would presumably read it as an afﬁrmation of the exclusivity and cultural pre-eminence of the court while the Town viewer or reader would draw the very different message that the court was never to be taken at its own exaggerated valuation. Melantha’s fault in this larger view would be to have neglected the greater good of belonging to the Town for the lesser one of nourishing an obsession with the court. Harcourt’s ridiculing of Sparkish in The Country Wife for his ‘attendance at the King’s Meals’ asserts a robust Town perspective on the court, while Sparkish’s reply that he goes to court merely to pursue his ‘interest’ concedes the point without argument.21 As the Town gathered conﬁdence in its own centrality to the life of the nation the court slowly dwindled to a marginal club for ‘Mac’s and O’s’ and after them for Dutchmen. This point is further made in a body of Town lampoons whose aim is simply to denigrate the court as an institution. How this might be done had been shown by the court lampooners themselves in satires intended for internal court consumption which were very differently read when they circulated outside the court.‘Rochester’s Farewell’ opens with a Jeremiad against the court on the grounds of its vice and hypocrisy: Tir’d with the noisome follies of the age, And weary of my part, I quit the stage; For who in life’s dull farce a part would bear Where rogues, whores, bawds all the chief actors are? Long I with charitable malice strove, Lashing the Court these vermin to remove; But thriving vice under the rod still grew, As aged lechers, whipp’d, their lust renew. Yet though my life has unsuccessful been (For who can this Augean stable clean?) My gen’rous end I’ll still pursue in death, And at mankind rail with my parting breath.22

Nothing in this satire quite lives up to its induction; but to classify it as a court lampoon would be misleading. Although its author clearly possessed an insider’s knowledge of the court, the assault is directed from the hostile perspective of the Town. 21 iii. ii. 133–6, in The Plays of William Wycherley, ed. Arthur Friedman (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 291. 22 POASY, ii. 218–19.

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A widely copied satire of 1681, ‘The Quarrel between Frank and Nan’ (‘Nan and Frank two quondam friends’) is useful evidence for the dismissive, even patronizing, way in which the court might be viewed from a Town perspective.23 The subject was an altercation which had taken place between a court functionary, Francis, Lord Newport, and a well-known Town identity, Nan Capell, who as well as holding the concession for the sale of oranges in the theatres was also a bawd. She was the original of the Orange Nan who makes an appearance in Act I of The Man of Mode. What actually happened on this occasion is undiscoverable. Possibly Nan had asked the notoriously mean Newport for what was owed to whores provided for him by her and been peremptorily reminded that the court was a sanctuary zone in which dunning was not permitted. Whatever the case, words were exchanged and Newport is reported as having broken his white staff of ofﬁce over Nan and then used his authority to have her committed to the Gatehouse and whipped. Newport, as ﬁrst Comptroller and then Treasurer of the Household, was a ﬁgure of fun even at court, as in ‘An Heroic Poem’, ll. 65–6: At thee, old Newport, who can choose but laugh. With thy white wig, white gloves, and thy white staff?24

He was also a Whig which made him doubly unpopular in an increasingly Tory court.25 In the poem the quarrel becomes a Hudibrastic narrative in which Newport at ﬁrst welcomes Nan, thinking she is going to provide him with a whore, and then reacts adversely when she professes her own desire for him. Nan is presented in ﬁne mock-heroic style: Majestic wrinkles deck her brow, And goodly glaring eyes below, That still with maudlin kindness shine, The soft effects of brandywine. Rich carbuncles adorn her nose, The envy of her sober foes; And from her lips discourses fall That make her welcome at Whitehall.26 24 Text ibid. 235–41. CSR, 70. The style of the piece is suggestive of Etherege’s later verse letters to Middleton, though Dryden in his reply written on Middleton’s behalf showed that he was capable of the same manner. 26 POASY, ii. 239. 23 25

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However, Newport’s hostile reaction provokes her to an act of what can only be described as lingual rape: Quoth Frank in rage, ‘Avaunt, you bitch! Have I for this through all my life Kept civil distance with my wife? Studi’d ﬁne speeches from romances, And in my age led country dances? Do I for this e’en at this hour Cheat ev’ry creature in my pow’r; Gripe the poor the utmost farthing To keep my credit up at carding? Do I for this affect a grace And paint my old John-apple-face, Only to have a bawd adore me? No I’ll have virgins fall before me.’ ‘Virgins!’ quoth Nan, and then she hung A tongue out full two handfuls long, And with desire or malice stung, Lick’d o’er the thickest painted place, And spoil’d entirely that day’s face.27

‘Virgins’ should clearly be uttered with the same cantar di sbalzo employed by Lady Bracknells of all stages in intoning ‘A handbag?’ This is comic verse of high competence, which while statedly written in tribute to the recently deceased Samuel Butler, is as self-consciously ‘polite’ as Hudibras is abrasively Rabelaisian. Rather than being a send-up of a single, unpopular court ﬁgure for a readership of courtiers, this is a polished piece of Covent Garden verse written for a coffee house readership in which it is the court itself that is ridiculed through the gross affront offered by the Town intruder. Other lampoons only treat the court brieﬂy and dismissively before moving on to more interesting topics. ‘A Ballad to the Tune of Cheviot Chace’ (‘Come all ye youths that yet are free’, 1682) issues warnings to those contemplating marriage about a string of potential ‘London wives’, the ﬁrst part covering single women and the second part widows. The court is brought in stanza 6 of the ﬁrst part: Hyde’s not yet tapped, but bred at Court, And all within those doors, Where none but knaves and bawds resort, Or are, or will be, whores.28 27

POASY, 240.

28

Wilson, CSR, 103.

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After a couple more court examples, the satirist returns to the wider sphere of the Town. Or consider ‘Quem Natura Negat’ (‘I who from drinking ne’er could spare an hour’): But must I ﬁnd Patch’d up at every Wall Stuff none can bear, who starves not at Whitehall?29

The manner of these pieces is often closely modelled on that of the court lampoons, and leading courtiers take their place among the victims, but their concern is with the beau monde in general, not the court in particular.

sat y rs o n t h e p o e t s The inﬂuence of the court was also contested in a tradition of lampoons reviewing the agents through whom the Town digested and communicated its identity: theatre personnel, professional authors, and the transmitters and (generally) amateur writers of lampoons themselves. Theatre performers are attacked in the scabrous ‘Satyr on the Players’ (‘The censuring world perhaps may not esteem’) and Robert Gould’s ‘The Play-House’.30 ‘Of Three Late Marriages’ (‘Three nymphs as chaste as ever Venus bred’), which Wilson dates to the summer of 1682, includes violent abuse of the performers Elizabeth Barry and Charlotte Butler; Barry is also assailed in the vilest terms in ‘Satire on Benting’ (‘Long had my pen lain dull and useless by’, 1688/9).31 Satires on writers belong to a tradition established long before the civil wars and which rapidly reasserted itself after. They may be read productively as tracing a struggle on the part of the Town professionals to escape the dominance of court amateurs, a number of whom were also patrons. This history ran parallel to that already considered of the Town’s search for alternatives to court models of sociability. In the early Restoration years court patronage was the logical avenue to preferment. The elderly Duke of Newcastle, a patron in the last reign of Jonson, Shirley, and D’Avenant, reinstated himself at the Restoration as a kind of unofﬁcial minister for culture, assisting the careers of BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 114v. ‘ The Play-House. A Satyr’ in Poems Chieﬂy Consisting of Satyrs and Satyrical Epistles (London, 1689), 161–95. 31 CSR, 76–80, 217–25. 29 30

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Shadwell, Flecknoe, and for a time Dryden. Dryden’s MacFlecknoe has the duke’s circle as one of its covert targets.32 The duke and his these days much better known duchess were both themselves voluminous writers. Newcastle, however, was an old man and his mantle was soon allowed to pass to the partnership of his former pupil, Buckingham, and Buckhurst, later sixth Earl of Dorset. With this inheritance went a connection with the ‘Tribe of Ben’, of which Newcastle had been a member and which Dorset was to emulate in meetings at the Poets’ Parlour at Knole. The perpetuation of Jonsonian principles was part of the artistic programme of the group, which encouraged Shadwell’s attempt to revive a form of Jonsonian comedy and in 1669 supported a revival of Jonson’s rarely performed Catiline. Buckingham was a friend of writers, including Cowley, Sprat, Martin Clifford, Samuel Butler, and Waller, and, from his own court faction, Rochester, Sedley, and Dorset; but was less reliable in his bounty and assiduousness than Dorset, who deserved the compliment often bestowed on him as the Maecenas of the age.33 Rochester’s glamour and brilliance as a poet led many writers to seek him as a patron but he was never rich enough to support them properly and proved even more capricious in his favours than Buckingham. The progress of the campaign to impose court discipline on the unruly tribe of professionals can be demonstrated from satires of 1668 and 1676 which use the ‘Sessions of Poets’ format borrowed from Suckling’s Caroline satire. The earlier of the two (‘Apollo, concerned to see the transgressions’)34 adopts a genially erudite tone that suggests a poet of an older generation, albeit one with much inside knowledge of the playhouses. The declared occasion of the sessions is to punish ‘the abuses of wit’. Virtually all active poets of the time are included in the roll-call, with no particular deference exhibited towards the courtiers. In the outcome the laurel is given to two actors, Lacy and Harris, on the grounds that ‘they alone made the plays go off ’.35 By contrast, the 1676 poem (‘Since the sons of the muses grew numerous and loud’) has a clear court perspective and distinguishes sharply between the gentlemen poets, Etherege and 32 For this connection see my ‘Shadwell, Flecknoe and the Duke of Newcastle: An Impetus to MacFlecknoe’, Papers on Language and Literature, 21 (1985), 19–27. 33 Brice Harris, Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, Patron and Poet of the Restoration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1940), esp. 173–214. 34 POASY, i. 327–37. 35 Both actors had some standing as writers, with Lacy associated with the widely circulated lampoon ‘Preserved by wonder in the oak O Charles’ (ibid. 425–8).

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Wycherley, and the mere traders, the intervening years having seen a consolidation of the latter category, and the withdrawal from the craft of the older amateurs of the Cavalier generation.36 In this case the imaginary meeting has been called to establish a ‘government, leader and laws’ of the writing community. Dryden is treated with consideration but hardly respect: in any case it is assumed, incorrectly, that he was on the verge of abandoning the Town for the Church. Shadwell is represented as a buffoon and Lee as a drunk. Settle is dismissed as a ‘great boy’. Otway is abused as the ‘scum of a playhouse’. Crowne is branded with dullness. Behn is chided for being too old to secure conquests with her ‘black ace’. Once more, an actor, this time Betterton, is declared the winner, the ground being that ‘he had writ plays, yet ne’er came in print’. This last detail reﬂects the court wits’ preference for the more prestigious scribal circulation. In allusion to a recent print controversy, Settle brings with him ‘an Ibrahim with the preface torn out’, while Crowne is arraigned ‘for writing romances and shiting of plays’. Betterton does indeed rule the stage but authority over the realm of letters is clearly left with the court. A later poem linked to the ‘Sessions’ tradition, ‘Advice to Apollo’ (‘I’ve heard the muses were still soft and kind’, 1677), frames itself as a defence of true poetry against the rising vogue of lampoon satire.37 Dryden is once again treated with some measure of consideration, Dorset and Rochester are praised, and Rochester’s enemies Scroope and Mulgrave are severely criticized. The poem concludes with a curt dismissal of ‘saucy Sheppard, with the affected train | Who satires write, yet scarce can spell their name’. This satire seems to come from an admirer of the Whig court wits rather than from within the group itself, of which Sheppard was a core member. No professionals apart from Dryden are mentioned. The attempt to assert court hegemony through satire as well as patronage had begun circa 1670 with a series of mock-commendatory verses directed at Edward Howard’s narrative poem The British Prince and his comedy The New Utopia.38 One of these poems, Dorset’s ‘Come on ye critics! Find one fault who dare’, survives in numerous manuscript and printed sources. Howard stood in this instance as a surrogate not for the professional poets (he was the ﬁfth son of the Earl of Berkshire) but for the older group of Cavalier 37 Text ibid. 352–6. Ibid. 392–5. Complete series in Bodleian MS Eng. poet. e 4, pp. 188–99; see also POASY, i. 338–41. 36 38

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poets, who were assailed as part of the generational antagonism described in Chapter 2. At a later date, relations between the Buckingham circle and the Howard family, most of whom were Catholics, were further worsened by religious difference; however, Edward Howard and his brother Sir Robert were Protestants, and Sir Robert became a close political ally of Buckingham. Dryden was married to their sister. In Rochester’s ‘An Allusion to Horace’ (1675) the main weight of the attack falls on Dryden but lesser lashings are meted out to Lee and Otway, while Shadwell and the court poets of the Buckingham faction are solemnly commended. Dryden replied on behalf of the professionals in the preface to All for Love (1678). The contestation of court and Town within the sphere of letters reveals itself with particular clarity through the career of Dryden. In the 1660s he was an assiduous seeker after court preferment, obtaining a marginal household position when in 1668 he succeeded D’Avenant as poet laureate. During these years he actively supported the view of the court as the fountainhead of national values, whether expressed as gallantry in war by the Duke of York or elegance in impromptu conversation by Dorset and Rochester. In the dedication to Marriage Ala-mode, he addresses Rochester in very different terms from those used in the preface to All for Love: ‘Wit seems to have lodg’d it self more Nobly in this Age, than in any of the former: and people of my mean condition, are onely Writers, because some of the nobility, and your Lordship in the ﬁrst place, are above the narrow praises which Poesie could give you.’39 Responding to Rochester’s letter of thanks for the dedication he added: ‘I ﬁnd it is not for me to contend any way with your Lordship, who can write better on the meanest Subject than I can on the best.’40 In Dorset’s case, he was prepared to supplement praise with the more practical help of pimping.41 But there was always a tension in these relationships, arising on Dryden’s side from his consciousness of superior talent and the attendant realization that it was only regular professional work, not aristocratic amateurism, that would permit talent to be honed and extended. His real opinion is hinted at in a note to his translation of the ﬁrst satire of Persius (1693) in which he refers to ‘the Noblemen and their abominable Poetry, Works, xi. 223. The Letters of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, ed. Jeremy Treglown (Oxford: Blackwell, 1980), 87. 41 See The Letters of John Dryden: with Letters Addressed to him, ed. Charles E. Ward (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1942), 13. 39 40

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who in the Luxury of their Fortune, set up for Wits, and Judges’.42 On the courtiers’ side we ﬁnd contempt for the ‘saturnine’ Dryden’s backwardness in their own highly prized art of witty, impromptu conversation, which for them was also a standard for measuring the excellence of writing.43 Already in Of Dramatick Poesie (1668) Dryden had boldly placed himself in dialogue with Dorset and Sedley over fundamental questions of literary value. There was also the question of political allegiance, with Dryden aligned with the Yorkist faction at court and most of the poetical court wits following Buckingham. Satire, including Buckingham’s The Rehearsal (1672) and Rochester’s ‘An Allusion to Horace’, were one means used to keep the laureate in his place. In print, the debate was carried on in a series of prefaces by Shadwell, which were replied to in kind by Dryden. This particular contest climaxed in the sublime character assassination of MacFlecknoe, written as a challenge to the hegemony of the wits of the Buckingham faction, who had supported Shadwell throughout his career, but also a pointed demonstration that Dryden could write clandestine satire even more brilliantly than they did. By this time Dryden had entered into league with John Shefﬁeld, Earl of Mulgrave in the writing of at least one additional lampoon, the notorious ‘An Essay upon Satyr’, and in the recruitment of a group of mostly professional Tory and Yorkist poets to oppose the Whigs of the Buckingham faction. The ‘Essay’, while concentrating its ﬁre on the Whig wits, did not spare ‘saunt’ring Charles, between his beastly brace’ of Portsmouth and Nelly.44 Representing itself as a critique of lampoon culture, which it dismisses as ‘the loose-writ libels of the age’ (l. 37), it is actually a continuation, masking its actual court factionalism behind a veneer of Town disinterestedness. In acknowledging the failure of a series of ‘loyal libels’ (l. 68) to inform Charles of the true state of affairs at court, it also tacitly concedes that effective court satire could only be written from the external perspective of the Town, and with the assistance of a Town professional. The subsequent history of this conﬂict between Yorkist and Whig poetical factions belongs to the history of state rather than Town satire and will be dealt with under that heading: its signiﬁcance for the present Works, iv. 257. On this issue see my ‘Shadwell, Rochester and the Crisis of Amateurism’, in Judith Slagle (ed.), Thomas Shadwell Reconsider’d, published as Restoration, 20 (1996), 119–34. 44 POASY, i. 396–413 (l. 65). 42 43

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discussion is that it marks one in a series of stages in which authority over polite letters moved from the Great Withdrawing Room at Whitehall to the professionals’ meeting place in the upper room of Will’s coffee house in Covent Garden in the heart of the Town. This change also brought a supplementation of the older style of ‘plain natural chit-chat’ to include a proto-Augustan neoclassicism of the kind illustrated in Chapter 2.45 Classicizing lampoons begin to appear from the late 1670s onward, competing for space in the scribal anthologies with the more colloquial kind of couplet and stanzaic lampoons. Scroope’s ‘In Defence of Satyr’ (‘When Shakespeare, Jonson, Fletcher ruled the stage’, 1677), ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ (1680), ‘Barabara Piramidum Sileat Miracula Memphis’ (‘Of all the wonders since the world began’; 1680?), and ‘An Heroic Poem’ (1681) are all distinguished by learned allusions, antithetical wit of the Popean kind, and self-conscious use of rhetorical ﬁgures.46 The second of these learnedly compares Mulgrave’s being awarded the Garter with the contention between Ajax and Odysseus for the shield of Achilles: Ulisses with stout Ajax did contend And by his crafty cunning gain’d his end Yet ’twas thought strange that in the bloody Field He shou’d obtain the fam’d Achilles shield But here’s the prize of honour stole away By one who yet ne’re saw a scarlett day But represented in some Tragick Play.47

The readership that would be swayed by the aptness of this allusion was that of the literary coffee house not the presence chamber. The authority claimed by these neoclassical lampoons rests on an urban naturalization of erudite culture, begun in France, whose arrival in England was revealed by a spate of translations and imitations of Boileau.48 Although Rochester was responsible for some inﬂuential experiments with the classicizing style, it had little vogue at court, nor did the new Town preoccupation with smooth numbers hold 45 Lamb’s description in ‘The Genteel Style in Writing’ of Temple’s prose (Last Essays of Elia, in The Works of Charles Lamb, ed. Thomas Hutchinson (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1940), 719). 46 Among the allusions, Scroope’s ﬁrst line is adapted from the third of Suckling’s prologue to The Goblins. 47 BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 20r. 48 By Rochester, Oldham, and Crowne among others.

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much attraction for him.49 For the professionals, on the other hand, the couplet lampoon offered a natural avenue for applying the lessons learned from their other classicizing experiments, the Town prologue and epilogue and the heroic play. Dryden’s growing concern with translations from Latin and Greek and his enrolment of younger writers in these projects actively furthered this stylistic tendency. The new Horatian elegance he had given to the art of the prologue was soon extended to the lampoon. Prologues and epilogues, regularly delivered at the Town’s key point of assembly and usually heard with attention, even if the intervening play was not, were the professionals’ main means of reply to their court censurers. Courtiers might also write such pieces but had in such cases to accommodate themselves to the expectations of the Town. Only in the very specialized body of ‘stage orations’ written for the court’s own theatre in Cardinal Wolsey’s old hall at the palace or for royal appearances in state in the commercial theatres could they freely assert court values. Vital texts for any study of the evolution of a distinctive Town identity, stage orations also contain some of the ﬁnest satire of the time; however, they are not included among the subjects of this book because they were the reverse of clandestine, being publicly performed and nearly always printed. While often taken up with presenting the Town with unﬂattering images of its bad behaviour, they also contain many pleas for the rights of dramatists to be assessed fairly and respectfully by the Town audience as a whole, rather than being judged by the prejudiced representatives of the court. An epilogue of 1673 sets its scene in a coffee house: Lord how they wait a Wit that’s fam’d in Town! He lookes about him with a scornful frown, Then picks his Favourite out and sits him down. Take me how is’t? Have you seen our new Play? Yes faith; and how? a half Crown thrown away, Pox on’t he cries, I Droll’d and Slept it out; ’Twas some Raw Fop: Then proudly stares about; Then shrugs and whispers, laughs, then swears aloud. The whilst there’s silence kept by all the Croud. At length he nods and cocks, is heard to say, D—— me ’tis true, and thus he damns the Play, Rises, lookes big and combs, then goes his Way. 49 See in this connection Dryden’s damning critique of the ‘Allusion to Horace’ in the preface to All for Love.

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Date and context both suggest that this is a courtier throwing around his literary weight rather than an overweening professional (who would not have had to pay for his ticket). The exhortation to the Town audience is prefaced by the assurance ‘Come, we’re amongst our selves’. Its message is one of revolt: the audience is told that By such like Arts they rule the stage and you, And what was Favour ﬁrst, now claim as due.

In a re-enactment of the Restoration the Town should free itself ‘from these usurpers Tyranny’.50 The evident uncertainty of the Town audience over its capacity to judge plays, and deference to those who appeared to know, is reﬂected in a parallel deference which allowed poets to be censurers of personal behaviour through the medium of the lampoon. The only difﬁculty concerned which group of poets were to undertake this responsibility. In the end both the professionals and the courtiers were displaced by a body of self-elected poetical vigilantes who will be introduced in a subsequent chapter. The qualiﬁcations for entering this group were amateur status, some degree of recognition as a writer, and profound knowledge of the Town and its secrets, with the last the most important. It was also necessary that the lampooner knew how to get his or her work into circulation through networks that were increasingly dominated by commercial copyists. This will also be considered.

t h e s o c i a l a i m s o f T ow n l a m p o o n i n g While important for matters of deﬁnition, Town lampoons concerned with denigrating the court or standing up for professionals against court amateurs are not the most characteristic of the genre as a whole. The Town lampooners’ main concern was with the Town’s own and, like the court satirists, they quickly built up a gallery of iconic targets and an armoury of stock accusations. But the ﬁeld available to them was a much larger and continually growing one, with the consequence that the Town lampoon is often much longer than its 50 Joseph Arrowsmith, The Reformation (London, 1673), 80. See also Pierre Danchin (ed.), The Prologues and Epilogues of the Restoration 1660–1700, 7 vols. (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1981–8), i/2. 535–7.

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court counterpart. The stanzaic lampoon written to a familiar ballad tune was particularly well adapted to rattling through a long list of targets, linked only by their common membership of the Town. Take for example ‘The Lovers’ Session’ (‘A session of lovers was held t’other day’), dated by Wilson to June 1687, and therefore close to the high tide of the Town lampoon.51 Following the by now familiar conventions of sessions satire, it introduces a series of pretenders to a prize, to be awarded in this case by Venus to the one ‘who did least deserve’. Anticipating Dunciad IV, it brings in its pretenders ﬁrst in tribes (‘fools of the ﬂute and fools of the pen’, ‘sour fanatics’, ‘Cits apeing Court fops’, and so on), then as groups of named victims four or more to a stanza, and ﬁnally as individuals deserving a more extended treatment, the ﬁrst part of which, in each case, is their personal plea, and the second the judgement of Venus. Eighty-three four-line stanzas (probably meant to be sung two at a time to ‘Packington’s Pound’) are expended before the prize, in the person of ‘young Luck’ is awarded to a rich old lawyer. The judicial framing is mirrored in the social authority claimed for the satirist’s carefully articulated verdicts. This is no irresponsible railer but an aroused social critic who assumes that right-thinking members of the Town will concur with his evaluations. Its success led irresistibly to the writing of a parallel satire on the women, ‘The Session of Ladies’ (‘A session of ladies was held on the stage’), dated by Wilson to April 1688.52 This presents a group of Town ladies competing for the actor Carlell Goodman, who is the prize in a competition awarded this time by Cupid. As before, the early stanzas introduce groups of women, ﬁrst generally There were monkeys in top-knots and owls in settee, High jilts in sultana and bulkers in crepe, Who ﬂocked from each quarter Adonis to see, Admiring his beauty, his person and shape. (ll. 25–8)

and then more particularly There was pockey lewd Hinton and Howard’s pert Mall, With Grafton’s chaste widow of Worcester Park, Fantastical Brandon and her sister Doll, Who had many a bout with his grace in the dark. (ll. 29–32)

Each of these brief accusations rests on an item of gossip decipherable from other lampoons. As the poem proceeds its subjects acquire 51

Text and annotations in CSR, 175–98.

52

CSR, 204–16.

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whole stanzas to themselves in which they make their claim for the prize and are answered antiphonally by Cupid. Chaste Norfolk the ﬁrst was that put in her claim, A privilege due to her person and place. The court had respect to her title and name, And was at the point to comply with her grace. But Cupid, recalling the German to mind, Said ’twas pity Adonis should e’er be her prize, Whose lust the Town stallions, though never so kind, And all the whole family could not sufﬁce. (ll. 53–60)

The casual reference to ‘the German’ (the duchess’s lover, and later, after one of the rare divorces of the period, her husband, John Germaine) and the veiled reference of the last line indicate that this is a poem for readers and hearers who were already familiar with current gossip. The tone of the piece is more lubricious and its language more obscene than its predecessor. The sense of considered reproofs delivered to deserving targets is replaced by one of gratuitious libertine malice. Where the men have been abused as fools and cullies the women are without exception arraigned as whores. It would be nice to be able to excuse this as the effect of a subtle shift in genre, but the real reason is the engrained misogyny of the Town lampoon. Where the poem directed at the males points through its bad examples at a reform of manners, that against the females presupposes an endemic and therefore unreformable devotion of the whole sex to lust. Such incessant character assassinations of the ruling elite have generally been received with either embarrassment or distaste: the dispassionate attention given by Wilson and the Yale POAS editors has had no sequel prior to the present study. Literary qualities, which might have been respected if they had been exercised in texts defending the powerless against the strong, become devalued when it is a question of members of the leisured classes bickering with each other or blatant viliﬁcation of the defenceless. Town satire was often factional in the same way that court satire was, and, as the century progressed, increasingly politicized; yet court factions were at least concerned with issues of real signiﬁcance for the nation. This can hardly be claimed for poems attacking actresses, self-opiniated poets, syphilitic rakes, cuckold husbands, or barely distinguishable Town beauties, even if we were to assume, uncharitably, that many victims were only marginally better than they were painted. Since it

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is undeniable that much of this material is the undissimulated product of spite, lubricity, misogyny, and other unadmirable aspects of human nature, it is a genuine issue why it should be looked at in any other light than the pathological. This point of view was frequently expressed in the satirists’ own time, as in ‘The Visitt’: The Ta[vern] was the next reso[r]t, where I Quite weary of there Tipling company went home a Cursing of this wretched age That Couples each old Lady with her Page And whores the Chastest virgin with her dog And Calls the best of Kings a senceless Log.53

The author of ‘Quem Natura Negat’ (‘I who from drinking ne’er could spare an hour’) regards men as fair game but bridles at the incessant attacks on women: Just now, methinks, I hear some Critick Wit, Censure aloud, all I’ve already writ: Dam me says he what does this Blockhead mean? The Women’s faults become a Satyr’s Pen. But I, who all the charming Sex adore, And daily their Compassion must implore, For Panegerick keep their sacred Names. Libel attend all those who wrong their Fames.54

Nobody, as we will see again in Chapter 5, has a good word for lampooners. The most common defence against these charges was the corrective one. The lampooners themselves frequently make the familiar neoclassical point that these poems, malicious and unfair as they frequently were, provided an effective kind of social regulation in a society in which, for what seemed good reasons at the time, older forms of regulation had become ineffective. Consider the following from ‘Ignis Ignibus Extinguitur’ (‘But why this fury all that e’er was writ’): These from the many, and the chosen few My Indignation has expos’d to view, As Beacons to the rest, who now I’ll spare, In hopes they’l mend by what I’ve Blazon’d here For oft I’ve seen (not quell’d by other force) Houses blown up have stopt a Fire’s Course.55 53 54

Lincolnshire Archives Ofﬁce MS ANC 15/ B/4, p. 20. 55 BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 119r. Ibid., fo. 114v.

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In this view, which invokes attempts to halt the Great Fire of 1666, the lampoon was a means by which the Town dealt with nuisancemakers. Another lampooner uses the country metaphor of hanging up the bodies of predators: Mark a bold leading Coxcomb of the Town, And single out the Beast and hunt him down; Hang up his mangl’d Carcass on the Stage, To fright away the Vermin of the Age.56

A moderate ‘neoclassical’ version of the same case was argued by Carr Scroope in ‘In Defence of Satyr’: And (without doubt) though some it may offend, Nothing helps more than Satyr, to amend Ill Manners, or is trulier Virtues Friend. Princes, may Laws ordain, Priests gravely Preach, But Poets, most successfully will teach.57

and by Rochester in his conversations with Burnet: He would often go into the Country, and be for some months wholly employed in Study, or the Sallies of his Wit: Which he came to direct chieﬂy to Satyre. And this he often defended to me, by saying there were some people that could not be kept in Order, or admonished but in this way.58

To Burnet’s advocacy of a ‘grave way of Satyre’ that spared personalities and did not make untrue accusations, Rochester replied that ‘A man could not write with life, unless he were heated by Revenge’ and that to do otherwise would be ‘as if a man would in cold blood, cut mens throats who had never offended him’ (p. 26), thus defending not only the lampoon but its undisguised personal malice towards its victims as a case of private vices producing public beneﬁts. So far this is no more than a commonplace: satire makes vice ridiculous and ugly and therefore those who would otherwise have become vicious are deterred. No one would doubt that this occasionally happened, even with lampoons. But when this question is rephrased in terms of the particular needs and interests of the Town it becomes a much more interesting one. Here satire becomes part of ‘Prologue’ [by Edmund Ashton], POAS (1702–7), i. 2215. Rochester, Works, 103. 58 Gilbert Burnet, Some Passages of the Life and Death of John, Earl of Rochester, in V. de Sola Pinto (ed.), English Biography in the Seventeenth Century (London: Harrap, 1951), 105–6. 56 57

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the creation of a new kind of urban civility in which the companionship of the visit would replace the stilted deference of the levee, and in which the polished cit would sit down at the same coffee house table as the intelligent squire and the complaisant lord—a civility which was to ﬁnd its realization in the social world of the Scriblerians and in Augustan epistolary culture as it has been charted by William C. Dowling.59 An attack on the misdoings of those in high places was also one on the way in which the assertion of rank distorted sociability. Dignity was ruthlessly stripped from those who claimed high birth as a means of enforcing deference, something especially evident in the lampooners’ depictions of John Shefﬁeld, Earl of Mulgrave.60 From this perspective, the lampoon can be seen as a necessary instrument for the regulation of the Town as a functioning society organized around the sociable pursuit of pleasure. Once it became a settled society with thoroughly internalized rules and conventions such means would no longer be necessary, but during the stage of construction a kind of rough, vigilante justice was in order. Satire of this kind arises not from the invocation of a more admirable past, like that of Juvenal’s unkempt Roman wife and acorn-belching husband, but from an engagement with a world whose values were still contested and provisional and which required simple rules of thumb while it worked out better ones. The ‘soft Hobbesian’ vision of the human being as a pleasure-seeking animal is accepted by the lampooners even in their castigations of the results of taking that pursuit to an extreme. When individuals are presented as monsters of greed and lust it is not in order to reject the pleasure principle but from impatience (mixed at times with an imperfectly concealed envy) at those who were unable to enjoy their pleasures temperately. The Town lampoon’s visions of ‘normality’ are themselves hedonistic. ‘I who from drinking ne’er could spare an hour | But what I gave to some obedient whore’ begins the author of ‘Quem Natura Negat’, conﬁdent of our approving of his savoir vivre.61 It might as well be Oldham’s claret drinker speaking or Johnson from The Rehearsal, 59 The Epistolary Moment: The Poetics of the Eighteenth-Century Verse Epistle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). 60 Attacked by Rochester on these grounds in a series of satires (Works, 92–101). Similar accusations too numerous to specify may be located from the indexes to CSR and all seven volumes (a record?) of POASY. 61 BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 114r.

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another Town gentleman held up as the epitome of sound, commonsense, male judgement: Smi. Well; but how dost thou pass thy time? Johns. Why, as I use to do; eat and drink as well as I can, have a she-friend to be private with in the afternoon, and sometimes see a Play:62

In reducing all things to appetite, and making the rational satisfaction of appetite the measure of a worthwhile existence, the lampoon acknowledges desire and acquisitiveness as the two great motive forces of society. It is suspicious, needless to say, of inordinate moneygrubbing, as practised by the despised cits, but not because this is an irrational activity considered in terms of its goals, merely because it is one that is more agreeably accomplished through the pursuit of heiresses than by labouring behind a counter or trading to the Indies. The claret and the convenient whore, the coffee, the chocolate, the silks, the perfumes, and the Turkey leather of the coach lining were all brought to the speaker by the mighty engine of trade. The Town, rightly seen, was a machine for turning cash into pleasure in order to ﬁnance further investment in the raw materials of pleasure. The lampooners, if we are to judge from their real-life ﬁnancial problems and incessant fortune-hunting, were perfectly aware of this. Yet the enjoyment of pleasure, as the case of Rochester shows, was not a simple matter for a generation still coming to terms with the risks and possibilities of leisured urban living. Mrs Friendall in The Wives’ Excuse defends her husband’s masquerade as an ‘innocent diversion’ only to be reminded that it is equally an institution for ‘bringing the young Wenches into the Mystery of Matrimony before their time’.63 The possibilities for innocent diversion offered by the Town existed side by side with others which were destructive, even fatal both to individuals and to the extended families out of whom the Restoration oligarchy was interwoven. Rochester’s ‘Artemiza to Chloe’ presents a potent fable of this double-sidedness. The squire come to Town is deceived by the whore Corinna’s affectation of railing at the pursuit of pleasure into putting his life and property into her hands, with the result that the life is snuffed out and the property removed from the possession of his ancient family. The story is told 62 The Rehearsal (London, 1672), 2; John Oldham, ‘The Careless Good Fellow’ (‘A pox of this fooling and plotting of late’), The Poems of John Oldham, ed. Harold F. Brooks and Raman Selden (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 237–8. 63 v. iii. 192–206 (Southerne, Works, i. 336).

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equably enough: neither the ﬁne lady who narrates it nor Artemiza who recounts the narration expresses any feeling that this is an unusual or particularly outrageous outcome. Corinna is doing no more than take back what the Town has taken from her as a failed professional from the sex industry, while the squire, presented as overtrusting rather than stupid, suffers for not having sufﬁciently mastered the Town’s codes of dissimulation. Artemiza deplores the way in which the Town has made love an ‘arrant trade’ and lovers are chosen for status rather than affection, but will not be off to join Chloe in the country. Knowing the ways of the Town and having mastered its necessary lessons she seeks no other existence. Rochester, if we can trust Burnet, probably wrote in the country, but his soul had never departed from the Town and ‘Artemiza to Chloe’ is written in an attempt to deﬁne the special kind of prudence required for its opportunities to be enjoyed to the full. The lampoon’s near monopoly of privileged information about the private lives of leading ﬁgures of the Town also made it inﬂuential in the establishment of celebrity status. The Town needed a hierarchy of its own to balance the established hierarchies of the state and court. Status in this conception arose from being talked about. To be assailed in a lampoon conﬁrmed that one was a recognized object of public envy. In Thomas Baker’s Tunbridge-Walks (1703) we are told that ‘Sparks’ held that ‘Raillery from a Lady’ was ‘as great a mark of Esteem as they think a Lampoon is of being considerable enough to be taken notice of’.64 Mirabell in The Way of the World pursues his sham addresses to Lady Wishfort ‘by having a Friend to put her into a Lampoon, and complement her with the Imputation of an Affair with a young Fellow’.65 One of the Tunbridge lampoons (‘Since I came last I’ve seen a lampoon here’) represents the ladies of the place as avid readers of scandal written about themselves.66 By contrast, not to be mentioned in a lampoon might be regarded as a sign one was not an object of attention. In Lansdowne’s The SheGallants (1696) Lady Dorimen speaks of ‘certain Ladies, who think themselves neglected to be left out of a Lampoon; and are proud to have their Names publish’d, and to be known, and enquir’d after by the whole Town’.67 Prudence, in Betterton’s The Amorous Widow, laments the fate of ‘a young Lady that pin’d to a Consumption, 64 66

65 (London, 1709), 2–3. i. i. 71–3 (Congreve, Complete Plays, 397). 67 Further quoted at pp. 209–12, 295. (London, 1696), 38.

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because she Liv’d Three Years about the Court, and never had the Honour to be Lampoon’d’.68 Another such in the ‘Essay upon Satyr’ . . . missed her name in a lampoon And griev’d to see herself decayed so soon

(ll. 47–8)

From this perspective the lampoon becomes a kind of PR outlet. On occasion one encounters lampoon attacks which are so mildly hostile as to encourage speculation that they were included purely as a means of giving prominence to a particular individual (or disguising an association with authorship). Lampoons such as ‘Satire’ (‘This way of writing I observed by some’), ‘A Ballad to the Tune of Cheviot Chace’ (‘Come all ye youths that yet are free’), and ‘Julian’s Farewell to the Coquets’ (‘Give o’er, ye poor players, depend not on wit’) crowd in the names to such an extent that there is little space for real abuse.69 They might even be seen as denoting a kind of Town A-list. In some cases, being noticed in a lampoon might be positively advantageous. The repeated slights at Sir George Hewitt for his preoccupation with dress were at least maintaining his reputation as a leading arbiter of style in a way that could hardly have displeased him. The less ﬂattering remarks that accompanied these barbs were sufﬁciently answered by his reputation as a soldier, a duellist, and a court administrator. The Town madams who feature so extensively in lampoons can hardly have suffered much in their professions from such pictures as In the Side-box Moll H——n you may see, Or Coquet Moll, who is as lewd as she: That is their Throne; for there they best survey All the salt Sots that ﬂutter to the Play.

which is almost an advertisement.70 For others being abused in lampoons was a useful lightning rod for envy or a means by which they might come to be underrated by their opponents in the intrigues of court and Town, which for those with the cunning to exploit it might confer a valuable advantage. It was those without standing who had most to lose from being pilloried in lampoons. For those who wanted to be known as sexually available it functioned as the equivalent of leaving a card in a phone box or advertising in a relationships 68 69 70

(London, 1706), 5; ﬁrst performed c.1670. CSR, 81–5, 102–11, 199–203. Robert Gould, ‘The Play-House’, 169.

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column. For those who did not there were ways, no doubt, of signalling that one regarded oneself as untouched by such aspersions. Lady Betty in Cibber’s The Careless Husband reassures Lady Easy that lampoons, far from being a threat to reputations, ‘are only Things to be laughed at’.71 Thomas D’Urfey’s The Richmond Heiress (1693) introduces Madam Squeamish, ‘A young fantastical Creature of Richmond, horribly afraid of being Lampoon’d, and yet perpetually doing something or other to deserve it’.72 Squeamish enters in ii. i in a state of shock over ‘an odious Lampoon, and the most nauseous ﬁlthy thing that ever was heard’ that has come to her that morning folded as if it were a billet-doux (p. 12). Her companion Mrs Stockjobb and Stockjobb’s lover Hotspur turn out to be among the subjects of the lampoon, which leads to bloodthirsty threats by both against the unknown author. In Act V Squeamish, whose catchphrase ‘as I’m a Virgin’ clearly involves an element of wishful thinking, reappears with another lampoon in which her activities have been ‘publish’d . . . in so particular a manner . . . and in so ﬁlthy a stile’ that she is ‘asham’d to read it’ (p. 60). She is happy, however, to concede the accuracy of the information. Set against her is the truth-speaking Sophronia, a female version of Wycherley’s plain-dealing Manly, played in the original by Elizabeth Barry. In Act II she delivers what in effect is a stage lampoon in the form of a description of the life of Town rakes: Come, Sir, for once I’ll be a little satyrical, and venture to describe the course of life of all you Men of the Town: In the Morning the ﬁrst thing you do is, to reﬂect on the debauch of the Day before; and instead of saying your Prayers as you ought, relate the lewd Folly to some other young rakehelly Fellow, that happens to come to your Leve: The next thing is to dine, where instead of using some witty or moral Discourse that should tend to improvement, you ﬁnish your Desert with a Jargon of senceless Oaths, a relish of ridiculous Bawdy, and strive to get drunk before ye come to the Play. . . . Then at the Play-House ye ogle the Boxes, and dop and bow to those you do not know, as well as those you do. Lord! what a world of sheer Wit too is wasted upon the Vizard-Masks! who return it likewise back in as wonderful a manner. You nuzzle your Noses into their Hoods and Commodes, just for all the world like the Picture of Mahomet’s Pigeon, when he gave the false Prophet his ghostly Instructions. Fogh! how many ﬁne things are said there, perfum’d with the Air of sour Claret! which the well-bred Nymph as 71

(London, 1705), 53.

72

p. A2v.

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odoriferously returns in the scent of Lambeth-Ale and Aqua-vitæ . . . Then at Night ye graze with the hard-driven Cattel you have made a purchase of at the Play, and strut and hum up and down the Tavern with a swashy Mien, and a terrible hoarse Voice, which the Lady (to engage your liking) returns with some awkward Frisks, instead of Dancing, and a Song in a squeaking Voice, as untunable as a broken Bagpipe. Then supper coming in, the Glasses go about briskly. The Fools think the Wenches heavenly Company; and they tell them they are extream ﬁne Gentlemen; ’till at last few Words are best; the Bargain’s made, the Pox is cheaply purchas’d at the price of a Guinea, and no repentance on neither side. What think ye, Sir, am I not a rare Picturedrawer? (p. 14)

The comedy validates both the Town lampoon and its own brand of theatrical satire on the basis that what is stated, whether generally or personally, is a fair account of the reality. The issue of the invented and unjustiﬁed accusation is pushed to one side. The lampooner, whatever his or her motives, is presented as performing a valuable and praiseworthy ofﬁce. In Squeamish’s case the effect of being lampooned has been to encourage a mode of behaviour which, while entirely hypocritical, is at least supportive of the outer forms of virtue. If there is fault to be found, it is with men for their compulsive bragging about relationships that women at least have the wit to keep secret. The aspiring Don Juan Tom Romance carries a collection of material souvenirs about with him which he is happy to produce and catalogue on request (pp. 8–9). Squeamish’s complaint that ‘A Woman can’t enjoy her Youth in a degree a little above the Vulgar, but, oh horrid! she’s presently popp’d into a Lampoon’ (p. 12) is hardly an advertisement for virtue, but it does emphasize the merits of discretion. I kept my self so reserv’d, Cousin, all this Summer to avoid censure, that I refus’d to receive visits from any Man under the Age of sixty nine, nor never went any whither but to Church, and if they did not Lampoon me for that too, I’m no Christian. (p. 32)

The Town lampoon could hardy be expected to suppress vice but it might have some effect in forcing it underground. Curiously the name ‘Sophronia’ had been used in a broadside poem of 1681, whose full title is ‘Sophronia. Verses written occasionally by reading a late scandalous libel designed, an aspersion upon the Lady G——’.73 This is a defence of Mary, Lady Grey, inaccurately described as an 73

The British Library copy is dated ‘19. Octob. 1681’.

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Angel fair, and wise and chast; Blest Genius of a happy Husband’s Life, The softest, mildest and the truest Wife; Whose Vertue like the God of the gay Morn, Serenely shone, and love did more adorn.

Lady Grey may or may not have been Monmouth’s mistress, but was soon discarded by her husband for her younger sister Henrietta under circumstances that provided the plot for Behn’s Love-Letters of a Nobleman to his Sister. The piece would seem to have been written at Grey’s instigation, with D’Urfey possibly the hired pen. The two works just considered represent a tribute by the print medium, and in the ﬁrst instance also the stage, to the power of clandestine satire. Yet this power ultimately depended on its semi-secret nature. Alongside its other functions, the Town lampoon was also constituting its readers as a document-based culture, for which the procurement, exchange, and discussion of lampoons provided both an integrating social ritual and a badge of identity. If as Brown and Duguid have argued ‘a sense of community arises from reading the same text’, the reader of the manuscript lampoon had the additional incentive of knowing that those without access to privileged channels of communication would be prevented from reading that text.74 Entry into circles where one had continuous access to new lampoons could not be achieved without the cooperation of those who were already part of them or of professional scribes who always kept themselves at a distance from the public market place. So the Town lampoon ﬁlled a number of functions. In the evolution of public morality it represented a defence of the rights of pleasure against the repressions of both Geneva and Rome, and yet one that, by a not unprecedented paradox, was often reinscribing a displaced form of the body-hating attitudes it opposed. It both condemned and asserted the new sexual freedoms of the age; but its central repeated message was that these freedoms were as fundamental a fact of Town life as they were of court life. At a simple, practical level it was a way of dealing with public pests including that signal body of pests, the authors of lampoons. It communicated valuable information to the Town about the actions and status of its 74 John Seely Brown and Paul Duguid, The Social Life of Information (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Business School Press, 2000), 199 as part of a wider discussion of the ways in which the consumption of documents helps structure communities (pp. 189–200).

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members, being in this respect a distillation of the vital medium of gossip—a matter to be considered in Chapter 6. Behn in the prologue to The Rover (1677) cites ‘Lew’d Lampoon’ and ‘Bawdy Song’ as evidence that . . . the only Witt that’s now in Fashon, Is but the gleenings of good Conversation.75

In a more complicated way it was part of the process by which new forms of sociability were moulded and deﬁned that were to govern the lives of the newly reinforced leisured class of the metropolis. Newcomers from the country could learn essential lessons of survival from it or, if that was their preference, new ways of pursuing pleasure. The visit as a social institution drew on lampoons both as an object of exchange and for providing endless matter for conversation. They helped foster a culture of celebrity in which to become a lampoon star was often a recognition of stardom in the wider ﬁrmanent of the Town or might help in creating it. Participation in circulating lampoons was itself a community-building activity. At its best the Town lampoon can be vigorously ribald or adopt an Augustan suavity. It has left not only a gallery of brilliant personal caricatures but a sense of the current of daily life in the places of assembly of the beau monde. It could also, as goes without saying, be mean-minded, spiteful, pornographic, misogynist, cruel, and woundingly untruthful. 75

Works, v. 453.

4

State Satire Court satire, as described in Chapter 2, dealt with the behaviour of individuals directly known to its readers and addressed those readers intimately, insolently, and with a complete assurance of the satirist’s aristocratic superiority (which was often the real thing). It countered the court’s public enactments of monarchical dignity, in which both writers and readers were themselves regular participants, with exaggerated images of private greed, lust, and deformity. Its governing context was ceremonial and its ruling spirit parodic. Its involuntary ‘stars’—the royal family, the mistresses, and the maids of honour— were sufﬁciently ﬁxed to rob the satirical act of any revolutionary potential: to destroy them would have been to dislodge the hierarchical matrix within which the satirist’s own identity was composed. Town satire adapted the court model to accommodate new social purposes and to address a larger and more diverse audience, which, instead of inhabiting an assured social matrix, was still in the process of inventing one. Stardom in this context was likely to be fragile and temporary: like modern tabloid journalism the Town lampoon both loved its celebrities and conspired to destroy them. Its authorial assumption of power over both victim and reader was more patently a pretence than was the case with the court lampoon and will sometimes be acknowledged as such. Much of its energy was consumed in border wars against court, country, and City. State satire, our third category of convenience, covers satire concerned with national, political, and religious questions, and was played for higher stakes on a larger board. Even more so than the Town, the Restoration state was never a settled entity. The utility, let alone the sanctity, of monarchical government remained a subject of debate and nowhere more than in the writings of the lampooners. While learning useful lessons from the court tradition, state lampooners were in touch with much older traditions of verse critique and with the memories of earlier conﬂicts that these transmitted: its

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world had not begun de novo in 1660. In this respect, state satire falls under a particular arc of the circumference of the ‘state poem’, it being under that title that bowdlerized versions of Restoration political verse of all kinds were published in printed anthologies from the late 1690s onward.1 This wider genre embraces the licensed as well as the clandestine: much of Dryden’s pre-1688 verse can be so characterized. Absalom and Achitophel (1681), while chieﬂy valued today for its brilliant satirical portraits, is actually an amalgam of several distinct genres of state poetry, among them panegyric, political narrative, allegory, invocation of the deity to aid the nation, the verse address to a patron, the ceremonial ode, and the verse political treatise. Work in these non-satirical forms could usually ﬁnd a printer, if the poet so desired, though it was often more advantageous to make it an object of presentation in the more privileged medium. The Beinecke Library holds a remarkable bound collection of complimentary poems in manuscript presented at various times to the Duke of Ormonde.2 For panegyrics the preferred medium was the Pindaric ode, pieces which are often, in the judicious words of John McVeagh, ‘static, overblown effusions, almost empty of content’.3 There is a special room in hell in which super-reﬁned critics and theorists are condemned to an eternity of composing commentaries on the Pindarics of D’Urfey and Tate. Even Oldham sags when he attempts the genre. State satire might also be printed when it supported the cause of the government or when the grip of the censor was weak, as happened during the turbulent years of the Exclusion Bill crisis; but its primary circulation, under other circummstances, was oral and through manuscript. Clandestine state satire aspired to transcend the separate constituencies of Town, court, country, and City. While still addressing the landed ruling class as its primary audience, it had to take into account that individual members of that class now possessed Town, and possibly court, as well as country identities, and that they might view matters in different ways depending which of these was dominant at any given time. The same reader might identify with both the 1 Culminating in the four-volume Poems on Affairs of State of 1702–7, discussed below. 2 Described in Andrew Carpenter, ‘A Collection of Verse Presented to James Butler, First Duke of Ormonde’, Yale University Library Gazette, 75 (2000), 64–70. 3 Thomas D’Urfey and Restoration Drama: The Work of a Forgotten Writer (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 148.

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Smith and the Johnson of Buckingham’s The Rehearsal—the plainspeaking no-nonsense country gentleman and the streetwise Town sophisticate—or the Margery Pinchwife, the Alithea, or even the Lady Fidget of Wycherley’s The Country Wife. This widening of the audience meant that satire had to explain more, leading to portraits which, like Dryden’s in Absalom and Achitophel, were designed to make the victims vivid and believable to readers who had no previous knowledge of them. Yet the desire to transcend did not extend to politics itself, which is always pursued in a partisan and divisive spirit. Philosophical detachment and mere amusement at the passing show are wholly absent from the state lampoon, unless as a pose to inveigle the reader. In the earlier decades of the period, state satire speaks on behalf of not always clearly deﬁned factions, but from the early 1680s it is increasingly aligned to modern notions of party, a concept that it assisted in clarifying. This development will be considered alongside more technical ones in what follows, within a broadly chronological framework.

m a rv e l l i a n sat i r e With drastic simpliﬁcation, the political history of the later phase of Stuart monarchy can be modelled in terms of two versions of modernity at war both with each other and with ingrained traditionalism, with each formation enjoying periods of triumph and eclipse. The ﬁrst version of modernity was one whose ideal was a strong, centralized, monarchical state, with a standing army and a form of decisionmaking under which, while new taxes had to be approved by parliament, laws passed by it might be modiﬁed or even overridden by royal decree. The template was Louis XIV’s France, and exponents tended to be pro-French in foreign policy and sympathetic to Roman Catholicism. The favoured economic model was the Colbertian one of a state-regulated mercantilism ﬁnanced by the acquisition of colonies. The reign of James II saw a determined effort to put this policy into practice, but Charles was moving close to it in the closing years of his own reign and it is envisaged in the secret treaty he signed with Louis in 1670. Its political heirs were the post-1688 Jacobites. Ranged against it was a rival version of modernity advocating strong, regularly summoned parliaments with the power to countermand royal decrees and in one version to alter the succession,

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religious toleration for all Protestants but not Catholics, a proDutch, anti-French foreign policy, and state support—chieﬂy through maintaining a strong navy—of a self-regulating business sector. For this, despite some imprecision, the traditional term Whig will be used. The version of conservatism to which both modernizing tendencies were opposed was that advocated ﬁrst by Clarendon and later Danby, in which the supremacy of the state Church was to be upheld by denying freedom of worship and certain other civil rights to both Catholics and Dissenting Protestants. France and the Netherlands (England’s main trade rival) were each regarded with suspicion, but France more so, and parliament, while continuing to assert its ancient rights, would allow itself to be managed by a trusted ﬁrst minister—the social hierarchy of the parish writ large in the nation. Agricultural prosperity was to be sustained by tariffs on imports and direct taxation was to be kept to a minimum. Supporters of this view constituted the mainstream Tories of Charles II’s reign, though the political alliance then known by that name also included a strong contingent of Yorkists from our ﬁrst formation. Clarendon and Danby both lost the support of their followers by succumbing to the king’s Gallophilia. The price of ofﬁce under Charles, as Shaftesbury and Buckingham also found, was assent to his desire for a mutually supportive relationship with his cousin and paymaster Louis. Summing up the ﬁrst two reigns of our period, we ﬁnd that the traditionalists had the early running, that the Protestant modernists gained power in the late 1660s in an uneasy alliance with Catholic Yorkists, that the traditionalists then resumed control, that the Protestant modernists made a strong bid for power during the Exclusion Bill years of 1678–82, that the traditionalists regained the initiative from 1682, only to be superseded during the brief reign of James by the Catholicizing modernists, and that the Protestant modernists secured a decisive advantage with the Revolution of 1688. The reigns of William and Mary and William saw a belated resurgence by the traditionalists but in a context where the power of parliament was greatly enhanced and that of the prerogative weakened. Expensive and generally popular foreign wars meant that taxes had to be raised to unprecedented levels and administration professionalized and bureaucratized. In making such distinctions, and in assigning individuals to one tendency or another, we need to recognize that a great deal of

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personal behaviour was wavering, inconsistent, or simply opportunistic; that access to ofﬁce and its spoils was a much more powerful incentive than ideological consistency; and that the actual texture of affairs, at all but a few brief periods of clear-cut conﬂict, was usually a matter of compromise, alliances, and confused allegiances, in which family and personal afﬁliations might well outweigh other loyalties. While being a Jacobite or a Dissenter was a matter of conviction, support of the Whig or the Tory programme at any particular juncture was often temporary and strategic or arose from anxiety over the behaviour of current power-holders. The state lampoon is an invaluable guide to these changes, not least because it often preserves public perceptions which have been lost sight of owing to modern, triumphalist ironings-out of past uncertainties. It also, needless to say, allows much more direct expression to individual views than the closely controlled press or the private letter, always likely to be opened in transit.4 With Andrew Marvell, the most important poet to write on behalf of the Protestant modernists, what may seem like inconsistency is the effect upon a remarkably consistent mind of a sharp awareness of what could not be publicly uttered.5 It is therefore to his clandestine works (insofar as they can conﬁdently be identiﬁed) rather than his print-published ones that we need to look for the clearest articulation of his political programme. Much as court poetry had Rochester and Dorset and Town poetry Dryden to supply it with models and standards, national poetry owes a huge debt to the founding inﬂuence of Marvell, whether acting as an author of satires, a promoter of oppositional writing, or a Protestant ideologue. This posture has always been an embarrassment to admirers of the self-aware subjectivity and celebration of withdrawal which characterize his lyrical and reﬂective verse—the qualities praised in T. S. Eliot’s 1932 tercentenary essay. Eliot’s recipe for reading Marvell was ‘to squeeze the drops of the essence of two or three poems’ in order to isolate ‘a quality of a civilization, of a traditional habit of life’.6 He had no interest in the Marvell he dismissed as ‘the former member for Hull’. Marvell criticism, whether in the 4 For the insecurity of letters, see N. H. Keeble, ‘ “I would not tell you any tales”: Marvell’s Constituency Letters’, in Conal Condren and A. D. Cousins (eds.), The Political Identity of Andrew Marvell (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1990), 111–34. 5 Ibid. 128–9. 6 ‘Andrew Marvell’, in Selected Prose of T. S. Eliot, ed. Frank Kermode (London: Faber, 1975), 161.

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Eliotan or New-critical line, is still overwhelmingly directed towards a handful of lyric poems and the political verse of the civil war period and protectorate, but even the latter is approached in terms of its theatrical presentation of personality rather than for any light it sheds on the actual politics of its own time or ours. Critical interest in the Restoration state satires has been further inhibited by real uncertainties over attribution; but even ‘The Last Instructions to a Painter’, which has always been accepted as by Marvell, and which is his longest and most complex single poem, has received surprisingly little discussion, perhaps because its views are regarded as too patent and outspoken for a poet otherwise admired for his ‘ambivalently suspended meanings’.7 George deF. Lord, in the ﬁrst volume, published in 1963, of the Yale POAS series, was the ﬁrst scholar to take an informed look at the attribution problems and to present the poems he regarded as by Marvell in a context that allowed them to be read with a full understanding of their political aims. His reward for this was to be snapped at by Elizabeth Story Donno in the introduction to her misleadingly titled Complete Poems, who winds up a very long list of ‘Other Attributions’, which includes several accepted by Lord, with the comment ‘Margoliouth’s observation made in 1927 remains a sound guideline: “it seems to me a great mistake to continue to print among Marvell’s poems inferior stuff which has long been considered spurious” ’—thus disposing of the question of quality and that of authenticity together.8 One aspect of this privileging of the lyrical Marvell was a tacit assumption that undatable ‘Metaphysical’ poems must all have been written before the Restoration forced the ‘forward youth’ to transmogrify into the member for Hull. It came as a shock when Allan Pritchard presented strong evidence that ‘The Garden’, to look no further, belonged to the 1660s, a discovery that is still strangely disregarded.9 Critics in the Eliotan line have pointedly refused to argue their exclusions on scholarly grounds, preferring to appeal to personal taste and a historically quite recent consensus. The question of which among the many poems to which Marvell’s name has been attached were written by him, which partly written or revised by him, and which the work of other hands may never be Keeble, ‘ “I would not tell you any tales” ’, 129. Andrew Marvell: The Complete Poems (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), 218. 9 ‘Marvell’s “The Garden”: A Restoration Poem?’, SEL 23 (1983), 371–88. 7 8

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answered; but one important attribution—that of the second and third ‘Advices to a Painter’—which was supported by Lord but rejected both by Donno and by John M. Wallace in his 1968 study of Marvell’s political verse must now be accepted as valid.10 The internal and external evidence for Marvell’s authorship, which was persuasively marshalled by Annabel Patterson, has since received powerful support from stylometric tests conducted by John Burrows.11 They are also the poems by Marvell that were most widely read during his lifetime. Beyond the attributable canon lies a much larger body of ‘Marvellian’ verse possibly circulated by him or inspired by his example as a writer, Protestant, and patriot. (John Ayloffe and John Freke were two active disciple poets.) Marvell was a known friend of Milton, whose Paradise Lost he praised to readers in 1674 on the unlikely ground of its ‘easiness’, and there had never been any doubt about Milton’s politics. Writers of oppositional verse recognized Marvell’s primacy in the ﬁeld in the same way as writers of erotic verse did Rochester’s. Both assumptions gave rise to wrong attributions but in neither case was the broader estimate unfounded. Marvell was perfectly placed to perform this function of enabler and publicist for oppositional polemic, since his long-standing connection with Buckingham gave him a direct link to the court and its writings, while his work as a parliamentarian and parliamentary newsletter-writer put him at the heart of the deliberative process. Simultaneously, his religious position (never fully acknowledged in his print-published writings) allowed him to move freely in Dissenting circles where forbidden writings were actively circulated.12 Roger L’Estrange, in a report of 23 August 1678, connected him with surreptitious printing and copying of subversive texts by Anne Brewster.13 The term ‘Marvellian’ will be used in what follows for state satire that was either attributed to Marvell at the time, written under his inﬂuence, or reﬂects views with which he probably concurred. 10 John M. Wallace, Destiny his Choice: The Loyalism of Andrew Marvell (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1968), 152–63. 11 Patterson, ‘Lady State’s First Two Sittings: Marvell’s Satiric Canon’, SEL 40 (2000), 395–41. Burrows’s ﬁndings are to be presented as part of a joint paper by himself, Christopher Wortham, and the present author. 12 William Lamont’s reading of Marvell’s religious position in Condren and Cousins (eds.), Political Identity, 135–56 as that of a Baxterian comprehensivist is persuasive. 13 Transcript in Hilton Kelliher (comp.), Andrew Marvell: Poet and Politician (London: British Library, 1978).

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While the authorship of much ‘Marvellian’ satire remains uncertain, there is no doubt about its occasion. Charles’s return to the throne had been greatly aided by Presbyterians and moderate Independents who desired incorporation into the national Church without rigid enforcement of the Anglican liturgy or too condign a submission to the re-enthroned bishops. Charles, though personally inclined to Rome, may have intended to meet this expectation, but his chief minister, Clarendon, the Cavalier parliament, and the bishops, with their twenty-six votes in the Lords, had different ideas, which found expression in the series of bills collectively referred to as the Clarendon code. The most severe of these, the Uniformity Act, which came into operation on St Bartholomew’s Day 1662, led to the departure from their livings of all ministers who refused to accept Anglican orders. The Five-Mile and Conventicle Acts, which followed, were designed to prevent Nonconformists, as they were now called, acting collectively for either religious or political purposes. Strong opposition to pro-Church policies was evident from the time of their implementation but had no way of expressing itself organizationally as a national popular movement. Rebellion was hardly a practical option when the lessons of its outcome were so vividly in remembrance and the state so vigilant against it. A couple of attempts by armed Fifth Monarchists at one extreme and sexually hyperactive apprentices at another were quickly quashed.14 A resentful quietism remained the dominant posture of Nonconformism until the resurgence of open anti-crown polemic in the late 1670s. Instead, oppositional activity moved to the House of Lords, which contained signiﬁcant minorities of both Catholic and Puritan peers, and to the court itself, where functionaries opposed to Clarendon worked on the king’s personal impatience with the Chancellor to obtain his dismissal. The fact that Clarendon’s daughter was married to the Duke of York, and that the two princesses of that marriage were third and fourth in line for the throne, would have strengthened his position had it not been that the Catholic duke was himself opposed to Anglican supremacy and prepared, as his later career showed, to forge an alliance with the Dissenters to overthrow it. In the end it was the disasters of the ill-advised second Dutch War, so vividly recorded in 14 For the case for seeing the apprentice riots of 1668 as a signiﬁcant political event, see James Grantham Turner, Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), passim.

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Marvell’s three ‘Advices’, and fears of the growing power of France, that were to defeat Clarendon and his policies. The ﬁrst and most accomplished phase of oppositional state satire is directed at royal conduct under Clarendon. Its other themes are the king’s weak leadership, suspected Catholicism, and libertinism; the court’s extravagance and debauchery; and the corruption and ineptness of the bureaucracy. Lord’s ﬁrst POASY volume reprints all the most widely circulated anti-Clarendonian lampoons. Poetical support for the Chancellor in the months preceding his fall was virtually non-existent; even those satirists who continued to belabour the Puritans had little to say for him. Our concern in this chapter will be with the method rather than the substance of this satire—the ways in which it modiﬁed the precedents of Cleveland, Lovelace, Wild, Butler, and the court lampoonists in order to address new issues and audiences. Court satire was a strong inﬂuence but court satire as it was read outside rather than within the walls of Whitehall. State satire, in addressing a much broader and less predictable audience than the courtiers, sought ways of combining court satire’s assurance of superiority and lightness of touch with an insistence on the momentous nature of the issues addressed. This may have been one reason for the satirists’ preference for the pentameter couplet over the stanzaic forms generally favoured at court or the Butlerian tetrameter. When the anti-Clarendonian satirists do write stanzaically, as in several of the Marvell dubia, the poems have a weight and solidity of development wholly uncharacteristic of court stanzaic lampoons: Freke’s densely epigrammatic ‘A History of Insipids’ (‘Chaste pious prudent Charles the second’) is a good example.15

t h e pa i n t e r p o e m s The best-known examples, both in our time and then, of antiClarendonian satire are the long sequence, contributed by several hands, of ‘Advices to a Painter’.16 Our concern will be with the way in which they helped establish a voice for a new kind of state satire, distinct from court and Town satire, though drawing lessons from both. The genre was set in motion by Waller’s Instructions to a Painter for Text in POASY, i. 243–51. For the genre, see Mary-Tom Osborne, Advice-to-a-Painter Poems, 1663–1856 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1949). 15 16

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the Drawing of the Posture and Progress of His Majesty’s Forces at Sea, under the Command of His Highness-Royal; together with the Battle and Victory, Obtained over the Dutch, June 3, 1665 (London, 1665).17 The importance of this panegyric, derived from Gian Franceso Busenello’s La prospettiva del navale trionfo riportato dalla Republica serenissima contra il Turco (Venice, 1656), lay in the poet as well as the subject: Waller was second only to Cowley in the pantheon of his time, despite being a double turncoat, having abandoned the royal party during the interregnum to write in praise of Cromwell and then reconverted his muse to monarchism at the Restoration. Marvell, on the other hand, had never renounced the old cause. He had also written a better poem on the death of Cromwell, though one that, unlike Waller and Dryden, he prudently declined to publish. Waller’s ﬁrst ‘Instructions’ presents a stirring vision of York as a military hero: Make him bestride the ocean and mankind Ask his consent to use the sea and wind; While his tall ships in the barr’d channel stand, He grasps the Indies in his armed hand. (ll. 25–8)

No one, of course, was ever going to take this seriously, though it may have contributed to the curiously unrealistic view of James’s military prowess and personal courage that was to be so brutally shattered by the events of 1688–90. In the closing lines the focus of the poem shifts to Charles as an equally improbable Jove-like ‘Thunderer’ receiving homage from a grateful Commons. Marvell pays tribute to Waller in the opening couplet of the ‘Second Advice’ but does not fail to remind the reader that the poem’s hyperbolic Stuartism was a ‘penance . . . for Cromwell’s epitaph’ (l. 337). To place Waller’s panegyric and ‘The Second Advice’ side by side is to encounter a difference similar to that between Corelli and Purcell in music. Where Waller is polished, effortless, transparent, cosmopolitan, sweeping the reader along by the sheer effrontery of his praise; Marvell deploys a quirky, multilayered wit and calculated instability of tone that continually check the onward movement of the verse by forcing the reader to pause in order to work out what is really going on.18 Another difference is that 17 The text for all poems in the painter series here cited is that of POASY, i. 20–219 passim. 18 The musical contrast is further explicated in Harold Love, ‘Constructing Classicism: Dryden and Purcell’, in Paul Hammond and David Hopkins (eds.), John Dryden: Tercentenary Essays (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000), 92–112, esp. 102–3.

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Waller’s poem presents a reasonably straightforward narrative, while Marvell’s progresses through discrete, loosely linked, portrait-like sections, each with its own introduction and concluding rhetorical ﬂourish, like this to his long, savage portrait of the embezzling Secretary Coventry: Muscovy sells us hemp and pitch and tar, Iron and copper, Sweden; Münster, war; Ashley, prize; Warwick, customs; Cart’tret, pay; But Coventry sells the whole ﬂeet away. (ll. 37–40)

The ‘Second Advice’, while rejecting the substance of Waller’s panegyric, does not reject its epideictic manner: when bravery is to be praised Marvell does so with great eloquence, as in the eulogy of the third Earl of Marlborough at lines 215–26—a passage that must surely have been in Dryden’s mind when he inserted his elegiac lines on Ossory into Absalom and Achitophel. Outright sarcasm is reserved for appropriate occasions, such as the mordant account quoted below of the death of Falmouth. The sting lies rather in the inability of the courtiers who have blundered into the battle to live up to the nobility of the poem’s predominant rhetoric: without exception they are presented as fearful, inept, and corrupt, the climax of their baneful inﬂuence being Brounker’s order, given in the duke’s name, that allowed the Dutch to escape. Lines 135–54 are an interpolated execration by a courtier against ships and gunpowder, which also manages to incriminate Clarendon for propelling the speaker from the comforts of Whitehall to ‘ﬁght with Hans’. The lesson to Waller is not that he chose the wrong verse medium to praise the duke but that it should have been allowed to cut both ways—ennobling those persons and events who deserved it and diminishing the rest. York, Waller’s hero and Marvell’s anti-hero, is a cut above his craven underlings but represented as holding back in situations that required boldness. Waller’s account of the death of Falmouth, struck by a cannonball as he stood at the duke’s side, presents the event as an example of York’s undaunted courage. Marvell is more down to earth. The Duke himself (though Penn did not forget) Yet was not out of danger’s random set. Falmouth was there (I know not what to act— Some say ’twas to grow duke, too, by contact); An untaught bullet in its wanton scope Quashes him all to pieces and his hope.

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State Satire Such as his rise such was his fall, unprais’d: A chance shot sooner took than chance him rais’d. His shatter’d head the fearless Duke distains And gave the last-ﬁrst proof that he had brains. (ll. 179–88)

The ‘fearless’ of the second-last line has already been undercut by Marvell’s charge that Admiral Penn, at the instigation of the duchess, was deliberately keeping the duke away from danger. ‘Random’ applied to the cannon ﬁre here has the technical meaning of shots ﬁred at a gun’s longest possible range. The duke is not boldly facing a direct broadside. Examining Waller’s account we ﬁnd that he too concedes that the ships were a good way apart but turns it into a compliment by implying that it was the Dutch who were evading the duke rather than vice versa. The tall Batavian in a vast ship rides, Bearing an army in her hollow sides, Yet not inclined the English ship to board, More on his guns relies than on his sword; From whence a fatal volley we receiv’d: It miss’d the Duke, but his great heart it griev’d; Three worthy persons from his side it tore And dy’d his garment with their scatter’d gore. (ll. 141–8)

Marvell omits the duke’s subsequent involvement in much hotter action, presumably because he was aware that, as Waller also conceded, other ships quickly interposed themselves between him and the approaching Dutch. His ﬁnal judgement on the battle is that ‘Nine only came to ﬁght, the rest to see’ (l. 232), a charge echoed at line 598 of the ‘Last Instructions’, where the courtiers arrive at the scene of battle ‘To be spectators safe of the new play’ and ﬂee as soon as they hear the guns. Once again, Waller, in the continuation of the passage just quoted, had also used the theatrical image but with a favourable twist Happy! to whom this glorious death arrives, More to be valu’d than a thousand lives! On such a theatre as this to die, For such a cause, and such a witness by!

The most damning contrast between the two comes in their respective accounts of the end of the battle. Waller concludes his story with uproar and ﬁreworks as York storms the Dutch coast:

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His cannons’ roar, forerunner of his fame, Makes their Hague tremble, and their Amsterdam. The British thunder does their houses rock, And the Duke seems at ev’ry door to knock. His dreadful streamer, like a comet’s hair, Threat’ning destruction, hastens their despair, Makes them deplore their scatter’d ﬂeet as lost And fear our present landing on their coast. (ll. 265–72)

None of this had actually happened. Instead, in Marvell’s accurate version: Now all conspires unto the Dutchman’s loss: The wind, the ﬁre, we, they themselves, do cross, When a sweet sleep the Duke began to drown And with soft diadem his temples crown. But ﬁrst he orders all besides to watch, That they the foe (whilst he a nap) might catch. (ll. 233–8)

An order to shorten sail supposedly brought from the napping duke allowed the Dutch ﬂeet to escape. As well as differing in their representation of the action, the two poems found their readers by different routes. Waller’s poem was printed ﬁrst as a broadsheet and later in editions of his works; Marvell’s irreverent response was initially circulated in manuscript and (despite its appearance in two surreptitious printed editions) continued to be copied into scribal anthologies of lampoons for the rest of the century. Print is thus ﬁgured as the medium of lies, manuscript as that of truth. Poetry itself has been revalidated by the ‘Second Advice’s’ reprimand to its mendacious predecessor. Marvell’s judgement that ‘Nine only came to ﬁght’ is qualiﬁed by a promise to add the name of anyone who has unjustly been omitted. His depiction of the battle, unlike Waller’s, rests on a careful survey of the available evidence (ll. 227–32). Lacking a direct model, then, the painter poems proceeded by demolishing the materials of panegyric and reconstructing them in a spirit of urbane mockery learned from the court lampoonists but now applied to grander themes. This gives us one clue to the audience for which they are intended: an audience that was aware of Waller’s praise and could enjoy the way in which it was inverted in some cases and redistributed in others; also one that regarded itself as knowledgeable and sophisticated, and was to be laughed rather than hectored into agreement; yet one that could be relied on to recognize

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that matters of pressing importance were being addressed through a manner at once ﬂorid and jokey. There can be little doubt that the primary readership envisaged for the painter series was that whose assent was necessary to the crown’s request for supply—Marvell’s (and Waller’s) fellow members of the Cavalier parliament and those who were directly able to inﬂuence their votes. The authors of antiClarendon satire, addressed to a house effectively controlled by the court and strongly Anglican in its sympathies, would have seen little point in trying to browbeat their readers. Instead they used black comedy to create awareness of disturbing realities and of the consequences that would ﬂow from the continuation of those realities. The poem aspires to be read for its wit by those predisposed against its politics. Marvell’s perfect mastery of the easy insolent manner of the court satirists reappears in The Rehearsal Transpros’d (1672–3), which so delighted the king; but in other respects he is clearly not the court insider. When he comes to write the ‘Last Instructions’, it is evident he does not have a courtier’s intimate knowledge of the individuals— the Earl of St Albans, the Duchess of York, and the Duchess of Cleveland—with whom he is poetically so familiar. Marvell presents them with a density of realization and a degree of visual particularity that was quite foreign to Rochester and Dorset, who would have assumed they were already perfectly well known to the intended readers. Moreover, Marvell has to do this as much to make them real and credible to himself as for the beneﬁt of his projected audience. His conception of the operation of power is also very different from the court institutional one. These points can both be demonstrated from the account of Cleveland’s seduction of the footman (ll. 81–104). That Cleveland liked sex with lower-class men (including an acrobat named Jacob Hall) is the topic of a number of court satires, which may be represented for the present discussion by Rochester’s ‘Quoth the Dutchess of Cleveland, to Counsellor Knight’.19 To Rochester the spectacle of the Duchess going to a ‘Cellar in Sodom’ in order to purchase ‘a douzen of Pricks, for a douzen of Ale’ is gross enough but does not violate the courtly axiom discussed in Chapter 2 by which the higher placed member of the hierarchy of state power is entitled to make use of the bodies of those lower in the hierarchy for his or her own gratiﬁcation, providing that the institutional power 19

Works, 90.

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relationship remains undisturbed. The striking thing about the portrait of Cleveland in the ‘Last Instructions’ is the way in which hierarchy itself is ﬁrst reversed and then dissolved. What fascinates Marvell is not the duchess’s lust for the footman but the inversion of the role of mistress and servant by which she degrades herself to minister to his body when he should be serving hers: Great Love, how dost thou triumph and how reign, That to a groom could’st humble her disdain! Stripp’d to her skin, see how she stooping stands, Nor scorns to rub him down with those fair hands, And washing (lest the scent her crime disclose) His sweaty hooves, tickles him ’twixt the toes. (ll. 91–6)

Titania and Bottom may lurk somewhere in the background of this remarkable picture; but, as Steven Zwicker has pointed out, its ﬂagrant reversal of power gradients is also a parodic allusion to an exemplary example of female submission in Magdalen’s washing the feet of Christ, as celebrated in lines 29–32 of Marvell’s own ‘Eyes and Tears’ and its Latin contrafactum: So Magdalen, in tears more wise Dissolved those captivating eyes, Whose liquid chains could ﬂowing meet To fetter her Redeemer’s feet.20

Marvell must have known that Cleveland had been painted by Lely in 1662 as the penitent Magdalen, since the image was widely reproduced and imitated.21 To juxtapose the two passages is to become aware of both the veiled eroticism of the earlier poem and the presence of a form of Christian self-subjection in the later one, under which it might be perfectly proper for a duchess to wash the feet of a servant. But not at the court of Charles II! Returning to Rochester’s poem from Marvell’s, one recognizes that it too is engaged in biblical parody, with the rounding up of the dozen of pricks reﬂecting Christ’s calling of the twelve disciples, and the term ‘Counsellor’, applied to Knight, eliding her with the Holy Spirit (the unmentioned third person would be Charles, the father); 20 Works, i. 16; Steven Z. Zwicker, ‘Virgins and Whores: The Politics of Sexual Misconduct in the 1660s’, in Condren and Cousins (eds.), Political Identity, 98. 21 For this inﬂuential painting and its biblical resonances, see Catharine MacLeod and Julia Maciari Alexander, Painted Ladies: Women at the Court of Charles II (London: National Portrait Gallery, 2001), 33–4.

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but in this case one does not ﬁnd any comparable blurring of the structure of power.22 Rochester’s duchess always remains in charge. While Marvell’s Cleveland and St Albans passages have certainly learned lessons of tone and urbanity from the court lampoon, and Marvell may well have set out, as Dryden does in MacFlecknoe, to show the courtiers how much better he was at their own mode of indecent burlesque, in other respects he is observing the court through alien eyes. The originality of Marvell’s enterprise becomes clearer when we read the second and third advices and the ‘Last Instructions’ not as self-sufﬁcient commentaries on current events but as a single, progressive, satirico-comic epyllion in three books or ‘sittings’—his Caroliad. There is a precedent for such a tripartite structure in Waller’s ‘The Battle of the Summer Islands’. Marvell may not have foreseen the structure when he began the ‘Second Advice’ but he must have been fully aware of the sequential nature of his enterprise by the time he composed the indicatively titled ‘Last Instructions’. The model for an ongoing chronicle of public events would have been present to him in the recently inaugurated Intelligencer and Gazette. That the new manner was a difﬁcult one to master is evident from the lessons learned during its creation. The ‘Second Advice’ and the opening section of the third are too clogged with specialized topical references (some of which still bafﬂe their modern editors) to be easy going. Even in their own time they must only have been fully intelligible to a relatively small circle of informed readers with access to the news organs just mentioned. Marvell had not yet grown out of the scribalpublishing poet’s habit of writing ‘difﬁcult’ poetry for a coterie audience, however much the nature of the coterie might have changed. This is partly remedied in the ‘Third Advice’ by sheer comic bravura. As The Rehearsal Transpros’d shows, Marvell had a strong interest in the drama, and had already, in ‘Flecknoe: An English Priest at Rome’, written a satire which has the quality of a mime or plotless droll. (The same could be said of ‘Tom May’s Death’, which is an Aristophanic mythological mime, but has yet to have its Marvellian authorship conﬁrmed.) The long monologue of the Duchess of Albermarle, structurally reminiscent of that of Ben Jonson in ‘Tom May’s Death’, is a comic routine in drag performed by an imaginary 22 Anti-Trinitarian burlesque, which is common at this period, is not necessarily blasphemous since Deists, Unitarians, and even some otherwise orthodox Protestants regarded the doctrine, like that of the real presence, as a ‘Popish’ innovation.

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Nokes or Angel. It is also an experiment with a new satiric voice, strident, demotic, and vulgar, that was already familiar from stanzaic lampoons of the folk tradition but had to be framed and controlled, as it is here, for use in the more prestigious couplet variety. Signiﬁcantly 234 lines of raw truth-telling yield at the poem’s conclusion to a reassertion of the high style in the delicacy of the Philomel simile. That the monologue slightly outstays its welcome is the result of an artistic miscalculation that was remedied in the superbly controlled ‘Last Instructions’, where vividly realized scene follows scene in the manner of a compacted history play. By this time, as we have noted, Marvell had perfected a technique by which the major victims are so fully presented to the readership that prior knowledge is not necessary. Dryden clearly had this achievement in mind in Absalom and Achitophel, one of whose lasting achievements was that the representation completely obliterated the reality. Marvell has also retreated from his experiment with the demotic to his earlier alternation of sarcastic comedy with perfectly serious versions of the Wallerian sublime and Ovidian pastoral.23 Space forbids a wider exploration of anti-Clarendonian satire but the anonymous ‘Fourth Advice’ demands attention for its able handling of a plainer and less exuberantly comic mode of satire than Marvell’s Caroliad.24 This is a bitter, disillusioned account of the events covered in fuller detail in the ‘Last Instructions’. It displays an undisguised contempt for Charles which is foreign to Marvell, who always seems to have the king in mind as a potential reader—perhaps his primary one (each of his three advices ends with a personal address to him)—and to respect his intelligence even while deploring his character. The ‘Fourth Advice’, written from and for the parliamentary opposition, makes no concession to winning over loyalists. Despite his ability to skewer knavery with a single lunging line, Marvell’s dominant perspective is comic and Horatian: he sets out to erode the respect claimed for his victims by activating the reader’s sense of the ridiculous, remaining aesthetically distanced even when politically most engaged. The author of the ‘Fourth Advice’ plays Heraclitus to Marvell’s Democritus: politics for him is not a laughing matter. The ‘Fifth Advice’ (also 1667) is different again in being more self-consciously witty, in an ornate somewhat academic manner strongly contrasting with the plain-man directness of the fourth.25 23 24

On the latter see Zwicker, ‘Virgins and Whores’, 85–110. 25 POASY, i. 140–6. Ibid. 146–52.

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Although it records Clarendon’s fall, no sense is conveyed that things are likely to change for the better. The unknown author seems to stand apart, as a jaundiced observer, from the political struggle.

t h e 1670 s The fall of Clarendon eased the way for the ascent of Buckingham who, after having being excluded from effective power since the Scottish expedition of 1650–1, became the ‘B’ of the Cabal ministry (1667–73), the other members being Clifford, Arlington, Ashley, and Lauderdale. Lauderdale was primarily concerned with Scottish affairs. Arlington was closest in his policies to Clarendon and was to maintain his grip on power the longest: Charles was increasingly dependent on his ﬁnancial and diplomatic skills. Clifford was a Catholic and the king’s conﬁdant in the negotiation of the secret Treaty of Dover with France, of which the other members were kept ignorant. Ashley and Buckingham pursued a policy of toleration for Dissenters which was put into effect through the Declaration of Indulgence of 1672 but only at the price of extending the same liberty to Catholics. This enterprise came to grief over another mismanaged Dutch War and, in a return to Clarendonian, pro-church policies, Charles placed the principal direction of affairs in the hands of Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby. Two phases of satirical writing were involved in this development, the ﬁrst anti-Cabal and the second anti-Danby, the latter overlapping with the Popish Plot furore and the Exclusion Bill crisis. The brief ‘Further Advice’ of 1671 reﬂects impatience at the reduced role of parliament, seldom called under the Cabal and likely to be managed by ﬂagrant bribery when it was.26 Charles is represented in its opening lines as an irresponsible playboy: leadership cannot be expected from that quarter. The three members of the Treasury Commission, Clifford, Duncombe, and Ashley, divide ‘the spoils of England’ among themselves, while the bribe-hungry parliamentarians resemble ‘Falstaff’s regiment of threadbare coats’ (ll. 18–24), an image familiar from Betterton’s production at the Duke’s Theatre. The members of the cabal empty ‘Capacious bowls’ at Arlington’s while the French king ‘Frightens all Christendom with fresh alarms’ 26

POASY, i. 163–7.

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(l. 36). Meanwhile Sir Richard Temple, a hero of the opposition, has allowed himself to be bought off by preferment. Yet the governing attitude of this short piece is one of ironic condescension rather than implacable hostility. Not so ‘The Dream of the Cabal’ (1672), a much longer satire that claims to report, by supernatural means, on a meeting of that fabled body, here enlarged to seven by the inclusion of the king and the Duke of Ormonde.27 The ministers are presented, despite their varying backgrounds and interests, as united in a desire to allow the king to rule independently of parliament through the uncontrolled exercise of the prerogative. Only Ormonde of the king’s close advisers speaks up for liberty under the laws and only Lauderdale against accommodation with Rome: the ﬁrst is commanded to be silent and the second laughed at. The meeting agrees that ‘France shall be lov’d and Holland hated be’ (l. 380); yet, it is possible that Ormonde will have the last word, and Those country gentry with their beef and bacon Will show how much you courtiers are mistaken.

(ll. 279–80)

The coming decade was to show the truth of that prognostication. The writer of ‘A Dream of the Cabal’ does not seem to speak from ﬁrst-hand involvement in the political process, preferring mythic images of villainy to hard data. The envisaged readership is clearly an unsophisticated one, no doubt including the ‘beef and bacon’ squires and their families. Yet that the poem was regarded seriously is shown by the care taken by Dryden, a decade later, to counter the argument it imputes to the cabalists. The passage concerned is at Absalom and Achitophel, lines 801–8: If ancient Fabricks nod, and threat to fall, To Patch the Flaws, and Buttress up the Wall, Thus far ’tis Duty; but here ﬁx the Mark: For all beyond it is to touch our Ark. To change Foundations, cast the Frame anew, Is work for Rebels who base Ends pursue: At once Divine and Humane Laws controul; And mend the Parts by ruine of the Whole.28

The image is a favourite one among conservative thinkers, having gained a particularly powerful hold on the imagination of Burke.29 28 Ibid. 191–203. Works, ii. 29. As at Reﬂections on the Revolution in France, ed. Conor Cruise O’Brien (London: Penguin, 1968), 375–6. 27 29

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The opposed view is advanced in the earlier poem by Buckingham (the Zimri of Absalom and Achitophel but here a more sinister ﬁgure): Great Sir, your government for ﬁrst twelve years Has spoiled the monarchy and made our fears So patent on us that we must change quite The old foundations and make new, wrong or right.

(ll. 23–6)

The ‘ark’ in this case is Mount Sinai, representing the parliament, which the Cabal would like the king to suppress. Ormonde objects . . . for so much Our ancestors secur’d it, that to touch, Like sacred Mount, ’tis death . . . (ll. 43–5)

The demand for ‘new foundations’ is repeated at line 84 and once more resisted by Ormonde at lines 187–90: Old buildings to pull down, believe it true, More danger in it hath than building new, And what shall prop your superstructure till Another you have built that suits your will?

If, as seems probable, Dryden was speciﬁcally addressing these passages, it was a telling acknowledgement of the power of the scribal medium from an author whose own preference was strongly for print. From the perspective of a later period in which Ashley (as the ﬁrst Earl of Shaftesbury) and Buckingham were the heroes of the Whig parliamentary opposition, it requires an effort to appreciate how much their actions in ofﬁce offended all parties in the nation. The attempt to achieve a general liberty of conscience was resented for the same reasons as the similar attempt under James II: neither Dissenters nor Catholics really wanted a toleration that accommodated the other, nor were the Protestants in any doubt that the measure was for the beneﬁt of Catholics rather than their own. Charles, still conscious of a debt of gratitude to the Presbyterians for his Restoration, and Buckingham, who seems genuinely to have held the enlightened views advanced in his client Martin Clifford’s A Treatise of Humane Reason, were among the few in the kingdom who did not see the Declaration as a hypocritical makeshift. The measure also suffered from being introduced in the context of a pro-French and anti-Dutch foreign policy. That Shaftesbury had actively supported this was still regarded by Dryden as a stick to beat him with in Absalom and Achitophel:

State Satire To Compass this the Triple Bond he broke; The Pillars of the publick Safety shook: And ﬁtted Israel for a Foreign Yoke. (ll. 175–7)

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The yoke was that of Louis XIV. The Machiavellian view presented by Buckingham in A Letter to Sir Thomas Osborne (1672) that Holland had to be crushed in order to secure British domination of worldwide trade carried little weight against the likelihood of French triumph over a Protestant ally. Finally there was the fact that toleration was introduced, in deﬁance of parliament, under the same ‘dispensing power’ that was to be claimed by James when king. In such a situation all parties in the nation had good reasons to be suspicious of the Cabal. Charles’s return, under Danby, to a pro-Church outwardly anti-French policy silenced one group of satirists but energized another much more dangerous group associated with Buckingham. Rochester’s major satires (though not overtly political) are a product of this period of disillusionment. Yet while Danby’s ruthlessness and corruption drew hostile comment from the lampooners, he had the largest party in the nation behind him, and was generally able to manage parliament. A greater cause of disquiet was that the heir to the throne was now openly Catholic. The violent anti-Catholicism of the ‘Advice to a Painter to Draw the Duke by’ (1673), probably by Rochester’s and Buckingham’s friend Henry Savile, marks the beginning of a new national schism between those who respected York’s right to succeed to the throne and those who regarded him as a traitor and public enemy. While Danby and York disliked each other and Danby was both politically and personally a staunch Anglican, their enemies cheerfully elided them as champions of the same tainted cause; however, while the duke’s life offered numerous subjects for satire, in the more guarded Danby’s case they had largely to be invented, which soon happened. Resentment of Danby found expression in an extraordinary poem describing his and his wife’s behaviour at his installation as a knight of the Garter at Windsor on 19 April 1677. Both he, and she, are Persons of ﬁne Parts, And have peculiar ways of gaining Hearts. First he brings always with him a sweet Savour To win the Courtier’s Love, and Courtier’s Favour, Then she puts on a Fore-head-cloath to please

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State Satire The City and the Godly Folk, she says: And so with ease, and without Cost, or pother, They get a World of Friends one way, or other. For they were worse, than Devils, could oppose Such taking Charms, both of the Eyes and Nose.

The poem was printed as Buckingham’s in the unreliable, posthumously published The Second Volume of Miscellaneous Works (London, 1705).30 Yet at the time of the inauguration Buckingham was a state prisoner in the Tower, meaning that, if the attribution is genuine, the poem must rest on a bizarre exercise of imagination. At its climax Danby is addressed by St George, the patron of the order, who . . . whisper’d thus in pale Sr. O——s Ear, Away thou worthless Rogue, what mak’st thou here? How dare you in this Chappel keep a quarter, With your blew Lips, blewer then Robes or Garter? Go get a Shroud to match your Face and Breath, Be drest, as well as look and smell, like death. ’Twas that alone at ﬁrst which Nature meant, Your Loathsome Carcass still should represent For so unlively and so Nauseous too, Is every thing you either say or do; That even your base Ingratitude does give The least Offensive tokens, that you live. You’re such a scurvy, stinking, Errant Knight, That when you speak a Man wou’d swear you S——te: Then in a trice he ﬂew from thence and tore His pert Wif’s Croslet off; who curst and swore, Bit her thin Lips, and rail’d like any punk, Whilst pale Sir O——n opned his and stunk.

The motive for this venom lies in Danby’s having risen to inﬂuence as Buckingham’s client. Buckingham must have enjoyed it even if he did not write it; yet the intensely personal nature of its attack (and its failure to raise any signiﬁcant political issues) suggests a motive apart from the political, and that the primary intended reader was Danby himself. More typical of anti-Danby polemic is a poem, also associated with Buckingham, which circulated early in 1679 at a time when the Whigs were at last closing in for the kill. Danby had been exposed as 30

pp. 83–8.

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a supporter of the king’s covert alliance with Louis XIV, which under the heightened feelings of the time put him under suspicion of involvement in the Popish Plot. ‘What a devil ails the parliament’ exists in forms ranging from 24 to 128 lines: overall 237 lines survive across the wildly variant sources. It is written to a simple template established by the opening quatrain: What a Devil ailes the Parliament Sure they were drunck with Brandy When they did thinck to circumvent Thomas Earl of Danby.31

Like Mr Toad’s song of self-praise in The Wind in the Willows, but at much greater length, the second line of every stanza has to rhyme with the proper name at the end of the last. Textual variation of every kind abounds: the ﬁrst line is also found in the forms ‘Souns/Wounds/ Zoons/Zwounds what ails/ailed/wills/meant the/our parliament’. Moreover, it seems that few readers could resist amplifying or reshaping the poem. References to datable events in particular stanzas allow its growth to be tracked over the early months of 1679. A lampoon of this kind was a living thing recreating itself day by day to meet the challenge of new events and new audiences. It also descends to a level of coarseness and vulgarity rarely equalled even in its own unedifying genre. Danby’s wife and children become the victims of pornographic slurs, some true but others wholly imaginary: Lord Latimer has clap’d his Wife It is as true as can be It had like to have cost her life So pocky a Son has Danby Dunblane he F—— his Brother’s wife For Cakes and Sugarr Candy Makes speeches for the wretched Life Of Thomas Earl of Danby. Sophia ﬁnds a better way Her Husbands both disclaim’d be And dos with faithfull footmen play Of Thomas Earle of Danby.

31 This poem is quoted from an eclectic editorial version prepared for Plays, Poems and Miscellaneous Writings Associated with George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham, ed. Robert D. Hume and Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, forthcoming).

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State Satire His daughter Latt: with Nose most ﬂatt With Pills and close stool pan by Swears Brother Dunn hath poxt her bumm And Curses Tom of Danby (ll. 53–68)

The allegation of the ﬁrst and last stanza is unfortunately true: Latimer, Danby’s eldest son, his wife Elizabeth, and three newly born children in succession all died of syphilis. Only the second half of the accusation against Dunblane is known to be true. That directed at Sophia, the ﬁfth and youngest daughter, rests on the satirist not understanding that she had married the same husband twice, ﬁrst in infancy and then, on 26 March 1679, as a 14-year-old, which would hardly leave much time for gambolling with footmen. But the rights of the case and the sensibilities of the victims were of no signiﬁcance in comparison with the determination of the Whigs to humiliate their most formidable enemy. But our new Parliament we hope As Thou deservst will brand thee And with Saint Colemans holy Rope Hang Thomas Earle of Danbye And to Compleat the Godly Show Sr Formal Triﬂe and the Bigotted Duke must swing alsoe With Thomas Earle of Danby

Edward Coleman, the Duke of York’s secretary, had been hung for complicity in the Popish Plot on 3 December 1678. ‘Sir Formal Triﬂe’ was Heneage Finch, Shaftesbury’s successor as Lord Chancellor. Despite a huge manuscript circulation, the ‘Song’ did not appear in print until 1704, and even then only in an anodyne twenty-four-line version which would hardly have offended its still living subject.32 The case of the ‘Song on Danby’ helps us to identify a widening of the audience for the state lampoon beyond that of parliamentarians, courtiers, and administrators to the whole community of the politically concerned and inﬂuential. Moreover, this community had itself widened dramatically in the late 1670s and early 1680s, as the great battle between Whig and Tory reached its ﬁercest point of contestation. An increase in the frequency of general elections (not required during the long life of the Cavalier parliament), and the fact that from 1678 onwards municipal and even parish elections might 32

POAS (1702–7), iii. 177–8.

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be ﬁercely fought on party lines, gave the lampoon a new practical relevance which is reﬂected in a preference for popular forms and unbridled invective. From May 1679 political debate at all levels was further stimulated by the beginning of a six-year hiatus in prepublication press censorship. Much material that would formerly have been restricted to manuscript could now be printed; but, signiﬁcantly, there was no falling off in the supply of new scribally circulated lampoons. One reason for this seems to have been that the medium, ambiguously suspended between the private and the public, possessed an inherent persuasiveness that was denied to the public print. A second was that the press was usually more open to one political side than the other, the Whigs making the early running and the Tories and Jacobites regaining control from 1682. Satire issued through unlicensed presses or under false imprints, like the ﬁrst edition of MacFlecknoe ‘for D. Green’, is still to be regarded as clandestine.

t h e S c ro g g s f i l e The ‘Song on Danby’ was a product of the large-scale eruption of public insanity brought about by Titus Oates’s fabricated revelations of a Popish Plot to kill the king and replace him with York. (There was indeed a plot to introduce Catholicism, headed by the king himself, but this widely understood fact could not be uttered publicly.) Oates and his imitators issued their ‘narratives’ in handsomely printed folios that had enormous circulation.33 They also for a time had the support of the courts and parliament in suppressing public disagreement. However, there were limits to what could be uttered through the press even at this unconstrained time and it is to the clandestine media that we must turn to discover the otherwise unspoken views of both sympathizers and resisters. A survey of satires directed in both manuscript and print at one of Danby’s clients, the Lord Chief Justice, Sir William Scroggs, will allow us to review the variety of modes and approaches now available to the state lampoonist. Scroggs was the academically able son of a butcher, a fact that inevitably drew comment: 33 See on this my ‘The Look of News: Popish Plot Narratives 1678–1680’, in John Barnard and D. F. McKenzie with the assistance of Maureen Bell (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 652–6.

124

State Satire Within this House lives justice Scroggs Who hath Killed more men, then his Father did Hogs.34

He took an MA from Pembroke College, Oxford, in 1643 and became a barrister of Gray’s Inn ten years later. A royalist, he was knighted after the Restoration and elevated to Justice of the Common Pleas in 1676 and Lord Chief Justice in 1678. In the latter capacity he presided over the trials of several unfortunate victims of the plot hysteria, showing great Protestant vigour. His trenchant, but always logical, courtroom style is vividly preserved in the printed transcripts of these cases. In the early months of 1679 he was a Whig hero, ﬁt to be mentioned in the same breath as the Country Party leaders: Would you exalt the mighty name Of Shaftesbury and Buckingham, And not forget Judge Scroggs his Fame? This is the time.35

However, in 1679 he unexpectedly changed sides, ﬁrst by bailing Samuel Pepys, who had been charged with selling naval secrets to the French, and then by acquitting Sir George Wakeman, physician to the queen, of a charge of having conspired with her to poison the king. In the version of Settle’s Absalom Senior (1682): He pois’d his scales and shook his ponderous sword, Loud as his father’s Bashan-bulls he roar’d; Till by a dose of foreign ophir drench’d, The fever of his burning zeal was quench’d.36

Here the symbols of the law are wittily elided with the butcher’s chopper and balance and the butcherly judge himself metamorposed into a bull cured by the veterinary treatment of drenching. It is unclear even today whether judicial probity or bribes and pressure from the crown contributed more to these decisions but, coming at a time when parliament was prorogued, they helped considerably to check the political momentum of the Whigs. In November 1680 Scroggs was himself impeached by parliament and in the following year removed from the Chief Justiceship. Yale MS Osborn b 54, p. 1103. ‘Queries’, ll. 24–7, POASY, ii. 294. 36 Ibid., iii. 141. Scroggs is also attacked in a Whig burlesque A Letter from Paris, from Sir George Wakeman, to his Friend Sir W.S. in London (London, 1681), in which ‘Wakeman’ invites Scroggs to join him in Paris and offers his services as a poisoner. 34 35

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Scroggs’s spectacular change of sides meant that, at different times, he was the subject of both Catholic and Protestant satires. Interestingly, he is not subjected to the gross sexual abuse that was levelled at Danby and his unfortunate family; instead, he is insistently attacked for greed, low birth, and, in the more extreme cases, being a covert agent of the pope. ‘Justice in Masquerade’, attributed to Stephen College, begins with the low birth: A butcher’s son’s judge capital Poor Protestants for to enthrall, And England to enslave, Sirs. Lose both our laws and lives we must, When to do justice we entrust So known an errant knave, Sirs.37

Because butchers at this period personally slaughtered the animals whose ﬂesh they sold, they were presumed to be cruel and heartless, and could sometimes gain exemption on this ground from jury duty. Continuing, the satirist asserts that Scroggs’s father’s had claimed this exemption and that this made it improper that the ‘butcherly son’ should be both judge and jury; however, Scroggs is not damned for butcher-like ruthlessness but for his devotion to a different quadruped, the ‘golden calf’. Either he should be treated like one of his father’s carcasses and cut into a thousand pieces with a ‘keen-whet chopping knife’ or parliament should stake him out till he rotted. The charge of being a covert Romanist is added to those of corruption and low birth in another ballad-style piece, ‘His holiness has three grand friends’, one of them being Scroggs: The judge is a butcher’s son, Yet hates to shed innocent blood: But for ten thousand pound has done The Pope a great deal of good.38

This notion of Scroggs as a papist ‘sleeper’ is further developed in ‘The Pope’s Advice and Benediction to his Judge and Jury in Utopia’, in which Innocent XI is represented giving advice on how to extirpate his ‘curs’d foes, the Protestants their laws’.39 This piece belongs to a satirical sub-tradition in which a demonized form of the 38 POASY, ii. 284–5. Ibid. 291. Ibid. 281–4. Lord’s text is from POAS (1702–7), iii. 188–9. There is a MS version in Princeton MS Taylor 4, pp. 33–7. 37 39

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political opponent exhorts followers to unqualiﬁed villainy. Its origin lay in monologues by villains in tragedies, of which an early example was the fraudulent circulation of a speech by an atheist from The First Part of the Tragicall Raigne of Selimus (1594) as ‘Certaine Hellish Verses Devysed by that Atheist and Traitor Ralegh’.40 The speech of the ghost of Sulla in the induction to Jonson’s Sejanus became the locus classicus for such pieces. It is imitated with full-bore conviction in a ‘A Dialogue between the Duke of Buckingham and his Father’s Ghost’ of about 1673 and more light-heartedly in ‘Mrs Nelly’s complaint’ (‘If Sylla’s ghost made bloody Catiline start’) of 1682, in which Nell Gwyn is reproved by the ghost of Mall Knight for stealing her lover.41 Oldham drew on it, along with Buchanan’s Franciscanus, in ‘Loyola’s Ghost’, the third of his Satires upon the Jesuits, which is an obvious inﬂuence on ‘The Pope’s Advice’. The weakness of satires of this quasi-theatrical kind lay in an intertextual playfulness that makes it hard to take their ingenious recyclings of libertine fantasies of violent destruction seriously. Certainly, in this case the presentation of Scroggs as a papal agent is so outrageous as to make the performance comic rather than threatening: And ﬁrst, dear Scroggs, with thee we shall begin, Although of late thou wert a man of sin And didst abuse those (for us) put you in. From which we now absolve ye as we’re Pope, And do allow that butchers by the rope Begin (not end) for that would mar our hope. ’Tis true at ﬁrst ’twas prudent, witty, quaint To counterfeit the Devil, act the saint, With zealous thunder ’gainst the Jesuits complaint. This gained you credit with the rabble rout, Conﬁrm’d the choice of those that wish’d you out, But now that’s done ’tis time to tack about, And dare to act to set my vassals free; You shall receive from holy James and me A crimson cap, at least my legate be, Provided you escape Tresilian’s Triple Tree.42

40 Text in Jean Jacquot, ‘Ralegh’s “Hellish Verses” and the “Tragicall Raigne of Selimus” ’, MLR 48 (1953), 1–9. 41 Yale MS Osborn fb 140, pp. 97–9; CSR, 97–101. 42 POASY, ii. 282. Lord suppresses the triplet divisions of his copy-text.

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Tresilian was an earlier hanging judge who had himself been hung. Taken a little further such a piece might be mistaken for a Tory spoof of Whig conspiracy theories, and yet at that fevered time much more outrageous claims were given unthinking credence. A more effective use of the apocalyptic rhetoric favoured by the Whig conspiracy theorists is given in ‘Oceana and Britannia’ (‘Whither O whither wander I forlorn’), attributed to John Ayloffe, which, while directed at James, introduces Scroggs as an accomplice. (Oceana represents James Harrington’s ideal commonwealth of that name.) What doleful Shrieks pierce my affrighted Ear! Shall I ne’er rest from this lewd Ravisher? Rapes, Burnings, Murders are his Royal Sport, These Modish Monsters haunt his perjur’d Court. No tumbling Player so oft e’er chang’d his Shape, As this Goat, Fox, Wolf, timorous French Ape. True Protestants in Roman Habits drest, With Scrogs he baits, that rav’nous Butchers Beast; Tresilian Jones, that fair-fac’d Crocodile, Tearing their Hearts, at once doth weep and smile: Neronian Flames at London do him please, At Oxford Plots to Act Agathocles. His Plot’s reveal’d, his Mirth is at an end, And’s fatal Hour shall know no Foe nor Friend. Last Martyr’s Day I saw a Cherub stand Across my Seas, one Foot upon the Land, The other on the enthrall’d Gallick Shore, Aloud proclaim their time shall be no more. This mighty Power Heav’ns equal Ballance sway’d, And in one Scale Crowns, Crosiers, Scepters laid; I’th’ other a sweet smiling Babe did lie, Circled with Glories, deck’d with Majesty. With steddy Hand he pois’d the Golden Pair, The gilded Gew-gaws mounted in the Air, The ponderous Babe descending in its Scale, Leapt on my Shore— Nature triumph’d, Joy eccho’d thro the Earth, The Heav’ns bow’d down to see the blessed Birth.43

Jones was Sir William Jones, Scroggs’s successor as judicial oppressor of Catholics. The poem seems to take its apocalyptic pretensions 43

POAS (1702–7), i. 1117–18.

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with entire seriousness, in this representing a re-eruption into wider circulation of Puritan millenarian polemic. Some at least of Oates’s followers were convinced that they were taking part in the great drama of the end of time foretold in the Book of Revelation. Others, including their prophet himself, were more cynical. Biblical imagery is differently used in one of the early, Catholic attacks on Scroggs, which draws on the Old Testament as a source of historical analogues rather than the New as a source of prophecy. In the Catholic John Caryl’s Nabaoth’s Vineyard, Scroggs is Arod, the Achitophel-like counsellor of Queen Jezebel in her attempt to destroy the innocent Nabaoth, who represents the English Catholics: She summons then her chosen instruments, Always prepar’d to serve her black intents. The chief was Arod, whose corrupted youth Had made his soul an enemy to truth; But nature furnish’d him with parts and wit, For bold attempts and deep intriguing ﬁt. Small was his learning, and his eloquence Did please the rabble, nauseate men of sense. Bold was his spirit, nimble and loud his tongue, Which more than law, or reason, takes the throng.44

Dryden may have half-remembered the sixth line of the passage in his ‘For close Designs, and crooked Counsels ﬁt’ (l. 152). In what follows Scroggs is further excoriated as the procurer of the false witnesses who testiﬁed to the plot. The resort to allegorical narration allowed personality to be explored in some depth through set-piece ‘characters’. By contrast other anti-Scroggs lampoons are devoted to pure execration. One widely circulated piece, beginning ‘Here lives the wolf justice, that butcherly knave’, uses the convention of a lampoon supposedly posted on its victim’s door. Scroggs is addressed, as ‘Clodpate’ after the foolish, Town-hating justice in Shadwell’s Epsom Wells, and promised Tresilian’s fate once the parliament had met.45 Another, beginning ‘Here lies a judge will lie no more’, takes the form of an anticipatory epitaph: Here lyes a Judge will lye no more Nor swear, nor drink, nor Game, nor Whore Tho’ he did nothing else before.

44

POASY, ii. 88.

45

Ibid. 288–9.

}

State Satire This bawling babling Butchers Son With speech making and Cant begun But left the world e’er ’twas half done. This goodly Judge a bribe did take And sav’d the cause for Wakeman’s sake, Gold, of a Lord, a Knave can make. Now with the Devill he drives in haste First Bedlowes Evidence he Blasts And disbelieves the plot at last. The King good man durst not displace him The truth it self could not disgrace him Whilst James and Kate doth both Embrace him. A Letcherous Goat; A Drunken Hogg A Treacherous Knave; A Lying Dog All this is Lord Cheif Justice Scrogg.46

129

} } } } }

The text of this version seems reasonably good. A version from another source demonstrates what could happen to such an originally well-written piece in transmission: Here lies a Judge, who’l lie no more, Nor game nor drink nor swear no more Here lies one who ne’re did take A bribe, unlesse for Wakemans sake, The Kings Protestant evidence to blast, And say there’s scarce a popish plott at last, Here lies the Ld cheif Justice Scroggs, A Judge for the Devill, a judge for his hoggs;47

The wit has gone but the rancour remains, though by now almost inarticulate. After this barrage of rants it is a relief to ﬁnd Scroggs for once treated in a comic even ironic spirit rather than with the bludgeon. ‘Another Lampoon against Scroggs 1679’ (‘O strange what is’t I hear the man’) baits him amusingly enough in well-turned Hudibrastics, saving its best rhyme for just before the end: Now Art thou turned inside outward, Thy honors falln into a cow-turd: Who would haue thought our famous Scrogg Would haue been lost thus in a fogg.48 46 47 48

BL MS Harl. 7317, fo. 57r. All Souls College, Codrington Library MS 116, fo. 37v. Yale MS Osborn b 54, p. 1140.

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In another gentler lampoon of early 1680 Scroggs becomes the straight man in a double act as he advises his fellow judge, Jeffreys, over a delicate matrimonial issue: But one thing more cannot be pass’d— When George with Clodpate feasted last (I might say Clodpate was a sinner To serve his brother so at dinner) He by his almanac did discover His wife not thirty weeks went over Ere she (poor thing!) in pieces fell, Which made Mouth stare and bawl like Hell; And, puppy-like, told Clodpate truly First leap he made was but in July: What then, you fool? Some wives miscarry And reckon June for January. This Clodpate did assert as true, As he by old experience knew; Yet all his canting would not do: George put him to’t, upon denial, Which set him hard as Wakeman’s Trial. They rail’d and bawl’d and kept a pother, And like two curs did bite each other; This brought some sport but no repentance, So off they went to Harris’s sentence, Which soon was pass’d against all laws, To glut their rage and Popish cause; For which injustice the knaves, we hope, Will swing together in a rope . . .49

Harris here was the bookseller Benjamin Harris, who was put in the pillory by Scroggs for publishing a Whig political tract. The body of satires directed at Scroggs comprises a substantial sub-tradition in its own right which, because of his change of sides and the political hysteria that surrounded the ﬁnal stage of his career, is of a remarkably rich and varied kind. While his parentage encouraged coarse demotic insult, his presumed involvement in the great popish conspiracy could lend him an apocalyptic grandeur. Yet to Caryl he was simply a talented and unscrupulous operator in a politico-legal system that would never hesitate to sacriﬁce innocence to the whims of power. What is missing from these attacks is any 49 POASY, ii. 354–5. For the record Jeffreys’s marriage licence was issued on 6 June 1679 and Harris’s trial took place on 5 Feb. 1680.

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sense of personality. The abstention from sexual insult is telling. A political enemy who can be characterized, in the court manner, as an erotically hyperenergetic buffoon has at least been allowed a certain vulnerable humanity. It is hard to be fully a ﬁgure of power with one’s clothes off. Something about Scroggs closed off that satirical possibility in a way that was clearly not true of his even more hated disciple Jeffreys. His standing as a lampoon star was acknowledged in an undated prose piece, The Bellowings of a Wild-Bull: or, Scroggs’s Roaring Lamentation for Being Impeached of High-Treason in which satire itself becomes part of his punishment: ‘Now shall I have more Scroggs upon Scroggs, Satyrical Poems, wicked Lampoons, odious New-year’s Gifts, damnable Looking-Glasses, plaguy Memorandums, and such like, bawled about the Town.’50 Although a good deal of this material appeared in print at the time, its spirit was still clandestine—it was never a light matter to libel a Lord Chief Justice. What the ﬁnal quotation reveals is that, political animus apart, it had become a kind of satirical game to lampoon Scroggs.

the Monmouth file A second ﬁgure on the Whig side had an even longer ﬁle of satirical representations. Early commentary on the Duke of Monmouth, Charles II’s illegitimate son by Lucy Walter (also known as Lucy Barlow), treated him as little better than an icon for the king’s own debauchery and improvidence, but he soon remedied that situation. In contrast to Scroggs, it is the person rather than the ofﬁce that preoccupies the poets and yet the person both in satire and as far as can be judged in real life was remarkably uncomplicated. Unlike Buckingham, Cleveland, and the tribe of high satirees, Monmouth was neither extravagantly self-dramatizing nor touched by the grotesque. His positive qualities were courage and a degree of personal charm, his negative ones conceit, ambition, and lack of judgement—all to be expected from someone of his upbringing, but none pursued to a degree that made him either a monster or a paragon. It was agreed that he was handsome and an excellent dancer. He is never allowed to forget that he was a bastard, as in a repartee attributed to Nell Gwyn (who in real life was one of his supporters): 50

p. 3.

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State Satire Scarce Monmouth’s self is more beloved than she. Was this the cause that did their quarrel move, That both are rivals in the people’s love? No, ’twas her matchless loyalty alone That bid Prince Perkin pack up and be gone: ‘Ill-bred thou art’, says Prince. Nell does reply, ‘Was Mrs. Barlow better bred than I?’ Thus sneak’d away the nephew overcome, By’s aunt-in-law’s severer wit struck dumb.51

The name Perkin was awarded in imitation of Perkin Warbeck, the pretender of Henry VII’s reign. When an attempt was made by Monmouth’s political supporters to establish that Charles had secretly married Lucy, which would have made him the legitimate heir, his enemies responded by removing the honour of paternity from the king to Sir Robert Sidney: But was it not ungrateful In Monmouth, ap Sidney, ap Carlo, To contrive an act so hateful, O Prince of Wales by Barlow.52

The other repeated charge was that of dullness: Monmouth seems not to have been very bright: He with that thick impenetrable skull (The solid harden’d armour of a fool) Well might himself to all war’s ills expose Who (come what will) yet had no brains to lose.53

An anti-Whig satire of 1682 written in an implausible Scots accent brands him as ‘a senseless loon’ and a ‘fool by nature’.54 In his incursions into politics he is uniformly portrayed, as in Absalom and Achitophel, as the dupe of more intelligent and ruthless manipulators. In 1671 Monmouth was held responsible for the public mutilation by members of his regiment of the parliamentarian Sir John Coventry, who had been guilty of a quip in the house about the king’s mistresses. Shortly after this, he was one of a group of aristocratic louts who murdered a beadle in Whetstone’s Park. Two independent lampoons on this subject both employ versions of mock-heroic.55 In the POASY, ii. 244. ‘The Haymarket Hectors’, ibid., i. 170. On the legitimation attempt, see ibid., ii. 257–60. 53 54 ‘Rochester’s Farewell’, ibid., ii. 222. Ibid., iii. 103–4. 55 Texts ibid., i. 172–6. 51 52

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ﬁrst, beginning ‘Near Holborn lies a Park of great renown’, superﬁcial jocularity veils stinging contempt which becomes direct in the close: What storms may rise out of so black a cause. If such turd-ﬂies shall break through cobweb laws.

In the second (‘Assist me, some auspicious muse, to tell’) the lightness of tone is sustained to the end, and the concluding reﬂection is not on the violence of the act but on the implicit cowardice of the courtly warriors. Along the way Monmouth is given a Hobbesian speech recalling the courtier’s interpolation in the ‘Second Advice’: Curs’d be their politic heads that ﬁrst began To circumscribe the liberties of man, Man that was truli’st happy when of old His actions, like his will, were uncontroll’d, Till he submitted his great soul to awe And suffer’d fear to fetter him with law— This law that animates with partial looks One saucy watchman to oppose two dukes, Though back’d with four or ﬁve brave youths beside That only sought to have their courage tri’d.56

The argument is the same appeal to the conditions of Hobbes’s state of nature that was to be invoked by Dryden in excusing Charles’s violations of matrimonial law In pious times, e’r Priest-craft did begin, Before Polygamy was made a sin; When man, on many, multiply’d his kind, E’r one to one was, cursedly, conﬁnd:57

Both passages support the power of the prerogative but with the difference that Monmouth would have used such power to destroy life while Charles was content to perform the ‘Godlike’ function of creating it. The two parallel lampoons are clearly the work of accomplished poets. The ﬁrst treatment is the more engaged and oppositional, the second the more polished and literary, but by refusing even to take Monmouth seriously may have done him greater damage. Monmouth next essayed a real military career, acting with boldness at the taking of Maastricht in July 1673. Rochester’s comment, 56

Ibid. 175–6.

57

Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 1–4, in Works, ii. 5.

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in ‘Upon Drinking a Bowl’, written from a court functionary’s perspective, is dismissive: I’me none of those who took Mastricht Nor Yarmouth Leaguer knew58

but at least concedes that taking towns was a more noble occupation than his own preference for draining cups. The episode might have been remembered to Monmouth’s credit if he had not been persuaded to re-enact it in a ludicrous mock-battle at Windsor a year later. This and Monmouth’s skill as a dancer are dismissively elided in a stanza from ‘A Ballad Called Perkin’s Figary’ written to the ‘Packington’s Pound’ melody: This Perkin’s a prince whose excellency lies In cutting of capers and storming dirt pies; He aims at a crown for his noddle unﬁt As Howe for a duchess, or he for a wit. He danceth, he skippeth, He frisketh, he leapeth, To trumpet and drums he manfully trippeth— But his Highness, God bless him, is safely come back To the shame and confusion of Perkin Warbeck.59

The reference to Jack Howe arises from his having claimed in 1679 to have had an affair with the Duchess of Richmond, which was deemed a malicious libel. The last couplet refers to York’s return from exile in August 1679 and Monmouth’s dispatch to Holland. Monmouth’s being put forward in the late 1670s as an alternative heir to York brought him a new kind of attention—hostile from Tories and Catholics, laudatory from those who supported his candidature from either personal enthusiasm or political calculation, and sceptical from the other Whig factions who would have preferred a constitutionally limited but unexcluded James, or no king at all, or William and Mary. Dorset, a Williamite Whig, in ‘My Opinion’ (1682) is as scornful of Monmouth as of York. The subject is ‘Poor Rowley’: ’Twixt brother and bastard, those Dukes of renown, He’ll make a wise shift to get rid of his crown; Had he half common sense, were it ne’er so uncivil, He’d have ’em long since tipp’d down to the Devil.60 58

Works, 41.

59

POASY, ii. 123.

60

Poems, 56.

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Monmouth’s unauthorized return from Holland in November 1679 prompted a group of three ﬁrst-person satires which achieved considerable joint circulation.61 In the ﬁrst (‘Letter of the Duke of Monmouth to the King’) a ﬁrst line that seems to promise a sympathetic treatment is rapidly undercut: Disgrac’d, undone, forlorn, made Fortune’s sport, Banish’d the kingdom ﬁrst, and then the Court; Out of my places turn’d, and out of doors, And made the meanest of your sons of whores, The scene of laughter, and the common chats Of your salt bitches and your other brats; Forc’d to a private life, to whore and drink, On my past grandeur and my folly think. Would I had been the brat of some mean drab Whom fear or shame had caus’d to choke or stab, Rather than be the issue of a king And by him made so wretched, scorn’d a thing. What little cause hath mankind to be proud Of honor, birth, the idols of the crowd! Have I abroad in battles honor won To be at home dishon’rably undone? . . .62

One can imagine this being read by Tories sober and Whigs drunk in the full conviction that the author was of their own persuasion. The piece makes better sense as a satire on Charles than as either a condemnation or a displaced eulogy of Monmouth. The second poem in the series, ‘The King’s Answer’ (‘Ungrateful boy (I will not call thee son)’), though classiﬁed in POASY as Tory, is another double-edged piece aimed as much at Charles as at Monmouth: But say I did with thy fond mother sport, To the same kindness others had resort: ’Twas my good nature, and I meant her fame, To shelter her under my royal name. Alas! I never got one brat alone, My bitches are by ev’ry fop well known, And I still willing all their whelps to own.63

The perspective here could be either Yorkist or dissident Whig. The tone of a subsequent passage suggests the latter: 61 POASY, ii. 249–56. Lord places ‘The Ghost of Tom Ross’ as the ﬁrst of the group rather than as a reply to ‘Disgrac’d undone’, as I have treated it. 62 63 Ibid. 254. Ibid. 255–6.

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A moment of extreme exasperation at least offers reassurance of Monmouth’s paternity: Oh! that my pr—— when I thy dam did f—— Had in some turkey’s a——, or cow’s been stuck!

The third piece, Roscommon’s ‘The Ghost of Tom Ross to his Pupil the Duke of Monmouth’ (‘Shame of my life, disturber of my tomb’), is a straightforward Anglican-Tory condemnation in which Monmouth is compared ﬁrst with Saul and then with Lucifer. Read, if you can, how th’ old Apostate fell, Outdo his pride and merit more than Hell; Both he and you were gloriously bright, The ﬁrst and fairest of the sons of light; But when, like him, you offer’d at the crown, Like him your angry father kick’d you down.64

Whether the ‘Read, if you can’ is another dig at Monmouth’s supposed stupidity would depend on whether the satirist was recommending Genesis or Paradise Lost. The notion of God’s dethronement of Lucifer as a kicking downstairs at Whitehall destroys any religious resonance. Whereas the same analogy applied in ‘The Parallel’ (‘As when proud Lucifer aimed at the throne’) to the malicious and preposterously arrogant Mulgrave could be recognized as having some personal substance behind it, Monmouth was simply too lightweight to sustain it. A more successful attempt to mythologize Monmouth is made in a brilliantly eccentric piece, ‘Some Passages Illustrating the Giants’ War’ (‘This rumour entering angry Titan’s ears’), but even this stops just where it ought to begin.65 The poem is for a change the work of a convinced Monmouthite for whom it is natural and proper to portray his idol as Jove, ﬁrst hurling back the Titans (Yorkists) from their attempt to storm heaven and then supplanting the effete ruling POASY, 252. A possible author is proposed in John Burrows and Harold Love, ‘The Role of Stylistics in Attribution: Thomas Shadwell and “The Giants’ War” ’, EighteenthCentury Life, 22 (1998), 18–30; text in Love, Restoration Verse, 2nd edn. (London: Penguin, 1997), 90–7. 64 65

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deity, Saturn (Charles). But a summary hardly conveys the extraordinary stylistic achievement of the piece, which, totally unlike the conventional mock-heroic of the time, deploys a battery of real and garbled mythology together with strings of outlandish place names and a mock-Latinate syntax reminiscent of Paradise Lost. A passage in which Titan (York) recruits followers to oppose Jove will give a sense of its linguistic exuberance: Now Titan into downeright rage ﬂyes out, Hee picks his Nose and stamps and ﬂings about, Here Gripes, there Cuffes, there swings his Barbarous steele; But Saturnes stones his ﬁrst dire Vengeance feele. Then Musters hee all that in Cellers sculke, Lie rough in Entryes or that snore on Bulke, In allyes sneake, suburbian Garrets Cram; Toryes of double forme and triple Name, From Goales Escap’d, from Pilloryes unpinn’d, And from high Padd compleately disciplin’d; Skip-kennells, Roysters, Rufﬁns all prophane, And Buggerers too, a foule ungodly Traine; Those who from loughs their tainted seed had drawne, Monsters and Orkes and boggs ungracious spawne.

With this unlikely army he proceeds to invade heaven: Nimble as Beares the ugly Gyants Climb And every God they mett tore Limb from Limb. The skyes all broken downe, no age they spare, From hobby horse to the old one in the Chaire. One thought hee saw a Gracelesse, great, unshod, Unshapely, shabby Gyant eat a God; Another spy’d a raw Gigantick youth Swearing with an Imortall in his Mouth Who sprawld and sprawld but could not ’scape one tooth; Another saw a Huge Titanian Whale Swallow four Gods, their shovel board and all. One pityes heaven, and of strange havock dreames: How on the ﬂoor spilt aqua vitæ swimmes, With Gay attire torne, tumbled and defac’d— There Wigg, there Crevat, there Embroydred Vest. The simple Clowne thus fancied, but Heavn safe Did at their care and rustick folly laugh; Yet Gaping Preists Gulpt the Tradition downe And all his Creed to after ages own’d.

}

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At this point all is set for the arrival of Jove (Monmouth) to rescue the gods from the invaders: But say not, you profane, heavn had no share In that days Toyle: Heavn’s Champion Jove was there, Heavn’s darling Jove, and now Imediate care.

However, it is exactly here that the poem ends, suggesting that even so imaginative and poetically gifted a supporter of Monmouth could not quite see how to present him in a heroic light. The most celebrated attempt to mythologize Monmouth is Dryden’s as the Absalom of Absalom and Achitophel (not of course a clandestine satire, though drawing much from the tradition). It is hard to believe that Dryden, despite his outwardly exculpatory argument that Monmouth had been led astray by the satanic wiles of Shaftesbury, had anything but contempt for the individual, or that he wept too many tears at his execution after the failed insurrection of 1685. One of his motives for his and others’ relatively gentle treatment of his patron’s principal enemy might have been that to quash Monmouth too completely would have been to awake a far more formidable threat in William. The royal bastard was of more political value to Tories as a way of keeping Whig factions at each other’s throats than for any real threat he posed to his father or uncle. In the summer of 1680 Monmouth played the role of successor-inwaiting in a series of country progresses. A tour of this kind through the West, during which he performed supposedly miraculous acts of healing, was instrumental to his later ability to raise support for his rebellion in that area.66 In the following month he visited Oxford where he was feted by the town and ignored by the university. The second of the visits is scofﬁngly celebrated in ‘A Ballad upon the Duke of Monmouth’s Reception by the Right Worshipful the Mayor and Bargemen of Oxford’ (‘Ye townsmen of Oxford and scholars draw near’).67 None of these pieces generates much real venom— their aim is to laugh or at best sneer him away—but once James was on the throne he became a more serious problem. His rebellion was not the military folly it is often represented but a daring roll of the dice that failed; yet once again his signiﬁcance lay in the consequences of his actions for other people, and satire both against him 66 For a highly professional Hudibrastic satire on Monmouth’s touching for the king’s evil (‘As Popish farriers use t’ employ’), see POASY, ii. 273–9. 67 Ibid. 262–8.

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and on his behalf is often really about more interesting issues, such as the Whig resort to populist politics, in which grandees such as Monmouth, Buckingham, and Shaftesbury were sent on the equivalent of whistle-stop tours, during which they ‘condescended’ to municipal elites. However, this tendency to weave treatments around him also suggests that he lacked the complexity to inspire great satire in his own right. Having called him a stupid son of a whore there was not much more that one could add.

f ro m J a m e s to W i l l i a m The repressive reign of James II saw the state lampoon become a primary means of mainstream political dissent. The climate of the times is represented in an account of the court already quoted from ‘The Town Life’: The English must not seek preferment there, For Mac’s and O’s all places destin’d are. No more we’ll send our youth to Paris now—— French principles and breeding once wou’d do— They for improvement must to Ireland sail, The Irish wit and language now prevail. But soft my pen, with care this subject touch, Stop where you are, you soon may write too much!68

This represents the writer of what is essentially a Town lampoon pulling up at the recognized boundary of his genre; but even the Town lampoon was now increasingly politicized—the most remarkable clandestine satire of the period, Dorset’s ‘A Faithful Catalogue of our Most Eminent Ninnies’ (further discussed below), chooses to violate exactly this boundary by turning the materials, tropes, and clichés of court and Town satire to Whig political uses. In this case the writer’s withdrawal was physical as well as moral: Dorset, like many Protestant courtiers, had retired to his country seat, where he became an active conspirator to replace James with William and Mary. We know that the poem was circulated as a separate because we have a worn master copy divided up into page lengths for the benefit of scribes, though no actual copies in this format survive.69 Other 68 69

Ibid., iv. 67; also Love, Restoration Verse, 220. Illustrated in POASY, iv, facing p. 190.

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opponents of James’s Catholicizing policies sought exile in the Netherlands or visited across the channel. Lampooners on both sides had a justiﬁed sense of being in the front line of a great battle of allegiances. In the event it was widely believed that a lampoon whose words today are almost unintelligible, ‘Lilli Burlero’ (‘Ho brother Teague dost hear de decree’), had, in the words of its author, Thomas Wharton, ‘sung a deluded Prince out of three kingdoms’.70 The poem, being widely circulated in printed broadsheets, can hardly be claimed as clandestine but the public singing of it was unmistakably a subversive act—it became the ‘Marseillaise’ of the Glorious Revolution. A purer example of the role of the scribal media in whipping up anti-Jacobite feeling was the circulation in manuscript of a mendacious newsletter claiming that Irish troops in James’s army had ﬁred into a Protestant church during sermon time. This invented story swept the country.71 Otherwise the political verse of James’s reign is either a continuation of the anti-Catholic rants of the late 1670s, or consists of violent personal attacks on James’s courtiers and ministers, or asserts triumphalist anti-Protestantism. The accession of William and Mary saw a new professionalism evident in both the composition and the distribution of the state lampoon. It also inaugurated a multiplication of political possibilities which was accompanied by the increased self-consciousness in individuals’ identiﬁcation with party which has been noted by Whyman in her account of the Verneys.72 Within the established tendencies, court Whigs now competed with country Whigs as well as with court and country Tories while Jacobites and Non-Jurors kept up a steady ﬁre from a political margin that might still at any juncture have become a centre. Xenophobia combined with Jacobite animus produced satire of particular ferocity directed at William’s Dutch advisers and just as vigorous defences that were to culminate in Defoe’s ‘The Foreigners’. The methods of machine politics trialled under the Shaftesburian Whigs in the early 1680s were now reﬁned, especially in the management of parliamentary and municipal elections. The manipulation of parliament became something of a science when a Tory revival brought the master tactician Danby back to ofﬁce. 71 Text in POASY, 311–12. SPISCE, 11–12. Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999), 149–77. 70 72

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In William the majority of Britons had the king they had supposedly yearned for throughout the Stuart century—a committed Protestant and ﬁerce antagonist of the national enemy, France. What the nation now discovered was that warfare in the Protestant cause was enormously expensive, and that the maintenance of actively engaged standing armies demanded much higher taxation, as well as new-fangled revenue-raising measures, of increasing complexity and desperation.73 Conﬂict between the monarchs and the Protestant heir, Princess Anne, added to the complexities of a political arena in which, despite the increasing liberty of the press, each party and subparty sought to advance its position through the semi-organized writing and publication of lampoons. Complexity is also evident from the behaviour of individual poets, several of whom made dramatic changes of allegiance. Mordaunt, whose support for the Revolution had earned him a place on William’s Privy Council and the earldom of Monmouth, was ejected in 1696 and promptly became a Tory, while courting Anne, under whom he later returned to ofﬁce. Jack Howe made the same shift even more abruptly. Careers built around the undisguised pursuit of gain and ofﬁce could now accommodate themselves to clearly deﬁned party structures. Under such circumstances it was only natural that the old categories of court, Town, and state lampoon should become somewhat blurred. I have shown that this distinction was recognized in a rough way at the time by the hiving off of pieces of one kind or the other into separate scribal anthologies, such as the Cameron scriptorium’s ‘Venus’, ‘Restoration’, and ‘William’ groups; but this was by now largely a retrospective distinction, applied to increasingly elaborate collections of the verse of the two previous reigns, while current production, whatever its primary audience, was rarely without a political colouring.74 Pure court satire became increasingly rare, especially after the death of Mary, because the court itself had largely surrendered its cultural supremacy and distinctiveness. The withdrawal of the monarchs to the more secluded Hampton and Kensington followed by the physical destruction of Whitehall in the ﬁre of 1698 accentuated this process: the private life of royalty had ceased to be 73 There is a brief account of these measures in Andrea Finkelstein, Harmony and the Balance: An Intellectual History of Seventeenth-Century English Economic Thought (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), 219–22. 74 For the groups see W. J. Cameron, ‘A Late Seventeenth-Century Scriptorium’, Renaissance and Modern Studies, 7 (1963), 25–52.

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on show to the same extent as in Charles’s time. Yet examples of court satire still occur. One memorable and widely circulated exchange, more fully treated in later chapters, arose from a quarrel between members of the committee of regents appointed in June 1690 to advise Mary during William’s long absence. It was set off by ‘The Nine’, a lampoon, possibly by Mulgrave and answered by Mordaunt whose answer was then answered by Dorset.75 The pieces count as court satire in the sense that their primary motivation was one of personal malice and dislike, with the underlying political issues given little prominence; yet, outside the court, they would have been read as reﬂecting on the capacity of the regents to govern effectively, which was no doubt the Tory Mulgrave’s aim in penning ‘The Nine’. The most interesting point raised by their existence is that the governing body of the state should have included two acknowledged masters of clandestine satire in Mordaunt and Dorset and that a third, Mulgrave, should have been lurking on the fringes of power. (He was to enter the Privy Council himself in 1694.) A sense, if no more, of the way clandestine satire was developing in the 1690s can be gained by its treatment of the monarch himself. He was a foreigner, withdrawn and private in his personal relationships, and devoted to the craft and practice of military kingship in a way that was totally unfamiliar to his new subjects. He was also a devout Calvinist. For the Jacobites the incentive was to make the worst of every possible situation, and it is to these that we owe a steady stream of satires charging William with homosexual relationships with his Dutch conﬁdants William Bentinck, Earl of Portland, and Joost Keppel, Earl of Albemarle. Yet the tone of these attacks is surprisingly light and amusing, reﬂecting what seems to have been a generally civilized attitude towards same-sex relationships in the 1690s Town.76 One such piece presents itself as a parody of a scene from Buckingham’s The Rehearsal: Enter K. Phys. in his Night-Gown and Benting with his Breeches down. K. Phys. Come here my Benting and Indulge thy charms, More dear than Untoucht Virgins to my Arms, For thee I have Abandon’d Woman-kind,

75 See below, pp. 163–4. The sequence of three satires is given in POASY, v. 195–213. 76 See for example the amusing paired lampoons ‘The Women’s Complaint to Venus’ and ‘Venus[’s Reply]’ in Love, Restoration Verse, 156–7.

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And all my Wishes to that Arse conﬁn’d: My Consort in her Bed neglected lyes, Whilst I am rev’lling in thy whiter Thighs Assist me with thy Councill, if thou can, How to o’recome this Most Prodigious man. This luxemburgh, whose name my Genius aws, And Conquest still attends the sword he draws. Benting. The only way this mighty man to beat, Great Sr, you know, before you Fight to Treat; And when y’have lull’d th’Unwary Fool asleep, You are too wise the Articles to keep; Witness St Dennis! that Immortall Day When on their Backs so many French-men lay: The Day obtain’d, you lost a little fame; The statesman is above the sence of shame. Enter a Messinger out of Breath. Mess: Your Heavy Cannon to Dixmude is come, And Great Sr Martin Beckman leads ’em on. K. Phys. Say, of what Pieces does our Train consist? Mess: There’s Three Two-pounders, Sakers all the rest. K. Phys. Tremble, you Dunkirk walls! Mess: In the canal approaching to the Siege We shot at Ducks, and one is split, my Liege. K. Phys. Curst be my Starrs! what Benting shall I do? Benting. To Horse, Great Sr, and lets away to Loo [Exeunt Omnes. The whole Play shall be speedily made Publick and Acted &c.77

Paul Hammond has brought together a remarkable ﬂorilegium of similar attacks which would seem to make William a candidate for the pantheon of gay monarchs.78 Yet Cameron dismisses the same attacks as ‘an expression of xenophobia’, pointing out that ‘The fact that not one satire of the period alludes to William’s mistress is in itself remarkable.’79 The mistress was Elizabeth Villiers, and the relationship seems to have lasted for most of William’s married life with Mary. Mary herself in a lampoon of 1689, which begins with the attention-grabbing couplet Yale MS Osborn b. 111, p. 371. Figuring Sex between Men from Shakespeare to Rochester (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002), 172–85. 79 POASY, v, p. xxxvii. Some do, however, refer to an anonymous ‘whore’ (ibid. 122, 386), and there is the earlier incident, recalled in Turner, Libertines and Radicals, 230, of his attempting to break into the maids of honour’s quarters at Whitehall. 77 78

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is improbably accused of relationships with the Earl of Shrewsbury, Bishop Burnet, and the Earl of Devonshire, and Princess Anne of betraying her husband with an ‘orthodox looby’, whom Cameron identiﬁes as Henry Compton, Bishop of London.80 Such charges were the small change of political lampooning. Mary is addressed in this poem as ‘Tullia’, which is also her name in Arthur Mainwaring’s ‘Tarquin and Tullia’, a miniature historical allegory in the tradition of Absalom and Achitophel. This represents England, only a year after the Revolution, as already ruined by the malice and brutality of Tarquin (William): Innumerable woes oppressed the land When it submitted to his cursed command; So just was Heaven that ’twas hard to tell, Whether its guilt or losses did excel. Men who renounced their God for dearer trade Were then the guardians of religion made; Rebels were sainted, foreigners did reign, Outlaws returned, preferments to obtain, With frogs and toads and all their croaking train. No native knew their features nor their birth; They seemed the greasy offspring of the earth. The trade was sunk, the ﬂeet and army spent, Devouring taxes swallowed lesser rent, (Taxes imposed by no authority: Each lewd collection was a robbery). Bold self-creating men did statutes draw, Skilled to establish villany by law, Fanatic drivers, whose unjust careers Produced new ills exceeding former fears.81

The main interest of the passage does not lie in its inaccuracies (as they appear to a modern reader) nor in its no doubt reliable record of the feelings of the defeated party but in the sense it conveys of a society being subjected to radical modernization at all levels, and that this was felt more keenly for following on James’s attempt to carry through a different no less radical transformation over the preceding three years. 80 POASY, v. 60–1. We have met Compton earlier as the putative lover of Philippa Temple. His real crime was that of being a Whig. 81 Ibid. 53–4.

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Clandestine satire was a medium of particular importance for Jacobites and Non-Jurors, who had only restricted access to print. One particularly valuable source from the early 1690s which has already been mentioned is Beinecke Library, Osborn MS b 111, a mixture of panegyric verse addressed to the exiled James and satires against his enemies, which was prepared for presentation to him and has his coat of arms on its Morocco binding. It was later owned by Sir Thomas Strange, secretary to the Young Pretender. Five hundred and ninety-six pages long (exclusive of index), it has been edited with such care that the index lists the number of lines of each of its 231 items. The contents include much otherwise unrecorded state verse—including the burlesque scene just quoted—some of which may well have been manufactured for the occasion. To immerse oneself in such a collection is to enter the hothouse world of Jacobite ﬁdelity and resistance more completely than by any other conceivable means. Yet, as a guide to its royal reader concerning the true sentiments of his subjects, it would have been dangerously misleading. Nothing has so far been discovered about the circumstances of its compilation.

d e c l i n e a n d s u rv i va l The writing and circulation of state verse remained a signiﬁcant element in national political life well into the reign of Anne and beyond; but it is fair to say that after 1704 the primary attention of contemporary, as has been the case with modern, readers would have been directed towards the printed political pamphlet, rather than its scribal verse sibling. This was partly due to the greater liberty of the press after the ﬁnal lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1694 and the growing preference of administrations to ﬁght ﬁre with ﬁre by enrolling their own cadres of expert pamphleteers rather than employing cumbersome and unpopular techniques of repression. The identities of writers could now be protected by pseudonyms and those of printers and publishers by surreptitious publication, which was much easier with neither a censor to hound offenders nor a strong Stationers’ Company ﬁghting all encroachments on its monopoly status. As the quality, as well as quantity, of pamphleteering rose, it was less often the case that to encounter the work of outstanding writers

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one had to go to the circulators of manuscripts. The last of the seven Yale POAS volumes, covering 1704–14, is predominantly drawn from printed sources. Swift was an exception only in that his social verse, written for a circle of close friends, was in many cases only belatedly sent to the press: his polemical prose appeared immediately and as a rule pseudonymously. But a further reason for the decline in importance—though never total disappearance—of the state lampoon was a change in the nature of satiric discourse itself. The lampooners’ style had been outspoken and totally devoid of indirection. They spoke their truth or spite as plainly and forcefully as possible. In an age that increasingly prided itself on its polish and savoir faire, this very directness came to be seen as self-defeatingly crude: persuasion in this new world was more likely to be secured by more reﬁned kinds of ridicule uttered in the measured tones of the metropolitan man and woman of sense. Changes in notions of how satire should be written were a response to new forms of civility which were themselves a product of the mollifying inﬂuence of the Town, extended by now over several decades. The habit of being civil to a person’s face and abusive behind their back was long familiar but not the practice of being rude to their face without them realizing it, or half-realizing it but being unable to resent it—the capacity that Dryden praises in his famous Jack Ketch analogy in the dedication to Juvenal and that Pope cheekily acknowledged in addressing George II: The Zeal of Fools offends at any time, But most of all, the Zeal of Fools in ryme. Besides, a fate attends on all I write, That when I aim at praise, they say I bite.82

David Malouf places this change within a wider retreat from both a language and a social order that were ‘violent and violently abusive’: When the scion of a good country family came up to London as young Kastril does in The Alchemist, it was to learn to ‘quarrel’, to be a ‘roaring boy’. Quarrelling and the language of quarrelling were at the heart of the sectarian and political violence that led to the Civil War, which had from the beginning been as much a war of words, of the way opposing ideas found violent language to clothe and arm them, as a war with muskets and pikes. What had to be reformed in the aftermath of the war was not simply factional politics and a tradition of angry dissension and dissent, but the 82 Dryden, Works, iv. 71; ‘To Augustus’, ll. 406–9, in The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London: Methuen, 1963), 649.

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language through which these were encouraged and spread. English had to be purged of all those forms of violent expression that had led men to violent action. By limiting the one, you would limit the other. That was the program. The language itself was to be disarmed. Irony would replace vituperation; good humour, a middle tone, and balance of syntactical structure would ensure that proper weighing of pros and cons that would make extremist views appear so crass and undisciplined as to have no place in polite company. Moderate language would produce moderation.83

Lampooning was both a product of that older culture and, through its replacement of direct vituperation with witty mockery, one of the means by which it was reformed; but for it to become moderate would be to make it something other. Opposition together with the not otherwise available liberty of speech offered by the scribal medium was of its very nature. As part of the movement just described printed verse developed techniques of allusiveness that allowed dissident political opinions to be expressed without being explicitly stated—Pope being the master of this kind of insinuation. Augustan irony, regarded as a social as well as a literary accomplishment, eroded the prestige and effectiveness of the lampoon by making it seem crude and unmodish. Moreover, since political hostility was now increasingly ritualized and polite society inclined towards Addisonian notions of inclusiveness, the energy and directness of the lampoon were more likely to be employed by holders of opinions so dissident that they would never be accepted by the mainstream. Rather than a means of persuasion it had become a way of letting off steam for those who had little or no possibility of putting their programmes into practice. In the end the state lampooner was left as a lone railer against unassuageable enormities; but during the four Restoration decades, when matters had been simpler and most programmes must at one or another time have seemed practicable, he could pride himself on having played as important a part in the forming of national opinion as any other political persuader. From the mid-eighteenth century what had formerly been the role of the lampoon was largely appropriated by pictorial caricature. Hogarth, Gillray, and Cruikshank were the lampooner’s true successors. He (together with the small number of ascertained women lampooners) had also exercised an enormous inﬂuence on the way those 83

‘Made in England’, Quarterly Essay, 12 (2003), 46–7.

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four decades would be understood by posterity. This may not be immediately evident. In one sense the Restoration state lampoon quickly became a buried genre, lurking unread for centuries in manuscripts that were either forgotten or, if inadvertently opened, often mutilated to remove obscenities. The poems were only re-established as vital historical sources through the enthusiasm of a collector, James M. Osborn, and the publication, with his encouragement, of the Yale POAS series of 1963–75. Yet even these invaluable volumes offer only a small proportion of the total repertoire. Moreover, because the POASY editors so frequently illuminate the meanings of the poems by citing modern works of historical scholarship, they cannot avoid conveying a sense of the poems being secondary to the real business of historical argument—adding ﬂesh and a certain piquancy to received portraits and narratives but not creative in their own right of historical understanding, and certainly not foundational to historians’ own conceptions. A leading Stuart historian of the last century, Sir Charles Firth, encouraged this view when he argued that lampoons circulated in manuscript should be disregarded as ‘usually the off-spring of private spite’, a matter on which he is judiciously corrected by W. J. Cameron.84 Firth’s view was not that of the compiler of the original printed POAS volume of 1697. To begin with he regarded himself as presenting not fugitive scurrility but ‘a Collection of those Valuable Pieces, which several great Men have produc’d, no less inspir’d by the injur’d Genius of their Country, than by the Muses’, men who were of ‘Establish’d Fame, and already receiv’d, and allow’d the best Patriots, as well as Poets’. Their work was to be preferred in every sense to that of ‘a sort of Men, who having little other merit, than a happy chime, would fain ﬁx the Excellence of Poetry in the smoothness of Versiﬁcation, allowing but little to the more Essential Qualities of a Poet, great Images, good Sense, &c.’ The poems were part of a struggle for liberty that was still progressing through the continental wars against France: But when all Europe is engag’d to destroy that Tyrannick Power, the mismanagement of those Times, and the selﬁsh evil designs of a corrupt Court had given Rise to, it cannot be thought unseasonable to publish so just an 84 POASY, v, pp. xxxix–xliii. Firth, A Commentary on Macaulay’s History of England (London: Macmillan, 1938), 105. The same historiographical argument had been put forward even more forcefully in Roger North’s Examen: or an Enquiry into the Credit and Veracity of a Pretended Complete History (London, 1740), 658–72.

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Account of the true sourse of all our present Mischiefs; which will be evidently found in the following Poems, for from them we may collect a just and secret History of the former Times.

Some of the poems in the collection had already been printed before in ‘loose Papers’ but ‘so mangled that the persons that wrote them would hardly have known, much less have owned them’, but most had ‘never before seen the Light’.85 It was through the printed texts, particularly the four-volume set of 1702–7, containing a total of 671 predominantly satirical poems, that the spirit of that ‘just and secret History’ was passed on. Moreover, it rapidly outgrew its original ideological bias as satires of all political colourings were added to what rapidly became a commercial operation in search of the widest possible market. There were limitations of course: the texts, derived in the ﬁrst place from fortuitously acquired separates or late scribal anthologies, were frequently shortened and bowdlerized—the best versions of most satires still remained in the manuscripts—but the original POAS volumes, considered collectively, constituted an extraordinary publishing success. Three- and fourvolume sets are still available relatively cheaply on the rare-book market. These sets continued to be read eagerly in the eighteenth and subsequent centuries for their political as well as their entertainment value. In the 1860s a Sydney clergyman, David Blair, painstakingly prepared a handwritten index to such a set for the beneﬁt of users of the Public Library, clearly regarding them as a vital source for the study of Protestantism and liberty. They were also well known to early historians of the period and in this way formative to attitudes adopted towards the great ﬁgures of the age. In particular many accusations of contestable accuracy passed into biographical records on the unacknowledged testimony of the lampoonists. Firth noted that Macaulay ‘quotes and systematically employs the printed collection of satires and political songs published at the beginning of Queen Anne’s reign, in four volumes, and known as Poems on Affairs of State’.86 The manuscripts may also have been more frequently studied than we realize. Macaulay knew the unprinted repertoire well and draws on it in both acknowledged and unacknowledged ways in his highly 85 Poems on Affairs of State from the Time of Oliver Cromwell (London, 1697), A3r–v, A4v. 86 Commentary, 98.

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inﬂuential History.87 Firth himself owned two important scribal anthologies of lampoons now in Bodley. A Victorian duke of Portland was an energetic collector: his hoard is now on deposit at the University of Nottingham Library. Often the volumes themselves show signs of use that pre-date their arrival in their modern institutional homes: annotations, erasures, excisions, candle-grease, snuff and wine stains, hairs, thumbprints. Harvard fMS Eng. 636 contains numerous pencil annotations in what appears to be an early twentiethcentury hand. Every time one of these volumes was opened, as Firth warned, it conveyed a powerful, polemic view of the leading political ﬁgures of its time. The danger is that charges made in these untrustworthy lampoons may be allowed too large a share in forming the historian’s general estimate of the personage, may so inﬂuence his conception of the character that he may be tempted to accept triﬂes as conﬁrmations of these charges, and not pay sufﬁcient attention to evidence telling the other way.88

To this one can hardly object unless the lampoon were to be allowed no weight at all in the determining of a verdict: it certainly expressed what many people thought. The modern historian heading off to study graver and more respectable documents is often unconsciously infected with attitudes towards the period and its statesmen that had their origin with the lampooners. It is hard to view Scroggs, Monmouth, Buckingham, Portsmouth, Cleveland, and even Charles and James except through the prism of the lampoon. This rich body of wholly undisinterested commentary deserves renewed historiographical scrutiny in order to identify the attitudes, conjunctions, and conceivings that it has directly and indirectly fostered. 87 On this see Richard B. Vowles, ‘Macaulay’s “History” and the Lampoon’, N&Q 196 (1951), 320 and Cameron, POASY, v, pp. xxxvii–xliii and annotations, passim. Firth noted that Macaulay had consulted ‘a considerable number of manuscript libels and lampoons’ (Commentary, 98). 88 Firth, Commentary, 106.

5

Lampoon Authorship So far we have been considering the lampoon as an epiphenomenon of the life of communities, performing the tasks of regulating membership, marking boundaries, and deﬁning group identities. We have been chieﬂy concerned with the largest of these communities—the court, the Town, and the political nation—but lampooning was also endemic in such lesser formations as universities and colleges within universities, extended families, professions, political clubs, and gossip circles. Moreover, other towns beside London and other kingdoms beside England also sustained traditions of clandestine satire: Dublin was a fertile source of lampoons from both sides of the political and religious divide.1 I wish now to look more closely at the actual circumstances under which lampoons were written.

the context of writing Most lampoons were issued anonymously, and with good reason. Personal insult in seventeenth-century England was likely to provoke retaliatory violence, administered through the duel for social equals or the beating for inferiors. The known writers of lampoons were no different from their readers in this respect: even by the standards of the time they seem to have been an exceptionally quarrelsome lot. Rochester in 1676 envisaged responding to an anticipated provocation from Dryden by sending for ‘Black Will with a cudgel’.2 When on 18 December 1679 Dryden was set upon in Rose Alley by three assailants using exactly that weapon, it was assumed that either Rochester or one of the other victims of ‘An Essay upon Satyr’ was responsible. Like most men of his rank at court Rochester received 1 Andrew Carpenter (ed.), Verse in English from Tudor and Stuart Ireland (Cork: Cork UP, 2003) contains some striking examples, two of which are cited below. 2 The Letters of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, ed. Jeremy Treglown (Oxford: Blackwell, 1980), 120.

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and issued several challenges. One, which did not actually lead to ﬁghting, involved his rival lampooner, Mulgrave.3 The Duke of Buckingham is remembered for having mortally wounded the Earl of Shrewsbury and afterward cohabited with his widow. High rank offered some protection in his case, since duels between members of the aristocracy were often aborted by the precautionary arrest of the intending duellists. Sir William Coventry’s sending a challenge to Buckingham in response to being portrayed in a scene written for The Country Gentleman led to him being deprived of his secretaryship as a punishment. However, the effect of such protection might simply be to displace the conﬂict from the principal to a follower. On 6 October 1666 Sir Thomas Osborne and Captain Daniel Collingwood fought Thomas Belasyse, Earl Fauconberg and Sir John Talbot in a sanguinary duel that seems to have been prompted by Fauconberg’s pathological dislike of the unreachable Buckingham.4 In 1671 Buckingham was widely believed to have instigated an attack in which the Duke of Ormonde was dragged from his coach and would probably have been murdered had he not managed to struggle free. Ormonde’s son Ossory publicly threatened Buckingham over the incident.5 At the Duke’s Theatre on 28 August 1675 the brother of the poet Sir Carr Scroope was killed in a duel with Sir Thomas Armstrong.6 Two years later the author of ‘A Familiar Epistle to Mr Julian Secretary to the Muses’ (‘Thou common shore of this poetic town’) was still taunting Scroope with his failure to retaliate: Laugh at him, justle him, yet still he writes, In Rhyme he Challenges, in Rhyme he ﬁghts; Charg’d with the last, and basest Infamy, His Bus’nesse is to thinke what Rhymes to — Lye: Which found, in fury he retorts agen, Strephon’s a very Draggon at his Pen. His Brother Murder’d, and his Mother Whor’d His Mistresse Lost, and yet his Pen’s his Sword.7 3 See V. de Sola Pinto, Enthusiast in Wit: A Portrait of John Wilmot Earl of Rochester 1647–1680 (London: Routledge, 1962), 93–6. 4 Andrew Browning, Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby and Duke of Leeds 1632–1712, 3 vols. (Glasgow: Jackson, 1944–51), i. 41. 5 Winifred, Lady Burghclere, George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham (London: John Murray, 1903), 238–43. 6 Margaret M. Verney (ed.), Memoirs of the Verney Family (London: Longmans, Green, 1899), iv. 229. 7 Yale MS Osborn b 105, pp. 358–9.

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John Pulteney suffered similar taunts owing to his having ﬂed from the French when the Dutch army was routed at the siege of Saint-Omer. These ceased when a rival paid with his life for having accosted him in the street. In 1687 a literary quarrel between Robert Wolseley and William Wharton escalated into a duel in which Wharton was killed.8 The author of a Tunbridge ‘reply’ to be considered shortly concludes, ‘I would say more but that I fear theyl ﬁght us.’9 Confrontation by an outraged lampoon victim must have been disconcerting. Dryden is alleged to have denied being the author of MacFlecknoe to its principal victim ‘with all the Execrations he could think of’.10 Women too might revenge an insult through direct or surrogate violence. Lady Harvey, the reputed author of ‘Take a turd’, was said to have killed a page with his own sword because he had boasted of having slept with her.11 In May 1669 the Countess of Shrewsbury, that ‘killing dame’, arranged for Henry Killigrew to be attacked and ‘wounded in nine places’ by her footmen, and his servant reportedly murdered, while she watched from her coach. This was done ‘Upon an old grudge, of his saying openly that he had lain with her’.12 Other duels fought over her resulted in the deaths of her husband and of Giles Rawlins and William Jenkins, acting as seconds. Her second son John, taunted in a number of lampoons for his homosexuality, was killed in a duel by the king’s illegitimate son, the Duke of Grafton.13 If Dryden’s beating in Rose Alley was not organized by Rochester it may have been by the Duchess of Portsmouth.14 Dorset’s stepdaughter, Mary Gerard, was accused of involvement in the murder of two ﬁddlers.15 8 Brice Harris, Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, Patron and Poet of the Restoration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1940), 110–12. 9 ‘A Reply by Mr Hawse his Son’, Yale MS Osborn b 54, p. 1133. 10 Thomas Shadwell, The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell, ed. Montague Summers, 5 vols. (London: Fortune Press, 1927), v. 292. Nathaniel Thompson’s caning by a member of the Charlton family arose from a newspaper report, not a lampoon ( John Spurr, England in the 1670s (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 167). 11 CSR, 28. 12 The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1970–), ix. 557. See also 558 for her lover Buckingham’s lame attempt to excuse her. 13 CSR, 286. 14 Edward Saslow, ‘The Rose Alley Ambuscade’, Restoration, 26 (2002), 27–49, argues cogently that the attack was a revenge by Dorset on behalf of his wife who had recently died in childbirth; however, Saslow may sentimentalize Dorset’s married life. He was also cohabiting during his marriage with his mistress, and the mother of three of his children, Philippa Waldegrave. 15 CSR, 243–5.

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In the light of this frequent recourse to the duel and the beating as a means of evening scores, we would expect the identity of lampoon authors to be carefully guarded. In the case of particular poems this is often the case; yet there was a widespread understanding that certain individuals, well known to the Town and to each other, were the principal authors of lampoons. In the manuscript sources for court lampoons of the 1660s and 1670s, the names of Rochester, Dorset, Mulgrave, John, Lord Vaughan, and Etherege appear regularly, either as ascriptions on texts or in identiﬁcations made by other lampooners. The efﬂorescence of the Town lampoon in the early 1680s can be mapped through a series of poems (listed below) in which lampooners cheerfully spill the beans on each other. The key names recur with an insistency that suggests that a large part of the surviving corpus of lampoons was not the generalized emanation of an upper-class folk culture but the product of a small coterie of identiﬁable writers. There are good reasons why this might be so. While the manner and forms of the lampoon were a universal possession, for a piece to be remarked and discussed required that it should retail fresh and, if possible, sensational gossip and that it should be written with a particular kind of ﬂair that was not as easy to achieve as one might assume. There must often have been an up-to-date sparkle to a successful lampoon that is lost on us today when we review the genre en masse. The lampoon that failed to meet these two criteria of content and style might have been copied a few times as a separate but without achieving the level of circulation that would ensure its survival. Other pieces, written for a particular narrow coterie, must have been denied wider circulation through relying on allusions that were not intelligible to outsiders; nor need the writers have regretted this. One important aid to survival was the ability to place work with the professional scribes of the metropolis. Julian, Somerton, Warcup, and their ilk were not acknowledged publishers with known addresses at which unsolicited manuscripts might be left, but relied on material being fed to them by individuals who were personally known to them and whom they trusted. A Dorset or a Jack Howe would know into exactly what hands a lampoon needed to be placed to achieve maximum circulation; others would not. Moreover, those hands, as well as multiplying copies as separates, were also responsible for the creation of the large retrospective manuscript anthologies which are today the chief repositories of the genre. A piece might circulate successfully as a separate without ever being selected for

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this higher level of preservation. Merely to leave copies in coffee houses, scatter them at court, or bestow them on friends was a less reliable path to posterity. As an example of the ease with which lampoons could disappear from sight let us take a group written at Tunbridge Wells in the summer of 1680. Tunbridge was the fashionable out-of-town gathering place of the early Restoration years, only gradually yielding place to Bath. It is the subject of many lampoons, of which the best known is the satire by Rochester.16 In 1680 a visitor to the Wells assembled a linked group of ﬁve lampoons then in circulation which have come down to us in a single source, Yale MS Osborn b 54, pp. 1128–33: ‘A Satyr on Tunbridge Wells 1680’ (‘England by all thought beauty’s natural soil’) ‘[A] Hue and Cry to the Crier of Tunbridge Wells’ (‘O yee yes if anyone can tidings tell’) ‘An Answer to the Satyr on Tunbridge Wells or A Whip, a Whip, Poor Pug Lashed for Spoiling the Best Parlour 1680’ (‘To lampoon ladies thus for everything’) ‘On Mr Haws at Tunbridge by Sir Rob: Howard. 1680’ (‘At Tunbridge Wells a New England apostle’) ‘A reply by Mr Hawse his Son’ (‘On Tunbridge walks two bona robas justle’)

The ﬁrst poem of the group created offence not so much by its revelations of scandal (with names of victims identiﬁed in the margins) but by insisting that only ugly women had come to the Wells that year. England, once called ‘the paradice of women’, had become An overteeming Beldam spent and done The daughter more degenerate then the son: Once the deform’d the only Monsters were, The Beautys now are so because they are rare.

Gathered in their evening ﬁnery the visitors resembled ‘The awfull order of the Whetstone band’. The ﬁrst of two replies is a parody of a bellman’s call: O yee yes! If any one can tydings tell, Of a certain Lampooner with a whip and a bell; That hath lashed ye Ladys; as round as a hoop in ye calves of his leggs, a little given to stoop; 16

Works, 49–50. For further examples see below, pp. 207–12.

156

Lampoon Authorship With a Frenchifyed pace and a selfe conceit That his witt and his meritts are wondrous great: And more besides that if I be not mistooke He has a hedge-hog face and a lampoon looke: From Westminster hall o’th’ fathers side, On ye mothers deriv’d from ye divill and pride: If any such monster shall happ in yr way That may seem to have err’d and quite gon astray; Bring him to ye cryer without further regard And you shall be sure of a swinging reward. God save ye King. 1680

The description was recognizable enough for the compiler of the group to identify its object as ‘Mr Skip-with’—i.e. Thomas of that name, remembered for his later adventures in theatre management. He is listed in ‘To Captain Warcup’ (‘Here take this Warcup spread this up and down’) as a lampoon poet.17 The second reply takes upon itself to reprove not only the lampoon but lampooning itself. The author presents himself as a knight errant devoted to the defence of ladies Att any time shall mankind dare ith’ least To haue ill thoughts of woman in his breast And liue to see the sun? no, lett him dye. And then be damn’d to all Eternity: For he that can of them imagine evill Is a ﬁtt present; only for the Divill:

The poem goes on to refute some of the speciﬁc personal attacks of the original before concluding with further hufﬁng at those who maligned women. The author of the piece may well have been Rochester’s poetical foe Sir Carr Scroope, who had himself appeared in Skipwith’s gallery of visitors to the Wells: That purblind Knight that with Lyncean eyes, And magnifying glasses faults Espys; He walks alone, ’tis great and shews disdaine, See what a contemplation works his braine, That Ballader that jurney man of Rhime That can’t distinguish Burlesque from sublime; From far fetcht paraphrase he seeks renown, And furiously he threatens a Lampoon.18 17 CSR, 161 and for his life CSR, 287–8. The ‘Mr’ is correct as he did not become Sir Thomas until 1694. 18 p. 1130.

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The ‘paraphrase’ would have been Scroope’s ‘Sappho to Phaon’ in Dryden’s Ovid’s Epistles Translated (1680) and the lampoon, presumably, his ‘toothless’ ‘In Defence of Satyr’. The Tunbridge reply gives a distinct sense of a piece written to set right a violation of the ethics of sociability. Sexual insult could be tolerated as generic to the lampoon but not the accusation of universal ugliness. The remaining two pieces are an epigram by Sir Robert Howard on an Anabaptist preacher at Tunbridge and a reply, addressed to Howard and his brother Phillip, by the minister’s son. However, the appeal of the 1680 Tunbridge group was too local and particular to inspire further circulation. It has survived only because it fortuitously came to the hands, ﬁrst of an unknown visitor to the Wells and secondly of an indiscriminate amateur collector of lampoons (assuming they were not the same person), who has also preserved many other unique pieces. In a parallel case a lengthy Dublin lampoon survives only because a copy was fortuitously taken by Sir William Petty.19 The professional scribes had a keen understanding of how a wellknown name might help sell a lampoon. A Tory satire of 1679–80, ‘The Visitt’, in introducing Robert Julian, the best-remembered vendor of clandestine satire, shows him at pains to advertise the authorship of his wares: Of Guineys tost with Julian you’re a Rogue we’are straight Presented with whats new in vogue. There was obscene Rotchesters Cheife storys of matrix Glances Dildo and Clittoris With Dorsetts Tawdry Nonsense drest For sale This motto on’t Braue Buckhurst nere Faile Gods Blood and wounds Crys Julian thats grown stale I scarce can Put it off For nants and Ale The next was smoothly writ by squinting Carr Of Pembrooks drunken tricks, his Bull and Beare Behen was there with Bawdry in a vaile But swearing Bloodily as in a Goale Mulgraue appear’d with his base Borrowed witt And Dryden at his heeles a owning it There was Lewd Buckinghams slimb Poetry But stufft so full of horrid Blasphemy made Julian doubt there was no diety 19

Carpenter, Verse in English, 423.

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Lampoon Authorship Feirce Drydens satyr wee desir’d to veiw For wee had heard he mourn’d in Black and Blew Hee search’d for it but twas not to be Found Twas Put ith Garett for a hundred Pound (ll. 15–35)20

The piece by ‘squinting Carr’ is ‘In Defence of Satyr’, just mentioned. ‘Feirce Dryden’s satyr’ is the ‘Essay upon Satyr’ written collaboratively with Mulgrave. (Further attributions of lampoons to Dryden are discussed below.) For Julian, as represented here, an ascription to an author is primarily a marker of commercial value: Rochester and ‘Feirce Dryden’s satyr’ sell, while Dorset and Buckingham are a drug on the market. The important point is that the buyer was likely to be inﬂuenced by an attribution in determining whether to part with his guineas. As early as 1673, Theophilus, Earl of Huntington was instructing his London agent to hunt down work by Rochester circulating in manuscript.21 That several of the professionally circulated lampooners were members of the house of peers, others baronets and knights, and yet others younger sons of the aristocracy was presumably no accident. Not only did their rank afford them the celebrity status that allowed Julian to ask for higher prices but it also ensured that they moved in circles where they were able to obtain fresh, riveting gossip. To be a successful lampoon author, then, involved a willingness to negotiate personal danger, the ability to insert one’s work advantageously into systems of copying, and skills in writing and the acquisition of gossip. To these we should add personal malice and an attraction to the particular kind of power the lampoon gave one in the social world of the time. A concern for the political health of the state might also impel one to lampoon-writing, but it was rare for this to be unmixed with less commendable motives.

n a m i n g t h e au t h o r The authors of 1660s and 1670s court and state satire are known to us today from attributions that, to a surprising extent, accompanied their works in circulation. An editor of Dorset, Rochester, Sedley, Etherege, or Marvell has numerous scribal attributions of this kind to use as a starting point, many of which stand up well to scrutiny. (The 20 21

Lincolnshire Archives Ofﬁce MS Anc 15/ B/4, p. 20. Lucyle Hook, ‘Something More about Rochester’, MLN 75 (1960), 478–85.

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numerous attributions that appear in early eighteenth-century printed collections are, by contrast, of little authority.) The authors named in ‘The Visitt’ correspond closely to those collected in the 1680 Rochester Poems and its lost manuscript source represented by the collateral Yale MS Osborn b 105.22 It is valid to associate this body of clandestine verse with Julian even if the particular manuscript may have been the work of another hand. Similar, though less exhaustive, lists of the authors of pre-1680 court and early Town lampoons are offered in the ‘Essay’ itself, Rochester’s ‘An Allusion to Horace’, the anonymous ‘Advice to Apollo’, and a number of related satires.23 The Town lampoons of the 1680s and 1690s, by contrast, are less frequently accompanied by an ascription: the identity of the poet was not in this case of such pressing concern to potential buyers. Yet names can often be attached to them either through audacious internal signing or through attributions made in other lampoons. Internal signing may have begun with the Rochester dubium ‘To the Post Boy’—at least some contemporaries read Rochester’s name, appearing as the last word in the poem, as a surrogate signature and dropped it accordingly to a line of its own.24 In three instances of selfsigning identiﬁed by Wilson, the name is similarly positioned at the end of the last line. ‘Advice, or a Heroic Epistle to Mr Fr. Villiers to an Excellent New Tune Called “A Health to Betty” ’ concludes: Now to conclude at parting, All I have writ is certain; And so I end, Your faithful friend And servant, Roger Martin.

The existence of a second lampoon ‘There’s Sunderland the Tory’, which in one source is headed ‘A ballad to the tune of Sir Roger Martin’, raises the possibility that we are dealing with a ﬁctitious knight whose name just happens to correspond to that of a real one; however, an attack, quoted below, on a lampooning ‘Sir Martin’ conﬁrms the existence of an actual author, who is identiﬁed by Wilson as Sir Roger Martin of Long Melford, Suffolk (1639–1712).25 Wilson 22 Discussed in David M. Vieth, Attribution in Restoration Poetry (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963) and my own ‘Scribal Texts and Literary Communities: The Rochester Circle and Osborn b. 105’, Studies in Bibliography, 42 (1989), 219–35. 23 24 Reprinted in POASY, i. 325–415. Works, 42–3. 25 BL MS Harl. 7319, fos. 142r–144r; CSR, 117. Martin is also credited with a stanzaic lampoon against Monmouth, ‘ ’Twas a foolish fancy Jemmy’.

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also cites the conclusion of ‘A Letter to Julian from Prison’ (‘Dear Julian having missed thee a long time’): So rest I till you hear from me again, Your real friend and servant, Henry Maine

and that of ‘Satyr 1692/3’ (‘Declining Venus has no force o’er love’) This stingless satire’s author, if you’d know, The dial speaks not, but it points Jack Howe26

Howe had already worked his name into the conclusion of ‘An Epistle to Somerton, Secretary to the Muses, 1691’ (‘Dear Somerton, once my beloved correspondent’), which concludes: Many more might be nam’d Ther’s a Cartload of Crimes And in Pity to shee I shall shorten my Rhimes Which prithee Dear Jack industriously scatter And if thou scap’st banging, expect a new Satyr If you’re askt, who’s the Author, pretend you don’t know Thô twixt you and I, tis Your Servant, Jack How.27

While one or both of these internal signings may have been fraudulent, yet Howe, accurately described by Wilson as ‘wrong-headed, fractious and malicious’ (p. 256), was exactly the kind of hyperactive exhibitionist to have signed a lampoon with his own name. His poetic oeuvre still awaits collection. Another apparent example of an internally signed poem is ‘On the Ladyes at Tunbridge’ (‘Our ladies fond of love’s sweet toys’), variously dated 1688 and 1690, which concludes When Friends amongst themselves fall out, Scandall like Plagues does ﬂy about. A Fool Inrag’d soon shoots his Bolt. This Limping Satyr’s Harry Colt.28

Colt may have been a brother of the courtier William Dutton Colt, who was himself assailed in ‘Mrs Nelly’s Complaint’ (‘When Sylla’s gost made angry Catiline start’).29 CSR, p. xiv. BL MS Harl. 7315, fos. 211v–212r. The ‘shee’ is Cleveland. For some additional verse attributed to Howe see CSR, 256. 28 29 Yale MS Osborn b 111, p. 560. CSR, 97–101. 26 27

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A later exchange of internally signed lampoons began with ‘An Epistle from Henry Heveningham to the Duke of Somerset at Newmarkett 1698’ (‘Since Manwaring and learned Perry’) which concludes: Now, thô your Absence gives us Anguish Wee must not let the Ladys languish Therefore Excuse my hast, who am your Loving Brother Heveningham30

A reply to this piece, ‘A Letter from J.P. to Colonel H. Occasion’d by the Colonel’s Two Late Letters’ (‘O Harry, canst thou ﬁnd no Subject ﬁt’), mimics it by making the writer’s initials its concluding rhyme: If after all the Criticks tell us right, Who say some other did those Rhymes indite, And set thy Name to what thou didst not write; Then pardon this Impertinence in me, Who am thy most assured Friend J.P.

‘J.P.’ is John Pulteney, whose career has been summarized by Wilson.31 The title ‘Colonel’ was either a militia rank or inspired by Heveningham’s humbler position as lieutenant of the Band of Gentleman Pensioners.32 Pulteney and Heveningham had been linked as minor pests of the Town as early as ‘Satire’ (‘Must I with patience ever silent sit’): Must I meet Heveningham where’er I go, Arp, Arran, villain Frank, nay Pulteney too?33

The ‘Letter from J.P.’ is part of a linked group connected with ‘the knights of the toast’ that is preserved entire in BL MS Harl. 7315, fos. 255v to 269r, Leeds Brotherton MS Lt q 38, pp. 204–29; and Nottingham University Library MSS PwV 44, pp. 181–220. It is an ingeniously two-edged exercise in which a list of topics, partly recommended to the incompetent fellow poet and partly claimed as 30 BL MS Harl. 7315, fo. 261v. The name was pronounced ‘Henningham’. He is the subject of ‘A Dialogue between Poet Motteux and Patron Henningham’ (I told you, Sir, it would not pass’). ‘An answer’ to ‘Since Manwaring and Learned Perry’ (‘The town is in a high dispute’) alleges that the poem was really written by Arthur Mainwaring. 31 32 33 CSR, 278–9. Ibid. 61. POASY, ii. 205.

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beyond his powers, serves as a commentary, sometimes complimentary and sometimes satirical, in its own right: Aim not at things that are above thy reach Mildmay seems ﬁtting for a Stile like thine, And William Pawlet in thy Works would shine; Lord Ratcliff ’s Poems might thy Satyr ﬁt, But what hast thou to do with Men of Wit? Resign the Task to some sublimer Muse, To tell what Beauties Burl——n pursues, What powerful Charms did Anglesea recal, And who now warms the Heart of gentle Maule; What lovely Youth Boyle fondly doth caress, Or strowling Punk does brawny Granvile bless; What new Swivante Manwaring will clap, And who by Walsh is destin’d to a Rape; How Therrold still for Mazareen doth burn, And Lady Mary does lost Kingston mourn. . . . But these are Subjects that surpass thy Rhimes, Draw thou the Fops or Husbands of the Times, Or if to charge the fair thy Fancy moves, Write Popham’s Life or Madam Grifﬁn’s Loves. One Labour too to Ranelagh is due, Who with false Beauty does deface the true; And may arrive with Diligence and Care In time to rival Darentwater’s Heir, On such as these thy Doggrel Numbers try, And fresh Memoirs Lord Edward will supply.34

Several of the names are those of known writers or wits: Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery, Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington, George Granville, Lord Lansdowne, Arthur Mainwaring, Walter Moyle, and William Walsh, although none is here identiﬁed as a lampooner. Lord Edward mentioned in the last line is presumably the ‘Darentwater’s Heir’ of two lines previously, i.e. Edward Radclyffe, Viscount Radclyffe, invoked at the beginning of the passage as a poetic model for Heveningham, but here as an informant.35 A second source of information is references in lampoons to the circumstances of composition of other lampoons. It is from these POAS (1702–7), ii. 256–7. See also below. For Radclyffe see David M. Vieth, ‘Poems by “My Lord R.” : Rochester versus Radclyffe’, PMLA 72 (1957), 612–19. Dryden praised Derwentwater (as he became) as a critic but considered that as a poet he was ‘none of the best’ (The Letters of John Dryden, ed. Charles E. Ward (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1942), 58). 34 35

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that in the relative absence of ascriptions we are able to acquire a good sense of who the principal lampoon poets of the second generation were and how they operated. As is hinted in Pulteney’s suggestion of a partnership between Heveningham and ‘Lord Edward’, lampoon writing was often collaborative. Charles, Viscount Mordaunt, later famous in military and diplomatic history as the third Earl of Peterborough, is alleged to have taken part in several such collaborations.36 In an answer poem to ‘The Ladies’ March’, headed ‘A Satyr’ (‘A scribbling puppy has of late designed’), the writing of the poem is attributed with much venom and particularity to Mordaunt; however, its information is credited to Henry or Richard Lumley: Dull Lumly joynes with thee sweares he’l be true And tho he cannot write he’l give the que Tells them who has the Whites, who stinks, who’s sweet Who frigs who F—s, and who has stinking feet Relates the Ogling he has seen att Playes Describes the Persons, Boxes, Acts and Stages Tells them he dogg’d a hackny Coach all night Where the Errant Widdow dropt and where the Knight. Like Bedford Ned who spends’s Estate and time That his dull tye may be put into Rhyme Or like a Curr who’s taught to fetch he goes From place to place to bring back what he knowes Tells who’s ith’ park what Coaches Turn’d about Who were the Sparkes and whom they follow’d out.37

The ‘Curr who’s taught to fetch’ is an evident parody of Dryden’s ‘nimble spaniel’ in the preface to Annus Mirabilis.38 A similar relationship is asserted for a later court lampoon, ‘The Female Nine’ (1690), which is attributed to Mordaunt by Dorset in ‘A True Account of the Birth and Conception of a Late Famous Poem call’d “The Female Nine” ’. This answer to an answer represents Lady Monmouth (the former Cary Frazier), apprehensive that, following the appearance of ‘The Nine’, attacking the nine regents appointed to advise Queen Mary during William’s absence in Ireland, ‘the nine 36 On Mordaunt generally see my ‘Charles, Viscount Mordaunt and the “The Ladies’ March” ’, RES (forthcoming). 37 BL MS Add. 34362, fos. 132r–133r, where it follows the ‘March’. For the Lumley brothers see CSR, 262–3, and for more on informants CSR, p. xv. 38 Works, i. 53.

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ladies turn would be next’. On this ground she persuades her husband that they should get in ﬁrst with a reply in which her ‘prudence and virtue’ should shine and he would be allowed to appear as ‘the great Turk of the scene’. She would ‘furnish the sense’ if he would agree to ‘tag it with rhymes’: Her spouse, ﬁr’d at this, scream’d aloud and leapt forth, And fetching his dead-doing pen in his wrath, He workt off his piece with such art of the pen That he aim’d at the ladies but wounded the men And labour’d so hard The doors were all barr’d, And none was admitted but trusty Blanchard. ’Twas writ in such haste, you’re desir’d to dispense With the want of true grammar, good English and sense.

(ll. 37–45)39

W. J. Cameron has questioned Dorset’s attribution on the ground of gaps and inaccuracies in the satirist’s knowledge of the persons attacked; however, he does not dismiss it outright, noting that it has ‘circumstantial evidence in its favour as well’ (p. 202), and in the absence of any alternative attribution, or a contemporary denial, it should be allowed to stand. Both accounts suggest that Mordaunt was a ﬂuent versiﬁer whose ability might be harnessed by those with the ideas and content for a satire. One manuscript of a widely circulated satire found in a longer form with the ﬁrst line ‘My muse and I are drunk tonight’ but which is more often encountered in a shorter version beginning ‘Clarendon had law and sense’ attributes the work to ‘Lord Mordent and Lord Faughland’, which is at least as persuasive as much later rival attributions to Dryden, Rochester, and Dorset.40 ‘A Letter to a Friend by the Lord R——’ (‘Worthy sir, though weaned from all those scandalous delights’) attacks Mordaunt as ‘the Lisping Lord’ together with his ‘correcting Friend, | Who slily laughs at what he seems to mend’.41 According to ‘Letter to Julian’ (‘Dear Julian, twice or thrice a year’), Mordaunt collaborated with Etherege in the epilogue to Rochester’s posthumously performed Valentinian.42 The prologue to Valentinian is claimed in the same source to have been the product of an even more elaborate collaboration, initiated by Howe: 39 Dorset, Poems, 25. The complete sequence of three satires is given in POASY, v. 195–213. 40 Discussed below, and in Love, ‘Charles, Viscount Mordaunt’. 41 42 BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 32r–v. CSR, 132, 135.

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Jack Howe, thy patron, ’s left the town, But ﬁrst writ something he dare own, A prologue lawfully begotten And full nine months maturely thought on, Born with hard labour and much pain; Wolseley was Doctor Chamberlain; At length from stuff and rubbish picked, As bear cubs into shape are licked. When Wharton, Etherege, and Soame, To give it the last strokes were come, Those critics differed in their doom. Some were for embers quenched with pages, And some for mending servants’ wages. Both ways were tried, but neither took, And the fault’s laid on Mrs. Cook; Yet Swan says he admired it ’scaped, Since ’twas Jack Howe’s, without being clapped.43

Both versions seem to have been tried at performances without raising a laugh, and the blame laid on the performer, Sarah Cooke. The prologue included a savage attack on John Shefﬁeld, Earl of Mulgrave, both a lampooner and a perpetual butt of lampoon wit, which is extended in Wolseley’s preface to the published play. Authorship of this kind was another extension of Town sociability, not a solitary occupation or even, possibly, the primary aim of the meetings which gave rise to the texts. Yet the passage also indicates the great importance placed on prologues as a means of communicating with the Town and the anxieties that attended the writing of these pieces. Similar anxieties must have attended the launching of a lampoon whose authorship was likely to be suspected or which its author or authors wished to be noted and discussed.44 One way of drawing attention to a lampoon was to leak knowledge of it in advance. ‘The Character of Two Scotch Bards (after Long Strowling) Lately Arriv’d at Tunbridge’ (‘Ladies take heed a northern blast approaches’) is a warning of the imminent appearance of a lampoon which was still at the consultative stage:

Ibid. 132. For the prologue see Rochester, Works, 643. Links between prologue and lampoon writing are evident when lampoons are referred to in stage orations, as in the prologue to Southerne’s Sir Anthony Love (1690) (The Works of Thomas Southerne, ed. Robert Jordan and Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1989), i. 173). 43 44

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These are respectively ‘A clumsie fellow with a hatchett Face’ and a ‘dull Booby’ with ‘clouted Shooes and stocking out oth’ Heels’.45 Etherege’s habit of circulating drafts for comment was reproved in Wycherley’s ‘To Sir George Etheridge, On his Shewing his Verses Imperfect’ and on one occasion forced him to abandon a lampoon.46 Dryden tells the story in a letter to Rochester written in the spring of 1673: These observations would easily run into Lampoon, if I had not forsworn that dangerous part of wit, not so much out of good nature, But least from the inkhorn vanity of poets, I should show it to others, and betray my self to a worse mischief than what I designed my enemy. This has been lately the case of Etherege, who translating a Satyre of Boileau’s, and changing the French names for English, read it so often that it came to their eares who were concerned; and forc’d him to leave off the design e’re it were half ﬁnished. Two of the verses I rememember. I call a spade a spade; Eaton a Bully Frampton a pimp, and Brother John a Cully But one of his friends, imagined these names not heroique enough for the dignity of a Satyre, and changed them thus. I call a Spade a Spade; Dunbar a Bully Brounckard a Pimp and Aubrey Vere a Cul[ly]47

The communal nature of much lampoon writing could not be better illustrated. Howe, Wolseley, Wharton, Etherege, Mordaunt, and Soames (but not the Scotch bards) are all linked with other enterprises of Town writing. Soames, who died in 1686 on his way to Constantinople as Charles II’s ambassador, made a free translation of Boileau’s L’Art Poétique, which, in another example of collaboration, was worked over by Dryden, and in an epistle beginning ‘Though teaching thy peculiar business be’ reproved Oldham in verse for his ‘Sardanapalus’. Etherege achieved fame as a dramatist. Mordaunt is mentioned in BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 149r–v. The Works of William Wycherley, ed. Montague Summers (London: Fortune Press, 1924), iv. 227. 47 Rochester, Letters, 89–90. 45 46

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several sources as an author or plagiarist of ‘songs’.48 All, apart from Soames, were named on several occasions elsewhere as writers of lampoons. ‘The king, duke and state’ (1682) sets out to identify the authors of libels then current. Those named are John Baber, Howe, Faulkland, Mordaunt, Mordaunt’s brother-in-law Dr Charles Frazier, Sir Fleetwood Sheppard, Dorset, Heveningham, and William Fanshaw.49 Sheppard and Dorset were survivors from the 1660– 1670s generation of court lampooners who by 1682 were in the position of being political semi-exiles from the court. Heveningham held a minor court position and Fanshaw had been dismissed from a lucrative one for his Whig sympathies.50 Other satires support this picture of a coterie of poets engaged in the often collaborative production of Town satires which were then circulated by wellorganized scribal publishers. ‘An Answer to the Satire on the Court Ladies’ (‘Since every foolish coxcomb thinks it ﬁt’, 1680)51 lists Dryden, who ‘In all his satires pecks at only men’, Etherege, ‘lisping Mordaunt’, ‘beau Henningham’, Faulkland, and Howe, who . . . to this function mightily pretends And satires those the most he calls his friends. . . . Sends forth his spies; his home-spun sisters too Daily inform what their acquaintance do. Then out himself he packs and scouting goes, Singles out pairs as he thinks ﬁt, and those He handles civilly, then frames his jest, Writes what he sees, feigns and makes out the rest. (p. 42)

Among other names offered by the satirist are those of Henry, Lord Eland, Baber, and Goodwin Wharton, though it is not clear whether it is as lampooners or simply fops. The following list records those verse references to scribally publishing Town poets which speciﬁcally or by implication name them as writers of lampoons. In many cases there are other references which do not indentify the individual concerned as a lampooner. References to professionals are included only when there is an implication that they may also have written clandestine satire. Where a manuscript source is cited it is that which has the title here used, since titles are highly variant. The ﬁrst line is given in the standardized 49 See Love, ‘Charles, Viscount Mordaunt’. CSR, 92–6. He is the ‘limping Will Francho’ of ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, l. A91. See Rochester, Letters, 184 n. and CSR, 236–8. 51 CSR, 41–6. 48 50

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form used for the Appendix, and is therefore in modernized spelling without punctuation. Further locations, when they exist, may be recovered from the Appendix. No assurance can be given that the satirists’ information is correct but at least some of it must have been. Satires are arranged in alphabetical order of ﬁrst lines under their putative year of composition when that is known or can be guessed at, with an appendix of those which cannot conﬁdently be dated. The starting date is 1680. References to earlier lampooners can easily be recovered from Vieth’s Attribution in Restoration Poetry, POASY, i and ii, and the standard editions of Rochester, Dorset, and Sedley. ‘A Satyr on Tunbridge Wells 1680’ (‘England by all thought beauty’s natural soil’), Yale MS Osborn b 54, 1128–30: Scroope. ‘Rochester’s Ghost Addressing to the Secretary of the Muses’, after July 1680 (‘From the deep vaulted den of endless night’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 211r–215r: ‘Falkland’, Eland, ‘Henningham’, ‘Wharton’, Mordaunt, Howe, George, Earl of Dumbarton, preceded by a group of unnamed poets who appear to be Dorset, Sheppard, Frazier, Etherege, Halifax, Dryden, and Mulgrave. ‘To Mr Julian’, 1680 (‘Julian in verse to ease thy wants I write’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 3r–4v: John Pulteney, Sir Carr Scroope, Theophilus, Earl of Huntington, ‘civil Grey’ (Ford, Lord Grey). ‘The Supposed Author of the Preceding Poem’, 1680 (‘O yes if anyone can tidings tell’), Yale MS Osborn b 54, pp. 1128–30: Thomas Skipwith. ‘Barbara Piramidum Sileat Miracula Memphis’, 1680 (‘Of all the wonders since the world began’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 19r–24r: Mulgrave, Howe, Scroope, Dryden. ‘An Answer to the Satire on the Court Ladies’, 1680 (‘Since every foolish coxcomb thinks it ﬁt’, 1680). [See above.] ‘A Letter to a Friend by the Lord R——’, 1680 (‘Worthy sir, though weaned from all those scandalous delights’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 32r: Mordaunt. ‘A Satyr’, c.1681 (‘A scribbling puppy has of late designed’), BL Add. MS 34262, fos. 132r–133r: Mordaunt. [See above.] ‘Utile Dulce’, 1681 (‘Muse, let us change our style and live in peace’), CSR, 49–55: Faulkland, ‘peevish Jack’ Howe. [‘Henningham’, ‘Tyzard’ (identiﬁed by Wilson as Henry Lumley), Thomas or Henry Wharton, and Mordaunt are mentioned as writers but not speciﬁcally lampooners.] ‘An Heroic Poem’, 1681 (‘Of villains rebels cuckolds pimps and spies’), CSR, 68–75: Sheppard, Fanshaw. ‘Quem Natura Negat Facit Indignatio Versus’, 1682 (‘I who from drinking

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ne’er could spare an hour’), BL MS Harl. 7319, fos. 114r–119r with attribution to ‘Mr Allen’: Sheppard, Eland. ‘To Julian’, 1682 (‘Julian how comes it that of late we see’), BL Harl. 6913, fos. 151r–152r: Eland, Scarborough, ‘Chomley’, Dorset, Aelst, Sheppard, Charles Frazier, ‘Sir Martyn’, ‘Henningham’, Villiers, Faulkland, Huntington. ‘Satire to Julian’, 1682 (‘Send forth dear Julian all thy books’), CSR, 86–91: Mordaunt. ‘The king duke and state’, 1682. [See above.] ‘Satyr of the Towne’ (‘The town has thought ﬁt’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 120r–21v: Lumley, ‘Libelling Jack’ Howe. ‘The Lady Freschevile’s Song of the Wives’, 1682 (‘You scribblers that write still of widows and maids’), CSR, 112–16: Anne, Lady Freschville, Catherine Stanhope. ‘A Letter to Julian’, 1684 (‘Dear Julian, twice or thrice a year’), CSR, 131–7. [See above.] ‘Julian’s Farewell to the Muses’, 1685 (‘Mine and the poets’ plague consume you all’), CSR, 138–40: Howe, Etherege, Eland, Mulgrave, Dorset. ‘To Capt. Warcup’, 1686 (‘Here take this, Warcup, spread this up and down’), CSR, 159–65: Hugh, Viscount Cholmondeley, John Cecil, ﬁfth Earl of Exeter, Cary or Charles Frazier, Parsons, Baber, William Wharton, Colonel Edward Sackville, Skipwith, Edward Grifﬁn. ‘The Town Life’, 1686 (‘Once how I doted on this jilting town’), POASY, iv. 61–7: Exeter, Wolseley. ‘The Duel’, 1687 (‘Of Clinias’ and Damœtas’ sharper ﬁght’), Nottingham University Library, Portland MS PwV 43, pp. 195–8: William Wharton, Wolseley. ‘The Renegado Poet’, after 1688 (‘Damon, the author of so great renown’), POAS (1702–7), ii. 168–9: Dryden. ‘Somerton’s Epistle’, 1689 (‘Dear Somerton once my beloved correspondent’), BL MS Harl. 7315, fos. 210r–212r: Wolseley. ‘On Monmouth, John Howe, and Lord Mulgrave’, also as ‘On the Modern Lampooners’, 1690 (‘Ye mighty lampooners who grow into fashion’), BL MS Harl. 7315, fos. 202v–203r: Jack Howe, Mordaunt (as Earl of Monmouth), Mulgrave. ‘The Divorce’, 1691 (‘You Englishmen all who are tendered the curse’), BL MS Harl. 7315, fos. 206v–209r: Heveningham, Sheppard, Howe. ‘Jenny Cromwell’s Complaint against Sodomy’, 1695 (‘In pious times ere buggery did begin’), POASY, iv. 366: ‘Scarsdale, Berkeley, Ployden and the

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rest’ with the aid of Robin the drawer at Locket’s. [Robin is invoked in The Way of the World, iii. i. 103–5.] ‘A Letter from J.P. to Colonel H. Occasion’d by the Colonel’s Two Late Letters’, 1698 (‘O Harry, canst thou ﬁnd no Subject ﬁt’), POAS (1702–7), ii. 255–7. [See above.] Date uncertain ‘The Description of a Poetress’ (‘A famous poetress has lately writ’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 126r–v: Olive Porter. ‘Essay’ (‘Baber to whose stupendous natural parts’), Lincolnshire Archives Ofﬁce, MS ANC 15/B/4, p. 83: Baber. ‘To the Secretary of the Muses: A New-Years Gift’ (‘Julian with care peruse the lines I send’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 159r–160v: Faulkland, Mordaunt, ‘Henningham’, Howe. ‘Scandal Satyr’d’ (‘Of all the fools these fertile times produce’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 105r–107r: ‘Falkland’, Mordaunt. Also Olive Porter but not as poet. ‘Letter’ (‘ ’Twas Sarsﬁeld, Parsons and Mon Sherman’s wit’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fos. 128r–129r: Patrick Sarsﬁeld, Sir John Parsons, Sherman.52

Some of these names probably reappeared on the ‘stock joke’ principle; but the recurrences suggest that for the 1680s and 1690s, no less than for the previous Restoration decades, to be a lampoon poet was not to labour in obscurity but rather to belong to a literary circle whose members were known to each other and to the Town. Most of the writers named also wrote in the respectable genres of songs, prologues, epistles, and Pindarics. Any involvement of professionals in the writing of clandestine satire was carefully concealed, though Dryden, on the strength of ‘An Essay upon Satyr’ and MacFlecknoe, is regularly included in the lists of lampooners, and may have written or assisted with other pieces as well (see below). In the epilogue to The Feign’d Curtizans (1679), Aphra Behn envisages a situation in which the decline of the playhouses will lead to the stage poets becoming lampooners: 52

Who is claimed as the joint author of That learned Libell where poor Herriott’s Face Is wittily compar’d to Sasﬁeld’s Arse

The Edmund Sherman who became involved in ecclesiastical controversy in 1682 (POASY, iii. 271–2) does not seem to be the same person.

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When we disband, they no more Plays will write, But make Lampoons, and Libell ye in spight; Discover each false heart that lies within, Nor Man nor Woman shall in private sin; The precise whoring Husbands haunts betray, Which the demurer Lady to repay, In his own coin does the just debt defray. The brisk young Beauty linkt to Lands and Age, Shuns the dull property, and strokes the youthful Page; And if the stripling apprehend not soon, Turns him aside and takes the brawny Groom, Whilst the kinde man so true a Husband proves, To think all’s well done by the thing he loves; Knows he’s a Cuckold, yet content to bear, What ’ere Heaven sends, or horns or lusty heir; Fops of all sorts he draws more artfully, Then ever on the Stage did Nokes or Leigh: And Heaven be prais’d when these are scarce, each Brother O’ th pen contrive to set on one another:53

The passage is interesting both for its tongue-in-cheek advocacy of the moral utility of lampooning and its implied argument that the genre would be more effectively conducted by theatre professionals than by Town amateurs. That this was already to some extent the case is suggested by Behn’s own involvement in the collection and writing of lampoons.54 Common sense would suggest that professionals may have been approached to polish or to ghost on behalf of aggrieved parties in exchanges of lampoons, as Dryden was in the case of ‘An Essay upon Satyr’, and that payment for such work may have been substantial. The accusation that a ‘Scribler of Honour’ might resort to a ‘hir’d Lampoon’ is made in Wycherley’s The Plain Dealer (1676).55 John, Lord Cutts reproves men who in order to 53 The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, 7 vols. (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1992–6), vi. 159. 54 Her participation in the compilation of the important lampoon collection Bodleian MS Firth c 16 is established in Mary Ann O’Donnell, ‘A Verse Miscellany of Aphra Behn’, English Manuscript Studies, 2 (1990), 189–227). For Behn as lampoon writer see John Burrows and Harold Love, ‘Attribution Tests and the Editing of Seventeenth-Century Poetry’, YES 29 (1999), 151–75 and ‘Did Aphra Behn Write “Caesar’s Ghost”?’, in David Garrioch, Harold Love, Brian McMullin, Ian Morrison, and Meredith Sherlock (eds.), The Culture of the Book: Essays from Two Hemispheres in Honour of Wallace Kirsop (Melbourne: Bibliographical Society of Australia and New Zealand, 1999), 148–72. 55 i. i. 258, 261 (Plays, 386).

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‘blast the Lady’s Fame’ in a ‘lewd Lampoon’ will ‘do’t themselves, or pay for those that do’.56 ‘The Renegado Poet’, mentioned above, represents Dryden as a dissatisﬁed poetical ghost: Basely he prostitutes his Muses Fame To some rich Booby Lord, or Statesman’s Name; Calls him both Wise and Generous, tho he be Like Dover Dull, or Churchill niggardly. If some good Piece the rhyming Drudg has writ, He gives the Booby leave to father it; Then crys it up, and while he wou’d make known His Patron’s Wit, slily commends his own.57

Evidence of professional authorship or assistance would lie not so much in the quality of the writing, for many of the amateurs could write very well in the accepted, quasi-conversational style favoured for the genre, but rather in the practised use of the new neoclassical manner and the characteristic tropes of prologue wit. Only Dorset among the amateurs had a real command of this style. The nervousness felt by the collaborating authors of the Valentinian stage orations suggests that gentlemen poets found the genre a particular challenge. Even Rochester’s attempts are pale things besides Dryden’s. How many women wrote lampoons is hard to establish. A squib on the ‘chits’ appointed by Charles II to run the treasury after the fall of Danby is consistently attributed to Lady Harvey, herself a lampoon ‘star’ as a court bisexual. Two attributions to Behn have already been mentioned. Katherine Sedley is reported in a letter from Lady Chaworth of 30 January 1677 to have written a lampoon on Sir Carr Scroope, in response to one by him on her. Vieth identiﬁes Sedley’s poem with the variously titled ‘As Frazier one night at her post in the drawing room stood’, though this does not accord with the summary given in the letter.58 ‘The Knight Errant’ (‘Surly mankind has long despised lampoon’), belonging to the ‘letter to Julian tradition’, announces itself as written by a woman in defence of women: In this so very well deserving Town We the ungenerous Whip have felt alone Envy has our Fam’d Chastity defac’d, 56 ‘La Muse Cavaliere’, in Poetical Exercises on Several Occasions (London, 1687), 32. 57 POAS (1702–7), ii. 168. 58 ‘A “Lost” Lampoon by Katherine Sedley?’, Manuscripts, 6 (1954), 160–5. See also CSR, 239–40.

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Each reverend Matron made a Baudy Jest Our Countesses leud Pintle-mongers call Who mix with young Ware, shrivel’d up and stale.59

The last line could be a response to lampoon attacks on Sedley as the ‘wither’d Countess’.60 Anecdotal evidence that she liked to shock by referring to herself frankly as a ‘whore’ might even make the closing couplet of ‘The Knight Errant’ a form of self-signing: Dear Julian I can stay to write no more Disperse this small Revenge of Injur’d Whore. (fo. 212r)61

One woman directly charged with writing a lampoon was Olive Porter (see above). ‘A Letter to the Lady Osbourne’ (‘Madam I loathe the censurers of the town’) (1688) seems to characterize its addressee as a gossip rather than a lampooner though, as we will see, there was often little difference between the two.62 Mrs Jean Fox wrote an answer poem to Rochester’s ‘Artemiza to Chloe’, which hardly, however, qualiﬁes as a lampoon.63 ‘Lady Freschville’s Song of the Wives’ declares itself to have been ‘sent out’ by Anne, Lady Freschville and Catherine Stanhope, which, while possibly a joke, may have arisen from an involvement in lampoon culture. Catherine Crofts, who had apartments at court which were available for assignations, is named in a collector’s annotation as the source of an answer poem to ‘When Aurelia ﬁrst I courted’.64 Lady Monmouth, as we have seen, was alleged to have assisted her husband in the composition of ‘The Female Nine’: as the court beauty Cary Frazier she had herself been the subject of lampoons, including that supposedly by Sedley.65 The text of ‘Young Jemmy was a lad’ in Yale MS Osborn b 105 is headed ‘Upon the Duke of M——th. supposed to be written by My Lady B. Felton’.66 ‘R.E.’, whose verse is preserved in a miscellany compiled BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 211v. For an example, see below, p. 203. The French ambassador, Barillon, described her to Louis XIV in 1686 as ‘forte laide, aigre et hautaine’ adding in another dispatch that ‘Elle a beaucoup d’esprit et de vivacité mais elle n’a plus aucune beauté, et est d’une extresme maigreur’ (V. de Sola Pinto, Sir Charles Sedley (London: Constable, 1927), 353, 355). 61 For the anecdotes see Pinto, Sir Charles Sedley, 218, 238. 62 BL MS Add. 21,094, fos. 85r–86r. See also below, pp. 203–7. 63 ‘My dear Sabina why should you and I’ (‘Chloë to Sabina’), National Library of Ireland MS 2093, pp. 112–16. 64 65 BL MS Add. 18220, fo. 43r. See above, p. 172. 66 For Felton see CSR, 238–9 and Rochester, Works, 441. 59 60

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by Oliver le Neve, has left ‘An Answer of a Parson to Some Lady that Very Scurrilously Lampoond him’: Female Lampooners a new fashion’d thing Lord! unto what excess will Women bring This Age? ere long thay’l make no more to ride the men than thay did them before. And yett that they should scourge and satyrize Mens Actions, when from them nought did arise Both now and since the great Creation But ill to Man save Procreation. To some perhaps ile grant that glorious gift of Poetry to help them att a lift But pray don’t Ladies you presume to write for lett me tell you if you go to shite youl gett more Poetry and witt from thence By reading of that high ﬂowne stile and sence of Bawdy Ballads pasted on the wall Than both you have the Parson too and all. Aut: R.E.67

It is unfortunate that inspiration ran out in the last line just when the reader was looking for the coup de grâce. Since women were so directly affected by the lampoon phenomenon, one would imagine they were eager to seize control of it, either directly or through male surrogates—a poet referred to in Burnaby’s The Reform’d Wife is described as ‘writing a Lampoon for a Lady of Quality, in which he was to commend her and abuse all her Aquaintance’68—but the customs of the Town would have made it prudent for them to conceal authorship. It is only justice that the lampooners should furiously lampoon each other in a latter-day form of ﬂyting. The process had begun in the 1670s with Rochester’s verse exchanges with Mulgrave and Scroope. Jack Howe is attacked in a similar style in ‘An Answer to the Satire on the Court Ladies’: A face he has much like a skeleton, Two inches broad and ﬁfteen inches long, His two cheeks sunk, a visage pale as death, Adorned with pimples and a stinking breath. His scragged carcass moves with antic grace, And every limb as awkward as his face. His poisoned corpse wrapped in a wicker skin, Dismal without and ten times worse within.69 67 68

Manchester, Chetham’s Library, MS Mun. A.4.14, p. 91. 69 (London, 1700), 7. CSR, 42–3.

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A friendship with Rochester is turned into a homosexual seduction: How oft has Howe (by Rochester undone, Who soothed him ﬁrst into opinion Of being a wit) been told that he was none? But found that art the surest way to glide Not into’s heart but his well shaped backside. Not Nobs’s bum more adoration found, Though oft ’twas sung, his was more white and round.70

Another lampooner, Sir Roger Martin, is vividly caricatured in ‘To Julian’ (‘Julian how comes it that of late we see’): Tell ’em Sir Martin, that long wiredrawn Knight, A Stalking Shadow in a Moon light Night, Harsh to the Ear and hideous to the Sight; With hollow Jaws, no Teeth, and Toes turn’d in, A greater Monster than from Nile they bring, With his gray Mares, white Wig, and gaudy Coach, Presumes his Lady’s Woman to Debauch: And ’tis but just, since she employs his Man, He should enjoy her Woman, if he can.71

}

Baber’s distinctive body language is caricatured in ‘Baber to whose stupendous natural parts’: His Body of it’s selfe such talk affords Which others are oblig’d to doe by words The buisy Elbow and the Nimble Toe Doe dextrously their Masters meaning show Duly the much Importing shrugg attends Nay’s soul speakes at his very ﬁngers ends And Each ofﬁcious member with respect Concurrs to forme the Dainty Dialect Besides all which the properties of Dress Contributes mainly to his happiness The well pitch’d Crevate with black Wig of France And due position of his hat advance The Charmes of his All Conquring Countenance.72

}

All three passages seem to have been inﬂuenced by Rochester’s savage verse caricatures mentioned above.73 Quarrels within the core 70 71 72 73

‘Satire on Both Whigs and Tories’, ll. 88–94; ibid. 124. Nobs remains unidentiﬁed. BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 102v: Cf. CSR, 117. Nottingham University Library, MS Portland PwV 39, pp. 106–8. Works, 92–108 passim.

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group could easily escalate to something more serious, as in the duel in which William Wharton died of a wound in the left buttock inﬂicted by Robert Wolseley. Here the real coup de grâce had already been given by Dorset in ‘The Duel’, written when the quarrel was still being pursued with pens.74 Collectively these portrayals suggest several things. The ﬁrst is that the bulk of the widely circulated lampoons were the work of a somewhat fractious and politically divided coterie of poets who nevertheless were in close enough touch with each other to be able to report with some authority in secondary lampoons on the authorship and circumstances of production of predecessor pieces. The second is that composition was as likely to be collaborative as solitary, the collaboration often being one between a writer and an informant and proceeding through the review of work-in-progress by fellow poets. Both practices further encouraged the binding of lampooners into a coterie. A third is that while Town lampoon texts of the 1680s and 1690s were not sought for the sake of their authors to the extent that had been the case with Rochester and Dorset at an earlier period, lampooners did enjoy a kind of mutually bestowed celebrity. A fourth is that the (largely titled) writers named were able to enhance the circulation of their pieces by feeding them directly to the professional copyists from whose archives they were soon incorporated into extended manuscript anthologies.

d ry d e n as au t h o r a n d s u b j e c t o f l a m p o o n s Dryden’s assurance to Rochester in 1673 that he had ‘forsworn that dangerous part of wit’ might be read as implying that he had once been a practitioner, and he was certainly to break his word in at least two cases. While at Cambridge he is alleged to have ‘traduced’ a nobleman and been punished for it.75 He is a presence in the personal miscellanies and scribal anthologies of the time through excerpts copied from printed works, through attacks on him in lampoons, and through verse which claims him as its author. All three categories have their interest. The way in which Dryden was read and understood is illustrated by the passages from plays and poems that Dorset, Poems, 21–4. James Anderson Winn, John Dryden and his World (New Haven: Yale UP, 1987), 67. 74 75

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readers chose to preserve for future reference.76 In some cases excerpts acquired a transmissional identity of their own independent of the printed versions. Many readers would have encountered his elegy on Cromwell (‘And now ’tis time for their ofﬁcious haste’) in this way since, from its initial appearance in 1659 to the publication in 1681 of the ﬁrst of a series of vexatious reprintings meant to embarrass Dryden, it circulated only in manuscript. The suppressed prologue to ‘The Prophetess’ (‘What Nosterdame with all his art can guess’) is found in seventeen manuscript sources.77 The annotation ‘1682 By Dryden not printed’ on a transcript of the prologue and epilogue to Secret Love in BL MS Egerton 2623, fo. 43r is incorrect, in that, while not included in the quarto of the play, it had appeared in 1672 in the Covent Garden Drollery; however, the texts in the Haward miscellany of the prologue to the ﬁrst part and the epilogue to the second part of The Conquest of Granada (pp. 248–9) and the prologue and epilogue to Amboyna and the epilogue to The Man of Mode are accepted by all editors as derived from manuscript sources independent of, and probably prior to, the printed edition.78 Two of them contain lines that are not present in the printed versions. The verse letter to Etherege, written on behalf of the Earl of Middleton (‘To you who live in chill degree’), was also initially circulated in manuscript and inspired a scribally circulated parody (‘To you who hang like Mecca’s tomb’). The second category, that of attacks on Dryden, is a startling tribute to his centrality to political debate, reaching peaks after the publication of Absalom and Achitophel in 1681 and the news of his conversion to Catholicism in 1686. A good selection of this material, both printed and manuscript, is listed by Macdonald but there is certainly more to be found, not to mention glancing blows and parodic quotations in lampoons not primarily directed at Dryden. A recent discovery is a Dublin lampoon ‘On Doctor Dryden’s Coming over to the Provost of Trinity College’ written on the rumour of such an appointment.79 Among the most interesting of these are pieces in which 76 University of Chicago Library MS f553 and Harvard MS Eng. 602f contain excerpts of this kind. 77 Peter Beal, Index of English Literary Manuscripts, 2 vols. (London: Mansell, 1980, 1993), ii/1. 412–13. 78 Bodleian MS don. b 8, pp. 248–9, 463–4, 558–9. The Amboyna pieces are also in Huntington MS EL 8917–18. 79 Carpenter, Verse in English, 502–3.

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Dryden is made the speaker of satire against himself, such as the series of three monologues adventurously attributed by Montague Summers to Shadwell (Satyr to his Muse. by the Author of Absalom and Achitophel (London, 1682), The Address of John Dryden, Laureat to His Highness the Prince of Orange (London, 1689), and A Poem on His Majesty’s Happy Accession to the Crown (London, n.d. [1689]), the last of which comes with a mock dedication to Dorset) and ‘An Ironical Panegyric from Poet Bayes to King Phys. in his Irish Pilgrimage’ (‘Sir ’Tis not in me your miseries to redress’) in which ‘Dryden’ is made to present a frank and unﬂattering portrait of James II.80 ‘The Renegado Poet’, as we have just seen, represents him as ghosting for his patrons. The category of texts that had their primary circulation in manuscript is wider than normally realized. Dryden’s epitaph of 1689 on the Jacobite hero Dundee (‘O last and best of Scots who didst maintain’) occurs in twenty manuscript sources.81 MacFlecknoe, which survives in sixteen manuscript copies and whose ﬁrst appearance in print was surreptitious and unauthorized, was his most important contribution to clandestine satire. It appears in the same scribal anthologies that contain the work of Rochester, Dorset, and other court lampooners and was intended as a check, issued on behalf of the Mulgrave faction, to their pretensions.82 Most editors of Dryden have chosen to disregard the universal assumption among his contemporaries that he collaborated with Mulgrave in ‘An Essay upon Satyr’; however, there can be no doubt that he was associated with the work as a reviser, and readers may well feel that certain of its stronger passages suggest his hand. One lampooner, in attacking the work, singled out lines 164–5 as representing Dryden at his best, and by implication totally beyond the reach of Mulgrave: Yet lett’s doe Right and praise him where ’tis ﬁtt Some Strain to mimick none can match his Witt Save but his Bones he’s well secur’d of Fame The Chancelors Epitaph must preserve his Name BL MS Harl. 7319, fos. 326r–328v. Beal, Index, ii/1. 421–4 identiﬁes nineteen. The twentieth is described in Hilton Kelliher, ‘Dryden Attributions and Texts from Harley MS. 6054’, British Library Journal, 25 (1999), 1–22. 82 On the genesis of the piece see Harold Love, ‘Shadwell, Flecknoe and the Duke of Newcastle: An Impetus to MacFlecknoe’, Papers on Language and Literature, 21 (1985), 19–27 and ‘Shadwell, Rochester and the Crisis of Amateurism’, in Judith Slagle (ed.), Thomas Shadwell Reconsider’d, published as Restoration, 20 (1996), 119–34. 80 81

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‘At Barr abusive on the Bench unable ‘Knave on the Woolsacks Fopp at councell Table Such pregnant Truths and Sence were never putt In so small Room since Homer in the Nutt Too many Times a far less meaning Text Has Doctors Schools Ages and Empires vext O could my Muse but two such Lines afford (If any Muse wou’d take a Poetts word) I’d promise fair nay Solemn Oath I’de take By all the Gods and by their Stigian Lake Ne’re more to Stretch her on the Rhiming Rack83

A modern reader familiar with such polished antithetical structures from Pope, in whom they are almost normative, is unlikely to appreciate the freshness they had for one of the 1670s. The following ascriptions to Dryden, arranged in alphabetical order of ﬁrst lines, are also encountered. Several can be disregarded on the grounds that his name has been misleadingly added in order to give spice to pieces that contradict his known opinions; others deserve consideration. ‘On the Young Statesmen’ (‘Clarendon had wit and sense’). Attributed unauthoritatively in POAS (1702–7), i. 1163–4 and from that source by a later hand in Harvard MS Eng. 24, p. 101. This short stanzaic lampoon survives in both a shorter form, with a late attribution to Dorset (Poems, 50–4), and a longer one beginning ‘My muse and I are drunk tonight’ attributed in Lincolnshire Archives Ofﬁce MS Anc. 15/ B/4, p. 122 to Mordaunt and Faulkland. ‘On the Duchess of Portsmouth’s Picture’ (‘Hadst thou but lived in Cleopatra’s age’). Attributed to Dryden in BL MS Harl. 6914, fo. 24v and elsewhere. This oleaginous quatrain is widely found in both MS and printed sources, sometimes in the company of dissenting rejoinders. The attribution to Dryden may rest on nothing more than its citing the title of his best-known play. ‘Epitaph on Lamentable Lory by Driden 1687’ (‘Here lies a creature of indulgent fate’). Attributed to Dryden in ﬁve MSS from the Cameron scriptorium and in POAS (1702–7), ii. 215. Attribution rejected by Crump in POASY, iv. 97–8. ‘Englishd by Dreyd-n from his own mouth’ (‘Here lies my wife there let her lie’), BL MS Harl. 6054, fo. 20. Supported in Kelliher, ‘Dryden Attributions’. 83 ‘Advice to the Satyricall Poetts’ (‘Satyr’s despotic now none can withstand’), BL MS Harl. 6913, fo. 158v.

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‘Satyr on the King and Duke 1680’ (‘How our good king does papists hate’). Attributed unauthoritatively to Dryden in the contents list but not the text (fos. 52v–54v) of BL MS Harl. 7319. Contradicts his known allegiances. ‘A Maidenhead’ (‘It is of a nature so subtle’), Chetham’s Library, MS Mum. A4.14, p. 44. From an unidentiﬁed printed source. Unlikely to be authentic. ‘By Mr Dreyden Spoke by his Son when a Westminster Schollar’ (‘Iuno tonat lingua sed fulmine Iupiter urget’), BL MS Harl. 6054, fo. 27r. A Latin epigram which Kelliher, ‘Dryden Attributions’, 11–12, argues may well have been composed by Dryden during a gathering at Westminster School. Also in Bodleian MS Add. b 105, fo. 7r. ‘A Satyr. p[er] Dryden’, also as ‘An Heroic Poem’ (‘Of villains rebels cuckolds pimps and spies’). So attributed only in BL MS Harl. 7317, fos. 49r–51v. Accomplished enough to be by Dryden but in its material, which is distinctly of the court, beyond his range. Dorset is a possibility. See also pp. 55–7 above. ‘Satire upon the Romish Confessors’ (‘Our church alas as Rome objects does want’). Attribution only present in POAS (1702–7), iii. 2–3. Unpersuasive on grounds of content. ‘On the French King by Mr Dryden’ (‘Second alone to Jove in whom unite’), Princeton MS Taylor 3, p. 300. Possibly a translation of a Latin epigram praising Louis XIV. ‘A Familiar Epistle to Mr Julian Secretary to the Muses 1677’ (‘Thou common shore of this poetic town’). An exceptionally well-written satire attributed to Dryden in ﬁve closely related MS sources; however, its context in the Rochester–Scroope exchange makes Dorset or Sedley more probable. There is a less persuasive ascription to Buckingham. To be included in the OUP edition of Buckingham’s writings, edited by Robert D. Hume and Harold Love. ‘King James to himself, by Mr. D——n’ (‘Unhappy I who once ordained did bear’). In POAS (1702–7), ii. 215–16 only. Too lamely written to be authentic. ‘Song. By Mr Dryden; in the Person of my Lord Salisbury, then in the Tower’ (‘While Europe is alarmed with wars’), Bodleian MS Firth e 6, fo. 60r–v. Accepted as genuine in Paul Hammond, ‘A Song Attributed to Dryden’, Library, 6th ser. 21 (1999), 59–66.

Of course if Dryden wrote lampoons he may well have taken care to disguise his style and suppress all other traces of his responsibility. The only evidence in that case would be political alignment and that the piece would be effectively written. One possibility is the satire on Buckingham quoted in Chapter 1, ‘A New Ballad to an Old Tune Call’d Sage Leafe’ (‘I sing the praise of a worthy wight’), which after manuscript circulation was published in a broadside assigned by

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Luttrell to 1679 but by Anthony Wood to ‘Jan. or Feb. 1673’.84 The piece is skilful of its kind and in devoting seven stanzas to The Rehearsal foregrounds an issue about which Dryden would understandably be sensitive. One of its stanzas But when his Poet, John Bayes did appeare, ’Twas knowne to more than half that were there The greatest part was his owne Character . . .85

anticipates Dryden’s statement to Dorset of 1693 that ‘I answer’d not the Rehearsall, because I knew the author sate to himself when he drew the Picture, and was the very Bays of his own Farce.’86 The attribution to Dryden in the POAS (1702–7) version has no value as external evidence; yet one imagines that, if he had decided to respond to Buckingham clandestinely and in a manner deliberately distanced from his usual one, the ballad to ‘Sage Leafe’ would have been pretty much the kind of work that would have resulted. The case is worth leaving open. The attendant ‘Litany’, also cited in Chapter 1, may have been by the same hand. Further compositions could exist which had been augmented and touched up by Dryden as happened with the ‘Essay’, The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, and Soames’s translation of the Art Poétique. Detecting these, however, would be difﬁcult.

t h e l a m p o o n e r as w i t This chapter has argued that to become an acknowledged lampoon author was to join a circle of versiﬁers who were largely known to each other. State lampoons, sometimes of great power and inﬂuence, might come from outside this circle but the court and Town lampoon and probably a substantial body of state lampoons were the work of individuals who, while they cannot always be linked to particular pieces, were publicly recognized as creators of the genre—in the 1660s Marvell and Ayloffe; in the 1670s Rochester, Dorset, Etherege, Mulgrave, Scroope, Sedley, and Vaughan; in the 1680s and 1690s Baber, Dorset, Eland, Faulkland, Heveningham, Howe, Martin, Mordaunt, Prior, Pulteney, Sheppard, Villiers, Walsh, Wharton, and 84 Hugh Macdonald, John Dryden: A Bibliography of Early Editions and of Drydeniana (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939), 213. 85 86 Yale MS Osborn b 105, p. 374. Works, iv. 8.

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the lesser ﬁgures from the list just given. The attributes common to this group were rank (though variable), wealth (though ﬂuctuating), participation in the court and Town, and access to a professional distribution system, whose test of merit was saleability. The passing down of stock accusations, images, turns of phrase, and quotations from other lampoons was probably as much a product of the social connectedness of the writers as of the knowledge gained through the bare reading of lampoons. In asking why lampoons should have been written in such numbers during the Restoration decades we encounter the obvious answer that people wanted to read and recite them. A close link, to be considered in the next chapter, between the lampoon and the culture of gossip offers one reason why this should be so; yet treating the lampoon as an extension of gossip does not explain its insistent grossness, the particular nature of its ﬁxation on sexual behaviour, its furious demolitions of the dignity attending class and rank (of which its writers were themselves beneﬁciaries), and the endemic hostility of certain writers or parties of writers towards each other. Gossip, even malicious gossip, can still be measured, witty, and more or less civilized. Medley in The Man of Mode is not feared for Manlylike savagery but for his ability to undermine the status of his victims through urbane ridicule. The lampooners preferred the bludgeon, even when it was the less effective instrument for the task in hand, or doomed to be counter-productive. It is tempting to seek for an explanation of the crude aggressiveness of the lampoon in factors affecting lampooners as a class. In the earlier chapters on the court and Town lampoon, suggestions were made concerning the inﬂuence of court institutional anxieties in the ﬁrst case and the strains and uncertainty attending the creation of a new kind of urban sociability by transplanted country-dwellers in the second. The state lampoon extended the ﬁeld of anxiety and uncertainty even further. By this reading the lampoon was the seismic manifestation of subterranean social change, an interpretation that is helpful in making sense of the three predominant styles of lampooning within the context of their three respective communities. But in the present chapter we have been able to examine a fourth community—that of the lampoon authors themselves. This requires us to ask in what ways the nature of the tradition might have been determined by the immediate predicament of its writers rather than the deeper concerns of its readers. Here questions arise of how we might model and interpret that

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community of writers. Differing approaches would permit a biological, an anthropological, a sociological, or perhaps even a pyschoanalytical analysis of the motives behind lampoon-writing. A biological approach might take its model from Walter J. Ong’s account of the academic disputation in Fighting for Life, in seeing the lampoon as a form of ritual combat between younger and older males over territory and the possession of females, but complicated by taking place in a world in which the females, far from being passive followers of the highest-status male, were themselves active competitors for dominance.87 An anthropological approach might look closely at questions of rank and status in court, Town, and kingdom as they are reﬂected in the lampoon and may have been experienced by its makers. It could also look for illumination through comparative studies with such traditions as those of present-day Andalusian urban lampooning and modern British and American satirical journalism of the Private Eye kind.88 A sociological approach would examine the backgrounds and life histories of the known lampoon-writers in the hope of discovering constants (though I believe these would be rarer than is imagined). A psychoanalytic approach would be of little value because of uncertainties about the universality of current theoretical models; but there might be insights to be gained from scrutinizing the biographical records of the known authors for evidence of a ‘lampooner personality’. That many of them belonged to a wartime generation that saw much splitting up of families is at least suggestive. These are paths which I do not intend to follow myself but which would be worth pursuing with this little studied ﬁeld of writing. My own approach in this short concluding section is to use the form of self-deﬁnition used by the lampooners themselves, which resides in the notion of the wit. Whatever they were they were wits, both in their own judgement and that (not always kind) of their readers. A wit, we are told by Sir Credulous in Behn’s Sir Patient Fancy (1678), ‘writes Lampoons, rails at Plays, curses all Poetry but (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1981). For the ﬁrst see Jerome Mintz, Carnival Song and Society: Gossip, Sexuality and Creativity in Andalusia (Oxford: Berg, 1997). Private Eye, while close in its aims to seventeenth-century clandestine satire, differs by organizing its critique around interminable repetitions of a small number of key jokes, which are attached in turn to different victims. The Restoration lampoon is surprisingly free of jokes, preferring straight malice. 87 88

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his own, and mimicks the Players’.89 Nonetheless the known writers of lampoons seem, as far as we can tell, to have been happy with the description. We should note, for a start, that ‘wit’ in the abstract was a quality valued by many readers of lampoons. The host in ‘Timon’ who praises the insipid lampoon is a ﬁgure of fun but his engagement with the text is by his standards a serious one He takes me in his Coach, and as wee goe Pulls out a Libell, of a Sheete or Two; Insipid as the Praise, of Pious Queenes, Or Shadwells, unassisted former Scenes; Which he admir’d, and prais’d at evr’y Line, At last, it was soe sharpe, it must be mine. I vow’d, I was noe more a Witt than he, Unpractic’d, and unblest in Poetry: A Song to Phillis, I perhaps might make, But never Rhym’d but for my Pintles sake; I envy’d noe Mans Fortune, nor his Fame, Nor ever thought of a Revenge soe tame. He knew my Stile (he swore) and twas in vaine Thus to deny, the Issue of my Braine. Choakt with his ﬂatt’ry I noe answer make, But silent leave him to his deare mistake. Which he, by this, has spread o’re the whole Town, And me, with an ofﬁcious Lye, undone.90

The ‘son of that arch rebel, Col. Gibbon’ who in 1678 was consigned to Newgate for possessing ‘villainous libells’ claimed in exculpation that it was because of ‘a love to poetry and wit’.91 Sir John Pye, about whom we will hear more shortly, was also interested in lampoons as examples as wit: indeed, its presence or absence is the attribute most commented on in his annotations to the text and indexes. His highest praise ‘very witty and satirical’ is awarded to ‘Of Vincent Doorkeeper at Haberdasher’s Hall’ (‘Vincent the great comptroller of us all’), ‘As t’other night in bed I thinking lay’, Rochester’s ‘Tunbridge Wells’, and Vaughan’s ‘On a Mistress that Broke her Vow’ (‘Why fair vowbreaker hath thy sin thought ﬁt’). ‘A History of Insipids’ was ‘very witty but too libellous’. ‘Painter once more thy pencil reassume’ is described in the second index to volume i as a ‘Satyr on the parliament very witty’. In contrast ‘A New Ballad to the Tune of The Irish 89 91

90 iv. i. 89–90 (Works, vi. 44). Rochester, Works, 258–9. CSP (Dom), Mar.–Dec. 1678, p. 506.

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Jigg’ was returned to George Grafton because ‘I do not thinke on second reading to be so witty, as I thought’.92 The piece seems to have been read aloud or hastily scanned while in the bookseller George Grafton’s company. The closer acquaintance required by transcription had confronted Pye with its curious indirectness, which has been commented on by Howard Schless.93 Irony was unusual in lampoons, and Pye may even have been puzzled as to whether this was really, as he had hoped, a Whig poem. (It is actually an ironically written Tory ballad attacking the Rye House plotters.) But the crucial matter was its failure to convince him of its wit. The production of wit was the specialized province of those recognized as wits. Being wits preceded their being lampooners, and should also have been evident in other aspects of both their writings and their lives. Since most wits were male the masculine pronoun will be used in referring to them. In any case the female wit, as we will see, was more likely to seek distinction through gossip rather than authorship. The writing of lampoons was one of several markers by which one recognized a wit. If one wished to become an acknowledged member of this community it was almost a duty to write lampoons, or as one of the tribe put it:. Since Satyr is the only thing that’s Writ And who no Author is, is held no Wit Rather than Silent sit, my Pen I’ll lend And in Truths Cause, spare, neither Foe, nor Friend.94

This part of it is clear enough—to be a wit one had to be a writer— and yet the professed wit was also expected to be a brilliant conversationalist, Sedley and Rochester being the models. Secondly, he must be a person of some consequence in the Town, preferably titled but, if not, sufﬁciently well connected to have entrée into titled circles. He did not have to be rich but was required to have ways of raising sufﬁcient money to support the life of conspicuous pleasure. Debt and marriage were the recommended avenues but the latter only as a last resort when all else failed. He was also expected to display a certain insouciance towards fame and fortune and to have made a lifestyle choice of wine and women over business and virtue. The wit was expected to be lettered: most of the better-known members of 92 93 94

Yale MS Osborn b 52, i. 161; ii. 145, 164, 167; i. 237, 161, ix. POASY, iii. 505. ‘Satire Undisguis’d’, BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 134v.

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the class had spent time at a university or Inn of Court, or both, and knew their Virgil and Horace and sometimes their Coke and Selden. He was also, as a rule, politically engaged, often as a member of one or the other House of Parliament. The wit so deﬁned, and regularly personiﬁed in Restoration comedy, is not a particularly admirable person—often little more than a self-centred hedonist and social parasite. But what has so far been described was merely the precondition of being a wit, not the substance. Taken no further it might equally qualify one for membership of those two other foundational orders of Restoration male society, the knaves and the fools. So with writing: the lampoon was only one genre in which the wit was required to excel (or if not to excel at least to meet expectations). He should also write songs, elegies, panegyrics, epistles, essays, and pamphlets. If he wrote for the stage, he would do so as an amateur, possibly even making a gift of his thirdnight proﬁts. A professional poet or dramatist might also use the term ‘wit’ but was excluded from the higher levels of social witdom except by such generous patrons as Dorset, at whose poets’ dinners at Copt Hall and Knole bank notes would be placed beneath the plates of the traders but not the gentlemen. The wit’s writing belonged to a long tradition of gentry and aristocratic literary accomplishment that was soon to be eclipsed by the principled professionalism represented by Dryden, who never tired of showing that he could perform the wits’ literary tricks even better than they could. The wit’s interest in literature was expected to extend beyond writing to criticism and patronage. His interest in new writing was often perfectly genuine. Dorset, the archetypal literary wit, in an early verse letter from the country to Etherege, which is largely concerned with the state of his penis, imagined necrophilia with Cleopatra, and ‘modern bitching’, also demands to be sent new poetry as it appears: Next, I must make it my request, If you have any interest, Or can by any means discover Some lamentable rhyming lover, Who shall in numbers harsh and vile, His mistress ‘Nymph’ or ‘Goddess’ style, Send all his labors down to me By the ﬁrst opportunity. Or any Knights of your Round Table,

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To other scribblers formidable, Guilty themselves of the same crime, Dress nonsense up in ragged rhyme, As once a week they seldom fail, Inspir’d by love and gridiron ale. Or any paltry poetry Tho’ from the university . . .95

This was to be a lifelong practice. In 1685 he and Sedley conscientiously read through Moestissimae ac Laetissimae Academiae Cantabrigiensis Affectus, Decedente Caroli II. Succedente Jacobo II. (or at least its English contributions) ‘as indeed every Thing that came out, was favour’d with their Perusal’, deciding on this basis to invite Charles Montagu and George Stepney to come to London.96 Wits were readers as well as writers. In its best expression, the corporate support of wits so deﬁned did much to nourish the careers of the great Augustan professional writers. Being a committed amateur writer helped the wit to judge the writing of the professionals: he was never a literary bystander. The evolution of standards of criticism owed much to the informed kinds of conversation about writing that patrons such as Dorset helped to stimulate. However, critical discussion, which Dryden in Of Dramatick Poesie placed in the rareﬁed surroundings of a boat on the river, was much more likely to take place in clubs, taverns, or coffee house circles where drink, dining, and in some instances drabs were enjoyed side by side with discussion of books and ideas and the reading or improvisation of sociable poetry (the lampoon being a particular favourite). One notable case is illuminated by a group of lampoons already cited concerned with a wits’ club called ‘The Order of the Toast’, whose membership included a number of acknowledged lampooners. This body stood in a lineal succession from such forerunners as Ben Jonson’s club at the Apollo Tavern and the interregnum ‘Order of the Fancy’, whose story has been told by Timothy Raylor, in that their meetings were organized around ritualized drinking.97 However, the later Order, as well as being devoted to 95

‘A Letter from the Lord Buckhurst to Mr. George Etherege’, ll. 47–62, in Poems,

107. The Works and Life of the Right Honourable Charles Late Earl of Halifax (London, 1715), 26. 97 Raylor, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1994). For toasting see Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000), 163–4, 225–32, and for what is known of the ‘Order’, 96

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alcohol, the poetic celebration of beauty, and the enjoyment of lampoons, was also a venue for serious discussion of radical philosophical and religious ideas. Its guiding spirit was the former court lampooner and governor of Jamaica, John Vaughan, third Earl of Carberry, who had responded to an education supervised by the saintly Jeremy Taylor with the composition of the most ﬂagrantly atheistical poem of the period.98 A disrespectful account of Vaughan by Henry Heveningham led to a defence in a satire that has already been partly quoted, by Sir John Pulteney: Is this thy Gratitude for all the Wine The Knight’s bestow’d, who never tasted thine? And dost thou thus our Mysteries disclose, And in rude Rhime our President expose? How oft hast thou with awful Silence heard The midnight Lectures of that Reverend Bard, When with his Glass in Hand he doth unfold What Faith the Priests of all Religions hold; What old Socinus, and Molinos teach, And what the modern Philadelphians preach; What nice Remarks each different Tongue affords, And curious Etymologies of Words? Then he goes on to search Decrees of Fate, And give strong Proofs about a future State: Not old Silenus so divinely spoke Of hidden Truths in Virgil’s sacred Book, When with a load of Wine and Knowledg fraught, The drunken God the listning Satyrs taught; And dost thou thus his Care and Pains requite, To make thee learned in thy own Despite? Hard Fate of Greatness! tho a Man should be As wise as Ashly, or reﬁn’d like thee, Like Fletcher should for England’s Glory toil, And plot as deep as Monmouth, or as Moyle, Yet Barber, B——y, and such Wits as those, Would ﬁnd out something in him to expose.

Pulteney’s poem is a classic example of a reactive lampoon written to reprove the excess of another lampooner; yet its picture of the Order W. J. Cameron, ‘John Dryden and Henry Heveningham’, N&Q 202 (1957), 199–202. The Order merged in 1703 with the Kit-Kat Club. 98 Preserved with the variant ﬁrst lines ‘Religion’s a politic law’, ‘There’s no such thing as good or evil’, and ‘There’s no harm in sound cunts nor in arseholes’.

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being instructed by its resident philosopher is not an unattractive one. Such bodies had serious interests in literature and ideas to complement their vinous sociability and role as gossip circles and generating points for lampoons. They offer us a more constructive model of the wit than the actual conduct of lampoon warfare would have suggested. An endemic aggressiveness is accepted but is not the whole story. They link the writing of lampoons with the rapidly consolidating club culture whose centrality to Augustan social life has been established by Peter Clark in British Clubs and Societies. But most of all they offer a means by which lampoon culture, rather than being seen as self-subsisting, can be integrated within the wider literary culture as simply one of the several ﬁelds in which the male wit was expected to demonstrate his talent. Needless to say this favourable view of the wit was far from universal. Indeed it was largely restricted to wits themselves. References in those primary markers of Town taste, prologues and epilogues, are almost uniformly hostile.99 For Roger L’Estrange, describing the life of a Town rake, lampooning was a fundamental violation of the code of a gentleman. ‘The Ladies next must take their Turn; in a Lampon perhaps, or some such thing: (that most Un-christian, and Un-manly mixture of Wicked, and of Brutish Folly) ’Tis but a Catalogue of their Names, no matter for the knowledge of their Humours, or their Persons, and the things done.’100 To be ‘Un-christian’ was one thing: to be ‘Un-manly’ was much worse. Worst of all is the implication that writing lampoons was not even particularly witty. The wit who wrote lampoons as part of his engagement with a wider range of polite literature and as a collaborative activity with other wits had a defence of sorts; the patriot of either party who wrote them to avert dangers seen as threatening the nation might even have had cause for self-congratulation; the professional writing to order was putting bread in his mouth; even the witling who wrote for the amusement of his immediate circle was creating diversion and 99 For examples see Pierre Danchin, The Prologues and Epilogues of the Restoration 1660–1700, 7 vols. (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1981–8), under index entry ‘Lampoon[s]’. Further information on public attitudes towards lampooners and libellers can be extracted from the Chadwyck-Healey LION archive by using variants of the words as search terms. 100 L’Estrange his Apology: With a Short View of Some Late and Remarkable Transactions . . . by R.L.S. (London, 1660), B4v. A similar view is expressed in William Walsh, A Dialogue Concerning Women, Being a Defence of the Sex (London, 1691), 104–5.

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amusement of a usually harmless kind. But many lampoons were written out of undisguised, inveterate, unthinking malice. For them and their authors it is hard to ﬁnd any excuse except for what they reveal as case studies in the pathology of hatred, or, if not hatred, the endemic violence whose other expressions were duels, sexual assaults, and beatings.

6

The Lampoon as Gossip The lampoon in its lighter manifestations is written gossip; gossip was all too often a spoken lampoon. The good lampooner was probably also a good gossip; moreover, a lampoon was a prompt for further gossip by becoming a subject of conversation in its own right. The circulation of a lampoon was likely to be enlarged by the freshness and piquancy of its gossip, something for which diligent research of the kind carried out by Rochester with his paid sentinel, Lumley with his nocturnal stalking, and Howe with his brieﬁngs from his sisters was required. This is not to say that accusations so assembled had to be truthful—much, as the account given earlier of Howe’s method indicates, was likely to be invented. Rochester explained to Burnet that ‘The lyes in these Libels came often in as Ornaments that could not be spared without spoiling the beauty of the Poem’.1 But the persuasiveness of the invented would be enhanced by its being interwoven with testable fact, and the lie as ornament by its adorning the brow of truth. The lampoon was similar in its function to the present-day newspaper gossip column, and, like that, needs to be viewed as a written derivative of oral culture. Nor was this similarity restricted to the court and Town lampoons, since the state lampoon insistently set out to reduce politics to personalities and personalities to scandal. Gossip has always performed important functions of moral and social regulation. Its narratives are exemplary: never narrowly contingent. What was said in Chapter 3 of the lampoon as an instrument of rough vigilante justice in the newly established and still imperfectly deﬁned community of the Town appplies equally to gossip. Disapproving gossip was a means of enforcing communal sanctions, not because the victims of the gossip would necessarily be aware they 1 Gilbert Burnet, Some Passages of the Life and Death of John, Earl of Rochester, in V. de Sola Pinto (ed.), English Biography in the Seventeenth Century (London: Harrap, 1951), 106.

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were being gossiped about, but because they would regularly participate in conversations about others in which behaviour similar to their own was castigated. It was a cliché of libertine philosophy that fear of ridicule was a stronger disincentive to transgression than any moral reluctance to transgress. When Rochester insisted that ‘all men would be Cowards if they durst’ he was paying tribute to the regulatory power of gossip.2 Reputation, today in the care of spindoctors, was in his time determined by gossip alone. The very malice and injustice of much gossip was a dissuasive from any form of behaviour that might provoke it. Jean-Baptiste Morvan de Bellegarde’s Reﬂexions sur le ridicule, et sur les moyens de l’eviter, translated into English in 1706 as Reﬂexions upon Ridicule; or What it is that Makes a Man Ridiculous and the Means to Avoid it, starts from the premiss that ‘Men are made for Society, and therefore the most useful of all Sciences is the Art of Living, that guards us perpetually against Ridicule’ and moves quickly to the corollary that ‘that which goes by the Name of great Merit, is sometimes nothing but a great Artiﬁce to hide our Imperfections’.3 Gossip was the antidote to such artiﬁce: ‘We ﬁnd, in Societies, People of a certain Character, which seem born for nothing else but to say disobliging Things: a Man must not trip before them; they criticize all the Faults that are committed in their Presence, and droll upon them, even to the fatiguing those that hear them’ (p. 71). Although here slighted, gossip could claim a truthtelling function as the avowed enemy of concealment and hypocrisy. The lampoon is rich in such protestations. Gossip is also vital to the process by which individuals, on a daily basis, form expectations about what they can expect in their dealings with other individuals and classes of individuals. In this, gossip has much in common with newspaper crime narratives as they have been analysed by Jack Katz.4 Katz starts from the perception that, like gossip, crime narratives are almost mindlessly repetitious. What then can lie behind ‘the daily recurrence of the reading appetite’? One very simple answer, also applicable to gossip, would be the one given by Aristotle: that reading these narratives is a way of discharging the same tendencies (or anxieties) in ourselves. Katz rejects this view; nor does he think that the public turn to crime narratives ‘in a naive search for the empirical truth about crime’ or ‘in the naive sense that 2 3 4

‘Against Reason and Mankind’, l. 158, in Works, 61. (London, 1706), 8. ‘What Makes Crime “News”?’, Media, Culture and Society, 9 (1987), 47–75.

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we read about crime to discover that crime is morally wrong’; instead, reading a news story about a 10-year-old bank robber encourages us to revise our assumptions about 10-year-olds in general. We also use the stories as a way of recalibrating our personal ethical systems: The experience of reading crime news induces the reader into a perspective useful for taking a stand on existential moral dilemmas. The dilemmas of imputing personal competence and sustaining one’s own moral sensibility, of honouring sacred centres of collective being, of morally crediting and discrediting political opponents, and of deferring to the moral superiority of elites, cannot be resolved by deduction from rational discourse. In these moral areas, a measure of faith—of understanding a position or making a commitment that underlies the reasons that can be given for one’s beliefs— is an essential part of everyday social life. (pp. 47–8)

Gossip performs the same task of alerting us to the ways in which others may be capable of behaving and helping us to determine how we should behave in return. In an age before newspapers and poppsychology, the norm-adumbrating function of gossip was of particular importance.

gossip and belonging Gossip is also a means by which individuals compose themselves into communities. Personal and group image is constructed from the materials of gossip; boundaries between groups deﬁned; and unworthy members and unsuitable applicants marked for rejection. This aspect of gossip is a long-standing concern of cultural anthropologists and all textbooks on the discipline include some consideration of its functions within a variety of societies. Laura Gowing in Domestic Dangers drew on a classical paper of 1963 by Max Gluckman and a reply of 1967 by Robert Paine.5 Gluckman saw gossip in functional terms as a mechanism for the preservation of social structures and the assertion of communal values. Paine challenged this by presenting gossip as ‘a device intended to forward and protect 5 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996), 120–3; Max Gluckman, ‘Gossip and Scandal’, Current Anthropology, 4 (1963), 307–15; Robert Paine, ‘What is Gossip about: An Alternative Hypothesis’, Man, ns 2 (1967), 287–85. M. L. Kaplan’s The Culture of Slander in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997) is more concerned with literary texts than with the day-to-day practice of gossip.

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individual interests’ (p. 279). Both viewpoints would need to be allowed for in any account of the operations of gossip within a given historical society. Robin Dunbar has argued that gossip is a form of grooming and therefore one of the primary functions of human language—grooming from this perspective being a means to social cohesion.6 Kate Fox, building on his insight, has investigated ways in which gossip has been transformed by the advent of the mobile phone. Among her subsidiary claims are that women are more skilled than men at making gossip entertaining, that gossip involves an enticing element of risk-taking, and, following Gluckman, that ‘negative gossip’ is an important way of learning the unwritten rules of a community and promoting social bonding of an us-against-them kind.7 Of course, as Paine points out, there is a destructive as well as a constructive negativity. By using ungrounded accusations to destroy reputation, status, or relationships, gossip can fracture as well as conﬁrm social bonds. Moreover, like the present-day tabloid press, it will often use a hypocritical pretence of moral outrage to disguise malevolence and lubricity. Likewise the lampoon. Mulgrave and Dryden’s ‘An Essay upon Satyr’ annoys through its attempt to claim the moral high ground for what is really an exercise in self-interested character assassination. Dorset’s ‘Faithful Catalogue’, through making no attempt to disguise its anarchic malice, ﬁnds it easier to win the reader’s imaginative complicity. A further function shared by gossip with the lampoon is to serve as a lightning rod for envy. To display power with its clothes off and beauty engaged in sexual calisthenics was a way of dealing with the reality of not being powerful or beautiful oneself. Raised to a more philosophical sphere, gossip demanded acknowledgement of a common, ﬂawed humanity that the powerful and successful did, and still do, all in their power to deny. Edmund Burke a century later was to see the matter otherwise: ‘On this scheme of things, a king is but a man; a queen is but a woman; a woman is but an animal; and an animal not of the highest order. All homage paid to the sex in general as such, and without distinct views, is to be regarded as romance and folly.’8 This Grooming, Gossip and the Evolution of Language (London: Faber, 1996). ‘Evolution, Alienation and Gossip: The Role of Mobile Telecommunication in the 21st Century’ (unpaginated), at www.sirc.org/publik/gossip.shtml. 8 Reﬂections on the Revolution in France, ed. Conor Cruise O’Brien (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), 171. 6 7

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scheme, which Burke attributed to French revolutionary rationalism, was exactly that of the lampoon, offering a Hobbesian ‘sudden glory’ of inward superiority to lives that, in many cases, were devoted to displays of ritualized deference to prominent individuals. Moreover, one did not have to be at the bottom of the pecking order to experience envy: it might bite harder at those who were themselves beautiful or powerful but not quite beautiful or powerful enough to supplant the occupants of the top rung of the ladder. An adage from the ‘Buckingham’ commonplace book maintains that ‘The ﬁrst man is the most happy and the second the most miserable’, a view borne out by present-day organizational psychology.9 The prominent place occupied among the ranks of the lampooners by leading court functionaries suggests that a sense of undervalued worth increased with proximity to the most envied condition. Gossip, if we had an adequate record, would no doubt tell the same story. In a more constructive sense gossip and the lampoon both performed a constant testing of the ﬁtness of the great to enjoy the privileges of high rank, yet not always in the way we would expect. An accusation of unchastity against a duchess of our period, while it might make her obnoxious to virtuous women, would not make her any less of an aristocrat; but an accusation of cowardice or foolish behaviour against a duke would suggest that he should not have been a duke at all. Putting it the other way round, while Buckingham’s conduct as a politician and private citizen was the subject of incessant criticism, there was little disagreement that he was a brilliant performer of the ceremonial aspects of his station.10 A point that can be veriﬁed from present-day celebrity journalism is that the narratives of gossip usually precede any particular application. Not only do we like reading about the same celebrities over and over again, but as one person loses celebrity status, stories of which he or she has been the temporary protagonist will quickly reattach themselves to someone new. A measure of the supreme celebrity status of the late Princess of Wales is the number of different stories and story types she was able to appropriate. One of these concerned her as (1) a rejected wife, another as (2) the mother of a young family, another as (3) a femme fatale stealing other women’s husbands or lovers, Herts Record Ofﬁce MS D/ EP F37, p. 5, item 16. Cf. Lockier’s tribute in Joseph Spence: Observations, Anecdotes and Characters of Books and Men, rev. edn., ed. James M. Osborn (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), i. 276. 9

10

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another as (4) someone herself betrayed by snoopers who intruded on her privacy or friends who spilled the beans, another as (5) a royal public ﬁgure doing good deeds, another (6) simply as an embodiment of the privileges of wealth and luxury, such as expensive clothes, exclusive holidays, and appearances at grand occasions. There were also an eating-disorder narrative and those arising from her anti-landmine campaign and comforting of AIDS sufferers, which may not have received the attention they deserved because they did not ﬁt her image of transcendent glamour. None of these were single narratives but rather groups of related stories that were written and rewritten week by week in rotation. Now we have the various death narratives, including those that would claim her death to be murder. There is even a class of metanarratives: narratives about Princess Diana narratives. (Are we suffering from Di burnout? What happened to the money donated to charity in her honour?) One notable aspect of the muchpublicized revelations by her butler, Paul Burrow, is that they were generally elaborations of already existing narratives; but this was itself a reﬂection of the sheer multiplicity of stories that had come to be told about her. A lesser celebrity royal, such as the Duchess of York, was typed into a much more restricted body of stories. None of this is said in mockery of the Princess, or of those for whom inﬁdelity, eating disorders, or the threat of death by landmines or AIDS is a source of acute misery, but simply to illustrate the way in which celebrity journalism perpetuates itself by reapplying pre-existing story types to new individuals. Early modern gossip was of a similar nature: it was the power of the stories as much as the prominence of the individuals that led to their interminable retelling. The lampoon followed faithfully in this path. Buckingham was the vehicle of one kind of story that people liked to tell; Cleveland of another; but if they had not been available as vehicles for these or similar stories, other individuals would have been found and upon their departure from the scene soon were. It is sometimes difﬁcult to tell which aristocratic woman is the subject of a particular onslaught.11 Tellingly the marginal identiﬁcations made in lampoon collections are frequently wrong or contradict identiﬁcations made in other collections.12 Because certain kinds of story 11 In the ﬁrst edition of my Restoration Verse, I mistakenly annotated the Rochester dubium ‘Let ancients boast no more’ as about Cleveland. Its actual subject was Betty Felton but with a slight modiﬁcation to the list of lovers it would have done just as well for the duchess or any other promiscuous court woman. 12 For a striking example see Rochester, Works, 432–3.

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soothed anxieties, helped to sustain moral norms, and assisted in marking off communities from each other, they were never allowed to die. Needless to say, not all of the functions of gossip just suggested will be operative in every given historical situation. Kate Fox’s account of the risk-taking aspect of gossip includes the following This element of ‘invasion of privacy’ is particularly relevant for the naturally reserved and inhibited English, for whom privacy is an especially serious matter. Our homes are our castles, we are taught to mind our own business, keep ourselves to ourselves, not to make a scene or draw attention to ourselves and never wash our dirty linen in public. As a result—thanks to the inevitable ‘forbidden-fruit’ effect—we are a nation of curtain-twitchers, endlessly fascinated by the ‘tabooed’ private lives of our neighbours, friends, family and colleagues.13

One might accept this as a fair judgement on nineteenth- and twentieth-century Britain without being sure how far back it goes. Our immediate sense of the reign of Charles II is one of an uninhibited exhibitionism in public life; yet it is likely that more modern ideals of reticence and conformity were already gathering strength, and it is certain that they were already in evidence in eighteenth-century middle-class canons of domestic probity and in the kind of upperclass good breeding recommended in Chesterﬁeld’s Letters. If so the Restoration lampoon could be viewed either as a form of concelebratory participation in the libertine transgressions of the court and the Town or as an early manifestation of bourgeois curtain twitching. As societies develop, so do the nature and functions of gossip. Before we could apply anthropological insights to the Restoration court, City, and Town, it would be necessary to enquire closely into then current uses of and attitudes towards gossip. This need not be as difﬁcult as it might seem. Personal letters of the time survive in large numbers, many of which are largely composed of gossip. Restoration comedy presents us with numerous representations of gossip: even footmen in i. i. of The Wives’ Excuse are inveterate gossips. Individual gossips—among them Aubrey, Pepys, and Wood—have left us extensive written records. Finally the lampoon, as well as being an instrument of gossip, will often reﬂect on its own functioning as a purveyor of gossip and the nature of gossip as an activity. None of these sources is a vehicle of dispassionate scientiﬁc observation: tact 13

‘Evolution, Alienation and Gossip’.

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is required at every turn in mining them for information about the real-life culture of gossip; yet they all suggest something of contemporary attitudes towards and beliefs concerning gossip, and will be drawn on in what follows.

gossip and news In addition to its other functions, gossip was a means of encountering news. One assumption of which we need to disabuse ourselves is that rumour and gossip were somehow inferior forms of information in the seventeenth-century anglophone world. Not so—in the early modern period there was no public data bank of assured, written information about current happenings which could claim higher reliability than the oral. The belief that print was regarded at the time as possessing this status has been demolished by Adrian Johns and David McKitterick.14 Both scholars agree that it was not until circa 1800 that modern assumptions about the ﬁxity and reliability of information conveyed by the print media acquired either general acceptance or any substantial basis in fact, thus challenging the attempt of historians such as Eisenstein and theorists such as Ong to project such values back onto the earlier centuries of print.15 Bacon dismissed an implausible story as ‘no better than a gazette or a passage of Gallo-Belgicus’, with reference to early newsbooks.16 In the Restoration decades oral news from a well-informed source or written news from a trusted correspondent would generally be given greater credence than that conveyed through the print media, which were seen as tardy, undiscriminating in their use of sources, and fatally compromised by party allegiances.17 14 Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); David McKitterick, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003). 15 Eisenstein’s views are summarized in her The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983) and Ong’s in his Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982). 16 The Life and Letters of Francis Bacon, 7 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, 1861–74), v. 289. Cited in Alastair Bellany, The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 198. Donne makes a similar taunt in his epigram ‘Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus’, which concludes ‘thou art like Mercury in stealing, but lyest like a Greeke’ (The Satires, Epigrams and Verse Letters, ed. Wesley Milgate (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), 53). 17 See also on this theme Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).

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Gossip, from this perspective, is a class of public information concerned with the personal behaviour and moral standing of individuals, and thus a signiﬁcant subset of the wider ﬁeld of news.18 Gossip was, as it remains, the most common form of orally conveyed information: even the most formal of social or business meetings were likely to include interludes of gossip. If this is no longer the case today, it is only because much of our casual conversation is about events picked up from the mass media, whereas in early modern times rumour and gossip were the mass media. Access to gossip was also a source of status. Possession of fresh gossip and the ability to retail it in a vivid way brought prestige and prominence: backwardness in this respect could incur the charge of dullness. So Medley in Etherege’s The Man of Mode (1676) owes his standing in the Town, and his power over Dorimant, to his ﬂair as a retailer of gossip. While gossip was circulated privately, usually between pairs of individuals or among assemblies no larger than the tea or drinking party, by ﬂowing rapidly from one such group to another it became a public medium. Modern newspapers acknowledge this when they run gossip columns, supposedly a dipping into the stream of oral gossip, and yet gossip columns, despite their arch attempts to sound colloquial, always sit awkwardly on the printed page, with their exponents often looked down on by other journalists (who nonetheless gossip furiously among themselves). In any case, gossip columns were a nineteenth-century invention. In the early modern period there was only gossip—and the lampoon. The way in which both the stanzaic and the couplet lampoon, rather than using the quasi-forensic demonstrations of neoclassical satire, were assembled as a chain of loosely linked satirical epigrams gave them a structural resemblance to the present-day gossip column while escaping its artiﬁciality. The public status of the lampoon was conﬁrmed by a specialized department of the book trade being devoted to the multiplying of copies in manuscript and by its being read aloud at dinners and during visits. The second practice sometimes caused irritation, as in ‘The Visitt’:

18 Fox cites a deﬁnition of gossip from M. Noon and R. Delbridge, ‘News from behind my Hand: Gossip in Organizations’, Organization Studies, 14 (1993), 23–6, as ‘the process of informally communicating value-laden information about members of a social setting’.

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Visiting, it hardly needs saying, was both a source of and a means of communicating gossip. To Mrs Witwoud’s morning meetings in The Wives’ Excuse, held to ‘scatter about the scandal of that day’, we should add the description of Millamant’s hens’ night in i. i. of Congreve’s The Way of the World: ‘last Night was one of their Cabal-nights; they have ’em three times a Week, and meet by turns, at one another’s Apartments, where they come together like the Coroner’s Inquest, to sit upon the murder’d Reputations of the Week.’20 Information so obtained might then be brought, in order to be veriﬁed and interpreted, to the Town’s corporate meeting places, the New Exchange and the auditoria of the theatres, particularly Drury Lane. The theatres, as we have seen, were of special importance because attendance was not solely or even primarily to see the show but to meet friends in a club-like atmosphere and deliberate over reputations.21 Satirical allusions in plays to living individuals assume in advance that the point of the joke had already been communicated by gossip.22 The lampoon relied for much of its effect on the same assumption but could not rely on that alone, since it was also expected to supply new gossip, preferably of a sensational kind. What appears like gratuitous lubricity may often have arisen from a desire to meet that expectation. Yet it was also important, as we saw, that useful and preferably accurate information should be included, however embroidered. Early in Rochester’s poem Artemiza tells Chloe Y’expect att least, to heare, what Loves have past In this lewd Towne, synce you, and I mett last. What change has happen’d of Intrigues, and whether The Old ones last, and who, and who’s togeather.23 (ll. 32–5) Compare ‘The Town Life’ on the same subject at p. 74 above. The Works of Thomas Southerne, ed. Robert Jordan and Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1989), i. 289; The Complete Plays of William Congreve, ed. Herbert Davis (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1967), 396. 21 See pp. 71–2. 22 Examples are the jokes about Dryden’s private life in The Rehearsal and Shadwell’s in Sir Barnaby Whigg. 23 Works, 64. 19 20

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These things have been the subject of gossip in all ages. Another poet put it more crudely: This way of writing I observed by some Is introduced by an exordium, But I will leave to make all that ado, And in plain English tell you who fucks who.24

In communities as close as the court and Town, and yet with a kind of closeness that was so unfamiliar to many of their members as still to be shot through with distance and uncertainty, such information was not only agreeable but necessary to successful interaction. Not to possess it was to risk gaffes and inappropriate behaviour. The lampoon along with the personal letter (one often accompanying the other) was the form in which gossip about Town relationships passed from the oral to the written media in order to be laid down and circulated for future practical use. The possession of such information was also a marker of one’s membership of the court or Town and capacity to be an understanding participant in its conversations. A song from Henry Neville Payne’s The Morning Ramble (ﬁrst performed 4 November 1672) portrays two males leaving the theatre to walk in St James’s Park. Their conversation is about the scandalous behaviour of the people they observe there. Catch. 1. Boy, call the Coach; come, Jack, let’s away: ’Tis tedious to sit out this Tragical Play. A Plague o’their plotting and dying in Rhime, Let’s drive to the Park Before it be dark, There we’l better dispose of our Time. 2. Stay, who is that so drest like a Queen? 1. ’Tis the ﬁne Lady Lofty, but let’s not be seen: For her Husband is surely gone out. Chor. —— She searches to ﬁnd If a Friend will be kind, And treat her abroad with a Supper and ’bout. 2. Why should she want that? Her Lord’s a brave Man. 1. Ay, Jack, but they’re marry’d. 2. Then what two are yon? 24

‘Satire’, CSR, 81–5.

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1. ’Tis Will Lovewell and his pretty Miss, He hath kept her this seven year, yet prethee, Jack, see How jocund and merry they be, How Crown’d, and incircl’d with Bliss. Chor. Love Revels, and Feasts in hearts that are free, But languishing starves if restrained he be. 1. See, yonder sits Well-born with his pretty Wife. 2. They look as they’d ne’re seen each other before. 1. Shee seeks for her Gallant, and he o’my Life Hath a mind to be feaguing yon Vizor-Mask-Whore. But stay, let me see; by Heav’ns ’tis so, That Mask hides a Lady I know, Who seems for to dote on Husband and Honour, But look there, Ned Ranter has just ﬁxt upon her. 2. She hath yielded, and see they do go. 1. If Wives will do this, Give me the true Miss, She’d be hang’d e’re she’d serve a Man so. Chor. They’re Fools then that Marry, and strive to conﬁne In politick Chains what still will be free; No Fetters can hold a pow’r that’s Divine, Nor Shackles restrain great Loves Deity.25

No doubt similar real-life conversations were part of every public assembly. The main speaker in the catch is the shrewd observer, alert for the material of gossip. By instructing Jack in the hypocrisy of the Town, he is also training him to be a gossip. The poem itself is not a lampoon (for one thing type-names, not real ones, are used) but it deﬁnes a social habit of malicious voyeurism that was instrinsic to the lampoon. Payne’s speaker takes the matter further by using the discoveries as a justiﬁcation for a libertine lifestyle that in real life would have made him a lampoon target in turn; yet his viewpoint is not moralistic. Jack’s surprise at the behaviour of real people in the real world marks him as an ingénu, who will soon know better; but also reﬂects a desire for the stimulation, and power, that comes from the knowledge of other people’s secrets. Gossip was a means to that power; but more importantly it was a form of cultural capital to be acquired through a process of initiation. Jack is not yet fully of the Town. There is further testimony to this initiatory function of gossip, long recognized by anthropologists, in Richard Duke’s ‘An Epistle to 25

(London, 1673), 11–12.

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Mr Otway’ sent by an exile from the Town to ‘learned, dirty’ Cambridge. Gossip for Duke is not signiﬁcant for its ethical content or even for the knowledge it conveys but simply for its validation of his sense of being a functioning member of the Town: I have forgot whatever there I knew, Why Men one Stocking tye, with Ribbon blue. Why others Medals wear, a ﬁne gilt Thing, That at their Breasts hang dangling by a String; (Yet stay, I think that I to Mind recal, For once a Squirt was rais’d by Windsor Wall.) I know no Ofﬁcer of Court; nay more, No Dog of Court, their Favourite before. Should Veny fawn, I shou’d not understand her; Nor who committed Incest for Legander.26

Gossip here is so emptied of content as to be reduced to insider information about the ancestry of lap-dogs; and yet without this means to participation as an equal in Town chat Duke is condemned to decline into outsider status as ‘A greasie Blockhead Fellow in a Gown’.

t h r e e s h a r p - to n g u e d l a d i e s The many parallels between lampooning and gossip, but also some of the differences, are illustrated by three lampoon attacks on gossipers. The ﬁrst to be considered is a description from 1698 of Katherine Sedley, Countess of Dorchester, the former mistress of James II: A wither’d Countess next, who rails aloud At the most reigning vices of the Croud, And with the product of that ill turn’d brain, Does all her Guests at Visits entertain, Thinks it a Crime for any one to be, Either ill natur’d or as leud as she, A Soveraign Judge over her sex does sitt, Giving full scope to that injurious witt, 26 In The Penguin Book of Restoration Verse, 2nd edn. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1997), 247.

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The Lampoon as Gossip Too old for Lust and prove against all shame, Her only business now is to defame, She hath done well the one Ey’d Knight to choose For one who’s two, wou’d ne’re endure the Noose27

The ‘one Ey’d Knight’ was Sedley’s husband, Sir David Colyear, later Earl of Portmore. Sedley was famous for her acid wit and may have written lampoons (p. 172) but the concern here is with her brilliance as a gossip. Like Witwoud in The Wives’ Excuse she exercises her malice during visits by her friends. Her criticisms are vitiated, in the eyes of the satirist, by coming from a person who is herself of blemished reputation and because defamation is offered as entertainment, not as justiﬁed censure. But both these criticisms would apply equally to the lampoon in which they are made, with the difference that it is a dull, poorly written piece, whereas Sedley’s brand of bitchiness was clearly of the highest order.28 Otherwise the two activities fuse. Sedley is a lampooner in the oral medium: the lampooner a gossip in writing. The same equivalence had been drawn a decade earlier in ‘A Letter to the Lady Osbourne’. The addressee was the former Penelope Verney, an elderly Town lady, otherwise remembered as a keen economist and a stickler for the decorum of visits.29 In this case, however, we are also given a record of the content of the gossip: Oh Lady Osbourne! pity and forbear To tell the nauseous follies that you hear; Let each man sin without prescribing rules; We must have madmen, and we must have fools. Prithee what is’t to me if Princess Anne Will eat as much again as any man, Or if sh’has orange trimming on her head. She’s blameless, sure. The Queen herself is ﬂed. Brave Churchill can’t escape your ﬂattering jest: You rally all his victories in the west; 27 ‘An Answer to J. Poultney’s Letter: why I do not let my wife keep some sort of Company: 1698’ (‘And why to me this Letter of Complaint’), Leeds University Library, Brotherton MS Lt. q. 38, p. 207. ‘Tunbridge 1’ (see below) describes Dorchester as ‘hagge[r]d’ (p. 167). 28 Her style comes vividly to life in the idiosyncratically spelled letters reproduced in V. de Sola Pinto, Sir Charles Sedley (London, 1927), 345–52. 29 Susan E. Whyman, Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999), 143, 96. Numerous letters from her survive among the Verney collection.

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Say public zeal did press the hero on To vindicate his virtuous sister’s wrong; That while his lady was the Bishop’s prize, Passive obedience was her exercise. The jolly prelate, through his non-resistance, Drew all the women into his assistance; Except old Orrery, who stayed at home To muzzle with her favourite footman Tom. And some few others quite worn out with trading, Afraid to move as conscious of their jading. On Shelburne’s purchased honor you’re severe: Her Hebrew face and beard will still appear As a memento mori to the King For granting Waller’s daughter anything. What horrid fury has provoked your mind That speaks your witty ladyship unkind To all the late fair honorable maids? For since their table fails, you style ’em jades, And swear that pigmy, Gray, debauches all The very boys and wenches at Whitehall. It shows the empty court is very poor If with that little lord they’ll play the whore. For Nancy Luck refused to wicked chit; She liked his gold, but not his childish wit.30

Here we have another accomplished woman gossip, whose behaviour was hardly distinguishable from that of a lampooner. Yet this time the two performances differ in their nature. Because spoken gossip is always delivered face to face, it has the option of being ironically subversive of any assumed truth value. The gossip ‘rallies’ where the lampooner berates. Nor is it ever free from the need to accommodate the perceived responses of listeners, otherwise, as Bellegarde points out, it quickly becomes boring. Good gossip should be a social activity in which speakers feed off each other’s reactions. The lampooner’s conversion of the animated to-and-fro of conversation into a bare catalogue replaces this implied mutuality with a much simpler relationship of dominant authorial persona to subservient reader. It is also performed appropriatively: the narrating voice is distinctly that of the lampooner, not that of Osborne, whose accusations are simply summarized at second hand. Once again the author 30

POASY, v. 78–80.

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is self-confessedly a hypocrite in his reproving Osborne for being the originator of gossip which he is delighted to broadcast further and has probably embroidered in the process. Indeed, he is using her as an excuse for his own deplorable behaviour. If ‘nauseous follies’ should not be told he is as guilty as she is of doing so. A third account of a gossip occurs in Jack Howe’s ‘Somerton’s Epistle’ mentioned earlier. Its subject appears to be the second wife of Henry St John, father by his ﬁrst of the Earl of Bolingbroke:31 The next in this Circle comes in Mrs St Johns Who thinks very little but talks with a vengeance . . . Then balkt of her Aim, having nothing to doe She makes it her business to know who Loves who, And being well furnisht with Tongue and ill nature She rails at intriguing and sets up for Satyr And thus she begins May Foy I have been at Lord Radnors to day Who came like a Puppy new lickt from the Play Me thought the vermillion became him as ill As Dorset at waiting or Baby Grevile This snug Litle Lord having searcht up and down Has smelt out the closest intrigue of the Town The Uxorious Somerset, that formal Wooer Who fain woud sett up for wit and Amour And makes all his Court and Pays all his vows To the poor Irish Dutchess, that games with his Spouse Whose easy good nature all freedom allows There still unsuspected she Ogles and Plays Whispers the Husband before the Wives face Thrice hapy Lord O——d who free from the Cares Of Family Duty and drudging for heirs A Lazy lewd Life securely does lead While his Wife and her Stallion take care of his Breed Thus wanting of breath she concludes her Harangue And the Dutchess of O. was sworn of the Gang.32

}

The passage distinguishes two agents in the culture of gossip as the lord who scouts for scandal and the Town lady who retails it to her friends at visits. Howe poses as a third retailer of the information concerned, though it is unlikely that his designs in the poem were Cameron, ibid. 363, suggests a date of ‘1690 or 1691’. BL Harl. 7315, fo. 211v, with emendation ‘unsuspected’ in the nineteenth line for MS ‘unexpected’. For the Duke and Duchess of Ormond, see POASY, v. 363–4. 31 32

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quite that simple. In any case his objection is clearly to the style of the gossip rather than its content. Like the ﬁne lady in ‘Artemiza to Chloe’, St John is represented as an unstoppable monologuist, delivering a kind of Aristophanic pnigos which ends only when she is physically unable to continue. She is clearly one of Bellegarde’s gossips who ‘criticize . . . even to the fatiguing those that hear them’. The anapaestic metre conveys the remorseless, driven quality of her performance. By the standards proposed a little earlier this is bad gossip but possibly good oral ‘satyr’. The main difference between St John’s performance and Howe’s is that hers was delivered to her ‘gang’ and leads to an act of incorporation through which the duchess is to be admitted to that body, while his, through being addressed to the scribal publisher Jack Somerton, is broadcast to the entire Town and has as its implied aim the subversion of marriage as an institution. Otherwise, as in the Sedley example, a certain kind of virtuosity in gossip and a certain kind of gossipy lampoon have almost become interchangeable. The distinction becomes one of gender. Women are acknowledged to be the more brilliant gossips, while men are the predominant contrivers of lampoons. There is also a sense that women are better supplied with the materials of gossip. Howe who formerly relied for information on his ‘homespun sisters’ is now plagiarizing St John.

Tunbridge gossip One would expect all the qualities attributed to gossip to be intensiﬁed when members of court and Town were artiﬁcially restricted to each other’s company, away from the distractions of the metropolis. So it proved at the two favoured spa towns of Tunbridge and Bath, each of which gave rise to a vigorous lampoon culture.33 Of these Tunbridge was the early favourite owing to its location and the patronage of Queen Catherine. Her husband preferred the more remote Bath, whose pre-eminence, however, was not fully established until it was reduced to politeness by Beau Nash in the early eighteenth century. While great faith was placed in the therapeutic powers of both sets of waters, the towns were also treated as holiday resorts and as a refuge from the isolation of summers spent on estates 33

On Wells satire, see Cameron at POASY, v. 346–8.

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in the country. Since visits to Bath involved daily immersion in the waters, it was particularly favoured by those with skin complaints. At Tunbridge application was internal and in heroic quantities. The power of the spring was believed to be at its greatest just before sunrise, requiring very early rising, especially as many visitors resided in outlying villages rather than the town itself. The rest of the day was then free for such pleasures as the place afforded. Both waters were regarded as beneﬁcial for infertility, though Rochester had another explanation: Poore foolish Frible who by subtilty Of midwife; truest freind to Lechery, Perswaded art to be att pains, and charge To give thy wife occasion to Enlarge Thy silly head; For here walk Cuffe, and Kick With brawny back, and leggs, and Potent Prick Who more substantially will cure thy wife And on her halfe dead womb bestow new life: From these the waters gott the reputation Of good assistants unto generation. (ll. 151–60)34

The pump stood at the end of a promenade divided into upper and lower walks. Already by the early 1670s these had become lined with booths selling clothes, country produce, and knick-knacks. However, not all enjoyed the outdoor part of the cure. A satire of 1691 notes The sun appearing, we with dust are choked, And with the least of rains our feet are soaked. Both weathers keep us in a shed that stinks, Poisoned with English and outlandish drinks. The justling in the walks, the going bare Before the Princess in a nasty air, The making lanes for lame Sir Robert’s chair—— What ﬂesh alive, even for health, can bear? These sure are miseries as bad as Hell For any man who wishes to live well.35

The antidotes to such enormities were intrigues and gossip about intrigues. 34 Works, 53. Rochester’s authorship is not fully conﬁrmed. Henry Savile may have contributed. Mary of Modena’s choice of Bath for the same purpose in 1687 gave rise to predictable gossip. 35 (‘How many fools at Court bawl out aloud’), POASY, v. 349.

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While Bath gave birth to two exceptionally interesting lampoons in ‘The Argument’ (‘Say heaven-born muse, for only thou canst tell’) and Sir Francis Fane’s ‘Iter Occidentale’ (‘Deep in an unctuous vale ’twixt swelling hills’), Tunbridge lampooning was far more proliﬁc.36 Few seasons passed from the mid-1670s onwards without the appearance of at least one lampoon.37 Rochester’s ‘Tunbridge Wells’ is uncharacteristic of this tradition owing to its concentration on types rather than individuals (though a few are singled out). Usually as many names were crowded in as possible. There is a sense of the annual lampoon being an expected part of the ritual of taking the waters, either eagerly or apprehensively awaited and often collectively written. Two further examples of 1690 will serve to illustrate this catholicity and a characteristic allusiveness, reaching at times to mystiﬁcation, that reveals a group of titled persons too much in each other’s company, and a poet or poets unconcerned to be understood away from the place and the moment.38 ‘Tunbridge Lampoon, 1st’, as it is called in the Huntington MS (‘Our ladies fond of love’s soft joys’), drops a long list of names, partly composed of Town lampoon stars, such as the Countess of Dorchester and Mall Howard, and partly of lesser lights who had the misfortune simply to be present. The highly allusive nature of the commentary, combined with careless writing, leaves it unclear at times whether males or females are referred to; however, the main emphasis falls on the ladies. Some of the more obscure references are clariﬁed by marginal identiﬁcations. Others can be explicated from other lampoons. ‘Tunbridge 1’, as we shall call it, was answered in ‘Tunbridge Lampoon 2d’ (‘Since I came last I’ve seen a lampoon here’) which reports of its predecessor that ‘The Ladys talk and Read it every where’, and that For ‘The Argument’ see Rochester, Works, 81–5, and above pp. 47–50. Some examples listed by ﬁrst lines are as follows: ‘A long preludium where the matter’s full’, ‘At ﬁve this morn when Phoebus raised his head’, ‘At Tunbridge Wells a New England apostle’, ‘Big with the thoughts of pleasure down I came’, ‘Dear friend I fain would try once more’, ‘England by all thought Beauty’s natural soil’, ‘How many fools at court bawl out aloud’, ‘Ladies take heed a northern blast approaches’, ‘Let the walks of my satyr beware’, ‘Not all the Baths nor Tunbridge can assuage’, ‘Not many miles from Tunbridge town’, ‘O yee yes if anyone can tidings tell’, ‘Our ladies fond of Love’s soft joys’, ‘Riding of late to take a little air’, ‘Since I came last I’ve seen a lampoon here’, ‘Sure that wise man who undertook’, ‘The witty Northumberland’, ‘Though satyr do admonish every year’, ‘To lampoon ladies thus for everything’, ‘To Tunbridge I went’, ‘Tunbridge which once has been the happy seat’, ‘You maidens and wives and young widows rejoice’. See also pp. 155–7. 38 Texts in Huntington MS Ellesmere 8770, pp. 167–70, 170–5. 36 37

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The Lampoon as Gossip To such great impudence they’re now arriv’d, They care not if ’tis known, by whom they’re swiv’d . . . (p. 171)

but is soon engaged in exactly the same kind of character assassination. A strong suspicion of joint composition is raised by the fact that the poem is partly in pentameter couplets and partly in tetrameter, as if it had crudely been cobbled together from two originals, one possibly of the ‘sessions’ type. We ﬁnd that Tunbridge society was as factionalized as that of the court or Town. ‘Tunbridge 1’ had poked fun at Mall Howard for belonging to ‘the Southborow Tradeing Crew’, and is condemned in return for being partial to ‘Zion Crew’— the attenders of the Nonconformist meeting house at the Wells. Both lampooners were anti-Catholic. Several lines in ‘Tunbridge 2’ are devoted to rebutting a suggestion in ‘Tunbridge 1’ that Lady Bellasis was having an affair with the Earl of Shrewsbury; however, she is immediately supplied with other lovers. A sense of lampoon tradition is indicated by ‘Tunbridge 2’s’ quotation of a line from ‘The Ladies’ March’—‘If you don’t beleive me Try her’—there applied to Howard but here to Bellasis. Towards its close ‘Tunbridge 2’ rattles off a list of contradictions or qualiﬁcations of claims made in ‘Tunbridge 1’: Northumbland is much abus’d, Essex seldom or never us’d. Dorchester is an Errant saint Cleveland has quite forgot to paint. Huntingdon is very frigid. His Lady also very Rigid. Cliffords whites are much amended Hughes’s Coin will ne’r be ended. Needham dresses for the Fight, But Bell undresses at the Knight; Radnor as witty as his wife She vows Chastity all her life. Mall Howard lends Jack Sheldon Mony For which he takes her by the Cony. . . . (p. 174)

And so on till The Lady Arran, to Conclude Say’s she hopes, ’tis not very Rude, And since ’tis not her way to Flatter, She’s willing to disown the matter. (p. 175)

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The ‘matter’, whatever it was, had been the subject of the following in ‘Tunbridge 1’: Methinks I hear fond Arran Moan, Arran whose Paleness makes me Tremble Her Eyes do fall’n Stars resemble, Mouths too are Emblems as some say. Her Coyn is base, for ’ts most Allay. Oh happy Change, a Lasting Oar Is pleas’d to reach the wish’d for Shoar. (p. 168)

Understanding of both passages (and of much else in both poems) was clearly dependent on transient gossip that had no currency beyond Tunbridge.39 What is offered is hardly gossip at all but a chain of allusions to gossip. The principle can be illustrated from a passage from ‘Tunbridge 1’ Huntingdon’s Countess fain would ﬁnd A Less with vigor to her mind. Monstrous Things are long a Raiseing Nimbleness, she Once was praiseing, Which Turner hearing Skip’t about A Tumbler to the Gazeing Rout; This was the Cause in jealous Rage, That Rumbold took the Stallion Page. (pp. 167–8)

The lampooners’ stock attributes for Theophilus, Earl of Huntingdon were a large penis and a small wit. Provided with this knowledge, some sense can be made of the passage: without it it would remain inscrutable. ‘Tunbridge 2’ repeats the charge of impotence (if that was already a meaning of ‘frigid’) while apparently defending the countess (unless ‘Rigid’ has some cant meaning now lost). Here, then we have a story and a rebuttal; however, in the other passages quoted from both lampoons we are mostly being given the materials of gossip—personal attributes and hints of relationships—not the thing itself. Oral gossip sets out to ﬁll time, not compress it, and thrives on the spinning out of such hints into amusing narratives. It would be more fruitful to treat both poems as Lego kits for the manufacture of oral gossip than as a substitute for it. Since neither poem achieves the slightest distinction of style or wit, their raison d’être is 39 It could be, of course, that there was no secret but the two lampooners were dimly trying to imagine one; however, the widowed Lady Arran was a stock butt. See CSR, 150, 152, 162, 170, 173.

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to be sought in the peculiar behaviour of the Town on holiday in a situation where blatant voyeurism was one of the few available sources of entertainment.

g o s s i p i n r e t ro s p e c t An important difference between gossip in its spoken and written forms is that the former was almost immediately superseded while the latter persisted and might continue to be circulated for decades. Many lampoons were still being transcribed long after their subjects had passed from the social or political stage. This is signally the case for the many retrospective scribal anthologies, often covering several decades of lampoon production, which appear to have been highly valued in their own time and could never have come cheap. In the case of state lampoons, what was originally gossip may have been regarded as having hardened into a Procopian kind of secret history; but what can have been the attraction of the accumulations of purely personal scandal and sexual insinuation preserved in such vast collections as BL MS Harl. 7319, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 14090, and Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce 43? Even regarded as a form of pornography, they must have possessed an antiquated, even necrophiliac quality. The modern reader encountering such volumes has a sense of being enveloped by a bizarre, longvanished human world whose curious obsessions and passionate hostilities have somehow to be made sense of; but near-contemporary readers were close enough to that world to share its reigning assumptions. What can have been interesting to those contemporaries about ten-, twenty- or thirty-year-old gossip unreliably attached to names which were often of little signiﬁcance? Here we can only speculate. In an age always conscious of literary precedent the existence of a stock of approved lampoons from the past might have been valued as an aid to the production of new ones; but this would only have been signiﬁcant for a minority of readers. A more important attraction was likely to be the opportunity to trace the history of families. The Restoration landed class was profoundly dynastic and intricately intermarried. Few members of that class would not have encountered distant and possibly near relations among the subjects of lampoons; moreover, having a stronger propensity than we do for organizing history around lineages, they would instinctively have

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placed individual attacks in familial contexts. Much as the history of the many-branched and sexually promiscuous Villiers family could hardly be written without reference to lampoons, lampoon attacks on its individual members would have been read by contemporaries as episodes of a vast family saga reaching back to the reign of James I. Early readers must also have had a very different reaction from ours to the charge of endemic sexual inﬁdelity among both the males and the females of the Restoration ruling class, regarding it not as a matter of personal honour or lifestyle choice but as a radical overturning of the sober reckonings by which executors and heralds determined the descent of titles and property—something not incompatible with an interest in lineages but making that interest much more complicated. The author of ‘Preserved by wonder in the oak O Charles’ holds the king responsible for this situation: Thy base Example Ruines the whole Town, For all keep Whores, from Gentleman to Clown. The Issue of a Wife’s, unlawfull Seed; And none’s Legitimate, but Mungrill breed. Thou, and thy Braches, have quite cross’d the Strain, We nere shall see a true bred Whelp again.40

The lampooners never hesitate to hammer home the message that women of the governing class were constantly conceiving children by males other than their husbands. Their allegations were, among other things, a whole system of alternative genealogies. This was certainly a matter of concern. Halifax in the Advice to a Daughter makes it the basis of his defence of the double standard: First then, you are to consider, you live in a time which hath rendred some kind of frailties so habitual, that they lay claime to larg graines of allowance. The World in this is somewhat unequal, and our sex seemeth to play the Tyrant, in distinguishing partially for ourselves, by makeing that in the utmost degree criminal in the woman, which in a man passeth under a much gentler sensure. The root and the excuse of this injustice is the preservation of Families from any mixture which may bring a blemish to them: and whilst the point of honour continueth to be so placed, it seemeth unavoidable to give your sex the greater share of the penalty. But if in this it lyeth under any dis-advantage, you are more than recompenced, by haveing the honour of Families in your keeping.41 BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 28r. The Works of George Savile, Marquis of Halifax, ed. Mark N. Brown (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), ii. 371–2. 40 41

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There is every indication that this well-meant male advice was falling on increasingly deaf ears. What Restoration morality offered the married woman was the ability to have children by a multitude of fathers. Martial 6. 39, telling of a wife whose seven children had all been conceived from different adulterous unions, was pertinently updated in 1755 by William Hay: . . . This swarthy, ﬂat-nos’d, Shock is Africk’s boast; His grandsire dwells upon the golden coast. The second is the squinting butler’s lad; And the third lump dropp’d from the gardener’s spade. As like the carter this, as he can stare: That has the footman’s pert and forward air. Two girls with raven and with carrot pate; This the postillion’s is, the coachman’s that. The steward and the groom old hurts disable, Or else two branches more had graced your table.42

At the opposite end of the social scale, faced with the forced enlistment of her husband, the poacher’s wife in v. v. of The Recruiting Ofﬁcer proclaims, ‘Look’e, Mr. Captain, the Parish shall get nothing by sending him away, for I won’t loose my Teeming Time if there be a Man left in the Parish.’43 English law was more sympathetic than Roman to such practices, since the husband who at the time of conception had been ‘within the four seas’ had to accept his wife’s children as his own. Both passages quoted suggest a belief in a Niobe complex, in which the status of a woman was determined by the number of her offspring over a generally shorter span of fertility than today and any dereliction by a husband in this respect would rapidly be rectiﬁed. Moreover, at a time when the majority of marriages were arranged ones, and divorce was not a practicable escape, any lasting liasion with a partner of choice might need to be an adulterous one. There were a number of relationships of this kind which were sympathetically viewed and did not involve the partners in ostracism. Beyond that, some Town spouses, like Mr Friendall in The Wives’ Excuse and—if Mrs St John is to be believed—the Duke of Ormonde, seem to have regarded marriage as little more than a matter of convenience 42 J. P. Sullivan and A. J. Boyle, Martial in English (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 192–3. 43 The Works of George Farquhar, ed. Shirley Strum Kenny (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1988), ii. 112.

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in which the husband would have opportunities to pursue the wife’s friends, relatives, and servants and the wife would enjoy the pleasures of wealth, a handsome establishment, and her choice of lovers. Others must have concurred with the Duchess of Buckingham in ‘patiently bearing with those faults in him which she could not remedy’. Halifax advised his daughter that ‘next to the danger of committing the fault your self, the greatest is that of seeing it in your husband. Doe not seem to look or hear that way.’44 All this was fuel for the anti-genealogies of the lampoon. A family whose women would in Dorset’s words ‘f—— with any fool, in any place’ was undermining patriarchy and primogeniture in the most radical way possible.45 Even when the individual accusation was false—as it must often have been—the allegation against the class as a whole remained. Retrospective anthologies of lampoons must sometimes have been scanned for evidence of irregular conceptions and perhaps even destroyed because of the information they contained. It is also possible that lampoon collections were sometimes produced as blackmail vehicles, which purchasers would acquire in order to suppress unwelcome disclosures—we have encountered something similar in the contemporary Earl of Derby who hid one such volume in his chimney and the nineteenth-century Duke of Portland who, it has been alleged, collected volumes depicting his ancestor, the ﬁrst duke, to hide them from historians.46 If this was the case, the loss rate of such retrospective volumes might be even greater than we imagine. There must also have been a frisson arising from generational shift—for the young to encounter relics of the wild youths of sober great-aunts and grandparents, or for great-aunts and grandparents to revisit the exciting years of their ﬁrst entry to court or Town. To such readers ancient lampoons might have served as a version of the modern album of old photographs and yellowed press clippings or the ﬁles of an ancient university newspaper. All these things are possible; but we must also allow the lampoon another power shared with gossip of having constructed a vast, lurid, imaginative world of endemic knavery and virtuosic, hilariously represented couplings—Hobbes’s mechanistic state of nature brought to life in Whitehall and Covent Garden, or the satiric world of Martial and Juvenal recreated without any need for translation. It is also the 45 Works, ii. 372. ‘A Faithful Catalogue’, l. 83. This at any rate was W. J. Cameron’s view, expressed many years ago in conversation with the author. 44 46

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case that many lampoons are effective and entertaining pieces of writing in a mode which demanded that popular form and unrestrained vulgarity should be brought into harmony with courtly polish and Town sophistication—a far from simple balancing act, but one often performed with ﬂair. We have seen that contemporaries read these pieces for literary pleasure as well as for their scandalous content and with an appreciation that written as well as spoken malice could become a source of enjoyment when it was presented with wit and elegance. We must also be prepared to grant those contemporaries the common sense to realize that, as with gossip, what the lampoon presented them with was not sober truth but a peculiar kind of ﬁction populated by real people and not to be taken seriously. The lampoon author was ﬁrst and foremost an entertainer. Finally, we should not overlook the very real lessons of social deportment taught by the lampooners: attention to their pages was as good a way as any of learning how not to make a spectacle of oneself in court and Town. To see reputations demolished by ridicule was to discover how best to protect one’s own. In this respect at least the lampoon author was performing a necessary and valuable social service—a matter on which he will sometimes congratulate himself. How far the accusation of a loosening of sexual morality among the landed class had a basis in fact is a matter that lies beyond the scope of this investigation. Certainly it was devoutly believed by contemporaries but then so was the Popish Plot. Peter Laslett has argued that, as far as the matter can be determined from statistics for the birth of bastard children, the Restoration was a comparatively more moral period that those preceding or following it.47 His ﬁgures, drawn largely from rural parishes, provide no measure for marital ﬁdelity; but one would expect that to be symmetrical with chastity among unmarried women. If he is correct it might well be that the lampoon and Restoration comedy reﬂect a situation in which transgression had become culturally more visible rather than any real increase in transgressive behaviour. However, our concern here is not with the population at large but with the landed class at a particular moment in its evolution when, for the ﬁrst time in its history, a large proportion of both its male and its female married members were congregating for long periods of the year in London. We have no 47 The World We Have Lost—Further Explored, 3rd edn. (London: Methuen, 1983), 159 and passim.

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data about bastardy rates among this speciﬁc group, though wills sometimes specify inheritances to illegitimate children and others can be traced through acts of patronage such of that of Sedley in obtaining a knighthood for his son by Anne Ayscough. If at that period the well-documented liberties of the court were extending, as the lampooners insisted, downward to the Town, and outward from the town to the landed class in general, one can point to a striking biological advantage that would have ensued. Given the effects of centuries of regulated marriages between relatives, designed to amalgamate estates and conﬁrm local political allegiances, access to a wider gene pool would have been a valuable corrective to the effects of inbreeding. The matter could not have been conceptualized in that way at the time, but biologically advantageous behaviour is not always the result of conscious deliberation and is, anyway, to be investigated through the study of populations, not of individuals. On the occasion of a later migration in which a large part of the rural labouring class relocated to the new cities created by the industrial revolution, Laslett’s own ﬁgures record a steep rise in the bastardy rate. Statistics are to be respected, but gossip, and the lampoon, should also be allowed their voice.

7

A Poetics of the Lampoon The varieties of clandestine satire so far considered invite scholarly exploration through more closely focused period studies, examinations of thematic and formal traditions, and readings of the politics of individual pieces; but we also need to consider whether state, court, and Town lampoons are to be treated merely as documents illustrative of mentalities (my predominant emphasis to date) or whether they qualify as a branch of literature to be interpreted and evaluated as well as contextualized and explicated. Marvell’s and Rochester’s contributions to the tradition clearly do; but they were two outstanding poets who happened to write clandestine satire. Once we exclude lampoons written by incompetent amateurs and those (often highly competent) whose allegiance is to an older tradition of folk balladry, how far might examples of the metropolitan genre, as it was practised by educated but not outstandingly gifted writers, reward critical scrutiny? From one present-day point of view, that would depend on the hermeneutic tools applied by the critic or the master discourses to which the historically speciﬁc discourse of the poem might be assimilated. But that would be to recode rather than decode them. Reader-response readings of present-day popular ﬁlm and ﬁction have turned this approach round by redirecting attention to the complex, deeply internalized skills habitually brought to such texts by their consumers. Psychoanalytical readings are also invited by a genre so profoundly powered by aggression and that continually accommodates its victims to a small range of reviled stereotypes. Yet neither approach would help us much in devising a poetics that would sharpen our appreciation of lampoons as crafted writing or perhaps even as works of art. Such a poetics would need, for a start, to consider the variety of forms and styles employed by the writers and how particular poems might be seen as using these forms and styles in effective or ineffective ways. By classifying a bad lampoon as bad literature rather than not literature at all, we might have a better chance of discovering what makes a good lampoon good.

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A convenient starting point for a poetics of the lampoon would be an understanding of the writerly resources employed in its most familiar form—that in which a perfunctory introduction, or sometimes only a title, introduces a sequence of attacks on individuals, each of whom is assigned a single stanza in a stanzaic lampoon or a single verse paragraph in a couplet lampoon. Thousands of such poems survive. The pattern can be accounted for from rhetorical theory as an application of that mode of proof by which the validity of a general proposition is demonstrated by reference to a series of examples. This is the ﬁrst method of two allowed by Aristotle to the orator, the other being the enthymeme. Yet, once we address the reasons why one unit in such a series might be placed before or after another, we require a richer set of criteria than are offered by rhetoric or formal logic. The aesthetic problems are similar to those that arise from variation form in music, which includes most jazz. While variation form is treated by music theorists as limited and even primitive by comparison with, say, fugue or sonata form, it is still progressive in that it involves a discovery of unrealized possibilities for elaboration which are latent in the theme and should by the completion of the work have changed our understanding of the theme. (Hearing Coleman Hawkins play just two choruses of ‘Body and Soul’ in his classic 1939 recording means that the original has somehow been augmented so that it will never be heard in the same way again.) The primary structural issue for a jazz performance is whether there is any signiﬁcance in the placing of one element (say a clarinet solo) before or after another element (say a piano solo). Jazz is a good analogy to the lampoon because solos are regarded as self-portraits of the player and are more valued by listeners for being expressive of personality. Fats Waller’s piano playing had the same ﬂair and assurance as the inimitable voice. The introverted restraint of Miles Davis’s trumpet playing was not an erasure but an intensiﬁcation of self. A comparable work from the symphonic repertoire is Elgar’s Enigma Variations, in which each of the movements is a portrait of one of the composer’s friends. Again the question would be whether altering the order of the elements would change the essential nature of the work (in this case instrumentation, tempo changes, and key relationships would determine that it did—but are these post hoc or ante hoc?). A practical issue in any set of variations is that of sustaining the listener’s interest by means of variety and inventiveness. Why, having heard four or ﬁve variations on a musical theme,

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or encountered four or ﬁve victims in a lampoon, should we wish to venture further rather than skipping to the next track or turning over to the next poem? A solution is suggested by a version of musical variation form very familiar to the generation of the lampooners in which two bass viol players took it in turn to improvise variations over a ground, with one player playing the ground while the other improvised.1 Here the main concern was that succeeding variations should allow no dropping off in interest. Competition between the performers should spur them on to greater extravagance. To run out of ideas or to fail to match the technical accomplishment of a predecessor variation would be to acknowledge defeat, and to lose the interest of the hearer. Yet while some lampoons may well have been composed in a similar competitive spirit of what Catullus calls ‘reddens mutua per iocum atque vinum’, this is not often evident as a quality of style in the ﬁnished product.2 Some lampoons are nicely paced, in the sense of moving from an introduction, however perfunctory, through a series of portraits of increasing interest or complexity to a climax followed by a recognizable conclusion, which may take the form of a dismissively quick survey of lesser victims or a ﬁnal outburst of invective against a particular victim, as in ‘The Ladies’ March’, discussed in Chapter 3; yet others offer no sense of development at all, bringing in portraits of roughly equivalent interest in apparently fortuitous order. In cases where one would judge that altering the order of stanzas or verse paragraphs would not seriously change the effect of the work, or when the work survives, as many do, with its stanzas in a number of different orders, the question arises whether its structure is purely additive or whether there may be other form-composing relationships that need to be acknowledged.3 Of course, the very absence of any evident articulated structure might be seen as a way of reducing each of the victims to an indiscriminate equality of contempt; likewise, an abrupt breaking off, such as the ‘Cetera desunt’ at the close of Dorset’s ‘A Faithful Catalogue’, is a signal that the universality of folly would have provided the satirist with an endless progression of ninnies if motivation, leisure, or the dimensions of the 1 Described with written-out examples in Christopher Simpson’s The DivisionViol (London, 1659). 2 50. 6. 3 Radical variations in order are found in the cases of ‘A Song on Danby’ and ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ discussed in Chapter 4.

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bifoliar separate had not imposed closure; but this hardly solves our problem. Sometimes the satirist will tell us that a new victim has fortuitously just come into mind or had inadvertently been forgotten; but often there is no evident reason for sequence or even for choice of victims, other than chance association and the availability of gossip. While the protestations of the speaker of the lampoon (always a dramatic creation) concerning the process of writing should not be taken at their face value, they often assert an improvisatory spirit which may be echoed in a crudity, either natural or calculated, of craftsmanship and metre.4 A work such as ‘The Lovers’ Sessions’, or at a higher level of achievement, ‘A Faithful Catalogue’, may be additive in the manner of one of Simpson’s sets of variations but without the mounting excitement. The interest of the reader is not held by any progress towards a climax but by curiosity about how long the poem can sustain its established level of verbal inventiveness and by variations in the tone and manner of succeeding sections. The issue can be tested by looking more closely at ‘A Faithful Catalogue’, which moves from victim to victim according to no easily discernible rule apart from an initial gesture of respect to older estates satire in beginning with the king and the Duke of York and lingering for a while in the upper aristocracy.5 Its immediate model seems to have been the ‘Essay upon Satyr’, though this is a more polished piece with classical aspirations in both language and structure which are rejected by the 481-line ‘catalogue’. Its opening lines profess a moral intent recalling that of ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ (1680), which may well be from the same hand: Curs’d be those dull, unpointed, dogg’rel rhymes, Whose harmless rage has lash’d our impious times. Rise thou, my muse, and with the sharpest thorn, Instead of peaceful bays, my brows adorn; Inspir’d with just disdain and mortal hate, Who long have been my plague, shall feel thy weight. I scorn a giddy and unsafe applause, But this, ye gods, is ﬁghting in your cause; Let Sodom speak, and let Gomorrah tell, If their curs’d walls deserv’d their ﬂames so well.

4 As is conceded in the opening lines of ‘Fools must be meddling in matters of state’ (see p. 239). 5 Text in POASY, iv. 189–214; also in Dorset, Poems, 136–67.

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A Poetics of the Lampoon Go on, my muse, and with bold voice proclaim The vicious lives and long detested fame Of scoundrel lords, and their lewd wives’ amours, Pimp-statesmen, bugg’ring priests, court bawds, and whores.

This preamble seems to promise an uncompromising state satire but this is not what we get. While the speaker’s rage at the court is furiously maintained, his presentation of his victims is so densely allusive and reliant on the reader’s possession of arcane gossip (much of which defeats its two well-informed modern editors) that few who were not themselves courtiers would have been able to understand it. The present-day reader cannot avoid a sense of being deliberately excluded from the presented world; but so must many of its original ones. It is not clear how far this was intended. Ignoring by-blows, the ‘catalogue’ can be broken down into a series of twenty-two portraits, beginning with the Duchesses of Cleveland, Grafton, and Norfolk, the Earl of Mulgrave, and Thomas, Lord Wharton, and concluding with the very ancient gossip of Jane Middleton’s smelly feet but revived on this occasion in a spirit of violent personal antipathy through which physical decay is made to stand for moral dereliction. The reigning pose is of a preternatural knowingness. Adulteries are not only enumerated but sited in the places where they occurred, with dialogue and intimate physical details freely supplied. Victims may be addressed in the second person singular as if they were present to hear. There is a sameness of method to the portraits that should lead to tedium. That it does not arises from the vividness with which the poem’s surreal world is created for the reader, as in the brief account of the Earl of Mulgrave’s transaction with a pimp: Well has his staff a double use suppli’d, At once upheld his body and his pride. How haughtily he cries, ‘Page, fetch a whore! Damn her! She’s ugly! Rascal, fetch me more! Bring in that black-ey’d wench. Woman, come near. Rot you, you draggl’d bitch, what is’t you fear?’ Trembling she comes, and with as little ﬂame As he for the dear part from whence he came; But, by the help of an assisting thumb, Squeezes his chitterling into her bum . . . (ll. 102–11)

However, dramatic vignettes of this kind are a special effect. The prevailing method is one of a recycling of scandal in ornately rhetorical

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couplets and spiced with burlesque allusions to the classics, the Bible, and the Anglican and Catholic liturgy: Miserere Domine! Ave Maria! Poor Father Dover has got a gonorrhoea. Was e’re dread James, so much affection shown? He’d save thy soul, but cares not for his own. How Sedley prays, the old adult’rous fop May ﬁnd it a Carnegan-swinging clap! And sure ’twill in the bones and marrow stick, And must be damnable to soul and pr—— The pocky jade was a damn’d heretic! (ll. 244–52)

}

Here, the reader is expected to recognize that ‘Father Dover’ is Henry, Lord Dover, a Catholic supporter of James II; that Sedley is not the poet but his daughter, the king’s mistress; that her hostility arose from the pressure being put on the king by advisers such as Dover to abandon her; and that ‘Carnegan’, unhelpfully corrupted in several manuscripts to ‘gormogon’, refers to an ancient story about James having been infected by an earlier mistress, Lady Carnegie. (Harris maintains that the fop is James himself, but the syntax requires it to be Dover. The identity of the ‘pocky jade’ is yet another mystery—it cannot have been Cleveland, with whom Dover is connected in line 31, as she was a Catholic.) Formal rhetoric is burlesqued in the double antithesis of the fourth line and the bathos of the eighth. Dorset enjoys these deliberately strained ﬁgures, especially as a way of concluding a portrait, as at the close of his joint account of Lady Gerard and Robert Wolseley: Join then, propitious stars, their widow’d store, And make them happy, as they were before; That is, may the decay’d, incestuous punk Swill like his spouse; and he, like hers, die drunk.

(ll. 326–9)

The complexity of this defeated Harris who wrongly identiﬁes the punk as the male of the equation rather than the female.6 There is an almost Joycean exuberance to the poem, arising from its rhetorical virtuosity, its constant teasing of the reader with arcane knowledge, and its vivid responsiveness to sights and sounds. Dorset’s emphatic way of ending and beginning sections may seem to mark his method as purely additive. Smooth transitions are not 6

Dorset, Poems, 161.

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attempted. Beginnings are often second-person addresses or lines of dialogue, while the conclusion to each section is usually a carefully prepared punchline, which, in the case of the Dover portrait, is emphasized by being the third of a triplet. The placing of the Dover portrait within the poem is not entirely arbitrary—it follows that of Sir Edward Hales, another member of James’s Privy Council—but not far removed from it, since the link is no further pursued, and before long Dorset is haring after ninnyish Protestants. More signiﬁcant is the way in which the passage stands on its own feet as an epigram, in the manner of Martial, and how much Dorset’s satirical method, and that of the lampoon generally, owes to the Roman poet.7 Martial was certainly well known to the Restoration satirists. Sedley translated and imitated him and a widely circulated clandestine satire ‘Barbara Pyramidum Sileat Miracula Memphis’ took its title from him. J. P. Sullivan and A. J. Boyle, in their anthology Martial in English, suggest persuasively that, although Dryden never translated Martial, ‘the Latin epigrammatist informed his whole compositional style’ and that there is a sense in which his longer satires are ‘constructs of epigrams’.8 Martial’s denunciatory epigrams were not personal in quite the same sense as those of a lampoon such as ‘A Faithful Catalogue’ because of their preference for invented names; but that there was a known referent for many of these names is clear from poems in which Martial threatens enemies and stingy patrons with the shame of being added to his gallery; moreover, his congratulatory epigrams use real names. That Dorset wrote anonymously and from a loftier position in the social hierarchy allowed him to attack authority in a way that was impossible for the imperial client Martial; but he has certainly absorbed elements of his portrait manner from the Roman. Writing of Rochester, Boyle and Sullivan instance ‘the sexual detail and graphic obscenity, the rasping, cutting trenchant couplets, the obsession with semen and with female body parts and odours, the scathing treatment of male hypocrisy, social pretension and, above all, female promiscuity, the animal imagery, the fusion of ﬁery indignation and black laughter, the self-deprecating humour’ as in the spirit of Martial (p. 103). These qualities are no less characteristic of ‘A Faithful Catalogue’. 7 The inﬂuence of Martial on late Elizabethan and Jacobean satire is explored in John Peter, Complaint and Satire in Early English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), 160–7. 8 (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 114.

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What makes Martial and his Renaissance imitators relevant to an understanding of the structure of the ‘Faithful Catalogue’ and the lampoon generally is their ways of bringing epigrams together into larger units. Martial’s epigrams were assembled into books, part of whose charm is the lack of connection between contiguously placed items but in which names and themes constantly reappear and there is a good deal of alluding from one part to another. Looking at the ‘Faithful Catalogue’ as a loosely linked, casually ordered sequence of epigrams is much more productive than trying to accommodate it to the principles of the Augustan formal verse satire. Its unity, then, is to be sought in its internal cross-references and constant reiterations of the themes announced in its opening lines. The cross-references are often subtle: ‘He’d save thy soul, but cares not for his own’ is echoed at line 390 in the course of another attack, by ‘He will not only save its life, but soul’, both being versions of James’s statement when he brought a priest to his dying brother: ‘Sire, here is a man who saved your life and now is come to save your soul.’9 While other lampooners, among them the author of ‘Good people draw neare’, considered below, found more formally satisfying ways of coordinating sequences of epigram-like attacks, Dorset’s unmethodical method is appropriate for a poem of such length, whose aim is one of crushing an entire political culture under a sheer weight of obscene invective. One should read it much as one would read a book of Martial with one’s primary attention directed to the parts rather than the whole, but without losing sight of the whole as the larger context of meaning. Martial several times offers the reader the choice of reading all or only part of the contents of a book. In 3. 68 he tells women readers that they should cease reading at this point as the rest of the book would be too raunchy for them (while assuming that this will be an incentive for them to continue). In the introductory poem to Book 10 he explains that if it seems too long it can be made as short as the reader likes by skipping (10. 1). But almost in the same breath he is telling the same reader that this is a revised and perfected edition that will still survive when marble monuments have been split apart by ﬁg trees (10. 2). His true hope is surely that expressed in the introductory poem to Book 9 that his works will often return to the reader’s hands—not presumably always to be read as a whole but to be

9

Dorset, Poems, 164.

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assimilated over a number of partial readings.10 Does the ‘Faithful Catalogue’, then, need to, or even mean to, be read continuously from ‘Curs’d be those dull, unpointed dogg’rel rhymes’ through to ‘As when old Hyde was catch’d with rem in re’, or would a contemporary have begun like one of Martial’s perfunctory readers by scanning for the sections of most immediate interest—which would presumably have been those about the individuals that reader was most interested in? One can imagine a recently written, highly topical lampoon being read right through because it offered a digest of current gossip; but lampoons, strikingly, often continued to be copied and read for decades after they had ceased to be topical, and the ‘Faithful Catalogue’ was, in a sense, retrospective from the start—a compilation from the collective social memory of the court and Town rather than a source of fresh gossip. Interestingly many of the scribal anthologies, which are our principal source for the lampoon genre, give every encouragement to this kind of selectivity by writing the names of the victims with a second, thicker-cut nib, so that they stand out boldly on the page. An interest in particular names might well determine the reader’s path through whole anthologies as well as particular lampoons. Later one might return to examine passages possessing other kinds of interest, with an assimilation of the whole work only coming at a latter stage by a process of accretion, not through following the the linear axis assumed by reader-response theory.

t i m e r e l at i o n s h i p s i n t h e l a m p o o n 11 Questions of order raise others concerning the management of time in the lampoon. Time matters for the genre because it is constantly required to mediate between timeless moral principles (however crudely asserted) and the time-bound behaviour of living contemporaries. Without this double perspective it could not perform its particular quasi-judicial assessments of the signiﬁcance of actions. Lyric, epic, 10 ‘mihi parva locuto, | sufﬁcit in vestras saepe redire manus’ (9. 1. 7–8). 2. 6 (with its interesting reference to the social reading aloud of poems and their circulation as separates prior to book publication), 10. 59, and 11. 106–7 further acknowledge that some readers will choose to skip. 11 The importance of examining both time and space relationships in the lampoon was suggested by a paper on analogous relationships in Renaissance lyric given at Monash University in 2002 by Heather Dubrow, though my own discussion falls well short of the inventiveness and subtlety of hers, particularly as regards the interactions of the represented parties and the examination of degrees of ‘overhearing’.

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and other more purely imaginative modes of writing, including the formal verse satire, do not have to justify their assertions in this way against the contingent and topical. The lampooner may lie and will certainly distort but cannot avoid having his assertions measured by the reader against knowledge already possessed of real persons and events. Time also matters as the organizing principle of narrative. Although relatively few lampoons tell a continuing story, individual portraits often contain compacted narratives or imply an envisaged future or past for a focal event seized upon. In the numerous satires written as parodic litanies, with the response ‘Libera nos, domine’ or an English equivalent at the close of each stanza, the individual lines evoke particular past or current misdoings, while the deliverance belongs to an envisaged future.12 Often, presented action is framed within a further action in which the presenter brings the case studies to attention within an imagined social scene. In this case the time of the showing is distinguished from that of what is being shown or narrated. Finally, reading itself is performed within a time sequence dependent partly on the structure of the work and partly on the whim of the reader. These three temporal modes—which we might call narrational time, presenter time, and reader time—all require consideration, not because the writers were necessarily conscious of them but as operational functions without which they could not have created an effective lampoon. In addition, the intersection of differing time frames will sometimes require the lampoon to engage with the various ways in which time itself may be conceptualized. A stanzaic lampoon from an earlier decade than the ‘Faithful Catalogue’ offers an opportunity to observe each of these time scales in application: Song Good people draw neare, If a Ballad you’l heare Which will teach you the right way of thriving. Nere trouble your Heads With your Bookes, and your Beads Now the World’s rul’d by cheating, and swiving. If you prattle, or prate For Myter, or State, 12 Examples in POASY, i. 190; ii. 192–9; iii. 574–5; v. 218–22, 323–6, 458; vii. 547–51.

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A Poetics of the Lampoon It will never avayle you a Button. Hee, that talkes of the Church, Will bee left in the lurch Without e’re a tatter to putt on. Old fatt Gutts himselfe With his tripes, and his pelfe, And a purse as full, as his paunch is, Will confesse, that his Nanny Fob-doudled our Jamy, And his Kingdome came by his Haunches. Our Arlington Harry, The prime Secretary, Was ﬁrst to the Smocke a secretis; He was Squire of the frocke, And being true to the Smocke, Now admitted to manage the State is. And Dapper his Clarke, Being true to the marke, Is boeth his Scribe, and his setter: Now Joseph, wee heare, Shall bee made a peere: Lord, and Lackey begin with a letter. Our Comptroller Clifford Was forc’t to stand stiff for’t, To make his way to the Table Hee’d a freind att a shift, That gave him a lift. Tom foole may thanke God for’s Bauble. ’Tis well for the Babbs, That the pimpes, and the Drabs Are now in high way of promotion, Else Villers, and May Had beene out of play: But poore Denham went off with a potion. Then there’s Castlemaine, That prerogative Queane: If I had such a bitch, I would spay her: Shee swives, like a stoate, Goes to ’t hand, and foote, Levell-Coyle with a prince, and a player.13

13

Harold Love, Restoration Verse, 2nd edn. (London: Penguin, 1997), 79–80.

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Both the title and the stanza form indicate that the poem is meant for singing, possibly to ‘Taking of snuff is the mode at court’. It was written at some time between the death of Lady Denham on 6 January 1667 and the dismissal of Clarendon on 30 August, but the poet’s attitude is not so much anti-Clarendonian as regretful for the general condition of the realm. The second stanza hints at sympathy with the plight of the bishops, who had every reason to be grateful to the Chancellor. The method is scholastic: a timeless generalization is proposed (‘the World’s rul’d by cheating, and swiving’) and then formally ‘proved’ by the adduction of particular time-bound instances. Readers are presented with a series of satiric portraits, one to a stanza, except for stanza 7, which addresses a group of victims, ﬁrst generally (‘the pimpes, and the Drabs’) and then, individually (Baptist May as pimp and Lady Denham as drab—it is not clear which member of the large Villiers clan is referred to). The succession follows the ‘estates’ principle, beginning with the chief minister and descending to the chief secretary of state, his ‘clerk’ (Sir Joseph Williamson), the Comptroller of the Household, the Keeper of the Privy Purse, and the mistresses of the duke and the king. The last stanza, though presented as if it was a kind of afterthought, obtains climactic force through the gender of its subject and the dismissive animal comparison, but most because it short-circuits the hierarchy of power: Castlemaine’s bedroom inﬂuence is in no way inferior to that of Clarendon at the council table: indeed, when push came to shove, it was to prove stronger. Narrational time is illustrated through the portraits’ comprising a series of parallel compacted histories. Clarendon begot a daughter and then allowed her to seduce and marry the Duke of York; Arlington and Clifford achieved ofﬁce through being the lovers of inﬂuential women; Williamson, through having pimped for Arlington, will be ennobled; Lady Denham, having become the duke’s mistress, was poisoned by her jealous husband; Castlemaine, dominant over the king, is now unfaithful to him with an actor. The reader is assumed by the poet to be in possession of fuller information about each of these histories. Yet, importantly, the prefatory ‘Now’ of line 6 concedes that this state of affairs might not have prevailed always but represents a degeneration from a nobler age in which politicians were respectful of the Church and the state. This places the particular histories within an even longer cycle. The presenter’s attitude to this altered but supposedly unalterable condition is superﬁcially one

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of resigned acceptance. No doubt he would agree with Shadwell’s Bruce in The Virtuoso that ‘say what we can, the Beastly, Restive World will go its way; and there is not so foolish a Creature as a Reformer’;14 nonetheless, there is a clear hint, in the third line of the last paragraph, that a return to probity is not impossible but might be secured by spaying the duchess and (by implication) castrating the errant males, including the king. A practical alternative to so drastic a procedure would be for parliament to remove control of the purse strings from the supporters of the prerogative. The poem does not directly advocate this course but even the simplest of historical contextualizations should reveal that that was its message to its ﬁrst readers. In this way the satirical commentary on the present not only posits a historical past in which the vices of that present were not current but a future in which they might be remedied. Simultaneously the poem plays with notions of time that are in a certain sense ahistorical. The metaphor of power being perpetually transferred through the penises and vaginas of the swivers and cheaters suggests a biological clock with a difference—a cyclic motion that overrides the earlier linearity. The cycle may also give rise to a literal annihilation of time as when Castlemaine’s copulations with the prince and the player fuse ‘Levell-Coyle’ into a single achronological orgasm. (Like ‘shift’ and ‘lift’ in stanza 6, this is a double entendre, being derived from the French phrase ‘leve-le-cul’, still sometimes cited at the time in that form.15) The characteristic juxtaposition of the universal, the obdurately historical, and the experiential is a way of both layering events in time and counterpointing different ways in which time might be conceived and apprehended. Meanwhile, the presenter, in moving through his own time sequence, has also completed a progression in space which will be described shortly. The lampooners’ understanding of the interaction of narrational and presenter time is most fully evident from the small proportion of lampoons that tell an extended story. Dryden’s MacFlecknoe was a product of a sub-tradition of the Town lampoon concerned with the behaviour of authors and only appeared in print, in a surreptitious and unauthorized edition, after several years of manuscript 14 The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell, ed. Montague Summers, 5 vols. (London: Fortune Press, 1927), iii. 107. 15 James Grantham Turner, Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 188, in a brief discussion of the poem, states that this was also the name of a card game—however, this was not the predominant sense.

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transmission. It is concerned with both cultural and national politics—the ﬁrst in the implied parallel between Flecknoe and his own and Shadwell’s real-life patron, the Duke of Newcastle, and the second, less stressed, in the king’s relationship with Shadwell’s other patron, Monmouth. Its avowed subject is succession anxiety. The narrative is developed through three dramatic scenes: the introductory soliloquy of Flecknoe, the coronation of Shadwell, and Flecknoe’s ﬁnal prophecy and negative apotheosis. But this brief succession of events is also powerfully evocative of a past of ‘heroic’ actions by Flecknoe and a promised future of heroic actions by Shadwell. Putting it another way, the poem could be either the last book of a Flecknoead or the ﬁrst book of a Shadwelliad—one or both of which has to be afforded a virtual existence in order to explain its own. Like ‘Good people draw neare’ MacFlecknoe opens with a timeless truism: All humane things are subject to decay, And when Fate summons, Monarchs must obey;

Its method of developing this truism, though, is neither forensic nor scholastic. Instead, it is merely the prompt for Flecknoe’s musing on the way in which time both as sequence and agent has eroded his own power. His soliloquy is a celebration of his past exploits in the cause of dullness, but coloured by a recognition of loss and decline: he is ‘Worn out with business’ (l. 9). Renewal can only come through the passing of his heroic talent to Shadwell. It is politically signiﬁcant that this would be by an act of adoption, as would happen if either Monmouth or William of Orange were to supplant the biological heir, York. Once more Flecknoe turns to the past in a narration of heroic events that have declared the sublime dullness of his about-tobe-anointed successor, and yet the events of this past are strangely smudgy and disconnected. The one which receives most attention is obscure even in Flecknoe’s narrative, involving a trip down the Thames in a convoy of boats, including a ‘Celestial charge’, during which Shadwell had conducted the musicians with a roll of paper. Even among contemporaries memories of this event must have been few and imperfect. The brevity of this and other references to Shadwell’s career once more suggests that knowledge of the past is rapidly disappearing. Beer and poppies are cited as speciﬁc agents of oblivion, but the predicament is also a historical one, reﬂecting the huge loss of memories encoded in the streetscapes destroyed during the

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Great Fire, and a metaphysical one, arising from a corruption through political disloyalty of lineal time, ordered through the principle of just succession.16 The following scene brings us back to a present in which we watch the events of Shadwell’s coronation; but our attention is soon redirected, by Flecknoe’s prophecy, towards a future in which Shadwell and dullness will dominate the entire world, or at least the watery part of it between Ireland and Barbados. At the end of the prophecy there is a further mutation. So far we have been dealing with modes of historical time involving a past, a present, and a future but the descent of Flecknoe into the underworld as an inverted Elijah involves a transition from human time to a timelessness that is no longer propositional but theological. Occurring at the end of the poem, it coincides with the cessation of textual meaning. If there is to be a future of the kind prophesied by Flecknoe, it is to be one in which Shadwell’s double portion of his father’s art will bring all things to terminal inanity—the theme re-enunciated by Pope at the close of Dunciad IV. However, if Flecknoe should be a false prophet and Shadwell, as seems clear enough, a false messiah, then time might be redeemed in the way celebrated in lines 1026–7 of Absalom and Achitophel Henceforth a Series of new time began, The mighty Years in long Procession ran:

Treason annihilates time in the same breath as it annihilates loyalty. Sanctiﬁed time resides in ﬁdelity to the legitimate succession.

s pat i a l r e l at i o n s h i p s i n t h e l a m p o o n As well as engaging with time relationships in more complex ways than is normally recognized, lampoon writers gave careful attention to the placing of the presenter, the reader, and the victims in imagined space, whether it is that of the depicted scene or one in which the writer asserts his co-presence with the reader, or a combination of the two. Many of these relationships are established through metaphors or analogies, of which the more frequent are given below. 16 For the erasure of knowledge by the Fire and subsequent reconstitution see Cynthia Wall, The Literary and Cultural Spaces of Restoration London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998). MacFlecknoe is discussed on pp. 124–9.

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The shooting gallery This is not to my knowledge an analogy consciously recognized at the time though it is sometimes used, as by Lord Foppington in i. i. of The Relapse, for the beau’s pursuit of conquests. It was accepted by Wilson as implicit in the material when he invented the term ‘shotgun lampoon’ for a poem that blazed away at a group of subjects. The art of the stanzaic lampoon is closer to that of the sharpshooter, with each section disposing of a separate target.

Rooms in a house This analogy is more often implicit than explicit but was a powerful one in an age when the practice of using architectural structures as ‘memory theatres’ was still current. The palace of Whitehall is the implied frame of a good deal of court satire in ways that are unlikely to be evident to a modern reader. Its galleries were public spaces in which respectable visitors were permitted to loiter at their leisure (a liberty of which Pepys took frequent advantage), and there was a widespread understanding, brieﬂy discussed in Chapter 2, of the role that the location of courtiers’ apartments played in deﬁning their prestige.17 The technique of disposing victims into rooms is used openly in ‘The Last Night’s Ramble’, where the building is a brothel in ‘old Dunkirk Square’ in which a voyeuristic narrator moves from chamber to chamber observing the behaviour of the occupants. In ‘Caesar’s Ghost’ a resonant opening, reminiscent of a stage incantation scene, draws the dead Charles II from his tomb in Westminster Abbey in order to visit a series of tents at the camp at Hounslow Heath, where debauched members of James II’s ofﬁcer corps reveal their corruption and ineptitude. The ‘Third Advice to a Painter’ sets its most important scene in a single room of the mansion of the Duke of Albermarle.

The stage of a theatre Where the satirist is not leading readers in imagination from room to room, he will sometimes situate them in the audience of an imaginary theatre, as in MacFlecknoe. The ‘Session of Ladies’ is also set on a stage, with an actor as the prize.18 The model is evoked whenever a 17

pp. 38–9.

18

CSR, 204–16.

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transition in a lampoon from one victim or group to another is characterized as a ‘change of scene’. ‘Ghost’ lampoons in which the presenter is harangued by a visitant from the other world often have a distinctly stagy quality, as if the writer was really thinking of the apparition scenes so popular in the dramas of Dryden and Nat Lee. (Lee’s Nero has two different ghosts in successive scenes.) Rochester, Raleigh, Lord Lucas, Robert Wild, Marvell, and Charles II all appear in this function.

A court of law In other ‘sessions’ satires, such as in the long series of ‘sessions of poets’ lampoons, victims are brought one by one before a judge presiding over an imagined court or tribunal.19 Dorset’s ‘Colin’ uses a variant in which the victims are represented as attempting to qualify themselves before the king for the position of chief mistress.

A portrait or a gallery of portraits The painter satires and their many later imitations dispose their victims around an imaginary painting. Another analogy, which was as often implicit as explicit, is of paintings arranged along a gallery in its original sense of a long room in a great house with windows to one side and pictures hung on the other. The presenter in this case becomes the cicerone who comments on the likenesses. The notion is alluded to in i. i. of Congreve’s Love for Love where Scandal’s visual ‘Satyrs, Descriptions, Characters and Lampoons’ are represented as pictures ‘to the Life, and as like as at Knellers’.20 It is implied in satires in which one is continually exhorted to look at victims, as if they were visibly displayed before one.

A religious ceremony In the popular satirical form known as the litany, the presenter is represented as a priest and the reader as a member of a congregation.21 19 POASY, i. 327–37, 352–6. See also ‘The Lovers’ Session’ and ‘The Session of Ladies’, CSR, 175–98, 204–16. 20 The Complete Plays of William Congreve, ed. Herbert Davis (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1967), 232–3. 21 For examples see n. 12 above.

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The favoured verse form is a triplet followed by a refrain which is imagined as being chanted collectively by the readers. Mock sermons and Puritan exhortations are also encountered. Both forms encourage readers to imagine themselves inside a church at service time. Mock-epitaphs position the reader as a visitor to a church surveying its monuments.

A cabinet of curiosities In Stephen College’s ‘A Raree Show’ at POASY, ii. 426–31 the victims are represented as part of an intinerant showman’s portable exhibit. The presenter becomes the mountebank who presents the show.

A lecture or disputation A number of lampoons, like ‘Good people draw neare’, adopt the method of the academic disputation, which at this period was still an integral part of university training. The universities also produced burlesque Latin disputations such as those of the Oxford and Trinity College, Dublin, Terrae ﬁlius and the Cambridge Act declamations, which were an occasion for satirical attacks on dons and townspeople.22 Copies of these were widely circulated and can be found in personal miscellanies side by side with other kinds of clandestine satire. To a reader with the appropriate background, a lampoon showing the impress of this tradition would have suggested the physical circumstances of a university ceremony.

A catalogue In this case the satire is mediated through a number of physical objects represented as to be offered for sale, and therefore open for inspection by potential buyers. A widely copied pair of prose satires which use this device may be located through the Appendix under the incipits ‘One whole piece of the Duchess of Cleveland’s honesty’ and ‘Seventy-four articles of war in large imperial paper’. The trope 22 Discussed in Kristine Haugen, ‘Imagined Universities: Public Insult and the Terrae Filius in Early Modern Oxford’, History of Universities, 16 (2000), 1–31 and Felicity Henderson, ‘Putting the Dons in their Place: A Restoration Oxford Terrae Filius Speech’, ibid. 32–64.

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is also present in the title of Dorset’s ‘Faithful Catalogue’, though the poem makes no use beyond this of the formal properties of a catalogue.

Incidents of a journey In this case the reader is virtualized into a traveller being guided by the satirist through a landscape or townscape. The satirical journey took its inspiration from Horace 1. 5, describing a journey to Brundisium, itself modelled on a now lost original by Lucilius. In another version of the same device, Juvenal’s second satire takes the reader on a journey through Rome, sometimes to speciﬁc sites such as the Porta Capena and sometimes to be a witness of more generally framed enormities, such as poets reciting in the month of August. Structures of this complexity were alien to the lampoon and when they occur it is usually a sign of aspirations towards classical form; but authentic examples are found in the form of libertine satires in the ‘Ramble’ tradition, of which Rochester, in ‘A Ramble in St James’s Park’, Alexander Radcliffe, and Ned Ward have left examples. Radcliffe’s popular ‘Captain Ramble’ (‘When duns were knocking at my door’) exists in two forms, one circulated in manuscript in the mid-1670s and the other expanded for authorized print publication in The Ramble: An Anti-heroick Poem.23 Its stanza form is borrowed from Suckling’s ‘A Soldier’.

Events in a public place In a reversal of the previous relationship the presenter remains stationary or only minimally mobile within a circumscribed space where he is accosted by the victims of the satire in turn. Horace 1. 9 is the model. Or he may adopt the role of the classical cynic by standing in the market place and railing, one by one, at those who pass by.24 Or he may simply be a witness to localized displays of shocking behaviour. In ‘Tunbridge Wells’, the presenter, visiting the Wells early in the morning, is driven helplessly from one spectacle of folly to another as he proceeds along the circumscribed space of the walk. (London, 1682), 85–110. For the cynic diatribe as a reprobative model see Mary Clare Randolph, ‘The Structural Design of the Formal Verse Satire’, PQ 21 (1942), 368–84. 23 24

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Events in a private or secret place The presenter may also be a voyeur who has penetrated some supposedly secret assembly where the victims imagine themselves to be unobserved. ‘The Last Night’s Ramble’ is of this kind. A number of satires do this through the ‘vision’ convention in which, as in ‘A Dream of the Cabal’, the presenter is conveyed by supernatural means to some secret assembly. At other times the space of interaction is a mental one, with the presenter pictured as an abstractly not physically present witness of the scenes described. Marvell’s technique in the ‘Last Instructions’ of moving from one vividly located scene to another is a developed version of this mode. To a modern reader the technique seems cinematic but the seventeenth century knew nothing of cutting, tracking, and montage. One is tempted to connect the method with the widely current early modern belief that human actions were under the constant scrutiny of supernatural beings and the spirits of the dead. The presenter, in such a case, would become a kind of surrogate ghost, from whom no doors were closed and from whom no knowledge could be concealed. In ‘Caesar’s Ghost’ it is a literal ghost, that of Charles II, who tours the camp observing the debauchery of his brother’s army before delivering the ringing judgement: ——Full ﬁue and twenty yeares I Reignd without the Noyse or Toyles of warr, Bore all indignitys of Rebell Pow’re And saw my life in danger euery houre, Yet rather had resignd it up in Peace Than owd my safty to such Bruits as these.25

But he has been followed throughout this process by a second ghost—the disembodied presenter—who is our source of information for the journey of the royal spectre. Recognizing the deployment of one or another of these ways of positioning the presenter, reader, and victims is only a starting point for investigation of the spatial aspects of the lampoon, since these all imply secondary relationships between the three parties which will often alter in the course of the satire, in the ways analysed for lyric by Dubrow. In ‘Good people draw neare’ the initial presenter–reader 25 Lines 285–90. Text from John Burrows and Harold Love, ‘Did Aphra Behn write “Caesar’s Ghost”?’, in D. Garrioch et al. (eds.), The Culture of the Book (Melbourne: Bibliographical Society of Australia and New Zealand, 1999), 169.

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relationship proposed is that of a street ballad singer performing to passers-by; but this almost immediately gives place to a conducted tour in virtual space from Clarendon’s home at ‘Dunkirk House’, via the palace apartments of a series of ofﬁcials, to the king’s bedchamber and that of Castlemaine directly above it. Then, at the conclusion, we are snatched from the palace to the hunting ﬁeld with its bitches, stoats, and plain-man invective. MacFlecknoe opens with the presenter speaking from the abstract space of ‘literature’, in the impersonal tones of epic narrative, to a reader assumed to be in the customary space of attentive reading—a study, easy chair or coffee house table; however, the reader is soon summoned to be a virtual spectator in a room of an imperial palace in which Flecknoe delivers a burlesque monologue. In the coronation sequence the image is concretized by making readers spectators in a theatre, the Nursery, where we observe a mock enthronement and succeeding apotheosis, presented as a show in that theatre. In each case described, the critical task is one of ﬁrst tracking the precise way in which the persons and materials of the poem are distributed and redistributed in space and then asking how effective these dispositions are for the purposes of the satire. One would also need to follow the development of the relation of the presenter to these distributed and redistributed objects. That modes of spatialization are not an explicit structural element does not mean that they may not have been part of an unspoken cultural contract between writer and reader which would reveal itself through a close analysis of language and allusion. The shared experience of being part of the audience in a theatre or witnessing an academic disputation could be evoked by the lightest of references. Moreover, as well as being a means of framing the victims of the satire, spatialization is often also important as a way of moderating the presenter’s relationship with the reader, especially when the reader is asked to become a virtual presence in the scene of the satire. This will be the subject of our next section.

addressing the reader Much has been written about the framing of the satiric persona in late Elizabethan and Jacobean elite satire, the Augustan formal verse satire, and the eighteenth-century comic or satirical novel. When we

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consider the subtleties of ironic insinuation achieved by Pope and Swift, or the fullness of personation sustained by Fielding in Tom Jones or Sterne in Tristram Shandy, the management of the same tropes in the Restoration lampoon may seem rather primitive. The presenter rarely draws much interest as a character: even as voice he tends to be one-dimensional. He sees little need to ingratiate himself with the reader. Irony makes only rare appearances in a genre that prided itself on speaking its thoughts openly and without reserve. On the other hand the lampooner’s assumption of a plain-man bluffness will sometimes veil more complicated designs of which we need to become aware. While some use is made of the older mode of the satyr-satirist as scourger of vice (as in the opening of ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ and ‘A Faithful Catalogue’), the most common self-characterization is of a no-nonsense hedonist, as in a passage from ‘On the Ladies of Honour’: Fools must be medling in matters of State, While I drink my Bottle, and swive with my Mate. The Mornings being cold, I sit by the Fire And scribble while sixty Swift Minutes expire.26

‘Good people draw neare’, as we have seen, opens with the speaker adopting the persona of a street ballad singer but we will hardly be taken in by this. He is a man of education (thus the scholastic method of argument). He has respect for the mitre but contempt for Clarendon. He is cool and almost ironic in his acceptance of the rottenness of the world (a metropolitan attitude); yet the animal images of the last stanza would seem to position him as a country gentleman in the hunting ﬁeld, as does his blunt proposal for remedying matters. None of this, needless to say, can be taken as autobiographical, though it does hint at an alert conservative mind at work behind these transformations of the persona. Rather it represents a transition between two stock personae that are helpfully exempliﬁed in Buckingham’s The Rehearsal as Smith, the Town man of pleasure and good sense whose disapproval is expressed through understatement and pretended agreement, and Johnson the no-nonsense country visitor. The satirist of ‘Good people draw neare’ begins as Smith and ends as Johnson. From time to time we encounter lampoons which are so intemperate as to suggest a writer genuinely out of 26

BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 213r.

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control. Jacobite satires of the 1690s offer examples, as does earlier work emerging from the political losing party. Satire of this kind sacriﬁces any chance of winning over readers who are not already of the satirist’s persuasion. In the cases of ‘Cover le feu ye Hugeuenots’ and ‘The Catholic Priest’s Farewell to the House of Commons’ (POASY, i. 204–12), it is likely that we are dealing with Protestant fakes of Catholic rage rather than the real thing, but the real thing certainly existed. As well as posing as a truth-teller, the lampoonist is also a retailer of secret knowledge and aberrant attitudes in which the reader is invited to share. When, as often happens, the content of the satire is frankly pornographic, the invitation is one to engage in an act of voyeurism in which the lampoonist plays the role of bawd and the reader that of the client in search of arousal. By accepting the invitation to share the lampoonist’s erotic fantasy, the reader is also accepting the role of curtain twitcher or peeping Tom. Moreover, even when the satire is not of a sexually explicit kind, and may even recommend virtuous opposition to publicly apparent enormities, the reader runs the danger of succumbing vicariously to spite, envy, hatred, malice, Schadenfreude, and many other undesirable feelings. Insofar as the lampoonist bore false witness he was violating the commandment of God. Another text says, ‘Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I cut off.’27 The reader’s enjoyment of a lampoon made him just as guilty of this transgression. The lampoonist was also almost invariably in breach of the law of the land as formulated by royal proclamations and the legal principles summarized in Coke’s De Famosis Libellis or William Sheppard’s Action upon the Case for Slander.28 The reader of a lampoon was not only morally but also legally guilty of the same crime. The relationship of a usually anonymous writer to a usually surreptitious reader plays out a subtle power play of seduction and resistance, in which writers degrade themselves in order to entice the reader to accept the same degradation and readers must either acknowledge complicity with writers or reject them as contemptible buffoons. The practical result must often have been an uneasy mixture of both attitudes. 27 Ps. 101: 5. Slander and by implication the lampoon are eloquently reproved in sermons 4 to 7 of Isaac Barrow’s Several Sermons against Evil Speaking (London, 1678), 1133–243, 21–29. 28 Quinta pars relationum Edwardi Coke (London, 1612); Action upon the Case for Slander (London, 1662).

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The other important relationship that would need to be explored in any more developed poetics of the lampoon is that between speaker and victim. Here the range of possibilities extends from a detached, third-person presentation to an intense deixis in which the victim is affronted in the second person; or the two methods can be alternated, even within the same portrait, as in the section of ‘A Faithful Catalogue’ devoted to the Duchess of Cleveland: Ah Barbary! thy execrable name Is sure embalm’d with everlasting shame. Could not that num’rous host thy lust sufﬁce, Which in lasciv’ous shoals ador’d thy eyes, When their bright beams were through our orb display’d, And kings each morn their Persian homage paid? Now (Churchill, Dover), see how they are sunk Into her loathsome, sapless, aged trunk! And yet remains her c——’s insatiate itch, And there’s a devil yet can hug the witch. Pardon me, Bab, if I mistake his race, Which is infernal, sure, for though he has No cloven foot, he has a cloven face. (ll. 25–37)

The second-person opening, sustained through the vision of the duchess in her youthful glory, veers into the third person with the evocation of her as a witch in the arms of her demon lover, the actor Carlell Goodman. (The crucial change occurs between the ‘thy’ of the fourth line and the ‘her’ of the eighth.) Yet in the eleventh line there is an unexpected switch back to an intimate form of the second person using the nickname ‘Bab’. Both at the beginning and the end of the passage the speaker is addressing the duchess familiarly as a well-known equal. In between she becomes an object, a withered and decayed tree, in which the shining eyes have become sunken knotholes. Behind the peculiar moral rage of this repellent but fascinating poem lies an even more fundamental rage at the loss of an ideal romantic beauty to which in former times kings had, indeed, paid their ‘Persian homage’. Cleveland’s and Middleton’s real crime is not that of political corruption or sexual promiscuity but that they have dared to outlive the transcendent glamour of their and the satirist’s younger days and, like him, become old. The intense personal closeness claimed by the satirist to his victims, whether feigned or partly real, allows kinds of subjective engagement which are unusual for the genre and which, by bringing the speaker so fully into the scene

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of the satire, compromise its assumed univocality of judgement. The addressing of the victims in ‘Good people draw neare’ involves the same assertion of familiarity but from a greater personal distance. The male victims are addressed by insulting nicknames—‘fatt Gutts’, ‘Dapper’, ‘Tom foole’, and ‘Babb’—which would never have been used to their faces, while the women are saluted more formally as ‘Villers’, Denham, and Castlemaine. There is no suggestion that the presenter was personally intimate with his subjects or privy to their inner thoughts.

s e c o n da ry m e a n i n g s A comprehensive poetics of the lampoon would also need to chart those features which are the common property of all poetry: metre, vocal register, and the use of ﬁgures. This will not be attempted in the present sketch apart from a brief glance at the lampoonists’ use of metaphor and allusion. Restoration poetry is not known for its ingenuity in framing metaphors—that was a speciality of the Metaphysicals, against whom the generation of Dryden were in self-conscious reaction. One can often search many dozens of lines of lampoon verse without discovering a metaphor of the traditional literary kind. The simile, on the other hand, was a staple of impromptu verbal wit and its theatrical imitations—the comedies of Wycherley, Etherege, and Congreve sparkle with them. Yet even here we encounter a certain disapproval: it is often the fools rather than the wits who excel at simile-hatching. The more admired form of comedic wit is the epigrammatic maxim equating respectable persons and actions with disreputable ones, on the Hobbesian principle that virtue, especially when publicly proclaimed, was nothing more than a mask for appetite and knavery. The lampoon avoids the labour of having to argue this equation by assuming it as its philosophical starting point. The more literary productions of Restoration poets compensated for their neglect of metaphor by doing interesting things with the antithetical tropes that had been accommodated to the couplet by Waller and Denham. Lampoons do likewise at times, but often, as in the instance cited earlier from the ‘Faithful Catalogue’, in a deliberately strained and parodic manner. The lampoon generally preferred an assertive plainness but when the poets turned to parodies of mainstream forms they could be more adventurous. An example would be

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Oldham’s ‘Sardanapalus’, in which the machinery of the Pindaric ode is employed for a parodic representation of sexual excess. However, ‘Sardanapalus’ only becomes a lampoon if one accepts its central character as a representation of Charles II. It could be read just as easily as a burlesque of the Pindaric form rather than a satire on court libertinism, or even as an only half-ironic celebration of the divinity of lust. A better example is Marvell’s playful elaboration of Waller’s own stylistic playfulness in his three ‘advices’. ‘Sardanapalus’ and Marvell’s painter poems raise the issue of how the ﬁctions of the lampoon can be made to invoke a mythic, metaphorical, or even allegorical dimension rather than simply serving as a register of events. This in turn requires us to examine how primary narratives enlarge their signiﬁcance by building links to already existing secondary narratives, as Dryden does to the Aeneid in MacFlecknoe and the Book of Samuel in Absalom and Achitophel. Allusions of a more local kind are certainly present, a lesson if not learned certainly reinforced by Hudibras which subjects an astonishing richness of miscellaneous learning to comic elaboration. The writers of court, Town, and state lampoons were on the whole educated people, many having spent time at the universities or the Inns of Court, and, even when writing at their most demotic, see no need to disguise that fact. They were likely to have read some Horace, Virgil, Juvenal, and Martial in Latin, and a few of them were ﬂuent readers of the language, though also keen to distance their cultured metropolitan identiﬁcation with the great Romans from the pedantry of the despised ‘gown-men’. They also knew the Bible and the Anglican liturgy extremely well and the popular plays of their time, including Shakespeare and Jonson: echoes of all these are frequent. Lampoons are also rich in allusions to other lampoons, especially those like Dorset’s ‘Come on ye critics’ which were regarded as classics of the genre. Mulgrave turns a reference to this poem against Dorset himself when he describes him as Dull as Ned Howard, whom his brisker time Had fam’d for dullness in malicious rhyme.29

Many of the writers could speak French ﬂuently and had read Voiture, Corneille, Boileau, Montaigne, La Rochefoucauld, and the romance writers in the original. Etherege’s library, left behind on his 29

‘An Essay upon Satyr’, ll. 192–3, in POASY, i. 410.

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ﬂight in 1688 from Regensburg to Paris, contained Voiture’s Œuvres, a variety of historical works in French, and French translations of Tacitus, Polybius, Livy, Terence, Juvenal, Lucian, and Propertius.30 The court was effectually bilingual, with Saint-Evremond its resident Gallic literary star. Rochester’s and Oldham’s debts to Boileau are on record but the wider debt of the lampoon as a genre to French models has never systematically been explored. Contemporaries would no doubt have picked up many cross-references to French satire that escape present-day anglophone scholars. Rochester’s lyric ‘By all Loves soft, yet mighty Pow’rs’, a court lampoon possibly directed at Nell Gwyn, would have had an added elegance to set against its gross subject matter for those who recognized it as a parodic reworking of Voiture’s ‘Stances a une demoiselle qui avoit les manches de sa chemise retrousées et sales’.31 Allusion and quotation were the commonest way by which the language of the lampoon reached beyond the referential. When the ‘Faithful Catalogue’ refers to Cleveland and Portsmouth as Charles’s ‘brace of cherubs’ (l. 19) it is invoking not only the two cherubim who guarded the ark of the Covenant but the ‘beastly brace’ of l. 65 of ‘An Essay upon Satyr’. The ‘brace’ is doubly reductive, equating them, as winged creatures, with a pair of game birds or small animals. The allusion also contests Dryden’s fawning identiﬁcation in Absalom and Achitophel of Charles ﬁrst with David and then with the Almighty. Dryden’s ‘pious times’ from the ﬁrst line of Absalom and Achitophel had already been countered by the ‘impious times’ of the second line of Dorset’s poem. The account of the Duchess of Grafton’s choice of a ground-ﬂoor bedroom produces a classical parallel with the legend of Danaë: Through the large sash they pass, like Jove of old, To her attendant bawd, in showers of gold. (ll. 55–6)

Another classical analogy is invoked in the immediately following account of the Earl of Mordaunt’s precipitate ﬂight after being discovered naked in the duchess’s closet:

30 Dorothy Foster, ‘Sir George Etherege: Collections’, N&Q 153 ( July–Dec. 1927), 477–8. 31 Les Œuvres de Monsieur de Voiture, 7th edn reneuë, corrigée et augmentée (Paris, 1665), 231. See also my ‘Nell Gwyn and Rochester’s “By all Love’s soft, yet mighty Pow’rs” ’, N&Q 247 (2002), 355–7.

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Defenseless limbs the well-arm’d host assail’d; Scarce her own prayr’s with her own slaves prevail’d. Though well prepar’d for ﬂight, he mourn’d his weight And begg’d Actaeon’s change to ’scape Actaeon’s fate; But wing’d with fear, though untransform’d he bounds, And swift as hinds outstripp’d the yelling hounds. (ll. 64–9)

Allusions of this kind are obvious enough. Their importance is to alert us to less obvious ones which may also serve to expand the signiﬁcance of the apparently trivial. Dorset’s whole formal engagement with Martial, discussed earlier, and close imitations of the manner of the sturdier and more outspoken Juvenal, are the most effective means through which his highly contingent text seeks universality. The satire may be time-bound but the role of satirist, as he performs it, has its foundation in the Rome of Domitian and Trajan. In MacFlecknoe the setting of a lost classical splendour against present-day meanness is not only the ruling trope of the entire poem but has determined its brilliant marriage of vulgar content to Virgilian stylistic pastiche. Other lampooners try to perform the same transformation through more economic means. ‘Good people draw neare’ asserts a Jonsonian inheritance by its naming Sir Joseph Williamson ‘Dapper’, after the foolish clerk in The Alchemist. The effect of this is not only to place its whole body of victims in a Jonsonian world of monomania, but to invoke Jonson’s defence of the right of satire to judge and reprove vice. Another way by which the lampoon seeks an allegorical status is through what may be called its anti-Freudian tendency by which, instead of reading politics as an expression of sex, sex becomes an expression of politics. ‘A Faithful Catalogue’ continues the equation of sodomy with Catholicism and perverted power that was discussed in Chapter 2. The Duke of Norfolk, a Catholic, disdains his wife’s ‘spacious womb’ for the anus of a ‘common bulker’ (ll. 88–90); the duchess, a Protestant, on the other hand will ‘f—— with any fool in any place’. In the account quoted earlier of Mulgrave’s ﬁrst terrifying then sodomizing the ‘black-ey’d wench’, he, while not himself a Catholic, is acting as one would expect from an Anglican who accepted ofﬁce under a Catholic king. The mistreatment of the reluctant whore becomes a metaphor for the court’s abuse of the nation. By contrast, Mulgrave’s wife ‘lies as she would burst’, having been rejected by both her ‘drone’ and her ‘noble Protestant’ lover (ll. 98–125). In this she represents a Protestant nation not yet possessed by its Dutch hero.

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One particularly unpleasant anti-Catholic outburst produces a strange confusion of images that on ﬁrst reading is likely to be dismissed as the effect of sheer bad writing. Its subject is the unfortunate Queen Catherine: Thou worst of ﬂesh in superstition stew’d, In blood thy Cunt but more thy hands imbrew’d; Blood which not all thy double clouts containe, But three large pallaces thrô out does stain, And makes thy masse and holy waters vain. When thy Cunt itches, Christians murthered lye, Murther and threason make thy Leachery; Thy Cunt which humane touch cannot reclaime, For Dildo does with triple crosier cramb: Pope in thy lust, pope thy bald belly frigs, Till spirituall whoredome foams betwen thy leggs: To him thou heav’st and shov’st and spends, to him Thy wrotten eyes in nights pollution swimm, And willing Cunt descends between the brim.32

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The palaces are Whitehall and Windsor, both associated by Protestants with alleged plots to murder the king, and the queen’s own palace at Somerset House, in which Titus Oates had placed the murder of Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey. Bad writing is evident enough in the inept handling of the triplets, each of which crashes dismally on its ﬁnal line; but the images have an inner cohesion that would have made them seem less gratuitous to a seventeenth-century reader than they do today. The catachresis of the blood from Christ’s wound on the cross ﬂowing freely for the redemption of mankind is a very ancient one, present in Faustus’ despairing cry ‘See, see where Christ’s blood streams in the ﬁrmament’. Its transference to Antichrist, or rather the Scarlet Woman in parodic copulation with Antichrist as her succubus, and the assumption that the outcome of this outpouring would be murder and damnation, are perfectly consistent. That the queen suffered from dysmenorrhoea was common knowledge and regarded as the cause of her infertility; but the poem is more an exercise in politico-religious allegory than a personal attack. A belief that the dildo was an Italian device, ﬁrst introduced to England by Mary of Modena, had been promulgated in ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, which also describes it as the pope’s nephew.33 The notion of one being 32 33

‘On the Queen 1679’, Yale MS Osborn b 54, p. 1229. Lines A56 and B56 in Rochester, Works, 249, 255.

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made in the form of the papal triple crown is a logical development of this association. That Queen Catherine’s inferior (spiritual) ﬂesh should have needed to be stewed is an implied contrast with that of Protestants which, like the beef of old England, was suitable for roasting in the ﬁre of authentic faith. Alternatively it could be read as alluding to the Protestant accusation that the Catholic doctrine of the real presence was a form of cannibalism.34 The distinction of this piece is, in an act of what can only be called genital Góngorism, to have turned the extravagant imagery of Counter-Reformation devotional verse, best known to English readers through Crashaw, against the faith that had fostered it. Strange as it may seem, this was a piece that might have been valued in its time for its wit as well as for exemplary Puritan spite. It also offers a fascinating insight into the ﬁgurative underpinnings that made anti-popery so powerful and long-persisting a political force. Peter Lake founds the Protestant attitude in a belief that the authority of the pope, once established, had been used ‘to set up and conﬁrm in the Church a whole series of ceremonies, forms of worship and belief which were of entirely human origin’, one of which, the present work seems to suggest, was ritual masturbation.35 Catholic devotion was to be understood as displaced sexuality. A metaphorical function can also be claimed for the sexual narratives of the Town lampoon. Its ‘celebrities’ acquire an emblematic status in which they embody the plight of their whole community in its ambiguous relationship to pleasure and liberty. A good lampoon (to return to an issue raised at the beginning of this chapter) will not only make effective use of the technical resources that have been discussed but succeed in raising its characters and narratives from a quotidian to a hyperenergized, mythic order of existence in which they shine as timeless embodiments of lust and corruption. A bad lampoon leaves its victims as aberrant individuals. 34 For an example see The Works of Nathaniel Lee, ed. Thomas B. Stroup and Arthur L. Cooke (New Brunswick, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1954), ii. 364. 35 ‘Anti-popery: The Structure of a Prejudice’, in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds.), Conﬂict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics 1603–1642 (London: Longman, 1989), 74.

8

Transmission and Reception The classiﬁcation of lampoons into court, Town, and state varieties does not claim exactitude. To a degree it reﬂects authors’ perceptions of the social purpose and intended audience of their writing, though these things are not always clearly determined and many pieces straddle borders. Harris’s edition of Dorset recognizes something like it in its distribution of poems into sections with names like ‘old affected court ladies’, ‘state affairs’, ‘advice to lovers’, and ‘court and town’. A less exact classiﬁcation can be observed in the practice of the Hansen and Cameron scriptoria of issuing separate, parallel libertine and state satire collections. Yet, most private collectors of the time, and many professionals, cheerfully intermingled material of all three classes and need not have perceived much difference between them. Our distinctions are simply a convenient means of giving manageable shape to a twenty-ﬁrst-century discussion of the larger tradition. Once we move away from an authorial perspective (or what we can reconstruct of it) our discriminations become even less assured. It has already been demonstrated that readers would frequently interpret lampoons in ways that could never have been foreseen by their authors, as when court lampoons, having escaped into wider circulation, were read as state satires. Robert Wolseley wrote of Rochester that his pen was ‘usually imploy’d like the Arms of the ancient Heroes, to stop the progress of arbitrary Oppression, and beat down the Bruitishness of headstrong Will; to do his King and Countrey justice upon such publick State-Thieves, as wou’d beggar a Kingdom to enrich themselves’, which is not an obvious reading of the corpus as we possess it.1 Indeed, only ‘Too long the wise commons’ from the known writings is readily classiﬁable as a state satire. In the present chapter we will look at the ways in which lampoons were understood and interpreted by their readers; but before we do

1

Preface to Valentinian (London, 1685), A3v.

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this it will be necessary to consider the means by which they came to the attention of those readers in written, sung, or spoken form.

lampoons in performance As we have seen, and as Fox and Bellany have demonstrated, the lampoon was an oral as well as a written medium.2 One of Gramont’s more complicated stories concerns a feud between Rochester and Henrietta Maria Price, one of the queen’s maids of honour, and the use made of this by another of the maids in order to sow ill feeling between Rochester and Anne Temple, a maid of honour to the duchess (not the Philippa Temple discussed earlier). Saying this, the perﬁdious Hobart showed her friend half a dozen shameful couplets, which Rochester had made against the former maids of honour. It was Miss Price whom he mainly assailed with the most bitter shafts, anatomizing her person in the most hideous manner imaginable. Miss Hobart had merely substituted the name of Temple for that of Price, which she made to agree with both the measure and tune of the song. No more was needed: the credulous Temple no sooner heard her sing the lampoon but she ﬁrmly believed that it had been made upon herself . . .3

The particular interest of the anecdote is that the lampoon was neither shown, nor recited, but sung, no doubt to a broadside ballad melody. Some of the better-known tunes were supplied with dozens of different sets of words.4 One’s appreciation of the lampoon is enormously increased by knowing these melodies. Often a tune is speciﬁed in sources, as in ‘Advice, or a Heroic Epistle to Mr Fr. Villiers to an Excellent New Tune Called A Health to Betty’, which begins as follows: 2 Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000), 299–334; Alastair Bellany, ‘Railing Rhymes and Vaunting Verse’, in K. Sharpe and P. Lake (eds.), Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford UP, 1993), 287–8. 3 Anthony Hamilton, Memoirs of the Count de Gramont, ed. Henry Vizetelly (London: Vizetelly & Co., 1889), ii. 106. 4 For this repertoire see Claude M. Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1966). Examples may be heard in such CD collections as The Baltimore Consort, Watkin’s Ale: Music of the English Renaissance, Dorian DOR-90142; The City Waites, ‘How the world wags’: Social Music for a 17th Century Englishman’, Hyperion CDA66008; The King’s Noyse, The King’s Delight: 17c. Ballads for Voice & Violin Band, Harmonia mundi 907101; Les Witches, Nobody’s Jig: Mr Playford’s Dancing Master, Alpha 502; and The Broadside

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Transmission and Reception Leave off your ogling Francis, And mind your sister Nancy’s; She’s quite undone If once King John Should get between her haunches. I hear Phil Kirke does thrum, sir, Your brother’s lady’s bum, sir. ’Tis ten to one He’ll get a son May stand ’twixt you and home, sir.5

Readers may like to experiment for themselves with the difference between merely reading the words and hearing them sung (or simply being aware of the melody as one reads them).

Fig. 1 A Health to Betty Source: Jeremy Barlow, The Complete Country Dance Tunes from Playford’s Dancing Master (1651–ca.1728) (London: Faber, 1985), 25. Later editions tonalize this modal melody by putting it into G minor.

Two early court texts of ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, National Library of Wales, Powis papers, and Bodleian MS don. b 8, identify the tune as ‘Peg’s gone over the sea with a soldier’. Singing it to the melody6 immediately transforms it from a mechanical succession of libellous stanzas to a performance text with which a skilled entertainer could amuse a group of listeners. In other lampoons, such as ‘A Ballad to the Tune of Walton [sometimes Watton] Townes Ende’ (‘The Parsons all keep whores’) and ‘A Ballad to the Tune of Cheviot Chace, or Whenas King Henry Ruled this Land’ (‘Come all ye youths that yet are free’), the tune is part of the title.7 There may be special point to Band, English Country Dances from Playford’s Dancing Master 1651–1703. The dance-based part of the repertoire is available in Jeremy Barlow (ed.), The Complete Country Dance Tunes from Playford’s Dancing Master (1651–ca.1728) (London: Faber, 1985). 5 CSR, 118; see Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 298–9. 6 Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 572. 7 Texts in Rochester, Works, 280–2 and CSR, 102–11; melodies Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 460–6, 96–101.

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the choice of a melody. ‘Peg’ in ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ is not far removed from ‘Pego’, a slang term for penis, and the song does indeed record how the eponymous dildo was brought ‘over the Maine’ from Italy in the retinue of Mary of Modena. ‘Julian’s Farewell to the Family of the Coquets’ (‘Give o’er ye poor players depend not on wit’) was, appropriately for a superannuated roué, to be sung to ‘An old man with a bed full of bones’.8 A satirical account from 1677 of Buckingham being entertained by the Oxford aldermen is set to ‘Cuckolds All A-row’.9 In other cases humour may have been found in the disproportion between words and vehicle. ‘A Ballad to the Tune of Cheviot Chace’ uses a melody which Fox describes as ‘the nation’s favourite song’.10

Fig. 2 Chevy Chase Source: Thomas D’Urfey (ed.), Wit and Mirth: or Pills to Purge Melancholy, introd. Cyrus L. Day, 6 vols. (New York: Folklore Library, 1959), iv. 289.

Here the original was the account of a sanguinary battle between the English and the Scots, of which Sidney wrote that he ‘never heard the old song of Percy and Douglas that I found not my heart moved more than with a trumpet’.11 The lampoon is aptly described by Wilson as ‘a double-barrelled shotgun libel, one barrel aimed at the reputations of unmarried ladies about the Court, the other at rampant widows’—military ardour in this case being severely displaced.12 ‘Chevy Chase’ is documented by Simpson as ‘the tune for some three dozen ballads before 1700’.13 In many cases the tune may be cited not by its original words but other sets to which it had been ﬁtted. An interrelated group of four printed Whig ballads, apparently the work of Stephen College, all make use of the tune ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’, also known as ‘Paul’s Steeple’, but only the ﬁrst, ‘I am a senseless thing’, identiﬁes it.14 The second, ‘A Raree Show’, announces itself as written to the The tune is at Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 129. 10 POASY, i. 430. CSR, 102–11; Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, 1. An Apology for Poetry, ed. Geoffrey Shepherd (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1973), 118. 12 13 CSR, 102. British Broadside Ballad, 96. 14 Text at POASY, ii. 176–9. 8 9

11

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tune of ‘I am a senseless thing’. The third, ‘Assist me some good spright’, appeared without a nominated tune but with the giveaway refrain common to all four. Its text, discussed below, develops a comparison between the Anglican bishops and magpies. A fourth piece, ‘Some Nonsense’ (‘Old wainscot is in the right with a hey’), was described as written to the tune of ‘the Magpyes’, which, in the singular, is the title given to a version of ‘Assist me some good sprite’ in Bodleian MS don. b 8.15 This passing on of names seems to have been a device to advertise the pieces’ relationship to each other, since the reader would have known all the time that the tune was really ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’. In a great number of cases the tune is not speciﬁed but obvious from the shape of the stanza. A galloping, eight-line stanza in anapaestic tetrameter was probably meant for ‘Packington’s Pound’—if nine lines are used with the seventh and eighth being dimeters, this is certain to be the case.

Fig. 3 Packington’s Pound Source: D’Urfey (ed.), Wit and Mirth, iv. 20.

A simple quatrain in ballad measure (rhyming abab, with the a-lines iambic tetrameters and the b-lines trimeters, as in ‘Chevy Chase’) might be sung to any one of a number of melodies at the singer’s pleasure. The author of one such piece, composed in 1648, advises This if you will rhime dogrel call (That you please you may name it) One of the loyal traytors here Did for a Ballad frame it; Old Chevy Chase was in his mind, 15 pp. 621–3. For the group, see Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 333. Simpson suggests that the poems might be better ﬁtted to another ballad melody ‘Sound a charge’ but this is merely a varied or predecessor form of ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’.

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If any sute it better, All these concerned in the Song Will kindly thank the setter.16

The bare reading of a stanzaic piece of this kind would prompt the reader to search for a tune that might ﬁt it or to invent one if that was lacking. The headnote to a copy of ‘As I went by St James’s I heard a bird sing’ speciﬁes, without giving an actual tune, that ‘in the singing every verse must be repeated twice’.17 A careful search of the lampoon manuscripts would yield a rich supplement to Simpson’s identiﬁcations. While the ballad repertoire belonged to popular culture it was also of interest to Restoration virtuosi. Selden had observed that ‘More solid things doe not shew the Complexion of the times so well as Ballads and libells.’18 Samuel Pepys and Anthony Wood were two enthusiastic collectors of the fugitive ballad prints sold by pedlars and street-corner singers, recognizing their importance as records of both past and present history; but there was also respect, nourished by the new preference for a plainer, more colloquial style in ‘polite’ writing, for the actual verse manner of the ballads. In the new century Addison was to write two famous Spectator essays in praise of ‘Chevy Chase’.19 Dorset imitated the ballad manner in his ‘Song Written at Sea’, while Sedley used it for his ‘Ballad to the Tune of Bateman’ on the murder of John Hoyle, as well as lighter pieces: some of his ﬁnest quatrain verse is in this manner. Prior was another poet to draw inspiration from the ballad tradition, though the greater polish and formality demanded by the new century led to some loss of the plainness admired by Dorset and Sedley and a century later by the Romantics. Of course, the Restoration street ballad, since it drew on popular composed songs as well as traditional ditties, was a far more heterogeneous genre than the older strain of border ballads which acquired literary status following the publication in 1763 of the Percy Folio. Hit theatre songs of the time such as Purcell’s ‘If love’s a sweet passion, why does it torment’ from The Fairy Queen and Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 100. Yale MS Osborn b 54, p. 994. 18 Table Talk of John Selden, ed. Sir Frederick Pollock (London: Quaritch, 1927), 72. This compilation by Selden’s secretary Richard Milward circulated in manuscript prior to its print publication in 1689. 19 Numbers 70 (21 May) and 74 (25 May 1711). See Donald F. Bond (ed.), The Spectator (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), i. 297–303, 315–22. 16 17

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Eccles’s ‘The jolly, jolly breeze’ from Rinaldo and Armida were rapidly converted into broadsides and equipped with new words, such as ‘You true-hearted Protestants pray now attend’ and ‘The jolly, jolly bowl’. It is often difﬁcult to distinguish between a ballad adaptation and the parodic genre of the ‘mock-song’, as practised by Rochester and Alexander Radcliffe.20 The point is not that most stanzaic lampoons were written to be sung but that they were more effective when encountered in sung form, with their verbal nuances slowed down for inspection and vocal colourings used to give emphasis. Music of all kinds at the time was routinely ‘graced’ and ‘divided’ by singers as well as instrumentalists. Tempo might be varied or notes stretched and altered to suit the words of any particular stanza or the mood of any given audience. The singer, being face to face with the company, had to feed off its responses—teasing or feigning reluctance at one time or pressing against the boundary of acceptability at another, knowing when to delete and when to improvise, always making sure that the piece worked as a comic turn and that satirical points were underlined by gesture and facial expression. A technique later used in the Major-General’s song in The Pirates of Penzance of gaining attention by pretending to be uncertain what was to come next would arise instinctively in such performances. The singer’s aim should be to bring out every nuance of every insult. Modern CD versions of seventeenth-century ballads, sung to instrumental accompaniment (which would rarely have been the case under the social circumstances of the time), display a vocal professionalism unlikely to have been evident at the dinner table, parlour, or street corner. Heavy drinking must often have accompanied performance. Quite a number of lampoons have refrains in which all present would have joined: the very word ‘lampoon’ is believed to have arisen in this way.21 At other times the words may well have been passed round the table with all present contributing a stanza. It is likely that professional singers, performing at private dinner or drinking parties, included lampoons in their repertoire. Pepys mentions an occasion at Thetford when the king was entertained by the local ﬁddlers with ‘all the bawdy songs they could think of’.22 20 See Rochester’s ‘I Fuck no more then others doe’ (Works, 102) and the mocksongs in Radcliffe, The Ramble: An Anti-heroick Poem (London, 1682), 21–30. 21 See above, p. 13. 22 The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1970–), ix. 336.

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‘My muse and I are drunk tonight’ envisages the ministry being the subject of such a performance: But Sunderland, Godolphin, Lory Turne Politicks to jest, And will appear such Chitts in story To bee repeated with John Dory When Fidlers sing att Feasts.23

The ballad of ‘John Dory’ was an old favourite about a sea battle between a French privateer and a Cornish captain.24 It is sung to Antonio in iii. ii. of Fletcher’s The Chances while he is having his wounds treated. Osborn MS b 54 contains a twenty-two-stanza lampoon headed ‘A Ballad Sung by Aaron Smith before the D. of Bucks and those noble Lords who were for passing the Bill gainst the Duke of Yorks inheriting the Crown of England &c. when they dined at the gun att Mile-end Monday Dec:13. 1680’, giving us a putative performer and location as well as an occasion.25 The piece was one of the group of four discussed earlier written to ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’, alias ‘Paul’s Steeple’.

Fig. 4 I am the Duke of Norfolk Source: The First Part of the Division Flute (London, 1706), 2. See also Claude M. Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1966), 331–5.

The three opening stanzas will give a sense of the whole: 1. Assist me some good spright With a hey with a Hey Whilst I sing of a ﬂight With a Ho; 23 Text from facsimile of ‘Derby’ MS in Peter Beal, In Praise of Scribes (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998), 26. 24 Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 398–400. 25 p. 1208. Sir William Haward’s copy (Bodleian MS don. b 8, p. 621) gives the alternative title ‘The magpie, or the Song against the bishops sung by Aaron Smyth at the feast of the lords at the Gunn at Mile-End-Greene’. For the event see Lady Burghclere, George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham (London: John Murray, 1903), 379–80.

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Transmission and Reception Of inauspicious souls All sillier then owls With a hey Tronny, nonny nonny no. 2. Not so graue as owles they be, Nor so wise in time you’l see These birds when they are installed All magpies are called 3. The platter faced owle Like a wise sober fowle Is bashfull in the light And preys only in the night . . .

This has nothing in particular to do with the Duke of York but is a blistering attack on the Anglican bishops, who had voted in the Lords against a number of Whig measures, giving the ‘Paul’s Steeple’ title a special resonance. Unable from the nature of his audience to attack the House of Lords as such, the poet is at pains to indicate that bishops were not real lords:26 17. It is a mungrell creature Of a strange double nature, ’Tis called a Lord ’tis clear But as true it is no peer. 18. The right reuerend Buggering Lord Magpy of waterford By a common Jury try’d By a common Hang-man dy’d. 19. He acts a lord for life, But no title has his wife; Ius divinum is his word, For which we care not a turd. (p. 1210)

John Atherton, Bishop of Waterford, had been hanged as long ago as 1640 for a homosexual liaison. The rather abstruse point made by the stanza is that a real lord would have been tried by his peers and executed by the axe. Smith, the singer, was a ‘furious fanatic’ who 26

Their legal status is considered in Selden, Table Talk, 13–22.

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after involvement in the Rye House Plot became solicitor to the treasurer and public prosecutor under William III.27 Nothing is known of his musical talents. Imagination readily suggests the circumstances of the performance: the packed upstairs room at the inn (little better than a sailors’ dive), dark with candle-smoke; the bewigged, semidrunken post-dinner audience, which included Monmouth as well as Buckingham, joining in the refrain; and the singer delivering his budget of treason from the foot of the table in a resonant parlando. There may even have been a theatrical element to the performance, since ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’ was associated with a drinking game involving a mock-crowning with a cushion.28 On the other hand, while the lampoon seems to be perfectly genuine and the text good, it is possible that the heading was devised by a Tory printer as a way of discrediting the Whig lords. In this case, while the entry could still be cited as evidence of the general practice of singing songs at banquets, we would lose it as a witness to the particular occasion at Mile End. Of course there are also lengthy, carefully written stanzaic lampoons that may have been intended for the page only: an example would be the eighty-three-quatrain long ‘The Lovers’ Session’ (‘A session of lover’s was held t’other day’), which would take a good half-hour to sing in full, and its forty-ﬁve-quatrain long sequel, ‘The Session of Ladies’.29 Yet even these seem to acquire greater force when heard, at least in part, to a melody: ‘Packington’s Pound’ is a possibility for the ﬁrst, with the quatrains combined into eight-line stanzas, though it would not work so well for the second. A polished, epigrammatic stanzaic lampoon like ‘A History of Insipids’ (‘Chaste pious prudent Charles the second’) would have had less to gain from being sung but might still have been meant to be read aloud as its primary mode of delivery. The fact that we encounter these pieces chieﬂy in retrospective manuscript anthologies which present them as reading texts, and often explicitly encourage us to approach them as an informal secret history of the times, obscures the circumstances of their original circulation, as topical satires. Prior to their being so collected, the shorter pieces would often have circulated memorially. Inscribed texts would have passed as fugitive separates, whose DNB; POASY, v. 420. Described in William Chappell, Popular Music of the Olden Time (London: Cramer, Beale & Chappell, 1859), 119. 29 CSR, 175–98, 204–16. 27 28

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possessors would often have regarded them as scripts for singing or speaking aloud. Even lampoons in heroic couplets must sometimes have been designed for vocal rather than silent reading, though not singing, and will come alive in unexpected ways if the modern reader is prepared to adopt the early modern practice of solitary declamation (having ﬁrst ascertained that the neighbours are unable to hear). A passage in Aphra Behn’s Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister suggests that even letters were frequently read aloud by the recipient in an endeavour to recapture the vocal inﬂections intended by the sender.30 Couplet lampoons must often have been produced as social verse to be read over meals, as recorded in the prologue to Ravenscroft’s The London Cuckolds (1681): Now Fop may dine with Half-wit ev’ry noon, And reade his Satyr, or his worse Lampoon.31

They were also a way of entertaining travel companions, as in Pepys’s account of communal reading of the second and third ‘Advices to a Painter’ during a coach journey.32 The host in ‘Timon’ reads aloud in his coach ‘a Libell, of a Sheete or Two’.33 When lampoons were read aloud we may be sure that it was with an appropriate ﬁre and vitality. A French visitor of the 1690s was impressed by a particular form of declamation adopted for the reading of poetry. The English have a mighty Value for their Poetry. If they believe that their Language is the ﬁnest in the whole World, tho’ spoken no where but in their own Island; they have proportionably a much higher Idea of their Verses. They never read or repeat them without the most singular Tone in the World. When they happen in reading to go out of Prose into Verse you would swear you no longer heard the same Person: His Tone of Voice becomes soft and tender; he is charm’d, he dies away with Rapture.34

30 Discussed in my ‘Vocal Register in Behn’s Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister’, ELN 41 (2003), 44–52. 31 Pierre Danchin, The Prologues and Epilogues of the Restoration 1660–1700, 7 vols. (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1981–8), ii/1. 329. 32 Diary, viii. 313. 33 Rochester, Works, 258. 34 M. Misson’s Memoirs and Observations in his Travels over England, trans. John Ozell (London, 1719), 220–1. In the original ‘leur ton de voix devient doux et langoureux; ils sont charmez, ils se pâment’ (Memoires et observations faites par un voyageur en Angleterre (The Hague, 1698), 348.

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Soft and tender would be quite wrong for lampoons but the notion of a delivery sharply differentiated from prose seems appropriate for these thundering pieces. The rants of Dryden’s and Lee’s heroic tragedies would be one model—the opening lines of ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ and ‘A Faithful Catalogue of our Most Eminent Ninnies’ are each suggestive of the stage rant. Lampoons may even have been socially performed by actors. John Lacy is credited with a satire on Charles II (‘Preserved by wonder in the oak O Charles’) and shares the prize in the ﬁrst ‘Sessions of Poets’ with another actor, Joseph Harris, while Joe Haines is mentioned by a late source as the author of ‘Madame Le Croix’.35 Haines was celebrated for his renditions of prologues and epilogues, so why not lampoons?

r e a d i n g a n d c i rc u l at i n g l a m p o o n s e pa r at e s Nonetheless, lampoons, even stanzaic ones, were often read privately and silently, and the more lengthy examples in Pindaric form or written in tetrameter or pentameter couplets may well have had the reader rather than the listener as their primary audience. They circulated by handwritten copies with only the rarest of incursions into print. Bellany draws attention to a Star Chamber document of 1628 which reports how a lampoon text had been traced back through fourteen successive possessors, each of whom had personally transmitted it to the next in the series. At each stage, he notes, ‘a separate path of transmission could have branched off ’.36 The transmissional trees of popular Restoration libels must have been just as fruitful. In considering this complex history, we will begin with the slightest and most fragile vehicle of this transmission, the separate, and then trace the movement of pieces into ‘linked groups’ and then into two larger outcomes, the specialized scribal anthology composed entirely of lampoons and the personal miscellany in which lampoons exist side by side with other scribally circulated texts. In doing so we will also consider the differing agencies involved in the production of the physical records. POASY, i. 337; CSR, 166. The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 109. 35 36

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The scribal separate was sometimes a whole sheet, sometimes a half-sheet, and sometimes a single leaf cut from a sheet. For a longer poem, or small linked group, it was usually a whole sheet folded by two successive bisections of the longer side to give a quarto gathering of four leaves. A half-sheet, folded once, would give a bifolium. Irrespective of sheet size, verse in pentameter couplets could always be entered in a clear, legible hand within such a measure. A taller, more slender bifolium suitable for tetrameter verse or stanzaic lampoons written in short lines could be created by bisecting a whole or half sheet on the shorter side. Authors’ awareness of these formats must often have dictated the length of a lampoon: the majority ﬁt neatly into three handwritten pages with the fourth left blank for a description or address. Many surviving separates exhibit creases from folding for storage or posting. If sent through the mail, the separate would bear a circular postmark giving the day and month of dispatch. The public postal service offered regular departures from London on designated days to major centres in the country and overseas. From 1680 there was also an efﬁcient penny post within London itself. Since mail could lawfully be opened and read in transit by agents of one of the secretaries of state—and frequently was—it was often more prudent to send by a friend, servant, or carrier.37 Seals will sometimes help in identifying a sender, though it was common for the same individual to use several different seals. Pepys and Sir John Pye both refer to lampoons being sent ‘sealed up’ in order to prevent inspection; however, the secretary’s ofﬁce possessed a device invented by Sir Samuel Morland which allowed them to remove and then replace seals.38 In some cases addresses or inscriptions are taken over from a letter into the miscellanies into which the works were transcribed. A text of Lady Harvey’s ‘Take a turd’ in Yale MS Osborn b 54 is followed by the inscription: ‘To John Chace esq in Henrietta street, pro Gente Anglicana, sumata Hora nona, die Martis proximo, cum patientia: March 26: 1679 Rob: Talbor: equite Aur:’ or literally in English ‘To John Chace esq in Henrietta street, on behalf of the people of England, acquired at nine o’clock last Tuesday, with patience. March: 26: 1679 Sir Robert Talbor, bart.’39 Alternatively, 37 For ofﬁcial monitoring of information, see Peter Fraser, The Intelligence of the Secretaries of State and their Monopoly of Licensed News 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956). 38 Diary, vii. 407; Yale MS Osborn b 52, i. p. ix, ii. 187. 39 p. 1103. 26 Mar. 1679 was a Wednesday.

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the Latin distich ‘pro Gente Anglicana, | sumata Hora nona’ may be a concealed reference to the parable of the vineyard in Matthew 20. The ‘cum patientia’ echoes the ‘cum privilegio’ of printed royal proclamations. The surname of the sender—there being no baronet of this name, or the more common Talbot—is either mistranscribed, encoded, or invented. Some kind of disguised political message appears to be intended—perhaps a Tory or recusant one. In another source, associated with the scribe Robert Julian, the same poem is signed ‘R:T:’ and has been transcribed with the address ‘To Mr: John Chace Apothecary in ordinary to his Matie:’, indicating that the address had travelled as part of the text through a series of copyings.40 Chace, then, was probably not the compiler of Osborn b 54. Separates had a high rate of loss from being carried round in pockets and passed from hand to hand and because paper, not as freely available as today, was in constant demand for domestic uses. One might end its life as a container for coffee beans, supporting a pie crust, or descending a privy. If its contents were regarded as compromising or if, having lost topicality, it was no longer seen as worth preserving, it might simply be destroyed. Even serious collectors of lampoons do not seem to have had much respect for separates once they had transcribed their contents into their personal miscellanies. Anthony Wood, however, preserved copies of some of the separates which he entered into his volume of ‘Libells and Songs’. These survived when the volume itself disappeared from its home in the Ashmolean.41 Separates originated in three ways corresponding to the three principal modes of scribal publication.42 Either they were written and circulated by the author of the lampoon or under authorial direction, or they were copies made for personal use by readers and collectors, or they were professionally copied for sale. Scribal entrepreneurs, such as Robert Julian and John Somerton (considered below), offered both copies of individual poems and bound anthologies of lampoons. ‘The Visitt’ gives a vivid portrait of Julian in action, with his pockets stuffed with lampoon separates, haggling over his fee.43 They might also be acquired from booksellers, such as John Starkey and Thomas Collins, who in 1675 were running a scriptorium specializing in parliamentary separates, bootleg copies of state ‘Derby’ manuscript, p. 117. Information kindly supplied by Peter Beal. See Kate Bennett, ‘Anthony Wood’s Verse Miscellany “Libells and Songs”: The Lost MS. Wood E 31’, Bodleian Library Record, 16 (1999), 391–8. 42 43 On these see Love, SPISCE, 35–89. See pp. 157–8. 40 41

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documents, and ‘All novells and accurents so penned as to make for the disadvantage of the King and his affairs’.44 In the same year Roger L’Estrange, discussing ‘Libells in Writing’, which he regarded as even more dangerous than the printed kind and ‘well nigh as Publique’, noted that ‘some certain Stationers are supposed to bee the chiefe, and profest dealers’.45 On 6 June 1684 and 17 May 1688 Sir John Pye acquired lampoons from the bookseller George Grafton, whose shop in ‘in Fleetestreete next the diuell tauerne’ was only a few steps from that of Starkey and Collins.46 Authors unwilling to circulate their own copies could leave an exemplar with such a trader. ‘The Knight Errant’ (‘Surly mankind has long despised lampoon’) ends with exactly such a request: Dear Julian I can stay to write no more Disperse this small Revenge of Injur’d Whore47

While aristocratic authors would have made such presentations gratis, a professional author might have expected payment. Bodleian MS Firth c 16, a volume of lampoons partly transcribed by Aphra Behn, has Somerton’s name among a group of addresses noted on the title page.48 Even a borrowed lampoon, according to a story told of Joe Haines selling Julian a copy of ‘On the Three Dukes Killing the Beadle’ (‘Near Holborn lies a park of great renown’), might have been convertible into cash.49 Professional distribution would seem to have been supplemented by a debased survival of the medieval practice by which works were directed to a patron who would arrange for their copying and circulation.50 The guards ofﬁcer Lenthal Warcup, who is addressed in a lampoon as a distributor of separates, may have been an example.51 Major patrons such as Dorset and Sedley must often have done 44 Andrew Browning, Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby and Duke of Leeds 1632–1712, 3 vols. (Glasgow: Jackson, 1944–51), iii. 2–3; SPISCE, 20–2. ‘Novells’ here means novelties. 45 SPISCE, 74. 46 Yale MS Osborn b 52, i, pp. [ix]–[viii]; ii. 206. See also below and SPISCE, 20–1. 47 BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 212r. Another case is that of ‘The Divorce’, discussed below. 48 Mary Ann O’Donnell, ‘A Verse Miscellany of Aphra Behn’, English Manuscript Studies, 2 (1990), 191. 49 Tobyas Thomas, The Life of the Late Famous Comedian, Jo Hayns (London, 1701), 45–6. 50 Discussed in Robert K. Root, ‘Publication before Printing’, PMLA 28 (1913), 417–31. 51 See above, pp. 291–2 and CSR, 159–65.

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likewise, even if their intervention amounted to no more than redirecting a piece to one of the professionals. The practice is assumed in a prefatory letter of 1691 to ‘The Divorce’ (‘You Englishmen all that are under the curse’), addressed to the patron and lampoon poet Henry Heveningham, which begins ‘I make bold to send this ballad to you to publish’.52 The author had thought of approaching others of the ‘wits, beaux, wags and poets about town’ to perform the same service—those mentioned by name are Fleetwood Sheppard, Jack Howe, the Countess of Dorchester, and Sir George Downing.53 Cameron observes that the letter draws a distinction between a ‘notched’ scrivener who had made the copy and the ‘publisher’ whose task was ‘to create the demand for copies of a lampoon’.54 Heveningham, if he took his responsibility seriously, might have arranged for more separates to be copied, but it would be the scrivener, still in possession of the exemplar, who would have proﬁted from this. The fact that this somewhat insulting letter to ‘airy Harry’ circulated with the poem suggests that it may have failed in its purpose or had never been meant seriously, but it is easy to imagine the advantage to an amateur ‘publisher’ of being the ﬁrst person to have possession of a new lampoon, which could be read aloud during visits or over dinner and loaned to friends for copying, and that authors and scriveners would both have been eager for their work to come into the hands of acknowledged wits. In today’s libraries, surviving lampoon separates have mostly been bound up into volumes, with one edge glued to a stub. An exception is Yale MS Osborn 108, an assemblage of ninety-one separates of state satires of 1688–9 which include a number which were written in London and sent through the post to a reader with the initials ‘C.B.’ or ‘C.M.’ in Dorset.55 The reader’s name has been scored through every time it occurs but not the address which reveals that he lived at the home of Sir George Strode. Three of the letters have postmarks. MS Osborn fb 70 is a similar collection of more diverse origins. Separates so encountered were often distributed by newsletter-writers or in correspondence sent to friends or legal clients in the country. Godfrey Thacker, a lawyer, searched at a noble client’s request for separates of verse by Rochester.56 Otherwise separates passed by hand 53 54 Text in POASY, v. 316–22. Ibid. 534. Ibid. 535. Cameron, ibid. 533, reads the ﬁrst name as Christopher. 56 Lucyle Hook, ‘Something More about Rochester’, MLN 75 (1960), 482; SPISCE, 248. 52 55

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among acquaintances or were made available at public meeting places, particularly coffee houses and taverns, where they rested on tables, alongside printed pamphlets. The prologue to D’Urfey’s Sir Barnaby Whigg (1681) refers to one such place maintaining a ‘Treason-Table’.57 ‘Utile Dulce’ (‘Muse, let us change our style and live in peace’) identiﬁes Peters’s coffee house in Covent Garden as a point of distribution A tedious elegy may without fear On Peters’ table lie for seven year; Not Henningham, nor any critic fop, Scarce wry-mouthed Tyzard, deigns to take it up. Bold Wharton hears it read without a frown, And the author safe, unthreatened, walks the town; But he that jeers and makes the reader smile, Whom all ﬁnd fault with, and yet read him still, While giddily without respect he ﬂies, Even those he pleases makes his enemies.58

Where D’Urfey’s table may have been intended primarily for treasonable talk, Peters’s was clearly a repository for verse, especially lampoons, which might be read aloud as well as silently. It would be strange if they were not also to be found at barbers’ shops, ordinaries, high-class brothels, and other places of assembly. Men’s coats of the period had large external pockets where separates could be conveyed along with billets-doux, wig-combs, and other impedimenta. From time to time lampoons seem to have been scattered in public places such as Westminster Hall, which, when they were in session, housed both the principal law courts and the parliament.59 The antiProtestant satire (or anti-Catholic spoof ) ‘Cover le feu ye Huguenots’ is found in two sources with the respective annotations ‘This was taken up by one Mr Thwaites man a Gentleman in Leeds. Yorks’ and ‘A copy of a libel found in Westminster Hall the last day of Michaelmas Term 1666. by Mr Twaight’s man a gentleman of Leeds’; however, this could well be part of the intended text of the piece rather than an actual record of discovery.60 Numerous short lampoons claim in their titles to have been posted for reading in public places.61 If we were to take such titles seriously, we would have to assume that 57 59 60 61

58 Danchin, Prologues and Epilogues, ii/1. 335. CSR, 49–50. Examples at SPISCE, 247. Yale MS Osborn b 52, i. 150 (see also below); BL MS Add. 34362, fo. 26r. SPISCE, 247–8.

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life at the palace of Whitehall was continuously enlivened by epigrams being attached to doors, thrown through windows, or left on beds. In poems using the ‘Here lives . . .’or ‘Here lies . . .’ convention, the act of posting was envisaged during the writing of the piece and need not actually have been performed; however, an incident recorded by Sir William Haward shows that it sometimes was: ‘About nyne of the clock at night on Friday being the 26th of November 1675. This ensuing Distich was found put over the Doore of the kings new Bedchamber, and taken downe by Francis Rogers page of the Bedchamber.’62 The public posting of a lampoon in a market place was an established practice for writers of folk lampoons and no doubt had its upper-class counterpart.63 Like the statues of Pasquin and Marforio in Rome, certain public places seem to have become recognized venues for leaving and seeking lampoons. A lampoon of 1669 collected by the Florentine agent Lorenzo Magalotti contains the annotation ‘Sir This is all the song it was found scattered up and down the wits drawing roome at Whitehall’.64 The title of a satire of 1694, ‘When the last of all knights is the ﬁrst of all knaves’, claims that it was found ‘under the treason bench in St James’s Park’.65 A transcription of a poem beginning ‘Vouchsafe o God to hear the mournful cries’ in Yale MS Osborn b 54 is annotated ‘The preceding verses in paper, were found in the key-hole of the church door at St Dunstans in the West, Lond: 1676’.66 A lampoon memorized from a separate might subsequently be reconsigned to paper from memory and continue its travels in predictably varied forms. Gross textual transformations, such as are found in the ‘Song on Danby’ (‘What a devil ails the parliament’) and ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, can only be explained on this assumption. It is likely that many individual copies passed along chains of readers. Once work judged worthy of preservation had been copied into a personal miscellany the original might be sent to a friend or correspondent. In town it might return to the pocket or be sold on. While the majority of separates contain only a single work, space Bodleian MS don. b 8, p. 539. On this see Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, 299–334 passim. 64 Yale MS Osborn fb 66, item 8. The term may be a corruption of ‘withdrawing room’; however, it is nice to think of a drawing room reserved for wits, and the fact of distribution is conﬁrmed in either case. 65 Text in POASY, v. 403–4. ‘Treason bench’ is corrupted in some sources to ‘trees and bench’. 66 p. 867. 62 63

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left within a bifolium or quarto gathering is sometimes used for a second or third. The most interesting of these ‘linked groups’ are those created by the writing of answer poems and answers to answers.67 Rochester’s lampoon exchanges with Scroope and Mulgrave are of this kind, as is the group commencing with the ‘Letter of the Duke of Monmouth to the King’ (‘Disgrac’d undone forlorn made fortune’s sport’) already discussed.68 Other linked groups grew from fortuitous conjunctions that were perpetrated through successive copyings. Such exchanges would sometimes grow to the size of small booklets, requiring two or more sheets. The repeated appearance of two lampoons side by side in larger volumes usually indicates that they had circulated together: the relationship can be tested by collation. Linked groups might be combined with other freely circulating lampoons into small booklets which were then copied on into larger assemblages. Lampoon anthologies can often be collapsed back into smaller tributary collections through evidence of sequence, authorship, topic, or date.

lampoons in miscellanies and anthologies Despite most reading of clandestine satire probably taking place from separates, our principal present-day source is the more robust, bound personal miscellany and the dedicated scribal anthology of lampoons. Volumes of the ﬁrst kind were compiled by readers entering texts from separates as they came to hand, or as leisure permitted, while those of the second were mostly the work of professional scribal publishers, though there are instances, such as Yale Osborn MS b 54 and Anthony Wood’s lost book of ‘Libells and Songs’, of lampoon anthologies compiled by private individuals. Professionally compiled anthologies sometimes survive in non-professional transcriptions. We will begin with volumes assembled by readers. The collecting urge was a powerful one in scribal culture. In 67 For the answer poem as a lyric genre, see Arthur F. Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1995), 159–71 and E. F. Hart, ‘The Answer-Poem of the Early Seventeenth Century’, RES, ns 25 (1956), 19–29. Hart’s concluding statement about the decline of the genre in the Restoration was written without knowledge of the scribal satirical heritage. 68 At pp. 135–6.

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personal miscellanies, lampoons sit alongside verse of other kinds, short prose tracts, facetiae, private letters, prophecies, epitaphs, funerary inscriptions, prayers, medical ‘receipts’, and transcripts of antiquarian records. These often give a vivid sense of the personality of the collector and how lampoons ﬁtted into the other interests of a reading life. One of the best known of these volumes, already discussed in Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England, is Bodleian MS don. b 8, the massive 721-page miscellany of the courtier Sir William Haward of Tandridge, which appears to have been chieﬂy entered during the 1670s.69 Sir William was appointed in 1641 as a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber in Ordinary to Charles I and continued in that ofﬁce under his two sons. In a number of cases he preserves lampoon versions in the distinctive form in which they circulated at Whitehall before being distributed to a wider public.70 As Paul Hammond was the ﬁrst to point out, the order of material in the volume has broad dating implications.71 However, like other collectors, Haward would frequently interrupt the transcription of current materials to insert retrospective ones. Haward’s miscellany is valuable because, as well as being a resourceful collector with excellent sources, he was a careful scribe with an unfailingly legible hand. Among the 327 items entered into the miscellany, 152 could be classiﬁed as clandestine satires either in verse or, less frequently, prose. Their item numbers are as follows, with consecutive groups marked by square brackets: 29 31 34 [42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55] [60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73] 75 77 [80 81 82] 85 90 93 98 [100 101] [114 115 116 117] [124 125 126 127 128] [150 151 152 153] [171 172 173] 178 [183 184 185 186] 188 [188 (continuation, following 189) 190 191 192 193 194 195 196] 198 202 [208 209] 211 212 [223 224 225] [227 228 229 230] [232 233] [235 236 237 238] 243 [246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260] [263 264 265] 267 269 272 274 [276 277] 279 281 [283 284 285] [287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299] [301 302 303 304 305 306 307] 309 [312 313 314] 317 [319 320 321] [324 325 326] SPISCE, 211–17. Examples are his texts of ‘Seigneur Dildoe’, ‘A Song on Danby’, and Rochester’s ‘In the Isle of Brittain’. 71 Paul Hammond, ‘The Dating of Three Poems by Rochester from the Evidence of Bodleian MS don. b 8’, Bodleian Library Record, 11 (1982–5), 58–9. 69 70

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It will be noticed that lampoons tend to cluster. This could result from Haward having hoarded up several separates before transcribing them or from his having transcribed an already existing subcollection; but it could also reﬂect a chronological spike in the circulation, and presumably writing, of clandestine satires. Parliamentary sessions, by increasing the concentration of grandees in London, would have been a stimulus. The range of types is wide. The Rochester canon contributed ﬁfteen items. Most of the painter poems are present, along with several other ‘Marvellian’ satires. Since Haward and Marvell were both MPs they may well have known each other—the collection includes a ‘more blatantly raunchy’ version of ‘To his Coy Mistress’ which is the only surviving manuscript of that poem.72 There is a fair representation of regional and folk-style satires and even a few pre-1660 survivors. Court satires preserved by Haward include ‘Cary’s face is not the best’, ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ in both an ‘original’ version and a collection of added stanzas with space left at the end for further additions, ‘Reform dear Queen the errors of your youth’ (dated 1670), ‘Amstrother all men she comes near she engages’, Rochester’s ‘In the Isle of Brittain’, self-protectively headed ‘A base copy’, and ‘An horrid anagram’ of ‘dieu et mon droit’ as ‘Vi te demon rodit’. There are also several satirical epigrams and epitaphs in Latin, including parodies of distichs written in honour of Louis XIV. Haward’s interest in satire does not seem to have arisen from any strong personal political animus but to be an expression of the historical concerns that are abundantly evident from the remainder of the volume. He clearly saw himself as living in interesting times whose fugitive records would have the same value for antiquarians of the future as those left by his predecessors had for him. John Aubrey, Anthony Wood, and Samuel Pepys (considered as a collector of ballads and other popular printed ephemera) were of a similar mind, and were right. Haward’s interest in the world around him was that of a scholar and virtuoso. While his long career as a courtier (he was still being consulted on points of decorum in William III’s reign) and his keen interest in heraldry and antiquities indicate a strong devotion to the court as an institution, he even-handedly admits texts of all political persuasions, even going as far as to transcribe the ﬁercely anti-episcopal ‘The Magpie’ and the entire text of 72 Paul Hammond’s phrase, Figuring Sex between Men from Shakespeare to Rochester (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002), 223.

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the prohibited Fifth Monarchist prophetic text known as ‘The Panther’. If we are to draw a lesson from this remarkable volume it is that faithful servants of the crown could still be fascinated by the wide range of political alternatives that remained actively in play. Clandestine satire, which might seem at ﬁrst hand to be performing an erasure of complexity, by its fracturing political discourse into a range of strongly competing univocalities challenged any comfortable resting, other than the pragmatic, in a single position. Restoration political culture may have been too polarized to allow meaningful dialogue between opposed parties but gave every encouragement to a practical reconciliation of theoretically unreconcilable opposites. Managed cognitive dissonance became the condition for dealing with a world in ﬂux. A second Rochester source, also brieﬂy discussed in Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England, is the miscellany of the Cambridge don John Watson. Its contents are nearly all derived from manuscript circulation. ‘A Poem upon Hunting the Stag by Waller, in Print’ is included but only in order to introduce a Latin translation presented to Watson by Thomas Townes on 15 May 1671.73 The volume is of bibliogeographical importance for the fact that Watson usually identiﬁed the donor of each item and its date of entry; but it is also a fascinating mirror of a social world in some ways completely remote from Haward’s but in others intimately linked with it. Watson was a fellow of Queens’ College, and later vicar of Mildenhall, Sussex. His album was received as a gift on 5 December 1667 from the widow of its former owner. On 31 January following, Watson made a beginning by entering the ﬁrst of a series of three lyrical poems by Thomas Flatman—one of which is annotated ‘This printed since’. The ﬁrst piece of satirical verse entered is a four-line Latin piece against Clarendon (‘Pacto uno binis thalamis belloque triformi’), dated ‘Nov: 28: 1667’, which is followed by Watson’s own English version beginning ‘Dunkirk is sold Dutch French and Dane our foes’. Having nailed his colours to the mast he had soon added further topical verse about Clarendon and the church hierarchy. One of these, beginning ‘Paint me St Alban full of sup and gold’, is an excerpt from Marvell’s ‘Last Instructions to a Painter’, which survives in only three other contemporary manuscripts. Watson received it on 10 July 1668 from Sir Henry North, a member of the family of 73

Fos. 71v–72r.

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Dudley North, third Baron North. Sir Henry was a writer himself: his lost romance Eroclea is referred to both by Watson, who transcribes a song from it, and in two commendatory epistles in Folger MS V.a.220.74 The oppositional tendency of Watson’s volume is strengthened by its inclusion of Lord Lucas’s speech in the Lords of 22 February 1670—a forthright attack on the Cabal ministry delivered in the king’s presence and later ordered to be burned by the common hangman.75 However, as a churchman he had no sympathy for Nonconformists, one of whom, the Cambridge Anabaptist Stephen Perry, is the subject of a Latin satire by Robert Peachey, a fellow of Pembroke (‘En Stephanus Perry qui conventicla ﬂagellat’). Of the 164 items in the Watson miscellany about a third might be classiﬁed as clandestine satires or satiric epigrams. Among these are two examples of provincial lampoons of a kind undoubtedly widely practised but only infrequently recorded. The ﬁrst comes from Hadleigh in Suffolk, and is supplied by Watson with an appropriately digniﬁed Latin explanation: 83 [64] 56v–57v Libellus scurrilis in Hadleighham Suffolciensem qui Rog: Wolverton M. D. amandabant, contextus (uti mihi aiebat ipse Rogerus) a ﬁlio eius Rog: An[n]o aetatis 14o. quem apellabat A farewell to the Town of Hadleigh. (Now, Hadleigh, Adieu)

Fourteen-year-old Roger junior turns out to have been an accomplished lampooner. Such pieces are not folk lampoons of the type considered earlier but the work of provincial literati. A second local satire appears as item 142: [107] 112r–113r Blind Man’s Buff: or The New Suffolk way for chusing a Knight of the Shire viz By subscribing before-hand to vote for such a person as my Lord-Comr. shall nominate when the day of election shall come. To the tune of. What you please.76 (‘As through St Edmund’s streets I past’)

These appear in the company of other texts of regional interest, writings received from members of the North family and a North retainer, the composer John Jenkins, pieces in English and Latin by pp. 4–7. See Harold Love, ‘Oral and Scribal Texts in Early Modern England’, in J. Barnard and D. F. McKenzie with Maureen Bell (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv: 1557–1695 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 97–9. 76 ‘What you please’ probably means ‘ad lib’ rather than being the name of an actual tune. Simpson (British Broadside Ballad, 508) records it as an alternative title to ‘A New Game of Cards’. 74 75

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Cambridge writers, and continental neo-Latin pieces. Forty-two items are designated as having been sent from London by the compiler’s brother Thomas, an usher at the Charterhouse. A second brother, Benjamin, also contributed items; others—including an epigram by William Prynne—had been given to Watson by his father. Other donors are ‘Buckenham M.D.’, Philip Morse (an attorney), ‘Captain Dunbarr’, Sir Henry North and his wife Sara, the Revd Joseph Matthews, the theologian Simon Patrick (who gave Watson a copy of Dorset’s ‘Come on ye critics’), Matthew Pool, Henry and Bridget Paman, ‘Do Smith A.B’, ‘D[ominus] Okely pictor’, Joseph Arrowsmith, dramatist and fellow of Trinity, Robert Peachey, fellow of Pembroke, Thomas Townes (‘B. of Physick late of Christe College in Cambridge’), Samuel Naylour, Thomas Bright, and John Richer of Christ’s. His copies of two widely circulated poems by Sir William Spring, ‘Upon the Naked Bedlams and Spotted Beasts we see in Covent-Garden’ and ‘On the Civil Ladies in the Country’, were entered as ‘Communicat ab uxore Dris Nath. Rowls Circiter Natal. Dnj Jesu. 1660’—Watson having forgotten the lady’s actual name, but not that of her husband. Three poems were by Robert Gaton, a fellow of Queens’, who hanged himself in his college chamber in 1660. Watson found two of them, a Latin begging poem with an English translation, in Gaton’s room after the tragedy.77 The third, a Latin octastich describing a storm, had been given by him to Watson in 1638. A copy of Sir Kenelm Digby’s farewell to England (‘Farewell ye gilded follies pleasing troubles’) was from the papers of John Nightingale, a fellow of King’s. Four pieces were contributed by Roger Wolverton, already mentioned. Simple names tell us little and the detailed research that might ﬂesh out these connections has yet to be conducted; but Watson’s concern to record them establishes a link between the personal miscellany and another omnipresent product of the republic of letters, the album amicorum, in which a scholar would accumulate brief congratulatory texts in the hands of other scholars.78 Watson’s miscellany was never merely a collection of texts but the outcome of 77 ‘Carmina (quorum archetypu[m] propriâ illius manu exaratu[m] apud me habeo) quæ contexuerat (uti videtur statuens iis pro formâ mendicandi uti) Robertus Gaton A. B. annos agens circiter 43; aterrimâ nec non teterrimâ die laborans melancholiâ, ad sum[m]am reductus inopiam, paulò antequam se laqueo suspendisset, quæq[ue] super mensam in camera, quâ misero est fato functus, reperi Novembr: 23o. 1660’ (fo. 45v). 78 On one much travelled example, see Harold Love, ‘Some Bibliographical Aspects of the Nuyts Album amicorum’, BSANZ Bulletin, 7 (May 1974), 41–3.

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relationships in which the donor must often have been more important to him than the work. In one case we can look further up the chain of transmission than the immediate donor. On 21 February 1670 Henry Paman of John’s gave Watson a copy of the lampoon about Charles’s declining interest in the Duchess of Cleveland, ‘When Aurelia ﬁrst I courted’. (This was the poem, referred to earlier as scattered in the ‘wits’ drawing room’ at Whitehall.) Three months later Watson entered an anonymous reply, ‘When by Charles I ﬁrst was courted’, which he recorded as ‘Communicat a Da Peregrin North ex Cath Crofts. May 14: 1670’. Peregrina North, mother of the politician and Shakespearian scholar Sir Thomas Hamner, was the daughter of Sir Henry of Mildenhall. Her court correspondent Catherine Crofts, sister of Lord Crofts, was the mistress of the elderly Earl of St Albans. She is mentioned in several lampoons as a court bawd and high-level deal-broker.79 Could Crofts also have been the source of the excerpt from Marvell’s ‘Last Instructions’ received by Watson from Sir Henry? If so it would have been a strange revenge on her elderly lover. The entries in Watson’s own hand conclude on 31 May 1673 with an English translation, sent by brother Thomas, of a previously entered Latin distich. The remainder of the volume, which includes poems by Dryden, Buckingham, and Rochester, is in another hand. It is possible that it had passed by that time to Thomas in London and that these items came to him through the Master of the Charterhouse, Martin Clifford, Buckingham’s former secretary. An episode in its later history is given by an annotation ‘Janawary ye 2 day 1726. Wm sailed from London to ye Iland of Maderah and from thence to Jamaca’, apparently in the hand of a Mary Bayles. Watson’s world of donnish jests and celebratory verse, of the country-house culture of the cultivated North family and their relations, and of communications from university friends and provincial medical men and attorneys seems a world away from Whitehall as it is reﬂected in the Haward anthology. Yet there are similarities that allow us to say that both are parts of a common scribal culture. One of these is that both compilers were bilingual in English and Latin and that both assiduously collected neo-Latin satires written in Rome against grasping popes, and Latin inscriptions and satirical epigrams in praise and

79

CSR, 58, 61, 71, 74, 151, 153.

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dispraise of Louis XIV.80 Other connections will be considered after we have discussed two further miscellanies covering much the same period.

t h e Py e a n d C ow p e r c o l l e c t i o n s Another compiler who recorded donors of items, though not as consistently as Watson, was Sir John Pye, whose two volumes of collections are now Yale MS Osborn b 52, vols. i and ii. Pye is of value to this discussion because of his strong Nonconformist sympathies. There is always a danger in studying a personal miscellany that what we might assume to be private views were an artefact of collecting. Some pieces no doubt found their way into the volumes simply because they were hot properties, provoking discussion and easily available; but in Pye’s case, because his miscellany also contains reading notes of printed books, we can be sure of an ingrained hostility to the post-1660 Anglican settlement. Pye’s father Sir Robert (1585–1662) was a client of the ﬁrst Duke of Buckingham with whose aid he achieved the post of Auditor of the Exchequer under James I. He married Mary Croker, a Gloucestershire heiress. Ben Jonson invokes him in a verse petition about arrears of salary in the course of which he indicates that Pye senior ‘lov’d the Muses’.81 He hedged his bets during the civil war, at ﬁrst supporting the parliament but then giving private assurances to the king, which unfortunately became public, of his sympathy with the royalist cause. Meanwhile, his eldest son Robert, John’s elder brother, made a name as a dashing military leader on the parliamentary side before likewise falling out of favour. It is likely they were Presbyterians who came to resent the dominance of Cromwell’s Independents. John, who was born about 1626 and died in 1697, appears on the evidence of his miscellany to have spent time at Oxford, but never matriculated and may well have been driven away by the outbreak of hostilities in 1642. Early contributions in the two volumes have a scholastic ring. They include explications of the Psalms (written in from the back of the second volume), a summary 80

BL MS Add. 18220, fos. 14v, 20r, 74r, 91r; Bodleian MS don. b 8, pp. 26–31,

475. 81 ‘To Master Iohn Burges’, Ben Jonson, ed. C. H. Herford and Percy and Evelyn Simpson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925–52), viii. 231–2.

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of the arguments of a Latin disputation conducted at Oxford on 17 December 1641, and notes from a treatise by Milton’s foe Salmasius on the theology of hairdressing (timely because of Roundhead and Cavalier differences over the matter). From this period too may date a list, under the heading ‘pro carminibus’, of Latin phrases intended as themes for verse exercises. An indication that Pye was interested in a public career is given by the presence of Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury’s much copied ‘The State of a Secretaryes Place’. That his thoughts were more speciﬁcally turned towards diplomacy is suggested by his inclusion of a tract of 1624 by Sir Robert Cotton on treaties concerned with the Spanish marriage and the delivery of the palatinate, and ‘Some Notes out of the Relation of France, Dedicated to his Majesty Anno. 1609’. However, he is soon transcribing texts concerned with the worsening relationship of king and people. There are extensive notes from ‘A Dialogue betweene a Counsellor of State and a Country Gentleman who Serud in the Parl[ia]ment Anno 1621 Written in October at the Returne of the Prince from Spaine’. We also ﬁnd the text of a severe Privy Council judgement of 1637 on a petition against ship money and ‘The Scotts Manifestation of the Lawfulness of there Expedition into England. Anno 1640’. These were in a broad sense oppositional documents; and yet among the academic materials written from the back of volume i Pye has included Archbishop Laud’s Latin letter to the University of Oxford of 6 November 1640 accompanying the donation of manuscripts and the university’s reply. All these appear to have been entered before the age of 17. There is now a gap in the dates of entries resulting from a long European journey which, beginning in February 1643, kept Pye from England for more than three years. His ‘Breife Narrative of my Trauells’82 at the end of the ﬁrst volume is baldly uninformative, being almost entirely concerned with distances, times, and fares, and giving only the most cursory accounts of his impressions of places and persons. Although it makes no mention of him being accompanied, a young man of his age and wealth would hardly have travelled without a tutor and servant. No doubt some of Pye’s brevity was deliberate: more detailed records carried with him might have left him open to accusations of spying. The notes reveal a cautious traveller, 82 MS Osborn b 52, i. 194–[205]. This is a retrospective summary based on earlier memoranda. An account of his arrival in Holland pasted onto the second front endpaper has more sense of being an actual travel document.

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careful not to be cheated and lodging wherever it was possible at an English inn. Even at Genoa, at a time when he should have been a hardened grand-tourist, he preferred ‘one Zachary’s an English house his wife a dutchwoman’. No doubt access to home news was a factor. If the tour included any life-transforming experiences they are not revealed to us by the reticent teenager, nor do we encounter any evidence of the Rabelaisian sense of humour evident from his later choice of texts for transcription. The vital Italian leg of his trip is crowded onto half a page from which careful inspection is needed even to establish that he visited Rome and Naples, with nothing revealed about his experiences in either. The great danger facing a young British man of family travelling in Europe was not so much that he might be cast into the Bastille, married to a courtesan posing as a countess, cheated of all he possessed at dice, or murdered by a bravo for his cloak, as that he might be seduced from Protestantism to Romanism. A slip pasted in at the beginning of volume i, unfavourably comparing indiscriminate continental massacres of Protestants with the temperate executions of Catholics conducted by British monarchs, always after a more or less fair trial, looks like brieﬁng notes for a debate with some foreseen proselytizer. Presumably for the same reason it was decided that his tour should begin in Protestant Holland and then move quickly to France where Protestants still enjoyed freedoms under the Edict of Nantes, and that he would spend time at each of two Protestant universities, Leiden in the Netherlands and Saumur in France. At Utrecht he lodged with the scholar Hendrik Born, who presented him with an album leaf originally inscribed by Daniel Heinsius to his son the great scholar Nicholas Heinsius, and then by the younger Heinsius to Born. A gift of this kind, meant for incorporation in an album amicorum, was also a certiﬁcation of Pye’s admission to the republic of letters as it has been conceptualized by Anne Goldgar.83 However, there is no other mention of meetings with scholars. Visiting Huizen Pye had noted snifﬁly that the inhabitants were ‘almost all Papists’ but crossing into the Spanish Netherlands he seems to have accommodated himself well to his new religious environment. Inspecting the Jesuits’ college at Antwerp he was impressed to ﬁnd that the 600 students ‘lye single and drinke in seuerall cups’—presumably Oxford was different. At Ghent he called at the English Benedictine nunnery, 83 Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters 1680–1750 (New Haven: Yale UP, 1995).

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founded in 1624, and saw ‘Mrs Roper Lady Abbesse . . . Dame Magdalen Digby and Dame Constantia Riuers’. Crossing from Flushing to Dieppe, Pye spent three weeks at Paris, staying at the pension ‘a la croix d’or viz au viz au college de Sorbonne’, then moved to Blois, where he spent two and a half months, and next Saumur where he stayed from 27 December 1644 to 21 April 1645. He also visited towns near Saumur, including Loudun ‘where are the exorcised Nuns’.84 At Angers he ‘lodgd au cheval blanc a protestants house’. Visiting the Île de Ré, the scene of his father’s patron’s famously unsuccessful attempt to intervene in the Wars of Religion, he noted proudly that ‘the English slew 18. French counts at there landing Anno 1627’. At Marennes he recorded that ‘the daughter of the Countesse of Marennes is the handsomest woman in France’, but without telling us whether this knowledge came from repute or direct observation. Béziers, too, was ‘well peopled and handsome women’. He also sought out relics. At St Martin’s in Angers he saw ‘the vrne held the water our Sauiour turnd into wine’. At St Sernin’s at Toulouse there were ‘the bodies of 8 of the Apostles’ as well as ‘one of the stones wherwith St Stephen was stoned’ with ‘the blood . . . still vpon it’. It is hard to assess the spirit of these two entries. Returning to England early in 1646 Pye found the war ended and the country reorganized under the parliament. The next step for a young man of his class was marriage, which took place on 27 February 1649 to Rebecca Raynton. The album seems to have remained untouched between his departure in 1643 and 1656, the date attached to a funeral oration on Elizabeth, Countess of Essex. This is followed by excised pages which originally contained Silas Titus’ anti-Cromwellian diatribe ‘Killing no Murder’. Pye’s index reference to this is annotated ‘Torn out, have it in print—September 73’. Next come ‘A True Copy of the Protectors Letter to Cardinall Mazzarini’, a letter concerning Earl of Digby’s embassy to Spain in the reign of James I, and a poem satirizing Sir Kenelm Digby’s account of ‘a town near Tripoli in Barbary turned with all the things in it into stone’. For the ﬁrst time Pye speciﬁes a source: ‘Had this of Ja: Howell. 1o Aprili. 1658 teste Wm Legg. and vxvx sent him (as he sayd) from Venice.’85 84 From the famous possession episode which was the subject of Aldous Huxley’s The Devils of Loudun (1952). 85 ‘Vxvx’ may be a code of some kind. It may indicate the Roman numerals v x v x or v xv x. The latter would give the alphabetical equivalent E.P.K. Or perhaps Pye could not remember.

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The index identiﬁes Howell, the witty author of the Epistolae Hoellianae, as the poet. This is followed by a collection of seventy-four ‘Choicest English proverbs collected out of Howell’s Tetragl. and Fuller’s Worthies’. The appearance of a Latin tetrastich dated 1663 is our ﬁrst indication that the Restoration had taken place, Pye having made no explicit comment on it. No doubt for Pye, as with many royalist Presbyterians, the choice between acquiescence in or opposition to the Restoration settlement was not made in 1660 but only after the unveiling of Clarendon’s new ecclesiastical policy in 1662. Despite his acquiring a baronetcy on 13 January 1665, we ﬁnd him making copious extracts from Ralph Wallis’s More News from Rome or Magna Charta Discoursed of (London, 1666). Wallis, ‘the Cobbler of Gloucester’, had been the object of a long pursuit by Roger L’Estrange, during which he continued to issue surreptitious attacks on the church hierarchy. Finally apprehended, he escaped punishment by promising to ‘scribble as much against the fanatics’.86 Pye made approving copies of anecdotes such as that of R. Beest ‘whose mother told me, that since he had been Bishopd [i.e. accepted Anglican ordination] he was turn’d common drunkard and swearer and would beate his wife’ and ‘Mr Page of Ledbury, who the ﬁrst day he went to reade Common prayer, was smitten dumbe, and neuer spoke since’.87 Such choices, more telling than the transcription of whole works, place Pye ﬁrmly in the anti-prelatical party, though he was liberal enough to follow it with extracts from works by Henry More and Edward Stillingﬂeet. So far there are no lampoons; but from the time of the Black Bartholomew they become a prominent element in Pye’s transcriptions. One of the earliest was written on blank portions of i. 86–7, following the funeral oration on the Countess of Essex, and then excised. The last few lines of the oration continue onto p. 86. Pye cut away the lower part of the leaf at this point and then carefully crossed out the text on the verso but enough is visible to show that the deleted matter included the court lampoon ‘Cary’s face is not the best’ (aka. ‘Said Roger to his brother clown’). The index lists it as ‘Verses or ballad on all the maids of honour. Anno 1664’. That Pye, having copied the piece, later thought it prudent to remove it is understandable: what is unknown is the stages by which what was originally a very exclusive court lampoon found its way into the album 86

CSP (Dom) 1664–5, 156–7.

87

p. 30. Cf. Wallis, More News, 32.

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of a Puritanically inclined reader with no known connection with the court, and who would have read it not as a courtier’s in-joke but as anti-court propaganda. Nonconformists had ways of obtaining such material (possibly via intermediate transmission at the Inns of Court) and efﬁcient means of circulating it among their own people (possibly through scriptoria associated with coffee houses). A report of the late 1660s charges ‘The Independents and Anabaptists with some of the ﬁercer Presbyterians’ with eagerness ‘to disperse any scandalous Verses of which many have been abroad of late’.88 Pye’s index annotation ‘Hampden Pye gave them to Tho: Mould’ suggests that the piece was being circulated among his extended family. Pye’s contacts continued to bring him court lampoons and state satires, which appear intermingled with his other transcriptions or squeezed into pre-existing blank spaces, as happened with ‘Clarendon had law and sense’ (i. 135), here without title. The poem is annotated ‘Dr Stillingﬂeet his sermon of the mischief of separation. 2. May. 1680. Ra: Gregge. iunr. 22th. July. 1680’. The reference is to a stanza that occurs in no other manuscript source of this highly various poem, though it did ﬁnd its way into POAS (1702–7) as an isolated epigram.89 Thus haue I seene the Deane of Pauls Irenicon withdrawn Shifting about to blow the Coales of Rome against dissenting Soules, And all for sleeves of lawne.

Pye had earlier made transcriptions from Stillingﬂeet’s Origines Sacrae (1662) and must surely have approved of his Irenicum, a Weapon-Salve for the Churches Wounds (London, 1661) in which he advocates comprehension between Anglicans and Presbyterians; but in The Mischief of Separation, preached before the Lord Mayor on 11 May 1680, the by then dean had adopted a church-supremacist position. Here, then, is a version of a political satire speciﬁcally augmented for a Nonconformist readership. It is hardly surprising that Pye should also acquire ‘Cover le feu ye Huguenots’. He supplements the ‘Thwaites’ source, recorded earlier, with his immediate one: ‘I had it from Mr Robt Twisse. Min[ister] of the new Chappell 88 ‘The State of the Non-conformists in England soon after the Restoration. From a MS in the Possession of Thomas Astle Esq’, BL MS Stowe 185, fo. 175r–v. 89 ‘On Dr. Stil——ﬂeet Dean of St. Paul’s’, iii. 215.

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Tuthill streete. Westm[nste]r—Wensday. 4th Dec[embe]r. 1666’. His two descriptive notes, ‘By the Papists after that dreadful conﬂagration at London’ and (in the table of contents) ‘Papists threat in verse’, show he had no suspicions about its genuineness. The remaining part of the ﬁrst volume includes a good coverage of ‘Marvellian’ satires concerned with the fall of Clarendon and the growth of parliamentary opposition to the crown. Pye also copied out the articles of impeachment against Clarendon and the Commons’ vote against the Lords’ obstructiveness. The ‘Further Advice to a Painter’ of 1671 (‘Painter, once more thy pencil reassume’) is described as a ‘Satyr on the parliament very witty’. The furiously anti-monarchical ‘Nostradamus Prophecy’ (‘The blood of the just, London’s ﬁrm doom shall ﬁx’) is, perhaps self-protectively, labelled ‘A vile satyr’— still he had taken the trouble to copy it out together with an unlikely attribution to ‘Poet Bayes’.90 Tucked in at the very end of the volume are some stanzas from ‘A History of Insipids’ (‘Chaste pious prudent Charles the second’). On pp. 182–5 we ﬁnd ‘Ld Lucas his Speech. Ao 1670’, a key text for the emergence of the Country Party that was also copied by John Watson and Sir William Haward. The forward pagination of the ﬁrst volume ends with a group of retrospective pieces of diplomatic and antiquarian interest, the narrative of Pye’s travels already referred to, and a table of contents. The ﬁrst 108 pages of Pye’s second volume are occupied by a complete text of Ralegh’s ‘A Dialogue between a Counsellor of State and a Justice of the Peace’ (also known as The Prerogative of Parliaments), a work read by both Puritans and Whigs as a justiﬁcation of principled opposition to the crown. The transcription is not in Pye’s hand but has been very closely corrected by him. The piece that immediately follows is a revealing departure from the reigning tradition of political lampoon—a solemn, religious state poem in twenty-three stanzas called ‘A Parallell betweene Jerusalem and England’, which predicts that ‘the Pope with ease may take the Bishops crowne’ but also lays part of the blame on ‘Presbyter John’. The remainder of the volume includes further state lampoons in the Marvellian tradition and Rochester’s ‘Tunbridge Wells’ and ‘Upon Nothing’. These rub shoulders with other political texts, a number of which are in French or about France, along with trivia and facetiae. On pp. 170–3 there

90

Text in POASY, i. 185–9. Lord ascribes it ‘tentatively’ to John Ayloffe.

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is a complete text of ‘A History of Insipids’ to supplement the incomplete one of the ﬁrst volume. The anti-royalist emphasis is overwhelming. In ‘Ld Lucas his Ghost’ (‘From the bright Regions of eternall day’) the three Stuart monarchs are summed up as A Coward Scott, a Sodomite of Hell A Rehoboam matchd with Jesabell A lustfull satyre, heyre to all there Crimes Hells Masterpiece, Monster of all Times

The poet’s attitude to the Restoration is also clear cut: Curst be the man that by his blacke design Restored to us this Exiled scottish line91

That Pye repeatedly gave space and time to such views suggests that he was in broad sympathy with them, and that the Revolution of 1688 was a welcome event. The last item entered was ‘The Great Bastard Protector of the little one. Done out of French. Printed at Cologne. 1689’, a conjoined assault on the paternities of Louis XIV and the infant Prince of Wales.92 As we have seen, Pye often indicates his sources for his material and it is time now to consider what the annotations tell us about the circulation of separates, and especially lampoons. Living at Twickenham, Pye obtained several items from neighbours.93 These included Richard Boyle, second Earl of Burlington (misspelled Bridlington by Pye) who on 5 August 1684 presented him ‘by Edward Page’ with a French ‘Epitaph upon the Duke of Monmorancy’ and ‘Mr Ellasby Minr of Chiswick’ who on 18 September 1680 gave him a copy to transcribe of ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ (‘Tired with the noisome follies of the age’), to which Pye added the further annotation ‘Returnd ye originall to him agen 22th Septbr. by ye boy sealed vp’. His most copious source, Ralph Gregge junior, who presented him with ﬁve items overall (four of them Whig lampoons and the ﬁfth a letter from the Earl of Shaftesbury to the Earl of Carlisle), lived at nearby Hammersmith. An annotation to an epigram copied from ‘the glass window of Neville Poole’s chamber in Ald. Bard’s house’ pp. 141–2. The Cologne imprint is clearly spurious. There were several reprints. 93 The record of his baronetcy styles him ‘of Mortlake’. His son Charles was ‘of Turnham Green, Chiswick’. However, Pye’s will, which reveals him to have possessed considerable wealth, describes him as of Twickenham. The family also had country estates near Derby. 91 92

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ﬁrst locates the house in Chiswick and then on further reﬂection in Hammersmith. Three suppliers seem to have been relatives, one described as ‘Cosen Ambrose Scudamore’, another Thomas Rainton, presumably a member of his wife’s family, and the third Hampden Pye who relayed ‘Cary’s face’ via Thomas Mould. A fourth, ‘Cousin Ricd. Daniel’, who gets in as an author, was no doubt also the supplier (ii. 198). Other donors mentioned by name are ‘Sr John Whatton’ (i. 120), Colonel Clancy (i. 120), Juliana Sherwyn, who gave Pye his copy of Marvell’s ‘The King’s Speech’ (ii. 131–3), and ‘Mr Knox painter’ (ii. 159). The fact that Thomas Watson had also received two items from a painter (Okely) could indicate that separates were kept to be read by sitters. Portrait painters’ studios were also social gathering places. While lampoon separates were certainly available commercially, there are only two records of Pye acquiring one in this way. The ﬁrst (‘ ’Twere folly if ever’) is described as follows: I had this Ballad of a bookeseller at the miter in Fleetestreete next the divell taverne (whose name I know not) on fryday Afternoone 6th June. 1684 And returnd it him agen next morning by my Coachman sealed up under a Covert: wherein was written 7 June 1684. I here enclosed returne you the Paper I had yester[day] from you, which I do not thinke on second reading to be so witty, as I thought it at ﬁrst; And in some places I can’t make sense of it.94

The stationer is identiﬁed in the annotation to ‘A Letany for ye holy time of Lent’ (‘From all the women we have whored’): ‘I had the originall of this Letany of George Grafton Bookseller at the miter in Fleetestreete fryday—May. 17th. 1688.’ Despite his Puritan sympathies and the reserve of his only extended personal document, Pye was far from a prude. His collection includes Alexander Brome’s singularly gross piece ‘On Mr Robt Napier a lawyer’s kissing of my Ld John Butler’s breech for a Guiny, who he beshit for his paines at Orchard. Ao. 1665’. Late in the second volume he transcribed the entire text of the hilarious Latin spoof ‘An omnis sensus est tactus’, originally delivered as a terrae ﬁlius speech by Henry Gerard at the opening of the Sheldonian Theatre in 1669 (and for which he was immediately sent down).95 What is important about the Pye volumes is the evidence they give of the pp. ix–viii. Text and translation in Felicity Henderson, ‘Putting the Dons in their Place’, History of Universities, 16 (2000), 32–64. 94 95

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circulation of lampoons and state satires by Nonconformists, including, in two cases, Nonconformist clergy, for whom they were a political weapon against the established Church and the monarchy. It is likely that this circulation extended to the large number of outwardly conforming Anglicans who regarded the bishops as collaborators in the spread of popery. Viewed from this perspective, the lampoon was not a carnivalesque form whose effect was to defuse ideological tension but a means to strip the organs of state of dignity. By contrast the satires contained in the miscellanies assembled by Sarah Cowper, the great-grandmother of the poet, are more obviously part of a considered programme of personal self-cultivation. Her many volumes of collections among the Panshanger Papers in the Hertfordshire Record Ofﬁce, now available in a microﬁlm edition by Adam Matthew publications, make her one of the bestdocumented readers of her century.96 These volumes contain reading notes, original writings, and diaries, together with transcripts of all kinds of scribally circulated texts, including a good representation of clandestine satires. The latter are contained in the manuscripts D/EP F36 and F/37, the ﬁrst titled ‘Poems Collected at several Times from the year 1670’ and the second, ‘The Medley’. Cowper had links with the Buckingham circle of scribally publishing poets, both through her husband Sir William, a client and political ally of Buckingham, and through Martin Clifford, Buckingham’s secretary, for whom he secured the Mastership of the Charterhouse. The Cowpers lived in Charterhouse Yard, and constant references to Clifford in her volumes make clear that he was a close friend.97 In compiling ‘The Medley’, Cowper appropriated material from a large alphabetically arranged collection of epigrams, similes, and prose maxims that was probably by Clifford or a joint work of Clifford and Buckingham.98 That she herself believed that Clifford was the author is made clear by her marking the ﬁrst item of each new section with ‘M.C.’ Blank pages left at the end of the alphabetical sections were later ﬁlled in with poems by Rochester, Buckingham, and Oldham and miscellaneous pieces of a later date. D/EP F36 intermingles satires from the 96 For her life see Anne Kugler, Errant Plagiary: The Life and Writing of Lady Sarah Cowper 1644–1720 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford UP, 2002). 97 Their relationship is discussed in Harold Love, ‘How Personal is a Personal Miscellany?’, in R. C. Alston (ed.), Order and Connexion (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 111–26. 98 A reconstructed text of this work is to appear in the forthcoming Oxford edition of Buckingham edited by Robert D. Hume and Harold Love.

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1670s and 1680s with material from the mid-1690s to the middle years of Anne. Much of the latter probably came from Cowper’s large, politically active family. Her husband may also have contributed: the ﬁrst item in F36, ‘On the Bencher’s Boghouse Looking to the Water Side’ (‘Here poor mean commons and exceeding high’), is signed ‘W.C.’ In her religious old age, Cowper became embarrassed by her collections. At the beginning of ‘The Medley’ she apologizes, ‘If in the Dayes of my youth, I had not Diverted my Thoughts with such stuff as this Book Contains; the unhappy Accidents of my Life, had been more than Enough to ha’ made me Madd.’ A later hand has added a supercilious ‘stuff indeed!’ but we are in her debt that she did not succumb to the temptation of destroying a collection which is equal in importance to Haward’s and extends to a much later date than the other three considered. We have seen earlier that some women wrote or adapted lampoons and that others contributed information for them. It has also been assumed that they read them with interest as sources of gossip and that the (usually) male writer may sometimes have been the intermediary agent in social hostilities conducted between women principals. The case of Cowper illustrates another way in which women might become interested in clandestine satire—not as a conduit for gossip, in which she shows little interest, but as a branch of literature in its own right and a source of political understanding. Pye, by contrast, includes little in his two volumes that is not an expression of a practical, ideologically charged engagement with the political world, felt by a man whose religious views had effectively excluded him from a public career. Haward’s perspective is more that of a historian and antiquarian placed in an advantageous position for collecting fugitive documents. For Watson, in yet another contrast, scribal texts were primarily a record of afﬁliations with their authors or presenters. Having said this, we have also to acknowledge that all four were members of a common culture and transcribed a number of texts in common. In the list that follows the siglum BLa20 is used for Watson, HRO for Cowper, Od8 for Haward, and Yo52 for Pye. Exact comparison is made impossible by the differing size of collections, with BLa20 containing 164 distinguishable items, HRO36 92 (HRO37 is unsummable owing to the mass of epigrams, maxims, and similes); Od8 a whopping 327, and Yo52 147. Time range also differs, with Pye collecting over nearly four decades to 1689,

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Cowper over at least three to about 1705, Haward concentrated in the 1670s, and Watson active for only six years, ending at 1673. Nonetheless, it is evident that certain texts of the late 1660s and early 1670s, along with others from an earlier period entered retrospectively, possessed a particular attractiveness that led them to be transcribed even by the youngest of the collectors, Sarah Cowper. Items are identiﬁed by ﬁrst lines only. Further information is added in brackets. BLa20/HRO/Od8 ‘Under this stone doth lie’ [Buckingham’s elegy on Fairfax.] BLa20/Od8/Yo52 ‘My lords | When by the providence of almighty God’ [Speech by Lord Lucas.] ‘Prorogued on prorogation damned rogues and whores’ [Satire on Buckingham and the Cabal.] HRO/Od8/Yo52 ‘Nothing thou elder brother e’en to shade’ [Rochester’s ‘Upon Nothing’.] BLa20/HRO ‘Here stand I’ [Epigram by Buckingham.] ‘Well Sir ’tis granted I said Dryden’s rhymes’ [Rochester’s ‘An Allusion to Horace’.] BLa20/Od8 ‘Come on ye critics ﬁnd one fault who dare’ [Mock-complimentary epistle by Dorset.] ‘Here lies the corpse of William Prynne’ [Mock-epitaph.] ‘In all humility we crave’ [Mock-petition to Charles II.] ‘O Birkenhead how hast thou tired thy muse’ [Satire by Robert Wild.] ‘Right trusty and well beloved Madam Cresswell’ [Prose lampoon on Town bawds and Cleveland.] ‘The wonderful year 1672 seems France to resolve’ [Prose prophecy attrib. Ruhold.] BLa20/Yo52 ‘Cantavit gallus ﬂet apostolus aspice ﬂentem’ [Satirical epigram on Louis XIV and the pope.] ‘Now whilst Whitehall wears black and men do fear’ [Mock-elegy.] ‘When daring Blood his rents to have regained’ [Epigram attrib. Marvell.] ‘When the plate was at pawn and the fob at an ebb’ [State lampoon.] HRO/Yo52 ‘At ﬁve this morn when Phoebus raised his head’ [Rochester’s ‘Tunbridge Wells’.]

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HRO/Od8 ‘Here lies George Monck’ [Mock-epitaph.] ‘Since the sons of the muses grew clamorous and loud’ [Lampoon on the poets.] ‘Sir I have not presumed in any manner to approach your royal presence’ [Letter from Clarendon to the king.] ‘Were I who to my cost already am’ [Rochester’s ‘Against Reason and Mankind’.] Od8/Yo52 ‘As cities that to the ﬁerce conqueror yield’ [State lampoon.] ‘As t’other night in bed I thinking lay’ [State lampoon.] ‘Chaste pious prudent Charles the second’ [State lampoon, attrib. by Lord to John Freke.] ‘Clarendon had law and sense’ [State lampoon.] ‘Disgraced undone forlorn made fortune’s sport’ [State lampoon.] ‘Duke Lauderdale that lump of grease’ [State lampoon.] ‘From the blessed region of the eternal day’ [State lampoon.] ‘Here’s a house to be let for the Stuart hath swore’ [State lampoon.] ‘I’ll tell thee Dick where I have been’ [State lampoon.] ‘My lords and gentlemen You may remember at my meeting of this session’ [Mock-speech by the king, attrib. Marvell.] ‘Painter once more thy pencil reassume’ [State lampoon in ‘Advice’ tradition.] ‘Pride lust ambition and the people’s hate’ [State lampoon against Clarendon.] ‘Spread a large canvas painter to contain’ [State lampoon in ‘Advice’ tradition.] ‘Ten crowns at once and to one man and he’ [Satire by Robert Wild.] ‘That he hath advised the king to raise a standing army’ [Articles against Clarendon.] ‘The blood o’th’ just London’s ﬁrm doom shall ﬁx’ [State lampoon in form of mock-prophecy.] ‘Tired with the noisome follies of the age’ [‘Rochester’s Farewell’.]

The remarkable thing about this list is that nearly all the items common to two or more of a group of collections which individually embrace a wide variety of scribally transmitted genres are state poems and clandestine satires. These were the classics not simply of their own genre but of scribal publishing overall. That Buckingham’s elegy on his father-in-law Fairfax is in three of the collections may be the effect of two of the collectors having direct links with the duke’s circle; yet the poem was also a political testament, stressing its author’s links with Nonconformity and the North. The three occurrences of Lucas’s famous speech and the anti-Buckingham

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‘Prorogued on prorogation’ testify both to the force of the ‘country’ opposition to the Cabal and to the astonishing reversal that subsequently took place when the emergence of a greater foe in York turned Shaftesbury and Buckingham from villains into heroes. Rochester was predictably the most popular poet, with concordances for four of the major satires present; but inclusion of two works by Robert Wild is just as striking, since his verse was easily available in print. Each of these personal miscellanies, and the many others that survive, would proﬁt from fuller exploration than is possible here. There are no sources apart from personal letters and diaries that bring us closer to late seventeenth-century readers.

p ro f e s s i o n a l c o py i n g o f l a m p o o n s a n d t h e s c r i ba l a n t h o l o g y We have already seen that separates were extensively copied as an article of commerce. Owing to the low rate of survival of both commercial and non-commercial separates and the total absence of production records, not much can be learned directly of this aspect of the lampoon trade; however, the work of professional scribes and entrepreneurs is also on display in larger anthologies of lampoons, of which over a hundred survive from our period, either as originally written or in copies by readers from lost originals. The gestation of such collections can often be traced from the order of their contents. All derive ultimately from separates. In some of the best-known cases, including that of the Cameron scriptorium, the separates appear to have been held in bundles that might be reordered or internally shufﬂed between copyings. In the case of ‘rolling’ archetypes new separates were regularly added and old ones withdrawn, allowing the resultant anthologies to be dated with regard to each other. In other cases the archetype was a bound volume, encouraging a greater consistency in order and content between the products of the scriptorium. A new anthology might be created either by copying archival material into an already bound blank volume or by writing it sheet by sheet and only binding it when the volume was completed. The second method was much more efﬁcient when two or more scribes were involved in the production of a scribal edition, since sheets edited and styled by the principal scribe were immediately available

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for copying by an assistant. In this way several volumes might be in production concurrently. However, rapid multiple production was probably more called for with separates than with the larger volumes, which were luxury goods intended for sale at high prices. In many cases intermediate collections intervene between the separate and the anthology. Edinburgh MS Dc 1 3 is a sequence of six collections, each with its own title page—perhaps the archive of a scriptorium.99 In some cases small surviving collections recur as elements of larger collections. Thus, a booklet from the ‘Gyldenstolpe’ scriptorium, closely related in both order and contents to Nottingham University Library Pw V 32, served as copy for the opening leaves of Princeton MS Taylor 3.100 In approaching any particular volume the vital question is how and why its contents were brought together at the time of copying. In the case of the personal miscellany, answers may be given by the interests and life experiences of the collector, and our knowledge of the broader scribal communities in which he or she participated; but in the case of the professionally written anthology, sources are generally untraceable and the primary motive for inclusion or exclusion must have been commercial. Ideological considerations entered only when a collection was deliberately slanted towards a buyer of Whig, Tory, or Jacobite sympathies, as in the case of Yale MS Osborn b 111, an anthology of Jacobite lampoons written for presentation to the exiled James II. Most commercial anthologies accommodate pieces of widely differing political viewpoints. This may be an expression of their post hoc quality as a secret history of the recent past: some emphasize this interest by attaching dates (not always reliable) to their items and arranging them in presumed chronological order. At other times the mixing of viewpoints reﬂects the same managed cognitive dissonance that we saw in Haward’s selection of items for his personal miscellany. In every case we need to contextualize the process of compilation to the fullest extent possible, as was memorably done by David M. Vieth for Yale MS Osborn b 105 and by W. J. Cameron in the ﬁfth volume of POASY.101 The most celebrated among the professional suppliers of clandestine manuscripts was Robert Julian, who was also a topic and The ‘Milne’ MS, discovered by Peter Beal, is in the same hand. For further examples, see SPISCE, 259–70. 101 In David M. Vieth, Attribution in Restoration Poetry (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963), passim. 99

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addressee of lampoons.102 Julian enters history as the secretary to a naval hero of the Dutch wars, Sir Edward Spragge. A number of letters written by him on Spragge’s behalf survive in the Public Record Ofﬁce and other sources. The position of the secretary to an admiral, as Sprague became, was a very responsible one, and not to be given to a drunkard, as Julian is sometimes represented.103 One incident in his naval career is recorded in ‘The Cabal’, a lampoon of 1680 written in a strange mixture of styles, but drawing on excellent political information. In a passage referring to Shaftesbury we ﬁnd: Like a vile sculler he abjures the realm, And sinks the bark ’cause he’s not chief at helm; Then cries, All hands! to pump a leakish keel, And stops it up with Julian’s conger-eel. That when a ball pierc’d the broadside, e’en then Clapp’d in the hole, and sav’d Sir Edward’s men.104

This would seem to refer to the ship being holed beneath the waterline and the hole being plugged by some device invented by Julian, which resembled an eel. In battle his position was at the admiral’s side on the quarterdeck ready to write dispatches. When in the Four Days Battle against the Dutch of June 1666 Rochester was sent by Spragge in a small boat with a message to another ship, it was probably written by Julian. When at the battle of 11 August 1673 Spragge twice changed his ﬂagship, Julian would presumably have accompanied him. If so, he would have been a survivor when the boat overturned and Spragge was drowned. Since his secretary’s post was a personal one, not a ofﬁcial part of the naval establishment, it ceased at that moment. Our next knowledge of Julian comes from an undated letter to Dorset. Since the loss of his ‘dear Master’ he had been imprisoned for debt and was temporarily bailed to attempt a composition with his creditors.105 He may have met Dorset, then Lord Buckhurst, during the latter’s sea service in October 1664 or May 1672. It is tempting to think that the appeal led to his being given scribal work by Dorset 102 For his career see Beal, In Praise of Scribes, 20–30 and Love, SPISCE, 253–9, 266–7. 103 According to N. A. M. Rodger, an admiral’s secretary was ‘less a private amanuensis than the business manager of the squadron’ (The Wooden World: An Anatomy of the Georgian Navy (London: Fontana, 1988), 18). 104 POASY, ii, 331. 105 Text in Brice Harris, Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, Patron and Poet of the Restoration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1940), 178–9.

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and his circle and this in turn to his making private sales of their verse, which is strongly present in the list of his wares given in ‘The Visitt’. By 1681, according to the prologue to The London Cuckolds, he was employing two clerks to help him in transcribing.106 However, Julian’s most remarkable public presence was through a subgenre of lampoons constructed as letters addressed to him in person. A listing of the Julian poems has been given by Hugh Macdonald107 and a fuller account is awaited from Peter Beal. The series may have originated from a tiff between Julian and members of the Dorset circle over his circulation of Mulgrave and Dryden’s attack on them in ‘An Essay upon Satyr’, which ‘The Visitt’ claims was suppressed in return for a bribe.108 The ‘letters’ are mostly of the conventional, episodic type already discussed, but in their introductions they convey quite a deal of, no doubt heightened, biographical information. The best known of these, attributed to Dryden and less persuasively Buckingham, but more probably by Dorset, grew out of the Rochester–Scroope verse controversy. It opens with an extended metaphor in which lampoons are compared to faeces and Julian’s books to the jakes that receives them. Thou Comon Shore of this Poetique Towne, Where all our Excrements of Witt are throwne; For Sonnet, Satyr, Bawdry, Blasphemy, Are empty’d and disburthen’d all on thee. The Chollerick Wight, untrussing in a Rage, Finds thee, and leaves his Load upon thy Page: Thou Julian! O thou wise Vespasian rather Dost from this Dung, thy well-pict Guineys gather. All mischeifs thine, transcribeing thou wilt stoope From Lofty Middlesex to lowly Scroope. What tymes are these, when in that Heroes roome, Bow-Bending Cupid does with Ballads come, And little Ashton offers to the Bumm . . .109

In other satires of the group Julian is described as heavily scarred, and fond of brandy. He is addressed by the imaginary naval rank of captain, suggesting a certain professional swagger, but is also branded as dull. He is said to have supplemented lampoon sales by pimping. Danchin, Prologues and Epilogues, part 2, 329. John Dryden: A Bibliography of Early Editions and of Drydeniana (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939), 214–15. 108 109 See p. 158. Yale MS Osborn b 105, p. 352. 106 107

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The list of Julian’s wares given in ‘The Visitt’ corresponds closely to that of Yale MS Osborn b 105, produced by what I have named the ‘Hansen’ scriptorium, which was active in the latter part of 1680.110 A second, near-identical, lost manuscript, whose contents were reconstructed by Vieth in Attribution in Restoration Poetry, was the copy for the Rochester 1680 Poems. This collection is devoted to the work of Rochester and other court-libertine poets. Princeton MS Taylor 1, written in the same hand and on the same inferior paper, is a collection of political satires of 1665–80. Other work from the scriptorium seems to be preserved in secondary copies in other compilations.111 While it would be tempting to connect Julian with this enterprise, it could just as well represent an independent scribe or scriptorium feeding off separates he had put into circulation. The only manuscript that can undoubtedly be connected with Julian, which was identiﬁed by Peter Beal, was purchased circa 1682 by William Stanley, ninth Earl of Derby, who annotated it ‘I bought this booke of Julian not so much for my own use as to prevent others reading of it’.112 This sounds suspiciously like a self-protective measure of the kind that led Sir William Haward to give compromising lampoons titles such as ‘A base song’ and ‘A base copy’, and at the end of ‘The Dissolution’ (‘O heavens we now have signs below’) to add two exculpatory lines of his own ‘This is a base railing, insipid libel, not worth reading. | But fools, and knaves will be scribbling’— to which any contemporary reader would surely have asked ‘Then why transcribe it in the ﬁrst place?’ Bedford later hid his volume in a cavity in a chimney at Knowsley House, where, according to a second annotation, it was found in 1718 when the building was demolished. It may have been concealed during the dangerous months following the Rye House Plot or during the reign of James II when its possession could have been used as evidence of treasonable intentions on the part of the Whig Stanleys.113 The subsidiary hand that

110 For the signiﬁcance of the name, see Harold Love, ‘Scribal Texts and Literary Communities: The Rochester Circle and Osborn b. 105’, Studies in Bibliography, 42 (1989), 219–35. 111 Shown by agreement of readings, as in several of the transmissional histories in Rochester, Works, POASY, and Dorset, Poems. 112 Facsim. in In Praise of Scribes, 21. 113 The manuscript, in private hands, is not available for study. The fact that, although topical in their nature and written two or three years apart, the two collections have thirteen items in common would make further investigation desirable.

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wrote p. 179114 has a superﬁcial resemblance to that of Julian’s letter to Samuel Pepys of 30 June 1667, illustrated in SPISCE, 251, though not sufﬁciently to support an identiﬁcation. Julian’s career came to a halt in November 1684 when he was imprisoned for circulating lampoons. The date coincides with the political eclipse of his Whig protectors. In the following June he successfully petitioned for release and was no doubt careful thereafter to keep out of trouble. The appearance of an elegy in 1688 would suggest that he died in that year: Under this weeping Monumental Stone There lies a Scribe, who, while he liv’d was known To ev’ry Bawd, Whore, Pimp, Fop, Fool in Town . . . Of Spreading Libels, nothing shall be said, Because ’twas that which brought him in his Bread.115

}

If public recognition was matched by productivity he must have had an enormous inﬂuence on the circulation of lampoons both in London and throughout the nation. Yet, Julian was certainly not alone in this trade, which was one in which any underemployed scrivener’s clerk could set up as an interloper by making additional copies of lampoons encountered in circulation. The early 1680s has left us a considerable body of work by what I have christened the ‘Gyldenstolpe’ scriptorium. This is represented by a series of lampoon collections identiﬁable by their characteristic readings as products of the same rolling archive. The name was assigned in honour of the most spectacular of these, Stockholm, Riks-Bibliotheket MS Vu. 69, a 314-page collection acquired circa 1680 by Count Gyldenstolpe, the Swedish ambassador to England.116 A closely related collection, Badminton House MS FmE 3/12, has been described by Michael Brennan and Paul Hammond.117 A third anthology, derived from the same archive, Leeds University Library MS Brotherton Lt 54, contains two notes of direction to a Captain Robinson whose address is given as ‘att Cpt Eloass [Elwes] near ye Watch house in Marlburrough street’.118 This Illustrated at Beal, In Praise of Scribes, 27. Poetical Recreations (London, 1688), pt. ii, p. 65. 116 Facsimile edition as Bror Danielsson and David M. Vieth (eds.), The Gyldenstolpe Manuscript Miscellany of Poems by John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, and Other Restoration Authors (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1967). 117 Paul Hammond and Michael Brennan, ‘The Badminton Manuscript: A New Miscellany of Restoration Verse’, English Manuscript Studies, 5 (1995), 171–207. 118 Described in Paul Hammond, ‘The Robinson Manuscript Miscellany of Restoration Verse in the Brotherton Collection Leeds’, Proceedings of the Leeds 114 115

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appears to be Charles Robinson of the ﬁrst foot guards. One of Robinson’s regimental colleagues, Lenthal Warcup, who is identiﬁed in a satire of the ‘Letter to Julian’ kind written in June 1686 as a circulator of lampoons, can plausibly be associated with this archive, though possibly more as a front man and distributor than as their actual publisher.119 The scriptorium also produced a smaller collection possibly designed to be bound up with the 1680 Rochester Poems on Affairs of State, as is the case with the Pepysian copy. A second version, Nottingham Pw V 32, bears the title A Supplement to Some of my Lord Rochester’s Poems. A third was one of the sources for Princeton MS Taylor 3. The third major archive is that of the scriptorium identiﬁed and thoroughly investigated by W. J. Cameron in a foundational article of 1963 and his POASY volume of 1971.120 Active between the late 1680s and the accession of Anne, this can be associated either directly or through secondary copies with over twenty surviving manuscript anthologies.121 These are divided into three different compilations, which Cameron styled the ‘Venus’, ‘William’, and ‘Restoration’ groups. It is tempting to associate this scriptorium with the addressee of Jack Howe’s ‘A Letter to Somerton’ (‘Dear Somerton, once my beloved correspondent’) of 1688–9, written in imitation of the verse letters to Julian. Dear, Somerton, once my beloved correspondent, Since scandal’s so scarce, though the world is so fond on’t, That poor Brother Julian of pay does miscarry As well as the List, Civil, and Military, And the brains of our poets as empty are grown, As his Majesty’s coffers, or (faith) as their own; Nor Monmouth’s love, Sidley’s spleen, Wolseley’s ill nature Will supply thee with sonnet, with speech, nor with satyr, Take these limping metres from a young beginner, They may pay for thy lodging, at least for thy dinner: . . .122

One of Tom Brown’s Letters from the Dead to the Living (London, Philosophical and Literary Society, Literary and historical section, 18/3 (1982), 277–324. 119 For the poem, see CSR, 159–65. 120 Cameron, ‘Scriptorium’, passim; POASY, v. 528–9. 121 Listed in POASY, v. 542; SPISCE, 271–6. 122 POASY, v. 535. Cameron regarded it as ‘unlikely’ that Somerton was the master of the scriptorium I have called by his name; but gives no reason for this belief.

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1702), addressed posthumously to Julian, describes Somerton to him as ‘your Successor’, and reports that he had become insane, with the result that ‘Lampoon has felt a very sensible decay’.123 ‘On Mr Pr——r’s Letters to Mr Shepherd’ (‘A threefold cord the wisest man said true’), in which Dorset and Sheppard are pictured conspiring with Prior and Montagu, contains the lines But if the Plotts are any way made known, If they expose our faults about the Town; By my advice we’ll stop the Current there And threaten Sommerton, if he but dare124

Whoever the director of the scriptorium was, he had a close relationship with Dorset, whose later verse, along with that of Sheppard, Montagu, and Prior, is well represented in its compilations. The products of this impressive enterprise have a retrospective ‘secret history’ character, best represented by the inﬂated ‘Restoration group’, which survives as two enormous manuscripts, Victoria and Albert MS Dyce 43 (841 pp.) and Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 14090 (880 pp.), and two extra-scriptorial copies which each represent half of the larger compilation.125 These sources contain virtually the same contents in virtually the same order. With the other groups there seems to have been some minor tailoring of books to readers, suggesting that they were of a bespoke nature. The archive possessed two versions of ‘A Song on Danby’ (‘What a devil ails the parliament’), of which the longer and more insulting one only appears in one of its volumes, Nottingham MS PwV 42, pp. 41–9. Danby was not only still alive at the time, but as Marquis of Carmarthen and later Duke of Leeds a ﬁgure of considerable power. Otherwise the scriptorium products display a high level of textual stability. Cameron’s examination of their variants ‘demonstrated quite clearly that professional scribes introduce fewer variants than are introduced during the normal processes in the printing shop’.126 The activities of the ‘Cameron’ scriptorium seem to represent a consolidation within the book trade of earlier providers of lampoons who had either dealt directly with their clients or at second hand through Town wits acting as frontpersons. Both booksellers and pp. 69–70. Yale MS Osborn b 204, p. 75. The version in POASY, v. 110–12 follows another source’s error of ‘Somers’ for ‘Somerton’. 125 126 See SPISCE, 274. POASY, v. 529. 123 124

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authors now knew where to turn, the ﬁrst to bespeak copies for interested clients and the second to place new work where it would be read and preserved. While a number of scribal hands appear in its volumes, they generally conform to a characteristic form of presentation, layout, and even calligraphy. The apparent exceptions are bootleg or private transcriptions of a scriptorium manuscript. However, while dominating its ﬁeld during the 1690s and early 1700s, the scriptorium did not have it to itself. British Library manuscript Harleian 7319 is another huge, professionally written manuscript of the period with a high degree of overlap with scriptorium products but, as far as has been tested, textually independent of its archive copies.127 George Grafton, already referred to, may have been another operator in the ﬁeld. There is more to be discovered about all the scriptoria mentioned and the other more modest operations that produced only two or three surviving volumes.128 Much can be learned from the order of items; however, this needs to be backed up by collations of all surviving copies of a range of poems and the construction of stemmata, a task which, with the exception of Cameron’s work in POASY, v and a few editions of canonical authors, has been little essayed. The collations in my own edition of Rochester will be found useful for this purpose.

r e a d e rs a n d v i c t i m s At this point we at last bring the lampoon to the hands or to the ears of the reader, which is where I shortly propose to leave it. Another book would be required to explore how clandestine satire was understood and experienced by contemporary and near-contemporary readers. The investigation of historical ways of reading is far from a simple matter. We have already encountered a number of kinds of evidence, including the expressed opinions of readers, the recorded reactions of contemporaries, the contents of anthologies and commonplace books, the dicta of wits and critics of the time, and the physical form of the records with all their mute testimony to the scribe’s intention and the purchaser’s use. We have seen that lampoons were often performance pieces, either sung or read, and as 127 The title-page date is 24 April 1703, but compilation was evidently complete several years earlier. 128 Examples in SPISCE, 265–70.

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such part of the culture of social dining and drinking. In cases such as the Whig dinner at Wapping they were used to encourage political bonding. They were also an element of the culture of visiting, to be read, discussed and exchanged, representing both a crystallization of current gossip and a prompt to spoken censure, whether of the victim or the writer. Many contemporaries abhorred their lubricity and spite; others welcomed them for exactly this reason, and still others tolerated them as a necessary means of enforcing Town civility and stimulating political controversy. There seems to have been a general recognition that claims made in lampoons were often untrue and that political issues in particular were simpliﬁed to the point of caricature; on the other hand, when repeated from piece to piece in the mechanical way demonstrated in Chapter 2, they must have had an enormous inﬂuence on how members of the ruling class were regarded by their peers and the nation at large. In factional conﬂicts they were a weapon like any other. We have seen that the relationships of reader to author, subject, and performer were often intricate ones. Any consideration of how lampoons might have been viewed by particular readers needs to begin with the particular class of readers who were the victims of lampoons. It was common for a lampoon to be surreptitiously delivered to a victim and this fact to be speciﬁed in the title or ﬁrst line. In the case of Temple and Hobart the lampoon was sung to its victim’s face by a supposed friend who had altered the poem but kept the name of the author. Their effect, as is shown in D’Urfey’s theatrical representation of Sophronia, could be deeply mortifying. It was also possible to take the opposite view and defy the lampooners to do their worst, or to welcome any mention, however malicious, as a sign that one was still a person of consequence and the subject of envy. The author of ‘Tunbridge Lampoon 2d’ (1690) took it for granted that women were keen readers of pieces in which they themselves were abused: Since I came last I’ve seen a Lampoon here The Ladys talk and Read it every where, And thô ’tis leud almost in every place Not the least Blush adorns the Palest face:129

Yet it is to be doubted whether many victims were really as blasé as that. In 1680 Frances Brudenell wrote to Lady Hatton, ‘The lampoons that are made of most of the Town ladies are so nasty that no 129

Huntington Library, MS Ellesmere 8770, pp. 170–1. See pp. 209–10 above.

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woman will read them, or I would have got them for you.’130 This may represent a perfectly justiﬁed moral revulsion but could also spring from the bad press that her family inevitably got from the lampooners. A lampoon supposedly written by a woman (‘Surly mankind has long despised lampoon’) complains that In this so very well deserving Town We the ungenerous Whip have felt alone Envy has our Fam’d Chastity defac’d Each reverend Matron made a Baudy Jest131

Despite D’Urfey’s mollifying assurance that Yet we Love ye most, When with Satyrs we move ye most . . .132

many individuals and families must have suffered acutely from the lampooners’ routine accusations of unchastity. Relationships and marriages must surely have been blighted by them and careers undermined, as in the attested case of Buckingham, whose reputation to posterity as well as his own time was irreparably damaged by his status as a lampoon star. An accusation that one was a libertine or whore must often have drawn unwelcome sexual attentions; much as a charge that one was a prude, or had the pox, would have discouraged desired ones. If Keats was really snuffed out by a review, it is entirely likely that illness or even suicide sometimes resulted from being made the object of this merciless form of public shaming. In some cases family coercion may have resulted, as in the case in the prologue to Lee’s The Rival Queens of the silly She, who for your sake Can Vanity, and Noise, for Love mistake; ’Till the Cocquet, sung in the next Lampoon, Is by her jealous Friends sent out of Town.133

130 CSR, p. xvi, citing Joan Wake, The Brudenells of Deene (London: Cassell, 1953), 184. 131 BL MS Harl. 7319, fo. 211v. See also pp. 172–3. 132 ‘Another Song Belonging to the Last’, Thomas D’Urfey (ed.), Wit and Mirth: or, Pills to Purge Melancholy, introd. Cyrus L. Day, 6 vols. (New York: Folklore Library, 1959), ii. 251. The ‘last’ is ‘To Phillis upon her Complaint for being Lampoon’d’ (pp. 248–9) which argues that a woman with an ‘ogling Eye’ should ‘Blame not Wit if Rhimes express, | The Vice of things so vain’. 133 The Works of Nathaniel Lee, ed. Thomas B. Stroup and Arthur L. Cooke (New Brunswick, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1954), i. 224.

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One must also allow for the human tendency for victims of a lampoon to seek an object for their rage in the person of an author. Marcy North in a highly original study of a range of Elizabethan and early Stuart writing has explored the rich variety of ways in which both authors and readers exploited different modulations of anonymity and pseudonymity.134 Many of her distinctions would apply mutatis mutandis to Restoration scriptorial satire but the most common reaction was probably one of being the victim of concealed enemies. The anonymous lampooner might be anywhere—smiling at you to your face or sniggering at you just behind your back. Information about you might have come from those you assumed to be your closest friends. A real-life reaction to being lampooned must often have been a compulsion to ﬁx the blame on someone towards whom one had other reasons for feeling hostile and a determination to revenge the slight upon them. Behn’s Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister contains a ﬁctional picture of a lampoon victim’s reaction that rings disturbingly true. A young man is addressing his crusty old uncle: But you are Wise and Grave, and hate all Women, Sir, till about Forty, and then for Generation only: You are above the Follies of vain Youth. And let me tell you, Sir, without Offending, Already you are charged with a Thousand little Vanities unsuitable to your Years, and the Character you have had, and the Figure you have made in the World. I heard a Lampoon on you the other day,—Pardon my Freedom, Sir, for keeping a Beauty in your House, who they are pleased to say was my Mistress before. And pulling out a Lampoon, which his Page had before given him, he gave it to his Uncle. But instead of making him resolve to quit Silvia, it only serv’d to incense him against Octavio; he rail’d at all Wits, and swore there was not a more dangerous Enemy to a civil, sober Commonwealth: That a Poet was to be banish’d as a Spy, or hang’d as a Traytor: That it ought to be as much against the Law to let ’em live, as to Shoot with white Powder, and that to write Lampoons should be put into the Statute against Stabbing. And cou’d he ﬁnd the Rogue that had the Wit to write that, he wou’d make him a warning to all the Race of that Damnable Vermin; what to abuse a Magistrate, one of the States, a very Monarch of the Commonwealth!—’twas Abominable and not to be born,—and looking on his Nephew,—and considering his Face awhile, he cry’d,—I Fancy, Sir, by your Physiognomy, that you yourself have a hand in this Libel: At which Octavio blush’d, which he taking for guilt, ﬂew out 134 North, The Anonymous Renaissance: Cultures of Discretion in Tudor-Stuart England (Chicago: Chicago UP, 2003).

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into terrible Anger against him, not suffering him to speak for himself, or clear his Innocence. And as he was going in this Rage from him, having forbidden him ever to set his Foot within his Doors, he told him,—If, said he, the scandalous Town, from your Instructions, have such Thoughts of me, I will convince it by Marrying this fair Stranger the ﬁrst thing I do: I cannot doubt but to ﬁnd a welcom since she is a Banish’d Woman, without Friend or Protection; and especially when she shall see how civilly you have handled her here, in your Doggerel Ballad: I’ll teach you to be a Wit, Sir; and so your Humble Servant.135

The passage identiﬁes a lampoon’s capacity to trigger attacks of paranoid rage. To show a person a lampoon in which they were mentioned might be to make that person an enemy. To smile or blush at an accusation would be seized on as evidence of guilt. The lampoon victim was not only forced to recognize that he or she had a secret foe but confronted with the additional possibility of having become a public laughing-stock. From this it was easy to pass into a delusion that one was the object of a vast conspiracy of denigration signalled by winks, smiles, and hypocritical assurances of friendship. There is a telling account of such an experience in Robert Hooke’s diary of a visit to see Shadwell’s The Virtuoso which he was convinced was a satire on himself.136 Haward preserves a real-life counterpart to Behn’s ﬁctional one in a reader’s reaction to a lampoon against his wife: Vpon, Suspition, that some Verses reﬂecting vpon the Lady Hoskins Widdow of Sir Edmund, and newly marryed to Mr Francis Coventrey, were made by Sir Nicholas Carew, this insueing was pasted upon Bedington-wall, the Copy whereof was giuen mee by Sir Nicholas Carew: Whereas a Libell (vainely) intended against the honour of some Persons of my Relation, is lately crept abroade, whilst the Authour thereof stayes att home. This is to declare to all the World, that whosoeuer hath made the sayd Libell, and shall not owne itt, is a malitious Coward, and Poultron, and if he shall owne it, is a Villaine, and a Rascall. Subscribed Francis Coventrey.137

135 The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, 7 vols. (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1992–6), ii. 290–1. 136 The Diary of Robert Hooke, ed. Henry W. Robinson and Walter Adams (London: Taylor & Francis, 1935), 235. 137 Bodleian MS don. b 8, p. 235.

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But this kind of reaction, in drawing further attention to the original insult, was always self-defeating, and can hardly have been welcomed by the lady. A sadder case is that of the printed Sophronia (1681 and therefore preceding D’Urfey’s use of the name in The Richmond Heiress). This intemperate defence of Mary, Lady Grey against ‘a late scandalous libel’ was not only ill judged in itself but almost immediately devalued by its subject’s participation in the public scandal involving her sister, her husband, and Monmouth, which provided the basis for Behn’s Love-Letters.138 As has been suggested, awareness of the effect that reading a lampoon attack would have had on the victim must have informed readings of the same piece by others. Any reading by a further party would have been a kind of overhearing of that primary insult, making the experience even more voyeuristic than is openly the case with this inherently voyeuristic genre. As well as offering the pleasures of straightforward Schadenfreude, the lampoon enticed both authors and readers to enter that shadowy territory where an individual’s consciousness of power and weakness jostles with the public realities within which lifetimes have somehow to be negotiated. That clandestine satire conferred power over others and to an extent over one’s fellow participants in the Town and the state is not to be doubted; but by the same token it was often a public confession of powerlessness—the last resort of social, political, or sexual failure, or the last refuge of exploded authority. The lampooner was after all a sneak. To be known to have written a lampoon was to place one at the opposite pole to the male who met his enemy face to face in the ﬁeld or the female who was prepared to front down her rival in the drawing room. The lampoon writer’s and reader’s relationship with power, in all its manifestations, deserves further consideration, but not in a top-down Foucauldian way which erases the very important differences that exist between the different styles and periods of lampooning and the manifold occasions of their making. The connections we need to establish at the present time are situational, beginning with a closer inspection of the ways in which lampooning affected the power relationships of particular communities. The present study has attempted to do this for broad communities 138 See CSR, 245–6. The libel was A True Relation of a Strange Apparition which Appear’d to the Lady Gray (London, 1681) in which she was accused by implication of a liaison with Monmouth. In The Lady Gray Vindicated (London, 1681) its authors are accused of being papists.

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designated the court, the Town, the City, and the country; but only as a means of providing a general map of the tradition within which more closely focused and I would hope more productive examinations will become possible. The passage of time is also an issue for any study of the lampoon. In restricting my study to the Restoration decades I have tried to hold to a span of years in which the genre can be approached as a congruent entity; but this has involved assumptions about consistencies in purpose and function that are clearly questionable. Another study might have given more attention to the ways in which a lampoon of the age of Queen Anne was a different kind of contraption from one of the early years of Charles II, or how two lampoons written side by side in 1675, say, might proceed from quite different assumptions about the tasks and methods of the genre. Consistency in some of the functions of clandestine satire can be traced from the sixteenth century forward to the early nineteenth; but others were a response to possibilities for engaged poetical action that only appeared brieﬂy and then were gone or that recurred, but only at intervals. These differences can sometimes be observed in the ways existing lampoons were reread over decades; but these rereadings are themselves only to be observed through a study of revisions and rewritings. Actual contemporary criticism of individual lampoon texts is largely restricted to short comments such as those of Pye’s two volumes quoted earlier. A historically informed reading of clandestine satire requires a much more detailed and focused study of contexts than I have been able to give—initially the contexts of particular, complex poems, later those of anthologies and commonplace books, and later still those of subgenres and work written over particular short time spans—but it also requires that we ﬁnd new, imaginative ways of making sense of how writing attempts to change the world. North’s study of anonymity and Dubrow’s interrogations of space relationships and ‘overhearing’ in lyric offer avenues forward. Other possibilities may be suggested by comparison with similar writings of different nations and ages, such as Pompeian grafﬁti, Samizdat literature under the former Soviet Union, or the carnival songs of present-day Andalusia. What will not be particularly helpful is the kind of theory-heavy analysis based on the recirculation of a handful of once seductive but now rather tired paradoxes which assumes as a given that writing cannot really affect the world at all. Naturally, as interpretative readers we are entitled to read lampoon texts, like any others, in whatever way

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we like; but we must not confuse interpretation with historical explanation. All historical instances speak but none, as we know so well, speaks simply or transparently. As Hume has pointed out in Reconstructing Contexts, the shaping of a context for a historical text is a highly theoretical and risk-fraught undertaking. That of siting a constructed reader within that constructed context is even riskier, calling for both scholarly and critical sophistication of the highest order if it is to carry any conviction. Such an activity is a very different one from the exercise of interpreting a text or textual relationship by accommodating it to our preferred contemporary models of textual intercourse. We will draw, of course, on our experience as knowing, educated twenty-ﬁrst-century readers, much as we will also draw on our intuitive responses to the texts themselves. (In the case of lampoons these will often be strongly negative ones.) These things will offer us insights and clues but are incapable in themselves of allowing us to share the experience of readers who constructed their mental lives on a very different basis from ours and whose material existence was also very different. To get a sense of how they constructed their world we must ﬁrst learn their language, one superﬁcially like our own but linked to very different constellations of signiﬁcance and proceeding along very different cognitive grooves. Only then can we begin to think effectively about what they may have thought. By this time, if we have been proceeding correctly, the ‘they’ will have collapsed into a heterogeneous assemblage of he’s and she’s, all of them different from each other and all of them ﬁercely resistant to being assimilated into our own no less deeply ingrained preconceptions. Yet in order to reason about these people and their experiences it is incumbent upon us to generalize. The right balance of typicality and individuality is a hard one to strike. There is much to be gained from in-depth studies of individuals, especially those such as Sir William Haward, John Watson, Sir John Pye, and Sarah Cowper. Kevin Sharpe has left us an intriguing model in his study of Sir William Drake as a reader.139 A methodological basis for such studies is suggested by recent work in sociolinguistics, particularly

139 Reading Revolutions: The Politics of Reading in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale UP, 2000).

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that of Barbara Johnstone.140 But while we would certainly discover similarities between them, the more profound outcome must inevitably be a discovery of deep and irreconcilable differences—the innumerable differences that arise from each human being, apart from identical siblings, being a biologically unique individual.141 There was never a ‘typical’ Restoration reader, nor a typical Town, Whig, or Jacobite reader. Nor, in a world in which Aphra Behn, Margaret Blagge, Nan Capell, Margaret Cavendish, and Katherine Sedley might all have been present in the same chamber at Whitehall, was there a typical woman reader. Individuals drawing on the same circles of distribution, and meeting in the same chocolate houses, or attending the same chapels, churches, or conventicles, cannot be assumed to have read clandestine satire, if they read it at all, in the same way. Nor can they individually be assumed to have read in consistent ways from year to year or even day to day. Much as the same person’s responses to the oral and the printed text can often be shown to have differed from his or her response to the scribal text, so even the written lampoon could be read in very different ways depending on time, circumstances, and the predicaments of life.142 Indepth studies of individuals must not try to iron out these differences, but rather to look through the variety and inconsistencies of their responses to texts towards the wider body of possibilities available at the time to all readers. Exploring the variety of ways in which a given text might have been read at a given period, and, just as importantly, those ways in which it was unlikely to have been read, is likely to prove more rewarding than the much more difﬁcult task of discovering how it actually was read by a given individual on a given occasion—which is not to say that evidence of the last is not to be treasured whenever it is encountered.

140 In The Linguistic Individual: Self-Expression in Language and Linguistics (New York: Oxford UP, 1996). 141 These issues are further discussed in Love, Attributing Authorship (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 4–13, 223–7. 142 Cf. Love, ‘Oral and Scribal Texts’, 119–21.

Appendix First-Line Index to Selected Anthologies of Clandestine Satire This list offers a guide to the principal scribal sources of clandestine satire and the broader ﬁeld of libertine and state verse, and to the most important printed source—the original Poems on Affairs of State series in the fourvolume set of 1702–7. It has been compiled from detailed indexes to the individual sources originally prepared under an Australian Research Council Grant by Meredith Sherlock, which were later supplemented and reviewed by Felicity Henderson and Harold Love. An edition on microﬁlm of a large selection of these sources is planned from Adam Matthew Publications, to which the present index will be a ﬁnding list. It is also hoped that both a fuller form of the ﬁrst-line index and the indexes to individual sources can eventually be made available on the internet. When a satire has been referred to by ﬁrst line in the previous chapters, a text may be sought in one of the sources indicated. However, the following points should be noted. The number following the siglum is not that of a page/folio but indicates the item’s numerical sequence in the volume concerned. While this will assist with locating the item in the volume, its primary purpose is to allow the user to check whether two or more lampoons survive in the same sequence, or near contiguity, in more than one source. The list does not give a complete list of sources for all of its items and could not be used, for instance, for determining the number of satires surviving from the period in single copies as a percentage of the whole. The deﬁciency is likely to be largest in widely copied pieces, such as the bestknown Rochester poems, which sometimes survive in forty or more contemporary transcriptions. Additional sources should be sought through the indexes cited in James Woolley, ‘First-Line Indexes of English Verse, 1650–80: A Checklist’, East-Central Intelligencer, ns 173 (Sept. 2003), 1–10 and Michael Londry, ‘On the Use of First-Line Indices for Researching English Poetry of the Long Eighteenth Century, c.1660–1830’, Library, 7th ser. 5 (2004), 12–38; from Peter Beal’s two IELM volumes, from collections such as POASY and Wilson’s Court Satires, and from scholarly editions of individual poets. Some sources are also recorded in the

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Calendars of State Papers and the Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. Many appear in other early printed sources beside POAS (1702–7), though it must be remembered that these are often late, censored, and textually corrupt. The contents of POAS (1702–7) are available for consultation in the Literature on Line (LION) electronic archive. It is likely that the index covers a very high proportion of the overall surviving corpus of court, Town, and state satire and of libertine verse and satirical prose circulated in manuscript during 1660–1702. In other words, searching unindexed sources is more likely to produce additional copies of popular pieces than additions to the corpus as a whole. Neither does the index always include the best manuscript source for any particular poem, in the sense of that closest to the author’s holograph; but its items do represent the poems in the form in which they were most widely read. First lines have been standardized to a single modern-spelling form, usually the majority one but sometimes that judged to be the more textually plausible or generically suitable. To take an example, the line entered under the BLa60 reading ‘From easing female sex in pain’ is found in HRO36 as ‘For easing females of their pain’, in Np46 as ‘From easing females of their pain’ and in Yo70 as ‘From easing females in pain’. In seeking concordances to a poem found in an unindexed source one might have to search imaginatively through a range of entries. Where a poem begins variously with ‘while’ and ‘whilst’ or ‘you’ or ‘ye’ it has only been indexed under one of these alternatives. In the ﬁrst case it may also be useful to check under ‘when’. In cases where only the last lines of a work survive and it remains unidentiﬁed or when a work has been so defaced as to be unidentiﬁable, it has not been listed; however, when it can be identiﬁed from a text fragment, a catchword, or a volume index, it has been included, since this is still useful evidence for the relationships of sources. What may appear to be anomalies in the alphabetical and numerical order of the lists of sigla have been imposed by the software employed and are consistent in themselves. Preference in inclusion has been given to collections entirely or almost entirely composed of satires. These have been indexed in their entirety apart from the very occasional omission of a completely irrelevant work (say a sermon or treatise) and when items have been excised or mutilated beyond recognition. Because of this policy of inclusion, some non-satirical material will be encountered: Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece are in the index because they were included in the fourth volume of the original POAS—possibly as warnings against female government and Stuart tyranny respectively. Letters, petitions, personal lists, parliamentary

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speeches, monumental inscriptions, and even prayers also appear, though many of these are not as innocent as they might seem. Much neo-Latin satirical verse and prose of both English and continental origin will be found— some of the ﬁnest short satirical texts of the period come under this category. That non-satirical material should be transcribed into collections with a strong satirical bent may be a clue to how it was interpreted, and can also be a valuable marker of relationships between collections. Personal miscellanies, in which satires are intermingled with other kinds of literary and non-literary texts and personalia, have generally been excluded from the index as likely to encumber it with too many irrelevant items. The exceptions are the four collections given special attention in Chapter 8: the Cowper, Haward, Pye, and Watson miscellanies. Of these Cowper is represented by a selection of relevant material from HRO36, HRO37 being excluded. Haward is represented by an extensive but not complete selection from his extremely varied collection. From Pye, only the satirical material has been included in the index. In each of these cases, therefore, gaps exist in the item series. Watson’s miscellany, however, has been indexed in full owing to its importance as an archive of neo-Latin material. The eventual enlarged index to be made available on the internet will include complete indexes to a number of personal miscellanies here omitted and the full contents of the four selectively listed.

sources and sigla Printed 02pa

Poems on Affairs of State (London, 1702–7) [As explained above the reference set for this publication is the commonly encountered one in four volumes containing Case 211 (1) (e)1702 [02pa1]; 211 (2) (a) 1703 [02pa2]; 211 (3) (a) 1703 [02pa3]; and 211 (4) (a) 1707 [02pa4]. The two pagination sequences of 02pa1 are distinguished by preliminary superscript 1 and 2 respectively.]

Manuscript Ab12 BLa20 BLa22 BLa40 BLa60 BLa62 BLa94

Avon, Badminton House, MS FmE 3/12 British Library, Add. MS 18220 (‘Watson miscellany’) British Library, Add. MS 23722 British Library, Add. MS 73540 British Library, Add. MS 40060 British Library, Add. MS 30162 British Library, Add. MS 21094

306 BLa97 BLh12 BLh13 BLh14 BLh15 BLh17 BLs55 CAL68 CKh14 Cmp DA Ed3 Fm12 He24 He36 He85 HRO36 HUe70 ILr Lb38 Lb54 Lb55 LIa4 M35 Mc14 NLI93 NLSa12 Np07 Np32 Np38 Np39 Np40 Np42 Np43 Np44 Np45 Np46 Oa01 Oa05 Oa06 OAc16

Appendix British Library, Add. MS 29497 British Library, Harleian MS 7312 British Library, Harleian MS 6913 British Library, Harleian MS 6914 British Library, Harleian MS 7315 British Library, Harleian MS 7317 British Library, Sloane MS 655 Los Angeles, University of California Library, MS coll. 170/68 Cambridge, King’s College, Hayward MS H 11 14 Cambridge, Magdalene College, Pepys Library, PL 810(2) Manuscript owned by Pierre Danchin Edinburgh University Library, MS Dc. 1 3/1 (in 6 sections, not here distinguished) Folger Shakespeare Library, MS M b 12 (in 3 sections, indicated by Fm12.1, Fm12.2, Fm12.3) Harvard University Library, MS Eng. 624 Harvard University Library, fMS Eng. 636 Harvard University Library, MS Eng. 585 Hertfordshire Record Ofﬁce, D/EP F36 Huntington Library, MS Ellesmere 8770 Illinois University Library, MS uncat., ‘Rochester’s Censures’ Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, MS Lb 38 Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, MS Lt. 54 Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, MS Lt. 55 Lincolnshire Record Ofﬁce, Anc 15/ B/4 University of Minnesota, MS 690235 f Manchester, Chetham’s Library, Mun. A 4. 14 Dublin, National Library of Ireland, MS 2093 National Library of Scotland, Adv. MS 19.1.12 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw2 V 7 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 32 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 38 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 39 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 40 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 42 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 43 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 44 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 45 Nottingham University Library, MS Portland Pw V 46 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Add. MS A 301 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Add. b 105 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Add. MS B 106 Oxford, All Souls College, Codrington Library MS 116

First-Line Index to Anthologies Od08 Od57 Od76 Oep18 Of15 Of16 Of06 Orp81 Pc99 Pt1 Pt2 Pt3 Pt4 Pt5 SA30 SKv69 V90 VAd43 Yo05 Yo08 Yo11 Yo13 Yo19 Yo27 Yo34 Yo36 Yo40 Yo52 Yo54 Yo60 Yo70 Yo88 YoD

307

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Don. b 8 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 357 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Don. e 176 (Sparrow gift) Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Eng. poet. d 18 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Firth c 15 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Firth c 16 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Firth e 6 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. poet. 81 Princeton University Library, MS CO199 Princeton University Library, MS Taylor 1 Princeton University Library, MS Taylor 2 Princeton University Library, MS Taylor 3 Princeton University Library, MS Taylor 4 Princeton University Library, MS Taylor 5 Society of Antiquaries, London, MS 330 Stockholm, Kungl. Biblioteket, MS Vu. 69 (‘Gyldenstolpe’ MS) Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 14090 Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce Collection, Cat. no. 43 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 105 Yale University Library, MS Osborn fb 108 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 111 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 113 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 219 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 327 Yale University Library, MS Osborn fb 334 (Hartwell MS) Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 136 Yale University Library, MS Osborn fb 140 Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 52 (in two vols. indicated by Yo52.1 and Yo52.2) Yale University Library, MS Osborn b 54 Yale University Library, MS Osborn c 160 Yale University Library, MS Osborn fb 70 Yale University Library, MS Osborn fb 88 Yale University Library, MS MS Vault File: Denham

first lines 1588 the Spaniard did invade our right Pt5*9 A bad woman Heavens bless us sirs who dare Np07*7 A badger once did ravage all the ﬁelds 02pa2*26 A butcher’s son judge capital 02pa3*75, LIa4*2, Yo27*3, Yo54*125 A certain brewer whose liquor of life 02pa2*37

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A certain fox had stole a neighbour’s goose Pt5*145 A certain man four children had Yo11*145 A certain priest had hoarded up 02pa3*4, Oa05*15 A choir of bright beauties in spring did appear Lb54*131, Yo11*37 A countess of fame BLh13*48, BLh14*41, BLh19*39, LIa4*26, NLSa12*22, Np43*18, Np45*22, V90*178, VAd43*191, Yo70*12 A country clown whilst cleaving of a block Yo88*224.1 A country fellow very poor Pt5*147, Pt5*149 A courtier and a sailor Fm12.3*38, Np44*63 A curse on such representatives BLa62*34, Lb55*31, Od08*230 A dean and prebendary BLa60*14, BLh14*87, Pt5*196 A dolphin taken mighty ill Pt5*146 A dunghill cock was raking in the ground Pt5*123, 02pa2*12 A dying Latinist of great renown SA30*78 A et ω Deus optimus maximus BLa20*159 A famous poetress has lately writ BLh13*50, LIa4*27, Np38*47 A farmer bought a partridge for his use Pt5*139 A fatal war two angry sisters waged 02pa1*28 A femme sole seized to her and her heirs forever Od08*261 A ﬁerce dispute ’twixt birds of night 02pa2*40 A ﬁerce wild boar of monstrous size and force 02pa2*15, Pt5*126 A generous race of croaking frogs 02pa2*30 A German widow once of jolly mien BLh19*7, V90*51, VAd43*56.1 A glorious ﬁgure did J once make BLh15*61, Lb38*15, Oep18*112 A grave physician used to write for fees Pt5*151 A half famished wolf met a jolly fat dog 02pa2*42 A hare did once into a garden get 02pa2*22, Pt5*133 A hawk that of yore 02pa2*34 A hog in armour is no common sign Yo54*204 A horse and ass were journeying on their way 02pa2*13, Pt5*124 A la gloire immortelle de Jacques second Yo52.2*60 A labouring swain had been at work 02pa2*25 A lady fair I dare not name BLa94*53, Pt2*62 A land there is as maps do tell 02pa2*33 A late expedition to Oxford was made 02pa2*120, BLa94*88, BLh15*47, Lb38*1, Np46*27, Oep18*28, Of06*11, Pt3*84, Yo11*230 A leopard of no vulgar birth or size Pt5*143 A load of guts wrapped in a sallow skin Ab12*77, BLh13*34, Np38*31 A long preludium where the matter’s full BLh19*75, He85*72, NLSa12*128, V90*149, VAd43*159 A lord baron bish Of06*63, Yo70*101 A lusty horse not long ago 02pa2*27 A man much troubled with a sprite Lb54*68

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A man with expense and inﬁnite toil BLa94*227 A medley of rufﬁans bound up in a band Yo11*232 A mighty great ﬂeet the like was ne’er seen 02pa1*2108, BLa97*106, BLh17*83, Pt3*85, Yo11*106 A mighty lion heretofore 02pa2*50 A mighty weasel of renown 02pa2*32 A milk white rogue immortal and unhanged 02pa2*47 A monument of dullness to erect Pt5*155 A muse’s power though fate has stopped his breath BLh15*111, Fm12.3*36, Lb38*67, Np44*60 A new sprout to quench the ﬁre 02pa3*84 A noble ﬁgure once J sate BLa97*70, Of06*9 A number of Princes though poor ones ’tis true 02pa2*151, BLa94*50, M35*151, Yo11*113 A pampered heron of lofty mien in state Fm12.3*70, Np44*97 A papist died as ’twas Jehovah’s will 02pa3*3, BLa97*44, Oa05*16 A parish priest was of the pilgrim train Oa05*30 A parliament with one consent 02pa3*125 A parliament the people’s god BLa20*161 A peaceful sway the great Augustus bore 02pa1*210 A peevish wight who many years was wont Fm12.3*72, Np44*99 A petition of the Lord Windsor praying that as soon as he is married BLa94*147, Np46*103 A pim al rent Yo54*33 A poet once the Spartans led to ﬁght Od08*177, Yo11*194 A poll and land tax are now coming forth 02pa2*155, BLa94*51, BLa97*105, HUe70*67, Pt3*88, Pt5*63, Yo70*1, Yo11*201 A pox of all plots it’s the national evil Ed3*157 A pox of the plotting and caballing of late Mc14*90, Np39*9 A pox of the troubles men make in the world Od57*83 A priest ranging the park did ﬁnd Oa01*79 A prison or an isle are much the same 02pa4*75 A prison’s but the emblem of a grave Oa01*41 A protector what’s that it is a stately thing Yo52.2*37 A Protestant muse yet a lover of kings 02pa3*140, Pt5*13 A Protestant priest a man of great fame 02pa3*171, Pt5*60, Yo11*84 A Quaker is a monster whose father is a Presbyterian SA30*77 A reverend dame late sick did lie Orp81*28 A Rome l’on y voit la motte d’Agrippine BLh14*91 A rump d’ye call’t that is too sweet a word Yo40*16 A sad mischance I sing alas Yo05*62 A scribbling puppy has of late designed BLa62*118 A serious ass of sober face Pt5*142

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A session of ladies was held on the stage BLh17*42, BLh19*116, Np42*58, Of15*66, Of16*114, Pt2*53, V90*238, VAd43*258 A session of lovers was held t’other day 02pa2*71, BLa62*128, BLa97*46, BLh17*41, Lb54*111, Np07*1, Np42*57, Od57*132, Of15*65, Pt2*51, V90*237, VAd43*257, Yo08*6 A shitten king bewrayed the usurped throne BLa97*75, BLh17*64, M35*16, Yo11*144 A stale virgin pessime olet stinks above ground Oa01*50 A thief that bravely bears away the prize BLa94*99, Np43*72, Np46*38, Oep18*35, V90*249, VAd43*269, Yo08*27 A thin ill-natured ghost that haunts the king 02pa2*85, BLa94*114, BLa97*85, BLh15*73, BLh17*74, BLh19*160, Fm12.3*5, HRO36*41, HUe70*43, Lb38*27, Np44*5, Np46*55, Oep18*53, Of06*66, Yo11*220 A threefold cord the wisest man said true BLa94*114, Fm12.3*5, BLa97*85, BLh15*73, BLh17*74, BLh19*160, HUe70*43, Lb38*27, Np44*5, Np46*55, Oep18*53, Of06*66, Yo11*220, Yo70*78 A tous presens et advenir qui ses prentes tres verront Od08*154 A traitor why whose counsel and Monk’s aid BLa20*27 A treacherous friar who died the other day Mc14*20 A treatise to prove that it is possible his majesty may become Od08*76 A triﬂing song you shall hear BLa94*202 A true dissenter here does lie indeed 02pa1*261, M35*166 A veil of thickened air around them cast Np40*115 A wanton sloven of a priest 02pa2*39 A wealthy matron now grown old 02pa2*51 A Welshman from his hills come down 02pa2*44 A widow young whose name is Bess BLh13*73 A wife I adore if either she’s constant and civil Yo54*154 A wife who never did her husband claim Oa05*57 A wolf complained that he had lost a lamb 02pa2*14, Pt5*125 A wolf retiring from Whitehall 02pa2*19, Pt5*130 A wretched churl was travelling with his ass 02pa2*18, Pt5*129 A year of wonders now is come V90*246 A youth of pregnant parts and wit 02pa2*23, Pt5*134 A youthful lion in the wood 02pa2*31 About the time that one shall be 02pa2*86, Mc14*21, Np07*24, Od57*129 Abroad as I was walking Ed3*148 Absent from thee I languish still LLt27*28 Abundance is a trouble want a misery Yo52.2*47, Yo52.2*58 Accables de malheurs menaces de la peste BLh14*118 Accept my lord of this poor glittering thing 02pa4*10, BLa60*38, BLh14*98, Np43*107

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Accept these tablets from Leander fraught Np40*57 [Accounts for a church dated 8 March 1696 /7] Orp81*19 Acuto in pessimis ingenio obtusa in optimis M35*190 Adam did eat of the tree of life Pt3*97 Add all to man that man’s perfection makes V90*133, VAd43*143 Adesse montis quotquot estis Incolae BLa20*58 Adieu false Britons false to your vows adieu BLa94*24, Yo11*1 Adieu to the joys of good fellowship quite BLa40*26 Aemula divini suavissima carminis ales SA30*122 Aesop o’ercome with wind and spleen 02pa2*38 Aestuat altisonans bombarda gravique tumultu BLa20*79 Aeternae infamiae civitatis Leydensis 02pa4*99 After a blustering tedious night M35*183 After a pretty amorous discourse DA*17 After a two months’ fast I hope at length Mc14*65 After death nothing is and nothing death Ab12*7, Ed3*16, He36*31, Lb54*30, Np40*85, Od08*196, Pt5*86, SKv69*8, Yo05*14 After so many sad mishaps He36*44 After some threescore years of caterwauling M35*164 After that sort of academic wit Fm12.1*49, ILr*3, Mc14*67, V90*113, VAd43*122 After the ﬁercest pangs of soft desire Yo05*78 After thinking this fortnight of Whig and of Tory BLh14*40, BLh19*44, Ed3*97, He85*33, LIa4*35, Mc14*76, NLSa12*4, Np39*41, Np43*16, Np45*4, Od57*130, Of16*12, Pt4*24, V90*175, VAd43*188 After two sittings now our lady state 02pa1*112, BLa20*33, BLa40*1, CAL68*20 Again my muse nor fear the steepy ﬂight 02pa4*42, BLa94*166 Again prorogued to the seventeenth of May BLa62*89 Against the charms our bollocks have Ab12*32, He36*23, Np40*24, SKv69*32, Yo05*34 Ah Cambridge famous for unlucky hits BLh19*104, NLSa12*152 Ah cruel bloody fate Yo54*142 Ah father Nuncio what woeful times are these Pt5*14 Ah ﬁlthy shabby tarse Yo54*201 Ah glory glory who are these appear BLa97*39 Ah Jenny since your eyes do kill Ed3*156 Ah mighty prince by too great birth betrayed Od08*206 Ah no ’tis all in vain believe me ’tis Oa05*14 Ah Raleigh when thou didst thy breath resign 02pa1*115, BLa22*25, BLh15*22, BLh17*19, Ed3*133, He24*25, Lb55*32, NLSa12*37, Np40*74, OAc16*28, Od08*229, Od57*128, Pc99*7, Pt1*22, Pt3*58, Pt4*1

312

Appendix

Ah the charms of a beauty disdainful and fair Mc14*92, Yo54*74 Ah to what sorrows am I led ILr*4, Mc14*68 Ah tyrant Love did ever I one hour BLa62*55 Aid me Bellona what strange news is this He85*52, Np43*20, V90*180, VAd43*193 Aider of the poor and punisher of trespass SA30*158 Alas for poor Saint James’s Park BLh13*60, BLh17*24, LIa4*45, Of16*3 Alas I now am weary grown BLh14*42, He85*79, Np43*27, V90*189, VAd43*202 Alas what’s man who knows but this did bear Oa05*61 Albion disclose thy drowsy eyes and see 02pa4*56 Albion where’s thy champions gone Yo11*22 Alderman Holt his debt 9000 pound Yo54*47 Alex For your ungodly letter BLh12*9 Algernon Sidney ﬁlls this tomb 02pa1*148, NLSa12*109, Od57*157 All Dutch and English that are left M35*202, Yo11*122 All earthly glory is but a farce BLh19*82, Lb54*107 All government is overturned by obedience and established BLa94*213 All hail to my Ben-dilly once again Pt4*14 All human things are subject to decay Ab12*52, BLh13*3, Ed3*61, He36*47, ILr*11, Lb54*1, NLI93*9, Np38*3, Np40*41, SKv69*48, Yo05*61 All in amaze at what is done I stood M35*67, Pt5*92, Yo11*33 All in the king’s name BLa40*16, OAc16*32, Od08*238 All in the town of London BLa62*7, He24*13, Od08*51, Pc99*26, Yo40*36, Yo54*245 All moneys received by him out of his majesty’s exchequer Od08*39 All my past life is mine no more Ab12*41, BLa40*27, CKh14*9, Ed3*54, He36*60, Lb54*43, LLt27*22, Np40*33, Np43*84, SKv69*38, Yo05*31, Yo13*3 All private wranglings and intestine jars Np43*54, Np46*23.1, Oep18*23, VAd43*243.1 All the materials are the same 02pa4*47 All the news that’s stirring now Od08*31 All the world can’t afford Ab12*78, BLa94*86, BLh13*35, Np38*32, Np46*20 All things are common amongst friends thou sayst HRO36*13 All things submit themselves to your command LLt27*26 All things went well in church and state BLa60*61 All things were hush as when the drawers tread Yo08*51 All this with indignation have I hurled Ab12*3.1, CMp*2, Ed3*20, Ed3*35.1, He36*32.1, NLI93*4, Np32*11, SKv69*4

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313

All vices cure themselves as some folks think Od57*149 All ye that know men and for virgins would pass He85*100, NLSa12*134, Np42*48, Of15*54, Pt2*50, V90*206, VAd43*222 All you good men who are BLh19*152 All you in whose gardens green laurels do grow BLa94*49 All you that have Protestant ears to hear BLa94*107, HUe70*24, Np46*46, Oep18*41, Of06*29 All you that would no longer to a monarch be subjected Od57*35 Alma quies aderat genti conclusaque Jani SA30*176 Almighty cunts whom Bolloximian here BLh12*36, Pc99*1a Although the many calumnies and dismal stories Pt5*51 Although you now are in great state Od08*128 Always at home abroad I range CAL68*41 Amara tantum gaudia existunt iis SA30*192 Amintor loved and lived in pain Ab12*44, CMp*6, DA*15, Lb54*46, Np32*7, Np40*36, Pt3*6, SKv69*43 Amisit tandem sua sceptra Philippus a vita SA30*88 Among the little pages that were sent 02pa4*36, Fm12.3*71, Np44*98, Np46*109 Among the race of England’s modern peers 02pa3*58, BLa22*48, Ed3*29, Fm12.1*3, Lb54*21, LIa4*16, Np39*1, V90*4, VAd43*4, Yo27*16 Among the writing race of modern wits 02pa3*59, BLa22*49, BLa62*76, Ed3*113, Fm12.1*10, Lb54*22, LIa4*17, NLSa12*90, Od08*304, V90*31, VAd43*33, Yo27*17 Amongst all the errors under which mankind generally labours CAL68*37 Amongst the high church I ﬁnd there are several BLa94*221 Amongst the myrtles as I walked Yo52.2*4 Amstrother all men she comes near she engages Od08*191 An act for the preservation of the Protestant religion Yo70*35 An age in her embraces passed LLt27*25 An aged fox that ravaged woods and plains 02pa2*24 An apple falling from a tree 02pa2*43 An argument proving the Cevennois rebels by the Earl of Nottingham 02pa3*208, BLa60*35 An assignation is an amorous zeal Of06*35 An eagle out in search for prey Pt5*141 An eighty-eight year brought in Spain’s armado Oa01*5.1 An engrossed bill from the lords entitled an act BLa60*8 An excellent composition of Sir Henry Vanes’s affection BLa20*31 An honourable sale of Dunkirk was made BLa20*30, He24*9 An invasion from Dutchland is all the discourse Np43*68, V90*245, VAd43*265

314

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Ancient person of my heart LLt27*34 And after singing psalm the twelfth Yo54*205 And can Theaner think the world to cheat BLa62*129 And hast thou left old Jemmy in the lurch 02pa2*108, M35*200, Pt5*110 And have you sir at length resolved to take Pt5*55, Yo11*85 And I do swear that I will never by threats injunctions Od08*215 And must our deaths be silenced too I guess He24*33 And must the hero that redeemed our land 02pa2*182 And now ’tis time for their ofﬁcious haste 02pa1*12, BLa20*147, BLh15*33, He36*50, Np40*78, Od76*16, Oep4*33, Pt1*35 And now this tale thus far being ended 02pa4*83 And now whatever can be said we do BLa20*112 And since men wandering in a wood by night 02pa2*54 And truth sweet virgins it were a vile miscarriage Yo08*92 And why to me this letter of complaint BLh15*112, Lb38*68, Np44*44 And wilt thou go great duke and leave us here Yo54*18 And you auspicious prince our other care 02pa2*165 Anglia te prodit tua gens quia quae libet odit Od57*22 Anglica terra fuit sicut est Nilotica tellus SA30*139 Anima hominis est abrasa tabula BLa20*115 Annals and statutes have the heroes graced 02pa2*170 Anne diu qui ﬁt cum tam feliciter annos Yo54*11 Anno milleno centeno septuageno SA30*159 Another prorogation what’s the reason BLa62*21 Antiquae litem natura diremit mortem SA30*93 Antiqui quanti fuerint nos edocet ingens BLa20*105 Apes we are all until twenty-one M35*147 Apollo concerned to see the transgression 02pa1*160, Ed3*75, Lb54*2, Np40*55, Np43*1, Od08*42, Od57*154, V90*157, VAd43*167, Yo40*45 Apollo Pallas and the muses all Yo54*43 Apollo whose kind inﬂuences produce HRO36*31 Appear thou mighty bard to open view 02pa1*244, BLa97*28, Of16*83 Apply a cure unto those wounds you gave Yo52.1*75.2 Appulsus nostris Batavus leo rugiit oris SA30*103 Are all the poets dumb and is there none Yo54*42 Are all those lights that gild the street M35*81 Are ladies then so excellent in rhyme CAL68*7 Argento pauper Petrus pauperrimus auro BLa20*69 Arise my muse and to thy tuneful lyre BLh19*148, Yo70*27 Arise O thou once mighty Charles arise Mc14*44 Arise thou orb of beauty in whose sphere Mc14*3 Arithmetic nine digits and no more Yo54*52

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Armed with Love’s artillery CAL68*52 Arserat ut meritis regia alba ast impia ﬂammis 02pa3*179, BLh14*74 Art and Nature both alleges Mc14*39 Art thou a sinner and wouldst merit heaven BLh19*144 Art thou joyful I am joyful BLh19*96 Art thou returned my sister concubine 02pa4*76 Arthurus veniet clypeo seu nomen ab auro Of06*64, Yo70*89 Artibus iste pater famosus in omnibus Adam SA30*172 Articulis sacris quidam subscribere jussus BLa20*42 As a young lawyer many years will drudge 02pa4*29 As Billy and Molly together were Yo11*177 As brave Sir George Toulouse did beat 02pa4*45, Fm12.3*76, Np44*104 As by the rigid laws of Rome Of06*28, Yo11*179, Yo70*88 As cities that to their ﬁerce conqueror yield 02pa1*224, BLa22*1, BLa40*14, BLh15*10, Lb55*10, LIa4*52, NLSa12*41, Np40*65, Od08*127, Pt1*10, Pt3*40, Pt5*78, V90*18, VAd43*19, Yo40*37, Yo52.1*60 As Cloris full of harmless thoughts Yo05*19 As Collin fed his sheep the other day Yo70*13 As Colon drove his sheep along 02pa1*132, Ab12*54, BLa22*20, BLa40*8, BLh13*15, BLh17*27, Ed3*55, He36*76, Lb54*8, LIa4*5, Mc14*29, Np32*9, Np38*15, Np40*48, NLSa12*83, Od08*272, Od57*74, Pt3*8, SKv69*52, V90*100, VAd43*108, Yo05*71, Yo27*8, Yo54*146 As crafty harlots use to shrink Ab12*19, Ed3*82, He36*35, Np40*8, Od76*26, SKv69*18, Yo05*41 As dearest friends who when cold Death is nigh Mc14*91 As down the torrent of an angry ﬂood 02pa1*259, Od57*175, Of16*109, Yo08*64 As fair Olinda sat beneath a shady tree 02pa2*117 As from a darkened room some optic glass Mc14*46 As gentle Strephon sang and played BLh19*142, Of06*44 As Hodge and Dick who lately came 02pa4*46 As I a-walking was the other day 02pa3*88, NLSa12*78, OAc16*57, Od08*291, Yo54*229 As I about the town do walk Od57*49 As I walked by myself M35*5, Yo11*136 As I was going last night to Whitehall BLa97*32, BLh17*43, Of16*85 As I was pondering one evening late BLa94*33, BLh17*79, M35*74, Yo11*131 As I was walking in a shady grove Mc14*11 As I went by St James’s I heard a bird sing 02pa3*126, BLh19*121, Of16*126, Yo08*24, Yo54*78

316

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As I’m informed on Monday last you sat Np42*39, Of15*45, Pt2*40, VAd43*231 As in a dream our thinking monarch lay 02pa2*135, BLa94*124, BLa97*100, BLh15*78, BLh19*157, Fm12.3*14, HUe70*60, Lb38*32, Lb54*136, Np07*30, Np44*17, Np46*70, Oep18*68, Yo11*132 As in a shipwreck some poor sailor tossed Oa05*8 As in the days of yore was odds 02pa1*228, BLa62*62, He36*69, LIa4*49, NLSa12*40, OAc16*43, Od08*228, Od57*77, Pt3*19, Yo40*85 As in those climes where poisonous plants abound BLa94*220 As in those nations where they yet adore BLa40*23, M35*30, Np43*7, Oep4*60, Pc99*28, SA30*5, VAd43*174 As Indians when a valued hero dies 02pa4*71 As Killigrew came t’other day Od57*140 As Lambeth prayed so was the dire event Orp81*31 As late at funeral pomp I sat BLh15*103, Lb38*59, Np44*35 As leaves which from the trees blown down 02pa1*286 As men with stones do break the smoothest glass Yo52.1*35, Yo52.1*42 As moody Job in shirtless case Yo11*88 As Mother Cook went t’other day Of16*46 As needy gallants in the scrivener’s hands 02pa3*17, Od08*176, Yo11*193 As Nero once with harp in hand surveyed He24*10, Mc14*53, Pt3*74 As none though ne’er so ugly mount the gallows M35*187.2 As on his death-bed grasping Strephon lay 02pa1*2102, BLh13*13, CAL68*6, Ed3*14, ILr*5, NLI93*22, Np38*13, Oa05*11, Yo54*131 As our Saint Patron with his eagle eye Yo40*61 As Phillis with her black cunt sat Ed3*151 As Ralph and Nick i’th’ ﬁeld were plowing Yo08*42 As reading of romances did inspire 02pa1*291 As restless on my bed one night I lay 02pa1*166 As Sampson’s lion honey gave Od57*76 As seamen shipwrecked on some happy shore Oep4*64, SA30*56 As some brave admiral in former ﬁght Ab12*6, BLa22*32, BLa40*25, Ed3*95, He36*1, Lb54*27, NLI93*20, Np40*82, Od08*151, Oep4*72, Orp81*4, Pt5*80, SKv69*7, Yo05*8, Yo40*87 As some raw lad by careful friends sent down M35*188.2 As soon as I saw that stock of bright charms Np07*8 As t’other night in bed I thinking lay 02pa1*135, BLa22*6, BLh15*11, CAL68*9, Fm12.1*18, Lb55*15, NLSa12*66, OAc16*1, Od08*152, Pc99*5, Pt1*11, V90*38, VAd43*42, Yo52.2*32 As the late character of godlike men 02pa1*240, BLa97*22, Of16*69 As through St Edmund’s streets I past BLa20*142 As through the temple gate I late did pass Yo54*243 As to the bill it was thrown out by ﬁve voices Oep18*70

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317

As trembling prisoners stand at bar Ab12*47, Np40*39, Pt3*7, SKv69*46 As truant Cupid on the rake BLa97*143 As trusty broom-staff midnight witch bestrides Pt5*183 As wearied kings that quit the throne Of06*18 As when a bully draws his sword Ab12*49, CKh14*5, Ed3*65, Np40*69, Oa05*39, Oep4*81, SA30*46, Yo05*46 As when a comet does appear HRO36*33 As when proud Lucifer aimed at a throne 02pa1*173, BLh13*65, Ed3*69, He85*43, LIa4*55, NLSa12*3, Np45*3, Od57*151, Of16*7, V90*99, VAd43*107 As when the queen of love engaged in war BLa94*141, Np46*90, Oep18*88 As when two streams divided gently glide 02pa1*218 Ascend Alecto from thy den and come Ed3*77 Ascende Hospes and Circumspice BLa20*153 Ashton found guilty surely ’t cannot be Yo11*43 Aspectare licet pallentis lampada phoebes SA30*111 Assist me muse that in a glorious strain Yo70*2 Assist me satyr since I ﬁnd ’tis grown Np46*106 Assist me some auspicious muse to tell Lb55*5, Od08*63, Yo40*67 Assist me some good sprite Np43*98, Od08*284, Yo54*215 Assist me Stanhope whilst I sing BLh13*58, BLh19*37, He85*40, NLSa12*21, Np45*21 At a time when the eyes of all Europe are directed towards Od08*327 At Anna’s call the Austrian eagle ﬂies 02pa3*199 At bello audacis populi vexatus et armis BLa62*82, Od76*3 At court when none but knaves and fools prevail BLh19*46, Ed3*51, He85*45 At dead of night after an evening ball BLa94*151, BLa97*97, BLh17*78, HUe70*26, M35*75, Np46*118, Oep18*109, Yo11*170 At dead of night imperial reason sleeps Np07*25 Np44*55 At dead of night when peaceful spirits sleep BLa94*212 At ﬁve this morn when Phoebus raised his head 02pa1*283, BLa62*9, BLh12*3, BLl36*1, Ed3*72, He36*41, HRO36*46, Od57*153, Pt3*61, V90*72, VAd43*80, Yo05*55, Yo13*2, Yo40*52, Yo52.2*40 At length my dreams of virtue passed Yo70*17 At length to complete my life and my glory Yo11*213 At Mr Crooms at the sign of the Shoe and Slap Yo54*72 At seventy years Tom Kestell’s silver hairs Oep4*7, SA30*17 At the pastoral staff Yo70*70 At the sight of my Phillis from every part BLh14*20, Fm12.1*34, Od08*160, V90*78, VAd43*86 At Tunbridge Wells a New England apostle Yo54*136

318

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At Wallingford House not far from the court Np43*104 At your ﬁrst sight of this letter you will think I am Lb54*129 Attend all you curious and to your own fate Fm12.3*30, Np44*42, BLh15*106, Lb38*62, BLh14*85 Attend good people and to me give ear Od08*115 Attend good people lay by scoffs and scorns Od08*164 Attend ye good people all I pray BLa60*4 Aude aliquid brevibus gyaris et carcere dignum M35*169 Augustissime Caesar Domine Clementissime Sacrae Caesarae Od08*10 Aula profanâ M35*128 Aureus umbo rosae sibi adhamat et urit ocellos BLa20*86 Aurum puncta dabunt argentum par[i]que simplex Yo54*198 Auspicious day the best in all the year BLa94*111, BLh19*112, Np46*51, Oep18*46, Yo70*69 Austriacum Batavis Dominum detraximus olim Yo11*114 Avarus inter opes haberi inops cupit SA30*193 Awake awake fair goddess of this place Yo54*168 Awake awake Heaven’s winged messenger doth call Oa01*59 Awake dull muse the sun appears Oep4*57, SA30*9 Awake sad Britain and advance at last Od57*30 Awake vain man ’tis time the abuse to see Mc14*52 Away with azure violet blue BLa20*84 Away with your ballads begone with old Simon 02pa4*48, Fm12.2*24, Np42*67 Azure semy of ﬂower de lices Od08*32 Baber to whose stupendous natural parts LIa4*37, Np39*31 Backed with confederate force the Austrian goes 02pa4*54, BLh14*93, Fm12.3*75, Np44*102, Orp81*24 Barbarae genere moribus et innocentia illustris Od08*23 Base metal hanger by thy master’s thigh Ed3*57, He36*26, Mc14*36, Pt3*64, V90*76, VAd43*84, Yo54*202 Bawds ﬁddlers whores buffoons of the age Np43*3 Be dumb unhallowed oracles and more Oep4*37 Be not puffed up with knighthood friend of mine Pt5*168 Be pleased when nothing offers better BLa94*194 Be still my soul let not these various storms Yo88*190 Be wise as Addison as Browne be brave 02pa4*33 Be wise as Somerset as Somers brave BLa94*190, BLh14*102, HRO36*71 Beat on proud billows Boreas blow M35*152, Yo08*83, Yo11*32 Beauty and wit so barely you requite HUe70*47 Beauty is nature’s quaint disguise He36*62 Beauty itself lies here in whom alone Yo54*50.1 Beauty thou active passive ill Oa05*53

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319

Because the lords lieutenants and deputy lieutenants Od57*171 Before the clergy did of marriage taste Od57*48 Before the end of September near BLa62*42 Before you’re at one tedious page’s end BLh19*83 Begin be bold and venture to be wise Np40*116, Oa05*52 Begin we now a second time BLh19*78, He85*81.1, NLSa12*117 Behold a new thing under sun Od57*126 Behold Dutch prince here lie the unconquered pair 02pa3*176 Behold the covenant and the kingdom quit Oep4*39, SA30*72 Behold the genius of our land NLSa12*103 Behold the man who to be great abroad Mc14*87 Behold the man whose blood was rudely spilt BLa94*44, M35*104, Yo11*47 Behold the race whence England’s woes proceed Yo11*197 Being about to enter into the nearest Christian communion Od08*102 Being called by a sick and I think a dying bed Pt5*52 Believe me Will that those who have least sense 02pa1*267 Bella fugis bellas sequeris belloque repugnas BLa62*40, M35*145, Oa05*23, Od08*47, Pc99*14, SA30*92, Yo36*6.1, YoD*6.1 Bella inter geminos plus quam civilia fratres M35*168 Bellipotens virgo septem regina trionum BLa62*29 Ben Hoadley Johnson Julian and Oates BLa60*71, BLa94*219 Beneath this place 02pa1*2106, Pt3*89 Bentinck the goblet holds Carmarthen ﬁlls BLa97*93, M35*69, Orp81*14, Yo11*166 Between Father Patrick and his highness of late 02pa1*235, BLa40*10, NLSa12*67, OAc16*24, Od08*153, Yo40*77, Yo70*80 Beware ye Christian doctrines all M35*4.1 Big with the thoughts of pleasure down I came BLh19*64, He85*51, NLSa12*140, Of16*40, V90*147, VAd43*157 Blackmore strove long with holy crafts to please Pt5*173 Blame not the sages of the law Mc14*89 Bless me what sight is this invades mine eyes M35*188 Bless me you stars for sure some sad portent V90*79, VAd43*87 Bless the good ladies and good food 02pa4*84 Bless this our meat and bless our king and queen HRO36*88 Bless us good lord from that dull sect that say Od57*43 Blessed is the man that walketh not in the council BLa22*10 Blessed mother of the church be in the list Oep4*4, SA30*63 Blessed once with all the joys that women yield Mc14*84 Blessed spirit what a pious cheat thou hast given Oep4*8 Blest age when every purling stream BLh13*71 Blest he that with a mighty hand 02pa1*282

320

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Blood in a cassock hides the crown and ﬂies Od57*90 Blood underneath the holy coat this was Yo40*58 Blown up by faction and by guilt spurred on BLa94*172, BLh14*80 Bludius ut ruris damnum repararet aviti Lb55*9.1, Od57*87, Pc99*21, Yo52.2*33 Boast not too much your powerful charms Np07*9 Bold Bacchus must the muses now attend Oa01*28 Bold thy attempt in these hard times to raise Pt5*181 Boni et mali rationes aeternae et indispensabiles BLa20*116 Born high yet bastard well bred but grew base M35*26 Born under kings our fathers freedom sought 02pa4*101 Both good and wise of many thousands one Oep4*52, SA30*54 Both kind and fortunate the year begun Pt5*204 Both shores were lost to sight when at the close Oa05*31 Brave Englishmen once now base cowards esteemed BLh17*53, Yo11*19 Bright Lucifer son of the morning star Oa01*61 Bright soul instruct us mortals how to mourn He24*36 Bring me a man with animating strokes OAc16*67, Od57*179 Britain expect from heaven no happy fate BLa94*25, Yo11*203 Brother I can’t but take it very ill BLa94*232 Buckingham swears and drinks Yo54*2 Burnetus ditescunt et fursonius audax M35*9 Burst forth in tears thou heart of adamant Yo52.2*35 Bursting with pride the loathed impostume swells Ab12*25, Ed3*27, Np40*17.1, SKv69*24, Yo05*66, Yo54*189 But here ’tis ﬁt I choose a nobler verse He85*84.1 But no man gets a groat that doth not swive Yo54*92 But now let our prayers grow a little more civil BLa97*81.1, Of06*8.1 But painter cease here draw your largest veil Yo52.2*11 But Sunderland Godolphin Lory HRO36*54 But t’other day from exile not by force 02pa3*102, BLa62*81 But that ’tis dangerous for man to be V90*192, VAd43*205 But were you really so mad as to fancy all the ships Fm12.3*48, Np44*74 But wherefore all this pother about fame Oep4*82, SA30*45 But why this fury all that e’er was writ BLh13*70, BLh19*50, He85*19, LIa4*65, Np42*29, Of15*35, Pt2*27, V90*176, VAd43*189, Yo13*17 But will you now to peace incline Od57*51 By a bold people’s stubborn arms oppressed BLa62*82.1, NLSa12*101, Od76*4 By a false Scot a lying treasurer and a French whore BLa62*108, Pt3*54 By all love’s soft and mighty powers Ed3*85, He36*24, Np40*10, Yo05*35

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321

By Bacchus and by Venus swear BLa60*6 By Britain’s true monarchs great William and Mary BLa94*39, HUe70*33, Of06*14, Yo11*97, Yo70*73 By fools and knaves pursued ensnared and caught BLa62*86 By heaven a hellish tribe so cursed a crew Yo11*160 By heaven I’ll tell her boldly that ’tis she SA30*3 By hell ’twas bravely done what less than this Ed3*53 By Jove a noble audience today BLh12*35 By nature meant by want a pedant made Pt5*150 By parents’ care instructed to feed poultry Od57*161 By this time madam I hope every looking glass Of06*69 By wandering up and down I now have found Yo88*214 By what I did hear the little bird sing BLa94*94, BLh15*52, BLh19*130, HUe70*5, Lb38*6, Np46*33 By what power was love conﬁned Fm12.1*61, V90*140, VAd43*150 C Clifford A Arlington B Buckingham A Ashley L Lauderdale Od08*58 Cambrai whilst of seraphic love you set 02pa4*18 Cambridge is dead and Kendall is riding post BLa62*27 Can learning’s orb when such a star expires 02pa1*284 Can my own blood betray me to disgrace 02pa3*219 Canonical black coats like birds of a feather BLa94*91, BLh15*51, Lb38*5, Np46*30, Oep18*30, Of06*46, Yo11*62 Cantavit Gallus ﬂet apostolus aspice ﬂentem BLa20*29, Yo52.1*31 Captus amore procus caecaque Cupidine ductus Oa01*8, Of16*57 Cary’s face is not the best Od08*43, Yo52.1*21 Caesar ubi Gallis Romam tulit arma redactus Yo88*222 Caesaris irati Ligarius ante tribunal Oa05*9 Caveant Doctores regentes et non regentes M35*40, SA30*99, Yo52.2*63 Cease cease from thy complaints disquieted soul BLa20*60 Cease cruel conquests and set free your swains Np07*37 Cease hypocrites to trouble heaven M35*58 Cease now thy talk of wonders nothing rare Od76*37 Cease rural conquests and set free your swains BLa60*43, Fm12.3*77, Np44*105 Celestial was her language every phrase Yo52.2*56.2 Celia now my heart has broke 02pa1*287 Celia that faithful servant you disown LLt27*27 Celia this sullen pride forsake HUe70*22, Of06*58 Celinda loved by every swain BLh15*118, Lb38*74 Cernitis Aethiopem certe non cernere fas est SA30*112 Charissimo ﬁlio Johanni Trottio Yo36*14 Charleroy and Maastricht Pt4*17 Charles at this time having no need BLa40*4.1, BLa94*8, BLa97*3.1,

322

Appendix

BLh17*22, Ed3*8, Lb54*13, M35*32.1, Mc14*56.1, Np42*6.1, Od08*276.1, Orp81*7.1, Pt2*13.1, V90*165.1, VAd43*176.1, Yo13*20.1 Charles Berkly talks aloud Yo40*19 Charles by the grace of God king of Great Britain BLa22*15 Charles for help to his old friends doth call OAc16*37 Charles I take it very kindly that you write LLt27*7 Charles the second by the grace of God Od08*16 Charon O Charon hie and come away BLa62*20 Chaste Halifax and pious Wharton cry BLa94*187 Chaste pious prudent Charles the second 02pa1*137, BLa22*17, BLa40*21, BLh15*21, ILr*14, Lb55*33, NLSa12*38, Np40*77, OAc16*9, Od08*225, Od57*115, Pt1*21, Pt3*25, V90*37, VAd43*41, Yo40*56, Yo52.1*76, Yo52.2*43 Cheer up my grieved soul and do not fear Yo54*208 Chloe in love grown nice BLh14*61 Chloe in verse by your command I write Ab12*2, BLa40*38, CAL68*2, CKh14*11, CKh14*3, Ed3*64, Fm12.1*8, He36*6, LLt27*1, NLI93*15, Np40*101, Np46*3, Od08*193, Od76*22, Oep18*3, Pt5*74, SKv69*2, V90*27, VAd43*29, Yo05*5 Chloe the brightest of her sex BLh14*62, HUe70*21 Chloe’s the wonder of her sex Of06*57 Christian sheep we celebrate today a great gospel Yo54*100 Cingite odoriferis fragrantia tempora sertis SA30*132 Clara micanti auro spernas Romane sepulcra SA30*175 Clarendon had law and sense 02pa1*141, BLa22*53, BLa62*101, He24*26, Lb54*26, NLSa12*91, Np39*28, OAc16*48, Od08*296, Pt3*43, V90*15, VAd43*15, Yo52.1*40 Clauserat obscuro cum me medicaster in antro BLa20*157, Oa01*7, Od76*6 Cleveland was doubtless to blame BLh13*33, BLh14*10, Ed3*37, Np40*61, Od08*68, Od08*85, V90*28, VAd43*30, Yo40*38, Yo70*9 Clito the wise the generous and good 02pa2*75 Cloaks for the senate are they say decreed Oa01*53 Close and obscure a wit of small renown Pt3*69 Close by a stream whose ﬂowery banks might give Ab12*70, BLh13*25, LIa4*19, Np38*24, Np40*93, Yo05*79, Yo27*24 Close hugged in Portsmouth’s smock thy senses are Yo52.2*51 Close in a hollow silent cave NLI93*23 Close to my owner I adhered M35*131, 02pa3*106 Close wrapped in Portsmouth’s smock thy senses are BLa40*5, BLa62*33, BLh17*21, Ed3*114, LIa4*15, Of16*38, Pt3*46, Yo27*18, Yo54*150

First-Line Index to Anthologies

323

Cloyed with the city and the fears that it brings Yo54*127 Coelo natus ex coeno nec orbus nec posthumus fui M35*194 Cold Muscovy as story tells 02pa2*45 Come all tricking papists Lady Abbess and nun BLa97*51, Od57*173, Of16*108 Come all ye youths that yet are free BLh13*57, BLh14*30, BLh19*36, Ed3*138, He85*9, LIa4*32, NLSa12*20, Np38*54, Np42*27, Np45*20, Od57*108, Of15*33, Pt2*35, V90*122, VAd43*132 Come all you brave boys whose courage is bold Oa01*1 Come all you whores and bawds that are in this nation Yo40*9 Come brave boys now let us sing Yo11*10 Come bring us out the widest bowl Oep4*54 Come buy my new ballet BLa94*211 Come Celia let’s agree at last BLh19*52, V90*184, VAd43*197 Come cheer up your hearts boys and all hands to work Pt5*102 Come come great Orange come away 02pa3*128 Come come let’s mourn all eyes that see this day Yo54*232 Come cut again the game’s not done Np39*30 Come ﬁll up our glasses until they run o’er Od57*96 Come heavenly spirits comfort bring Pt5*27 Come here my Bentinck and indulge thy charms Yo11*143 Come hither Topham with a hey with a hey NLSa12*56, OAc16*66, Od57*62 Come Holy Ghost send down those heavenly beams Yo88*213 Come keen iambics with your badgers’ feet 02pa3*16 Come lay aside your murmuring M35*76, Yo11*134 Come listen good people to what I shall say BLa22*40, Lb54*25, OAc16*21, Od08*273, Yo54*128 Come on come on brave Irish boys Yo11*25 Come on ye critics ﬁnd one fault who dare Ab12*50, BLa20*45, CKh14*4, Ed3*30, He24*22, He36*66, Lb54*6, NLI93*18, Np40*68, Oa05*37, Od08*98, Od57*158, Oep4*74, SA30*38, Yo05*44 Come painter take a prospect from this hill 02pa3*143 Come pence a piece in brick and stone Fm12.1*67 Come weavers come butchers come cobblers come all Od57*36 Come White prepare to grave that man once more BLh17*84, M35*84, Yo11*52 Come ye old English huntsmen that love noble sport BLa94*210 Coming by chance into St Laurence Kirk Yo11*91 Compertum est alibi in memorandum huius scaccarii Od08*13 Con Ruf Hen Steph Hen Rich I Hen Tres Edque Rich Hen tres BLa20*134 Concerning non-residence and the ill example which the clergy give BLa20*135

324

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Conductors come away Yo54*27 Contains all the places and ofﬁces of command turned out of employment 02pa3*31 Contents 68 Non contents 59 M35*114 Contre quinte et quatorze on peu fair[e] un beau jeu BLa60*7.1 Convocat ecclesiae proceres qui sceptra paventis Yo11*63 Cooper designs Sawpitt dares not oppose Yo40*55 Corinna in the bloom of youth HUe70*20, Of06*56 Corinna keep those globes of light Pt3*96 Corsici violatae Gallinae legationis rei BLa20*28 Corvus adest ceteri bene nota Caystria penna SA30*118 Could I but climb the Ciceronian pole Mc14*10 Could then thy lazy thought to know my friend Np07*12 Courage dear Mall and drive away despair BLa94*139, Np46*88, Oep18*87, Pt3*102 Cover le feau ye Huguenots BLa62*11, Yo40*63, Yo52.1*49 Coxcomb Bates For captain I do scorn to call thee Od08*79 Crane and Tuke are ﬂanting ﬂirts BLa62*100 Creator spirit by whose aid Oa05*19 Crown crown the goblet quaff the sparkling wine BLh19*133, Fm12.3*44, Np44*69 Crushed by that just contempt his follies bring Ab12*24, Ed3*26, Np40*17, SKv69*23, Yo05*65, Yo54*188 Culmen opes sobolem pollentia regna triumpha SA30*156 Cum ego Eduardus Spence in oratione a me coram Pt5*94 Cum piscatores textor legit esse vocatos BLa20*43 Cum primum Batavo solvit tua littore classis Yo11*150 Cum queritur mundus nos nostrum occidere regem M35*20.2 Cum queritur mundus nos nostrum vendere regem M35*20.1 Cum Strephon extremas moriturus duceret horas 02pa1*2104, ILr*5.1, Oa05*10 Cum Titus Auriacae libaret basia dextrae Yo11*162 Cunctis mella dabo sed nullis spicula ﬁgo BLa20*18 Cupid I hear thou hast improved HRO36*25 Cupid once when wearied grown BLa20*94 Cupid the slyest rogue alive Oa05*20 Cur ego servitium temerarius ambio regum Yo54*238 Cur indignemur mortales morte perire SA30*174 Cur tacet hic mutus non est tibi lingua potesne SA30*113 Currit ubi Hibernas securus Belga per undas M35*68, Yo11*126 Curse on such representatives 02pa3*23, BLh15*18, Pt1*18, M35*80 Curse on those critics ignorant and vain Ab12*71, BLh13*26, BLh19*20, Ed3*125, He85*30, Lb54*63, NLSa12*92, Np38*25, Np39*2,

First-Line Index to Anthologies

325

Np39*43, Np42*17, Of15*23, Pt2*19, Pt3*45, V90*67, VAd43*129, VAd43*73 Cursed be the day and doubly cursed that morn BLh12*42 Cursed be the head that ﬁrst invented play Pt5*200 Cursed be the man what do I wish as though 02pa3*9 Cursed be the sages which did ordain That Whigs BLa94*41, M35*44 Cursed be the stars that did ordain Queen Bess 02pa2*152, BLa94*40, BLa97*86, BLh14*72, BLh17*87, M35*45, Of06*68, Yo11*188, Yo11*189, Yo70*92 Cursed be the timorous fool whose feeble mind 02pa1*140, BLa62*127, NLSa12*107 Cursed be those dull unpointed dogg’rel rhymes BLh19*102, He85*105, NLSa12*157, Np42*52, Np46*25, Oep18*25, Of15*59, Of16*84, Pt2*79, V90*224, VAd43*244, Yo08*59, Yo70*56 Cursed be those thoughts whom contemplation move Mc14*24 Cy gist icy Charles roy d’Espagne 02pa2*100 Cy gist Saint Evremont de célèbre memoir BLa60*22 Cygnus adest siluere aquilae siluere columbae SA30*121 D’ye hear the news of the Dutch dear Frank 02pa3*123 Daily disgracer of our English satyr BLa94*12, Of16*92, Yo19*4 Damn that opinion which will not allow He85*102, V90*151, VAd43*161 Damn ye my lads what ne’er a word to say BLh12*39 Damon forbear and don’t disturb your muse BLa94*205, BLh15*137, Lb38*93 Damon if thou wilt believe me BLa94*113, HUe70*28.1, Np46*52.1, Oep18*49 Damon that author of so great renown 02pa2*73, He85*86, NLSa12*122, Np43*79, Yo70*43 Dampnum mihi contulit tempore brumali SA30*165 Daphnen Phoebus amat fugit illa ab nomen amantis SA30*131 Dat veniam Corvis vexat censura He36*82 Daughter M we are ﬁve against you one BLa20*137 Dead is the man whom England once did fear HRO36*61 Dear cousin why so melancholy why 02pa4*95 Dear Dick howe’er it comes into his head BLa94*236 Dear friend I fain would try once more BLh17*32, BLh19*87, Fm12.1*65, He85*80, NLSa12*114, Of16*42, V90*154, VAd43*164 Dear friend I hear that you of late are grown Oa05*1 Dear friend I hear this town does so abound Ab12*12, BLa40*17, CKh14*2, He36*2, Lb54*33, LLt27*31, NLI93*2, Np40*2, Od76*24, Pt5*77, SKv69*13, Yo05*1 Dear friend When last I did discourse you of my love Lb54*137

326

Appendix

Dear friend when those we love are in distress 02pa2*63, BLh17*16, Np43*75, Od57*156, Of16*25, Yo13*30 Dear friend Your letter I with grief perused 02pa3*39, BLh12*11 Dear friends you know I keep two chairmen BLh17*38 Dear friends you know I keep two pages BLh17*39 Dear Julian having missed thee a long time Np43*34, V90*197, VAd43*210 Dear Julian twice or thrice a year 02pa2*65, BLh17*33, BLh19*73, Np43*95, Yo13*38 Dear madam It shall not be my present business to harangue Mc14*41 Dear maudaum me ha’ sent me ladies bill so very sheap Oa01*78 Dear Mr Henningham I make bold to send this ballad BLh15*80, HUe70*62, Np44*16, Oep18*69.1 Dear painter it is hard for me to tell BLa62*66 Dear Sir a lady cried that’s much renowned BLa94*136, Np46*85 Dear sir the great conclusion Solomon made Od57*99, Yo54*107 Dear Somerton once my beloved correspondent BLa94*127, BLh15*82, HUe70*57, Lb38*36, Np44*14, Np46*74, Od57*164, Oep18*73 Dear sweet Richards William BLh14*49, BLh19*108, Np43*39, Of16*87, V90*210, VAd43*226 Dear Thomas didst thou never pop 02pa4*26 Dear Tom I have just time to give you an account BLa94*222, BLa94*229 Dear wife let me have a ﬁre made 02pa3*149 Dear Will We two have plotted twenty years and more BLh17*56, Yo11*214 Dearest George Once I thought that thou hadst been the perfection Mc14*85 Death who’ll not change prerogative with thee Yo54*50 Declining Venus has no force o’er love 02pa3*174, BLh15*90, Lb38*46, Np44*23, Np46*81, Oep18*85 Deel confound each senseless loon Yo11*39 Deel faw mine eyne BLa97*119, M35*116, Yo11*38 Deep in an unctuous vale ’twixt swelling hills BLh19*5, BLh12*29, Ed3*43, He36*7, V90*82, VAd43*90 Deep waters silent roll so grief like mine BLh19*25 Delirat rex triumphat cunnus BLa62*37 Denham is dead and Cleveland is ﬂed Yo40*75 Denied the press forbid the public view Lb54*90 Describe the Roman clergy who can do’t Yo54*59 Deserted and scorned the proud Marlborough sat BLa97*103, HUe70*65, Oep18*77, Yo70*47 Deserted out of Colonel Bellasis Richmond’s regiment BLh15*91, Lb38*47, Np44*24

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327

Despairing beside a clear stream CAL68*55 Deus bone quid ego in me suscepi Od08*35 Devils can change their shapes but not their natures Od57*81 Did any punishment attend HRO36*20 Did ever Nature prodigal appear Yo08*72 Did you ever hear of such a thing as this battle Od57*170 Did you hear of the news an invincible ﬂeet BLa94*98, Np43*71, Np46*37, Oep18*34, V90*248, VAd43*268, Yo08*25 Die wretched Damon die quickly to ease her BLa94*112, HUe70*28, Np46*52, Oep18*48 Dieu et mon droit Od08*231 Digniﬁed things may I your leave implore 02pa3*113, Of16*117 Diras viator et mali ominis verba Yo11*73 Discolor exuitur vultus turbataque rerum 02pa1*215 Discreet and apprehensive sir if the iniquity of men were as easily BLa20*67 Disgraced undone forlorn made fortune’s sport 02pa3*61, Ab12*58, BLa22*44, BLa62*93, BLa94*3, BLh13*7, Ed3*105, Fm12.1*25, He36*68, Lb54*14, LIa4*11, Mc14*37, Np38*7, Np39*5, NLSa12*80, OAc16*35, Od08*289, Od57*69, Pt3*11, SKv69*57, V90*57, VAd43*62, Yo13*11, Yo27*13, Yo52.2*52 Dives opum virtute potens clarusque triumpho SA30*149 Divine Thalia charmer of my breast 02pa4*70 Divorum domus an regum stupor urbis an orbis BLa20*124 Do not most fragrant earl disclaim BLa60*53, BLa94*158, BLh14*110 Do you not know How a fortnight ago Od57*53 Do you observe Lindamor that domestic animal the vassal BLa20*76, Od76*38 Domino Cornelio D’ Witt urbis hujus consuli Od08*91, SA30*146 Dorinda’s sparkling wit and eyes BLh15*96, Fm12.3*21, Lb38*52, Np44*29, Oa01*43 Dorset no gentle nymph can ﬁnd BLh13*61, BLh14*39, BLh19*43, Ed3*88, He85*32, LIa4*46, NLSa12*6, Np43*15, Np45*6, Of16*4, V90*174, VAd43*187 Dost hear the bells ring and the great cannons roar Yo11*120 Down down discoverers who so long have plotted Of16*21 Drake Howard the impudentest bawd in town Of06*59, Yo70*26 Draw England ruined by what was giv’n before 02pa1*110, BLa22*36, BLh15*5, He24*3, Lb54*114, Lb55*3, NLSa12*63, Np40*73, Od08*73, Oep4*92, Pc99*9, Pt1*5, SA30*28, Yo36*5, Yo70*66, YoD*5 Draw me a lord standing in separation Yo54*231 Draw me a lord that hath less wit than years Od08*99 Drawn by my pensive thoughts into a ﬁeld Ed3*13

328

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Dreaming last night of Mistress Farley Ab12*18, Ed3*81, He36*34, Np40*7, Od76*25, SKv69*17, Yo05*40 Drunk as a beggar or a lord BLh12*23 Drunk with excessive joy for victory Yo11*87 Dryden thy wit has caterwauled too long 02pa1*253 Duke Lauderdale that lump of grease Od08*211, Pt4*15, Yo52.2*26 Duke [word missing] who led up the dance BLh14*94 Dull sonnet writing now runs dry Np43*92, Of16*39, Yo13*34 Dum Batavi terra cedunt mare deserit Anglus Od08*158 Dum Bruti efﬁgiem sculptor de marmore ducit SA30*173 Dum linguas acuunt gentis scinduntque Britannae Yo52.1*29 Dum Marte amissos reparatum is Marte triumphos Yo54*9 Dum regina subit constanti pectore mortem 02pa3*169, M35*115, Orp81*25 Dum vixit rex et valuit sua magna potestas SA30*162 Dunkirk is sold Dutch French and Dane our foes BLa20*6 Duped by the bells I rose from bed M35*162 E Scotia presbiter profugus BLh15*77, Lb38*31, M35*156, Oep18*78, Of06*27, Pt5*36, Yo11*74 Each man has private cares enough Np43*32, V90*195, VAd43*208 Easing my body t’other day He85*93 Ecce jacet in tumulo qui sedere noluit in throno BLa20*48 Ecce libens morior sed frustra infamia ligni Yo11*41 Ecce virum stabiles cui gens Augusta penates BLh14*83 Ecclesiae militantis praesul ocreatus M35*11 Ecclesiae speculum patriae vigor ava reorum SA30*150 Egrimunda thin lies here in this box Od76*35 Eia agite O juvenes vernantes ibimus hortos SA30*126 Eli Eli clamat mortem passurus Jesus BLa20*71 Emmanuel sent my Lord Keeper out a teacher they say Od57*8 En auditores virum dixero an rectius deum quendam SA30*107 En et ecce prodit rex ille venator cum omnibus suis canibus M35*186 En faveur de la France et L’Espagne BLa60*7 En nubes tangit Marlburi cella columna CAL68*47 En Stephanus Perry qui conventîcla ﬂagellat BLa20*144 Enﬂamed with love and led by blind desires Oa01*8.1, Of16*57.1 England by all thought Beauty’s natural soil BLa62*72, Yo54*133 England taught her virtue but Amsterdam Pt5*96 England thy proper native thee betrays Od57*23 Enjoy thy bondage make thy prison know BLh19*1, Fm12.1*41, V90*93, VAd43*101 Enjoy yourselves sweet souls ’tis far below BLa62*54.1 Ere we to play this match prepare 02pa4*51

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329

Errabat Lysidas telis Armatus amoris CAL68*51 Erumpit atro Christus umbrarum specu SA30*100 Escape by all the gods he never shall BLa97*25 Est animal myrmecoleon quâ voce notatur BLa20*128 Eternal mind by whose most just commands Yo11*2 Eve’s sins o’er souls gave Father Petre power M35*73, Yo08*36.1 Even as the sun with purple coloured face 02pa4*58 Even joined in one the good the fair the great Fm12.1*51, V90*115, VAd43*124 Every baron hath these privileges Od08*19 Every object we meet with in the world may serve to raise Pt4*29 Ex solo iamdudum venerabili et impolluto M35*130 Excellent Brutus of all human race 02pa3*6 Excellentissime Domini Etsi non detur amplius te coram SA30*84 Expectant iam forsan vestrum nonnulli ut ego tum M35*39 Facunda terra potat BLa20*88 Fading and fugitive alas Pt5*202 Fain I would if I could by any means obtain Yo40*14 Fain thou wouldst know whom I would choose Of15*77, Pt2*75 Fair Amoret is gone astray BLh15*104, Fm12.3*27, Lb38*60, Np44*39 Fair Cloris in a pigsty lay Ab12*39, He36*30, Lb54*39, Np40*31, SKv69*37 Fair Philomela to you I could not send my heart Mc14*47 Fair royal maid permit a youth undone 02pa1*144, He85*66, NLSa12*34 Fair was the morn when bloody-minded Mars V90*26, VAd43*28 Fairest and latest of the beauteous race BLa60*28 Faithless unkind ungrateful though you are Np07*45 Faelix in Christus gentrice creditum Yo88*225 Falleris hac qui te credis sub imagine pingi Orp81*42 Fame who does over the universe scatter Yo11*227 Faemina veniﬂuo si sis de sanguine sana BLa20*68 Fare well alas I have not time to tell ILr*16 Farewell chief envy of malignant fate Pt5*73 Farewell damned Stygian juice which does bewitch 02pa1*290, 02pa4*69, M35*46 Farewell fair Arminda my joy and my grief Ed3*152 Farewell false friends farewell ill wine Orp81*21 Farewell false women know I’ll ever be Np40*51 Farewell fond love upon whose treacherous coast BLa62*10 Farewell my dear Danby my pimp and my cheat 02pa3*47, BLa22*46, OAc16*17, Od08*267, Pt4*9 Farewell my witty witty king OAc16*12

330

Appendix

Farewell Petre farewell cross 02pa3*131, BLa97*68 Farewell thou best of kings and human race Yo88*241 Farewell ye gilded follies pleasing troubles BLa20*100, CAL68*5 Farthing unconstant proved yet no disgrace Oa01*47 Fast pray and weep swear and forswear decay BLa40*35 Fat ruddy and dull 02pa3*103 Felices animae superis quae ducitis ortum Yo54*10 Female lampooners a new fashioned thing Mc14*48 Fetch me Ben Jonson’s skull and ﬁll’t with sack 02pa3*8 Fide sed ante vide quo ﬁdis [ ] bene vidit Yo88*230 Fill me a bowl of sack and I’ll carouse Oep4*22 Finish me one task more for critic muse Of16*93, Yo19*4.1 Finish me one task more for Whifﬂer muse BLa94*13 First draw an arrant fop from top to toe Od08*190, Yo40*84 First draw the sea that portion which between Yo40*24 First Heaven resolved William should reign and then Yo08*13 First his majesty of Great Britain promiseth Yo54*124 First I am not averse to the reading of the king’s declaration M35*3 First I will with Westmorland begin Np38*53 First That it may continue the king’s favour M35*2 First the sweet speaker Will Williams I saw He85*53, Lb54*84, LIa4*66, Np43*22, V90*182, VAd43*195 Five satyrs of the woodland sort 02pa2*52 Flea-bitten synod an assembly brewed SA30*18 Flesh within and bones without CAL68*42 Fly hence ye gentle muses all Of16*54 Fool fuckster and knave in Piazza does dwell BLh19*90 Fools must be meddling in matters of state BLa97*16, BLh19*94, NLSa12*135, Np07*5, Np42*45, Np46*17, Oep18*17, Of15*50, Of16*50, Pt2*46, V90*200, VAd43*213 For an apple of gold Orp81*38 For as much as sundry records and testimonies of great Od08*18 For as much as the providence of God hath established Od08*27 For cheating hufﬁng frisking and for swiveing BLa20*145 For every prince that hit my fancy CAL68*50 For faults and follies London’s doom shall ﬁx 02pa1*118 For Gloucester’s death which sadly we deplore BLa97*131, BLh15*141, Lb38*97 Formica vectus tanquam est elephante Menander CAL68*45 For missing thee how canst thou Burting blame M35*158 For shame ye doting fools for shame be wise BLa94*218 For shape and beauty ’mongst the female train BLh14*84 For she whom jointure can obtain Yo52.1*75.1

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331

For standing tarses we kind Nature thank Np40*12, SA30*4, BLa97*140, Yo05*39 For the few hours of life allotted me Np40*118 For the love of the smock Yo54*219 For the miracles done 02pa2*150, BLa94*43, HUe70*54, Lb54*134 For this additional declaration 02pa1*234, Of16*110, Of16*111, Yo08*23 For tyrants dead no statues we erect 02pa2*149 For war the horse we never keep Od76*2 For Warwick she keeps two stallions in pay BLh19*59, He85*21, NLSa12*26, Np43*23, Np45*26, V90*183, VAd43*196, Yo70*4 For your ungodly letter 02pa3*37 Forgive me if your looks and thoughts Np07*44 Forte tonans medio dum quaerit in aere fulmen SA30*87 Fortuna saevo laeta negotio et BLa62*85 Fortune made up of toys and impudence 02pa2*111, BLa62*85.1 Four impudent cits stock-jobbers I mean BLa94*230, Orp81*34 Fran: Flani concerdunt Hispan: cum viribus urgent M35*144 France aims at all BLa94*180 Franklyn’s beauty does surprise HUe70*18, HUe70*37, Of06*43 Frantic love to what extremes Yo54*98 Fraudibus and fastu levitate libidinis aestu BLa20*119 FRE fremit in mundo DE deprimit alta profundo SA30*154 Fret not dear Tom that you have lost the race Oep18*121 Fret not dear Withy why should ought control CAL68*38 Friend for Jesus’ sake forbear Yo54*155 Friend The second epistle of the sixth day of the seventh month Oa01*75 Friends like to leaves that on the trees do grow Np40*110 From a bundle of lies and a fardel of nonsense Yo11*100 From a Catholic head of a heretic church Pt3*52 From a dozen of peers made all at a start BLa60*81 From a proud sensual atheistical life 02pa3*35, BLa22*39, BLh12*13, BLh14*5, BLh15*14, He36*67, Np40*43, Pt1*14, Pt3*51, V90*13, VAd43*13, Yo05*70, Yo54*75 From a woman who thirty long winters has seen M35*179 From all the women we have whored 02pa3*120, BLa97*47, LIa4*69, Np43*105, Od57*177, Yo08*68, Yo52.2*64 From an impudent town that was always unjust BLh17*54, M35*12, Of06*21 From an old inquisition and new declaration Of16*119, Yo08*48 From conscience the second and prerogative pother BLa62*110, OAc16*51, Od08*306

332

Appendix

From councils of six where treason prevails BLa97*9, Lb54*70, Np43*94, Yo13*37 From deepest dungeon of eternal night Np43*25, V90*186, VAd43*199 From deposing of kings as a damned popish tenet BLa97*111, Yo11*101 From easing female sex in pain BLa60*30, HRO36*65, Np46*110, Yo70*6 From famed Barbados on the western main Of16*62 From Father Hopkins whose vines did inspire him Of16*41, Of16*43 From G——n that wasp whose talent is notion 02pa3*215 From hunting whores and haunting play He85*91, Lb54*103, NLSa12*130, Of16*36, Of16*75, VAd43*218 From impudent town that was ever unjust BLa94*31 From Jesuitical polls who proudly expose Of16*104 From kings that sell their subjects’ lives BLh19*145 From kings that would sell us to pay their old scores 02pa3*90, BLa62*112, Od08*301 From London Paul the carrier coming down BLa94*206 From measuring devotion with beads or with sand Od57*103 From Nottingham ale and Halifax law Oep18*63 From parting clouds the German eagle brings 02pa2*131 From peace with the French and war with the Dutch Yo40*74 From pensioners papists and rusty dragoons Lb55*11, Pc99*25, Yo54*226 From Rome’s infallibility take one grain Of16*59 From sable regions of eternal night Of06*34 From sawing the crown ’twixt fanatics and friars Ed3*21, Fm12.1*53, V90*117, VAd43*126 From shamming three nations by new-coined inventions Yo11*98 From such a face whose excellence Yo54*14 From Swedish wolf see you yourself secure Yo54*242 From the besieged Ardea all in post 02pa4*57 From the blessed regions of eternal day 02pa1*147, BLa22*24, Lb55*19, NLSa12*39, Od08*235, Pt3*57, Pt4*4 From the boat of old Charon in the Stygian ferry 02pa3*186 From the brat of a king by a queen of the stage Of16*97 From the bright regions of eternal day Yo52.2*30 From the dark dungeons of eternal night Mc14*45 From the dark Stygian lake I come 02pa1*139, BLa22*19, BLh15*36, Lb54*74, NLSa12*72, OAc16*5, Od08*253, Pt1*38, Pt3*31, Pt4*2, Pt4*38, Yo54*110 From the deep vaulted den of endless night 02pa2*62, BLh13*79, Fm12.1*43, He85*28, V90*97, VAd43*105, Yo13*19 From the dull noise and business of the town Pt5*32

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333

From the Dutch coast when you set sail BLa97*79, BLh15*64, BLh17*52, BLh19*155, Fm12.3*10, HUe70*29, Lb38*18, Lb54*138, M35*28, Np44*12, Np46*64, Oep18*62, Yo11*151 From the embraces of a harlot ﬂown 02pa3*71 From the lawless dominion of mitre and crown 02pa3*93, BLa62*114, Ed3*123, NLSa12*2, Np43*11, Np45*2, OAc16*60, Od08*319, V90*170, VAd43*183 From the morals of Peyton Od08*251 From the race of Ignatius and all their colleagues 02pa3*141, BLa97*65 From the Spanish king the Dutch we freed long since BLh17*52.1, Yo11*114.1 From the top of ane my thraust Yo40*64 From unnatural rebellion that devilish curse BLa97*81, BLh17*63, M35*48, Of06*8, Yo11*99 From villainy dressed in a doublet of zeal 02pa3*14 From whence was ﬁrst this fury hurled Fm12.1*58, V90*137, VAd43*147 From William’s ambition his pride and vain glory Yo11*102 From William’s Dutch Hogens courtiers and sharks BLa94*74 From York to London town we come Od08*278.1, Yo54*174 Fruition was the question in debate BLh12*25, CMp*5, Ed3*33, Pt3*38 Fucksters you that will be happy Ab12*14, BLh12*26, CMp*3, He36*59, Np32*4, Np40*4, Pt3*4, Yo05*73, Yo70*10 Fulmine Caesareo fretus Jovis ales ab alto 02pa2*130 Funis cum lignis a te miser ensis et ignis SA30*164 Gens invicta mari quae multâ classe superba SA30*134 Gentle reproofs have long been tried in vain 02pa1*280, Ab12*1, BLa94*1, BLh12*1, BLh13*1, CMp*1, DA*14, Np32*1, Np38*1, Pt3*1, SKv69*1 Gentle Sir George to himself keeps his miss NLI93*14 Gentlemen Now is the time acquit your selves like men 02pa3*96 Gentlemen of England this I let you understand Od57*2 Gentlemen When last you were here this house was to be let 02pa3*89, BLa62*90, Od08*295 Gentlemen your civil kindness last year shown Oep4*66, SA30*58 Gentles you must expect no compliment BLa20*113 Gentlest air thou breath of lovers 02pa3*213, Yo70*61 Gentlest blast of ill concoction 02pa3*214, Yo70*62 Georgica dum magnus proprio Maro carmine condit SA30*116 Give Celia but to me alone Np46*53, Oep18*50 Give me leave to rail at you Ab12*38, BLa40*34, DA*6, Fm12.1*21, Lb54*37, LLt27*4, Np40*30, SKv69*36, VAd43*45, Yo05*24 Give me ye gods each day an active whore V90*80, VAd43*88 Give o’er ye dull sots BLh13*51, He85*12, Np38*48

334

Appendix

Give o’er ye poor players depend not on wit BLa97*18, BLh17*34, Np07*4, Np43*82, Of16*71, Yo08*11 Gloriae stirpis tumidaeque pompae Lb55*7.2 Go empty joys Od57*19 Go gold aspiring muse Yo11*6 Go little brat respected by the just 02pa3*117, Yo08*9 Go Love thy banners round the world display Oa05*40 Go on brave heroes you whose merits claim 02pa3*68 Go perjured man and if thou dost return Yo54*49 Go sots home to your gammons go and boast OAc16*58, Od08*171 Go take that monstrous bowl from hence Oep4*54.1 Go tell Aminta gentle swain Lb54*72 God and my right shall after all prevail Orp81*40 God bless our good and gracious king BLh14*9, V90*24, VAd43*26 God bless our gracious sovereign Anne 02pa3*206, BLa60*34, HRO36*67, Np42*68 God bless the king God bless our faith’s defender Oep18*126 God hath a controversy with our land 02pa2*55 God prosper long our gracious Will BLa94*152, BLh15*60, Lb38*14, Np46*119, Oep18*110 God prosper long our noble king M35*203 God’s and thy right made thee our hope before 02pa1*295 God’s anger doth not atheists now oppress SA30*185 God’s life we’re undone a pox of your son BLa22*33, Od08*255 Goddess of numbers and of thoughts sublime 02pa2*142 Gold rules within and reigns without these doors BLh14*77, BLh15*135, Fm12.3*51, Lb38*91, Np44*77 Gondemar’s policy and Spain’s ambition will triumph over your scripture BLa20*136 Good Halifax and pious Wharton cry BLa60*50, BLh14*106, Orp81*27 Good people and’t please you give ear unto me Ed3*23, V90*161, VAd43*170 Good people come buy 02pa3*137, BLa97*61, Yo08*60 Good people do but lend an ear Yo11*207 Good people draw near I’ll tell you a tale BLh17*51, Yo11*129 Good people draw near if a ballad you’ll hear BLa62*6, Od08*49, Yo40*31 Good people fast For what is past BLh17*70, Yo11*104 Good people I pray 02pa3*138, BLa97*64, Pt5*12 Good people I pray ye come hither BLa97*110, M35*102, Yo11*159 Good people pray now attend to my muse 02pa3*146 Good people This same theatre here being intended for pious and virtuous representation BLa94*169

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335

Good people what will ye of all be bereft M35*100, 02pa2*113, Pt5*97, BLa97*125 Gout I conjure thee by the powerful names Od08*163 Grace will and art assist me for to see Yo88*220 Grande Pater venerande Mater imple ure corusca Pt3*56 Grandia pollicitus quanto maiora dedisti M35*6 Grant me gods a little seat BLa97*142 Grant me indulgent heaven a rural seat M35*180 Gratias tibi agimus benignissime Pater pro fundatoribus ac benefactoribus nostris BLa20*16 Gratulor vobis academici rediviva comitia iam primum SA30*98 Grave Vaughan is dead Frank North appears Pt3*50, Yo40*59 Great Charles who full of mercy wouldst command 02pa1*117, BLa22*8, BLh15*9, Ed3*128, He24*24.1, Lb54*109.1, Lb55*16.1, Mc14*2, NLSa12*69, Np40*76, OAc16*3, Od08*178.1, Od57*121, Orp81*2, Pt1*9, Pt3*49, Pt5*88, Yo40*80, Yo52.2*6.1, Yo70*44.1 Great George escaped the narrow seas and storms Of16*130 Great good and just could I but rate 02pa3*13, CAL68*16, Fm12.1*11, Lb54*130, M35*31, VAd43*34 Great Hannibal who shook the Capitol BLa60*68 Great heart who taught thee so to die Yo54*13 Great heir to Louis called thirteen BLh19*137 Great little queen who half thy life does sit Pc99*20 Great Nassau from his cradle to his grave 02pa2*181, Fm12.3*68, Np44*95, Oa05*26 Great Nassau rise to glory BLh19*126 Great prince and so much greater as more wise 02pa1*19, BLa22*35, BLh15*4, He24*2.1, Oep4*91.1, Pt1*4, SA30*27, Yo36*4, Yo40*29, YoD*4 Great Schomberg say what’s due unto thy name Yo11*108 Great sir disdain not in this piece to stand Yo40*25 Great sir If any thing that miracle can do Np43*33, V90*196, VAd43*209 Great sir Since it is your gracious pleasure Od08*147 Great sir whene’er your gracious voice we hear Od08*132 Great sir your land self-conquered was and poor Oep4*16, SA30*22 Great soul of nature source of all our joys 02pa3*224 Great Strafford worthy of that name though all Od57*11, Yo54*29 Great things you’ve promised greater yet you’ve done us M35*6.1 Great Tom of Lincoln M35*60 Great truckling soul whose stubborn honesty 02pa2*92 Great William concerned to leave his gulled boobies BLa94*76, BLh15*108, Lb38*64 Greek text from Anacreontea ‘he ge melaina pinei’ BLa20*87

336

Appendix

Greek text from Anacreontea: Eros pot en rhodisi BLa20*92 Grief does o’erwhelm my heart SA30*76 Grieve mighty power grieve thy house is down Of06*54 Guidé par Cadogan et son bouillant genie BLh14*116 Hâc alieni raptor honoris BLh19*127, Of16*100, Yo08*73 Hâc Laurentius ille parte Sarson BLa20*102 Had Alexander your bright charms surveyed BLa60*46 Had I but world enough and time Od08*97 Had parts and merit gained the chair BLa94*184 Had she but lived in Cleopatra’s age 02pa3*50, Ed3*118, Lb54*54, Np39*39, Pt3*34 Had the late famed Lord Rochester survived 02pa1*265 Hadst thou but lived in Cleopatra’s age BLh14*24, Fm12.1*39, V90*91, VAd43*99 Hah my old friend Mr Bayes 02pa1*238 Hail day of wonders now we may Oa01*63 Hail gentle love and soft desire Of06*53, Pt2*63, Yo70*31 Hail happy picture of a nymph divine Np07*13 Hail happy warrior hail whose arms have won 02pa3*42, BLh12*14, He36*57, V90*53, VAd43*58 Hail happy William thou art strangely great 02pa2*156, 02pa3*164, BLa94*66, BLa97*126, M35*59, Orp81*17, Pt5*99 Hail holy thing Od08*189 Hail mighty Charles joy of our life and eyes Od08*269.1 Hail mighty James a king without a crown BLa94*135, BLh15*85.1, Lb38*40, Np46*84, Oep18*83.1 Hail mighty prince this poem on you waits 02pa3*133 Hail pious drab of an impostume brat Pt2*66 Hail poet laureate of this barren isle He85*27, NLSa12*23, Np43*89, Np45*23, Yo13*25 Hail queen of hearts to whose true English praise Fm12.3*73, Np44*100 Hail reverend primate justly so renowned Fm12.3*62, Np44*88 Hail reverend Tripos guardian of the law 02pa1*247 Hail sacred day that each returning year BLa94*79, Fm12.3*43, Np44*68 Hail to the myrtle shade Ed3*45, Yo54*141 Hail to the standing pricks Ed3*46 Hail tuneful pair say by what wondrous charms 02pa3*197, BLa60*21, BLh14*96, Fm12.1*68, Fm12.1*69 Hail well returned triumphant day Np43*31, V90*194, VAd43*207 Hail ye mighty seven our church’s chief glory Yo11*49 Half dead the Church of England lies Yo11*59 Hanc legat and tutus cùm moriturus erit BLa20*97

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337

Hans Carvel impotent and old BLa94*173, BLh15*142, Fm12.3*59, Lb38*98, Np44*86 Happily housed these lares are 02pa4*14, BLa94*75, BLh14*103, Np43*108 Happy are they who wisely do foresee BLh15*109, Fm12.3*29, Lb38*65, Np44*41 Happy great prince and so much happier thou BLh13*80, BLh14*53, BLh19*55, He85*58, NLSa12*29, Np42*34, Np45*29, Of15*40, Pt2*78, V90*110, VAd43*118 Happy the man if yet that man there be CAL68*32 Happy the people where no priest gives rules 02pa2*171 Happy the star that ruled that glorious day Mc14*13 Happy those men whose hearts do lie Yo70*32 Hard by Pell-Mell lives a wench called Nell BLh17*9, Pt4*7 Hard stools are caused by costive claret Oa01*34 Hark gentle nymphs I hear Thalia call Yo08*75 Hark hark my jolly soul methinks I hear Mc14*49 Hark in what soft and moving strains Of06*61 Harmonious strings your charms prepare BLa94*146, Np46*101, Oep18*102 Hast thou at last that mother church too quitted BLh19*79, NLSa12*142, Np43*42, V90*215, VAd43*232, Yo70*83 Hast thou no friend so kind to let thee know BLh19*91, He85*87, NLSa12*121 Hast thou surprised me Britain I defy 02pa4*90 Haste o haste hither you ungrateful eyes Yo52.2*36 Hate and debate Rome o’er the world hath spread Yo52.1*34 Hats are for use and ornament but why Od57*4 Have at you sluggish drones who only live BLa62*54 Have you heard of a lord of noble descent Ab12*76, BLh13*32, Np38*30, Od08*313 Have you heard of the knight that was sent to the Tower BLa62*103, NLSa12*43 Have you not heard how our sovereign of late Yo40*83 Have you not heard of an army complete Yo70*59 Have you not in a chimney seen He36*27, Mc14*26 Have you seen the raging stormy main Np40*13, Yo05*54 Having committed the justice of my cause and recommended M35*133 Having ﬁrst signiﬁed unto you her majesty’s pleasure Od08*25 Having thanked me so much for the news in my last BLh15*140, Fm12.3*56, HRO36*44, Lb38*96, Np44*82 He ﬁrst deceased she for a little tried Fm12.1*12, VAd43*35, Od76*36 He is a bawd to the mouth that kills his own stomach M35*153

338

Appendix

He is one whose generation was before Adam BLa20*56 He makes kings declares the pretended prince of Wales king 02pa4*94 He now lies low but high his fame does rise Yo88*240 He that can read a sigh or spell a tear Yo54*8 He that ﬁrst said it knew the worth of wit 02pa1*274 He that in Arthur’s trash has penance done Pt5*178 He that loves glass without a G Yo52.1*36 He that of yore defamed a godly plot BLa94*32 He that owns with his heart and helps with his hand BLa94*174 He that reads authors good and great BLa20*82 He that trusts before he try Yo88*230.1 He that would learn how to fence for his life BLh14*22, BLh19*10, Od08*258, V90*84, VAd43*92, Yo54*7 He who wilfully breaketh the ﬁfth command Yo11*182 He’s a critic that writes animadversions upon the fairest copies Oa01*71 He’s dead heaven shut the cloister of mine eyes BLa20*46 He’s gone alas the mighty man is dead Yo11*46 Hear Britain hear a rough unpractised tongue 02pa4*72 Hear me dull prostitute worse than my wife NLSa12*25, Np45*25, V90*126, VAd43*136 Hear me great empress of my heart or I Yo70*50 Hear me great Jove from him professing physic BLh19*88 Heartly wounds I’ll not to ploughing not I sir Ed3*145 Heavens are we all asleep all for our ease Yo54*104 Heavens bless King James our joy and Charles his baby Od57*27 Heavens we thank you that you thundered so Oep4*49, SA30*68 Hence common eyes spare your ambitious tear Oep4*5, SA30*15 Hence hence thou vain fantastic fear Ed3*159 Hence London dames into the country run BLa60*51 Henceforth no more in thy poetic rage Pt5*152 Henrici missae quintae sunt hîc tabulatae SA30*166 Henry the prince fell by his trembling sire 02pa3*100 Her father gave her dildoes six Yo54*113 Her faults and follies London’s doom shall ﬁx Np40*71, OAc16*29 Her name an army well doth represent Yo88*195 Here a health to the king about let it pass Yo11*11 Here a poor minister of Christ doth lie He24*34 Hear all ye friends to knighthood CAL68*53 Here be the sacred bones SA30*31 Here by this pillar interred doth lie Orp81*10 Here comes to the wells Yo54*54.1 Here cruel Ned BLa62*16.1 Here day and night conspire a cunning ﬂight BLa94*189

First-Line Index to Anthologies

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Here Doctor Lambe the conjurer lies Yo40*8 Here ends notwithstanding her specious pretences Oa01*55 Here entombed lies good Sir Harry Np39*12 Here gallants ﬁnd their arms and so ’tis meet Oep4*71, SA30*64 Here Hobbinall lies our shepherd while e’er Yo54*16 Here’s a house to be let for the steward hath swore OAc16*27, Yo27*10 Here is a mine an ocean full of treasure BLh12*40 Here let me careless and unthoughtful lying Oa05*51 Here lie the relics of a martyred knight 02pa2*138 Here lies a blessed virgin Yo54*140 Here lies a creature of indulgent fate 02pa2*87, BLa94*21, BLh14*37, Fm12.2*17, NLSa12*113, Np42*53, Of15*56, Pt2*56, V90*146, VAd43*156, Yo08*17, Yo70*64 Here lies a cunt that had all nations tried Mc14*55 Here lies a horse beneath this stone 02pa2*82 Here lies a judge will lie no more BLh17*28, OAc16*26 Here Lies a peer BLa94*46, BLa97*114, BLh17*81, HUe70*48, Oa01*57, Of15*75, Pt2*68, Yo11*70 Here lies a priest who teaching from without BLa62*87 Here lies a thong of the old Hyde BLa62*24 Here lies Ambrose Pudsey of Barford esquire Od08*124 Here lies an old worthy of what but the gallows BLh19*120, Np43*65, V90*242, VAd43*262 Here lies entombed sweet smiling Ann Np07*16 Here lies George Monck BLa62*25, HRO36*36, Od08*53 Here lies Jack Pym with deep remorse Pt5*84 Here lies James Cadone under this stone Od08*194 Here lies learning loyalty Yo11*89 Here lies little Lundy a yard deep or more BLh14*68 Here lies M. F. the son of a bear ward Np07*19 Here lies Master Andrew Gray Fm12.3*63, Np44*90 Here lies murder treason and ambition Yo40*12 Here lies Ned Hyde Od08*44 Here lies notwithstanding her specious pretences M35*126, Orp81*20 Here lies old Father Hackett BLa20*55 Here lies on her back as still fucking she lay Ed3*158 Here lies one whom heavens forbade Od57*17 Here lies our pretty witty king Pt5*42 Here lies Queen Anne Bullen Yo40*2 Here lies the corpse of William Prinn BLa20*54, Od08*246, Yo40*3 Here lies the governor of kings Yo70*103 Here lies the great the loyal wise Dundee M35*89, Of06*26, Yo70*81 Here lies the last King Charles of Spain 02pa2*100.1

340

Appendix

Here lies the Lord have mercy upon her Np07*18 Here lies the relics of a martyred knight M35*50, Pt5*103 Here lies the sacred bones 02pa1*170, He24*6, Yo36*8, YoD*8 Here lies the shame of the mitre Of16*106 Here lies the worthy warrior Od08*29 Here lies thy urn O what a little blow Fm12.1*40, V90*92, VAd43*100 Here lies wise and valiant dust 02pa3*12, Od57*18 Here lies within this holy place Orp81*32 Here lies wrapped up within this bed of clay Yo54*37.1 Here lieth buried honest Ned Hide He24*8 Here lieth buried Rachel the wife of William Gee SA30*79 Here lieth interred the body of John Smith BLa20*36 Here lieth Jack Gill Lb54*67 Here lives a man whose age is ﬁfty-four Of16*135 Here lives a merry king BLa22*5 Here lives a peer raised by indulgent fate Fm12.2*18, Np42*54, Of15*57, Of16*58, Pt2*57, Yo08*15 Here lives the wolf justice a butcherly knave 02pa3*78, BLa22*51, BLa62*78, OAc16*23, Yo54*143 Here poor mean commons and exceeding high HRO36*1 Here reading how fond Adam was betrayed Oa05*44 Here rests And for the repose of mankind Oep18*127 Here sits the man let him preach if he can BLa20*25 Here stand I BLa20*152 Here strangers lies proud Sam of Oxon BLh19*127.1, Od57*18, Of16*100.1, Yo08*73.1 Here take this Warcup spread it up and down 02pa2*67, BLh19*85, Fm12.1*66, He85*83, Lb54*105, NLSa12*118, Of16*31, V90*155, VAd43*165 Here under rests the body of a person who Yo36*16 Here uninterred suspends though not to save 02pa1*167, BLa62*109, Np40*79 Here’s a health to the king to the king that prevails BLa97*108, Yo11*12 Here’s a health to the king whom the crown doth belong to BLa97*78, He85*17, Of06*25, Pt5*54, Yo11*7 Here’s a health to the king whom the people have chose Yo70*45 Here’s a health to the knight 02pa4*3 Here’s a health to the tackers about let it pass BLa94*183 Here’s a health to the tackers my boys BLa94*171 Here’s a house to be let 02pa1*156, BLa22*50, BLa62*63, Ed3*110, Fm12.1*37, LIa4*6, NLSa12*76, Od08*294, Pt3*32, Pt4*18, V90*88, VAd43*96, Yo52.2*50 Here’s artiﬁcial beauty to the life Oa01*49, Oa01*69

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341

Here’s that will challenge all the fair Ed3*140 Here’s to him and to’t and to him that shall do’t Yo54*139 Here’s your pure love thus must true lovers woo Oa01*31 Hereafter Sir John BLa62*17 Heroic soul I saw thee die Pt4*5 Hic iacet Anglorum tortor tutor Venedorum SA30*160 Hic iacet ecclesia Anglicana M35*93, Oa01*2, Yo11*58 Hic iacet errorum princeps ac praedo virorum SA30*161 Hic iacet intus SA30*108 Hic iacet Julius Mazarinus 02pa1*236, SA30*105, Yo36*12, Yo52.1*26, Yo52.1*44 Hic inhumanus Humatur Vaughanus BLa62*16 Hic jacet corpus Herberti Thorndik BLa20*151 Hic jacet E. A. 02pa4*6 Hic jacet Egrimundus Rarus Od76*34 Hic jacet Gulielmus Dux Devoniae Orp81*37 Hic jacet J. D. M. Orp81*36 Hic sonus in templo tot regi Nestoris annos Yo88*212 His holiness has three grand friends 02pa3*79, BLh17*8, Ed3*60, NLSa12*9, Np45*9 His look a book wherein seemed to be writ Yo52.2*56.1 His majesty hath received an address from you Od08*134 His majesty hath with that wisdom and elegance expressed Od08*41 His majesty is sorry that the difﬁculty Od08*106 His majesty received the address of this house Od08*316 His majesty’s affairs must needs now thrive Od08*159 Hisce aedibus dominatur M35*125 History speaks of men of great fame BLa97*59 Ho brother Teague dost hear de decree 02pa3*110, BLa97*58, Pt5*11 Hobbes his religion Hide his morals gave BLa22*4, Od08*48 Hoc iacet in tumulo viridis sapientia sylvae SA30*90 Hoc sine mirandam est obliquo tramite solem SA30*96 Hoccine mirandum est obliquo tramite solem SA30*177 Hocus pocus or Macchiavel Ecclesiasticus Pt5*107 Hold England’s friend your needless labour spare BLh15*143, Lb38*99 Hold fast thy sword and sceptre Charles 02pa3*81, Np43*102, OAc16*19, OAc16*70, Od57*114, Yo27*1, Yo54*149 Hold Madam Modena you come too late Np42*62, Of15*69, Pt2*64 Hold off presumptuous eyes she is divine Oep4*55, SA30*10 Holla ye pampered sires of Rome forebear BLa62*60 Holland that scarce deserves the name of land M35*37 Honestly done however though the stuff He24*32 Honoured cousin Although I never affected the title Oa01*21

342

Appendix

Honoured cousin I have now conformed and think I have Oa01*23 Honoured Sir I have not that vanity to believe Yo36*15 Hora quota est te pica loquax interrogat horam SA30*117 Horror becomes the best I would fain write Yo52.2*9 Hot lust within her reigns in ev’ry part BLh12*22 How blessed was the created state Ab12*43, DA*10, He36*21, Lb54*45, LLt27*23, Np40*35, SKv69*40, Yo05*32 How can I stir and leave this happy place Mc14*69 How can the kingdom thrive Pc99*23 How can this nation ever thrive BLa22*3 How cruel was Alonso’s fate 02pa1*292, HRO36*18 How dare ye more demand than Stubb and Fall Pt5*71 How dull and how insensible a beast 02pa1*152, Ab12*55, BLa22*43, BLa62*73, BLh13*4, BLh17*14, Ed3*1, Lb54*9, LIa4*4, NLI93*8, NLSa12*36, Np32*10, Np38*4, Np40*94, Od08*292, Orp81*11, Pt3*9, SKv69*53, Yo08*93, Yo13*8, Yo27*5 How durst thy railing muse vain wretch pretend Pt5*185 How easy ’tis to sail with wind and tide 02pa4*77 How easy our minutes whilst our conscience is clear Yo11*24 How far are they deceived who hope in vain Ab12*22, CAL68*17, Ed3*24, NLI93*10, Np07*34, Np40*15, SKv69*21, Yo05*63, Yo54*186 How far it doth diminish or alter the exercise Yo08*69 How ﬂeeting is honour who’d strive to be great 02pa4*28 How frail O England are thy natives’ mind Yo11*199 How glorious Marlborough shall we sing thy praise 02pa4*102 How happy and blessed Are the folk in the west Yo88*226 How happy Cloris were they free BLa40*32, LLt27*21, Yo05*30 How happy is the man of even frame Np07*36 How happy was that night ye gods BLh12*6 How happy were good English faces BLh19*168, Lb38*87, Np44*58 How hath my passion made me Cupid’s scoff Oep4*83, SA30*47 How ill an army does thy name present Yo88*219 How is it Sophronius how goes the world now Pt5*62 How just is then the tribute of our eyes 02pa4*65, BLa94*93, BLh15*50, Lb38*4, Np46*32, Oep18*32, Of06*32 How justly now might I aspire 02pa4*55 How kind is malice managed by a sot Pt5*165 How liberty of conscience that’s a change 02pa2*72, BLa97*20, BLh19*105, Mc14*88, NLSa12*155, Of16*70, Pt5*23 How like a moth that hovers at a light Mc14*16 How like Elysium is the grove Lb54*92 How like Erasmus’ ghost in Scottish mist Yo40*15 How long great poet shall thy sacred lays Oa05*18

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343

How long may heaven be bantered by a nation 02pa2*144 How long must the restorer of our state 02pa2*134 How long shall we wait this horrible funeral Od57*21 How lovely’s a woman before she’s enjoyed Yo70*18 How many fools at court bawl out aloud BLh19*158, HUe70*58, Yo11*225, Yo70*36 How nobly did our grateful city join 02pa2*159 How nobly did the city Dublin join Oa05*24 How now my John what is’t the care Yo40*1 How our good king does papists hate 02pa3*45, BLa62*51, BLh14*16, BLh17*7, BLh15*45, BLh19*23, Ed3*121, Fm12.1*32, NLSa12*1, Np45*1, Od57*119, Pt1*47, V90*66, VAd43*71 How quickly are love’s pleasures gone Np43*48, VAd43*238 How Salmacis with weak enfeebled streams Oa05*33 How Sir Godfrey is killed how his corpse they do hide Of16*33 How strange is the fate Yo11*141 How sweet are the joys and how pleasant the charms Ed3*155 How the ﬁrst bout parson ’tis not your due BLh13*21, Np38*21 How unhappy a lover am I Yo54*64 How we are met in a knot Yo40*11 How well this war’s prolonged when time to ﬁght Yo88*221.1 How will the grateful senate praise 02pa4*24 Huc Venus huc Pallas nymphae musaeque venite SA30*94 Humana mens vacabit sola dum suis SA30*197 Humbly sheweth Should you order Tom Brown 02pa2*91 Humbly shew That having lost our lives limbs and estates BLa94*102, BLh15*49, Fm12.3*1, Np46*41, Oep18*36 Humbly sheweth That we your majesty’s poor slaves <See ‘Sheweth That . . .’> Husband thou dull unpitied miscreant 02pa1*175, BLh12*15, ILr*7, Mc14*33, NLSa12*55, Np40*103, Pt3*39, Pt5*85, V90*22, VAd43*24 I AB do truly swear Yo11*64 I A.B. declare that I do owe no allegiance M35*22 I A.B. do sincerely promise and swear that M35*103 I am a senseless thing with a hey with a hey 02pa3*26, BLh14*7, BLh15*27, Lb55*24, Np40*46, OAc16*8, Od08*248, Pt1*28, V90*20, VAd43*21, Yo40*82 I am by fate slave to your will LLt27*6 I am convinced and will henceforth no more Oep4*56, SA30*7 I am like to have a good beginning on’t Yo54*96 I am now at home where I hope soon to hear from you Lb54*124 I am sorry to ﬁnd your stay in town Lb54*127 I am the king and the prince of drunkards Yo54*94

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I am well pleased to see my commands done Yo40*41 I ask not wit nor beauty do I crave Np07*15 I can no other way be safe in the evils I have done Yo11*138 I can’t conceive why in decline of life Of16*134 I cannot change as others do Ab12*26, Ed3*86, Np40*18, SKv69*25, Yo05*3 I cannot express how mightily I am refreshed Pc99*4 I cannot hold hot struggling rage aspires M35*35 I charge the knight in great Apollo’s name Pt5*186 I come like those that offer at a shrine BLa62*48, BLa62*56 I come my future fate to seek BLa97*27, Of16*102 I could love thee till I die Oa01*9 I defy the blind boy and his mother Ed3*149 I did believe ’twas not in the power of mortals Lb54*117 I did but crave that I might kiss BLa20*3 I did intend in rhymes heroic 02pa1*242, BLa97*56, Of16*125 I did resolve never to trouble —— more but upon considering Lb54*128 I do forsake entirely the Protestant Church Lb55*13 I fain would know which is the wiser man BLa60*24 I fast by heaven not I I never yet Pt3*100 I fuck no more than others do Ab12*27, BLa97*139, Ed3*87, Np40*19, SKv69*26, Yo05*38 I greatest am and likest reign Yo11*112.1 I had an easy dose of wine o’er night 02pa3*41 I have been sir where so many puritans dwell Np40*50, Pt3*63, Pt5*83 I have often admired what should be the cause BLa94*30, Yo11*180 I have too long endured her guilty scorn 02pa1*153, NLSa12*58, Np43*80 I heard of one is lately gone Od57*15 I hold as faith what England’s church allows M35*14, Mc14*82, Od57*144 I hope Charles when you receive this and know that LLt27*8 I know no virtue yet am placed M35*135 I love with all my heart The independent part BLa62*69, Yo52.2*13 I love with all my heart The Prince of Orange part BLa97*104, M35*105 I meus et salso calamus de ﬂumine tinge SA30*130 I need not mickle trouble myself what is meant by Sion Od57*44 I once was a dotard which wrought me much evil BLh14*21, V90*81, VAd43*89 I pass all my hours with a lusty young whore He36*74, Pt3*66 I prithee good Tommy stay at home with thy wife Yo11*206 I received three pictures and am in great fright LLt27*9 I rise at eleven and I dine about two Ab12*4, Ed3*124, Np40*87, SKv69*5, Yo05*21

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I rise on the bank of Thames LIa4*40 I said dear Lord that I would sin no more Yo88*192 I said to my heart between sleeping and waking Oa05*59 I saw a pack of prick-eared knaves Of16*22, Pt3*78 I saw you yesterday so concerned at the opera Of06*70 I send you here some rude strokes of an unpolished Fm12.3*53 I should be glad to see Kate going 02pa3*44 I sing a woeful ditty 02pa3*25, BLa22*29, BLh15*24, Od08*64, Od57*123, Pt1*24 I sing not of Jove’s mighty thunder 02pa3*188 I sing of a duel in Epsom befell BLh19*135, Of06*38 I sing of no heretic Turk or of Tartar BLh19*114, Np43*60, V90*233, VAd43*253 I sing the adventures this year did befall Yo70*58 I sing the famous city BLa94*225 I sing the funeral of an earl’s grandmother Yo27*7 I sing the happy and the glorious ﬂight Od08*116 I sing the man that raised a shirtless band BLa94*22, BLh15*57, BLh17*61, HUe70*15, Lb38*11, Of06*17, Yo11*228 I sing the praise of a worthy knight 02pa2*89, BLa22*2, BLh12*20, BLh15*13, He36*58, LIa4*50, Np40*58, Pt1*13, V90*54, VAd43*59, Yo05*69, Yo40*73 I sing the praises of a dirty thing BLh13*56 I sing the story of a scoundrel lass BLh19*111, Np42*49, Of15*60, Pt2*41, V90*106, VAd43*114 I stand but on one leg yet do sustain 02pa3*105 I tell thee Dick where I have been BLh19*8, Ed3*40, Fm12.2*3, Np42*7, Of15*7, Pt2*5, VAd43*169 I thank thee for the character of a Popish successor BLa94*5, Fm12.2*7, Np42*15, Od57*79, Of15*21, Pt2*16 I that have robbed so oft am now bid stand BLa62*15, Oa01*13 I that my country did bewray Yo54*17 I that was once a humble log 02pa3*54, BLa97*29, NLSa12*150, Np43*81, Od57*139, Of16*63, Yo08*50, Yo70*54 I think I shall never despair 02pa4*43, BLa60*44, Fm12.3*80, Np44*108 I think indeed that whoso may and can BLa20*158 I think there’s none that in our court can tell Yo88*205 I to my husband scorn to be a slave Lb54*38 I told you sir it would not pass 02pa2*106, Np44*48 I used to wonder when I read That one false woman HUe70*19 I used to wonder when I read That treacherous mankind HUe70*19.1 I vow I’m angry you your selves will say BLa20*114 I was as a glass my life was as water Np07*20

346

Appendix

I who from drinking ne’er could spare an hour 02pa3*46, BLa62*125, BLh17*3, BLh19*51, Ed3*136, LIa4*34, NLSa12*27, Np45*27, OAc16*69, V90*123, VAd43*133 I who of divers villains sung before BLh13*44, Np38*43, Np39*36, Np43*87, Yo13*15 I will not only let —— know his two last letters Lb54*121 I will sing in the praise if you’ll lend but an ear 02pa1*2107 I won’t wed Paula true she’s grave and sage Pc99*29 I would be glad to see Kate going BLh14*15, BLh15*42, Fm12.1*31, Pt1*44, V90*64, VAd43*69 I yield I yield and can no longer stay Np07*35 I’d had an easy dose of wine o’er night Fm12.1*35, V90*83, VAd43*91 I’ll act I’ll fuck what nature prompts me to Yo54*46 I’ll have a new test which neither shall own BLa94*132, BLh14*82, BLh15*88, Lb38*44, Np46*79, Oep18*82, Yo11*137 I’ll show you the captains of Aubrey Vere BLh13*69, He85*22 I’ll sing in the praise if you’ll lend but an ear M35*38, Pt5*56, Yo11*231 I’ll sing you a song my brave boys BLh14*113 I’ll tell thee Dick where I have been 02pa3*22, BLa40*12, BLh15*17, Lb55*30, Od08*224, Pt1*17, V90*160, Yo52.2*45, Yo54*126 I’ll tell thee Estcourt a pleasant tale BLa60*65, BLa94*201 I’ll tell you a story a story anon Fm12.3*58, Np44*85 I’m apt now to think BLh13*49 I’m come my future fate to seek 02pa1*257 I’ve given my painter instructions to draw BLh17*82 I’ve heard the muses were still soft and kind 02pa1*157, Lb54*19, LIa4*18, NLSa12*77, Np43*4, V90*163, VAd43*171, Yo27*21 Iam adit et virgo redeunt ?fenicia regna Yo88*237 If abdicate James BLa94*105, BLh15*62, Fm12.3*3, HUe70*23, Lb38*16, Np44*3, Np46*44, Oep18*39, Yo70*86 If any ask who here doth lie Od08*125, Od08*66 If any do the author’s name enquire BLa62*1 If Aphra’s worth were needful to be shown 02pa2*68, BLh19*71, He85*67, NLSa12*110, Np43*24, V90*185, VAd43*198, Yo13*39 If both the Indies were my own BLh19*146, Of06*51 If Cecil the wise 02pa1*256 If Charles thou wouldst but grow so kind Yo40*7 If devout Pawlet Mary BLh14*48, BLh19*101, He85*101, NLSa12*146, Np42*47, Of15*53, Pt2*49, V90*205, VAd43*221 If e’er you’ll leave us in a lasting peace 02pa3*20 If ever tender virgin’s prayer BLa94*175 If faith alone can save us and good works do not merit Od57*3 If fate be not then who can it foresee Lb54*52, Od08*197

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If Greece with so much mirth did entertain 02pa1*217 If heaven be pleased when sinners cease to sin 02pa3*91, Of06*71 If I can guess the devil choke me Ab12*20, Ed3*83, He36*36, Np40*9, SKv69*19, Yo05*42 If I could ﬁnd a man whom I durst hate Orp81*30 If I could have persuaded myself my letters would have been Lb54*118 If I live to grow old as I ﬁnd I go down 02pa3*211, CAL68*19 If idle travellers ask who lies here Od08*67, Od08*126 If injured monarchs may their cause deplore BLa94*116, BLa97*122, BLh17*65, HUe70*34, Lb54*115, Np46*59, Oep18*57, Yo11*133 If liberty of conscience e’er was good BLa97*34, Mc14*80, Of16*73, Yo08*89 If life be measured by the count of years SA30*80 If monsters painter thou hast skill to draw Yo11*93 If mortals die as soon as breath departs M35*143, Oa05*2, Pt5*108 If now you’re smart blame not the heavenly powers M35*121 If pagan papists tell us they brought in BLh19*147, Yo70*85 If papist Jew or inﬁdel BLa94*106, HUe70*25, Np46*45, Oep18*40, Yo70*77 If prayers and tears Yo08*46 If Rome can pardon sins as Romans hold Ed3*89, Np40*99, Pt5*203 If senseless noise and Cambridge puns will please M35*187 If Sulla’s ghost made bloody Catiline start BLh13*66, BLh19*34, Ed3*50, He85*35, LIa4*57, Np42*26, Od57*165, Of15*34, Of16*8, Pt2*28, V90*127, VAd43*137, Yo13*5 If Tarquin’s act were grateful from what laws BLa40*19 If vanquished monarchs may their cause explore BLh19*153 If we into our selves or round us look 02pa2*179 If wit as we are told be a disease Pt5*184 If you are pleased I am pleased LLt27*13 If you love a woman tol tol tol Np40*105 If you meet with any of my brethren the clergy Yo54*184 If you would know whose dust lies here Yo52.2*7 If you’ll lend an ear M35*150 If your adorer still you will retain CAL68*27 Ignari medici me dicunt esse nocivum Yo54*12 Ignoto prorsus dederas quam charta iuvenco BLa20*32 Il n’est pas bien la la la BLh14*89 Ill under the colour of a pure godly man Pt3*105 Ille furit demens qui fulvi parcus acervi est SA30*188 Ille Ille ah quàm vox refugit seclusa sub ora BLa20*73 Illustrious muse on thee we call Yo54*38 Illustrious steed who should the zodiac grace 02pa2*140, BLa60*10

348

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Illustris genitor Ludovici rex Ludovicus SA30*151 Immortal man of glory whose brave hand Od57*28 Immortal powers inspire me whilst I sing BLh13*74, LIa4*36 Imo Christianissimus He24*18 Imparem imperium habet pars Mc14*74 Impatient with desire at last Oa05*42 Imperial prince king of the seas and isles 02pa1*17, BLa22*27, BLh15*2, He24*1.1, Od08*81, Oep4*89.1, Pt1*2, SA30*24, Yo36*2, Yo40*27, YoD*2 Improba gens legis pereant numerosa superba BLa62*65 In a dark gloomy grave whose hellish station Pt3*68 In a dark silent shady grove 02pa2*122 In a famous street near Whetstone’s Park Ab12*60, BLa62*98, BLh13*9, Np38*9, Np39*32, Np43*86, Od57*64, Of16*13, Pt3*10, SKv69*56, Yo13*13, Yo27*23 In Aesop’s new made world of wit 02pa2*11, Pt5*122 In Aesop’s tales an honest wretch we ﬁnd 02pa2*101, BLh14*81, Fm12.3*64, HRO36*56, HRO36*63, M35*201, Np44*91 In Albion’s isle shall rise a monk Yo54*164 In all humble wise sheweth etc. Thomas Earl of Arundell Od08*15 In all humility we crave 02pa2*79, BLa20*162, BLa40*4, BLa94*7, BLa97*3, Ed3*7, Fm12.2*2, Lb54*12, M35*32, Mc14*56, Np42*6, Od08*276, Of15*6, Orp81*7, Pt2*13, V90*165, VAd43*176, Yo13*20 In Cloris all soft charms agree He85*23 In coffee house begot the short-lived brat Pt5*170 In compliance to you dull serious maggot 02pa3*40, BLh12*12 In council wise in war so great a man 02pa2*115 In days of yore when Albion’s kings did break 02pa4*27 In days of yore within this bower BLh14*58 In dead of night when the pale moon BLh19*32, Ed3*98, LIa4*60 In doggerel rhymes we seldom use 02pa1*296, BLa94*87, Np43*52, Np46*26, Oep18*26, V90*223, VAd43*242 In early days ere prologues did begin BLa94*144, BLh15*102, Fm12.3*24, Lb38*58, Np44*34, Np46*99, Oep18*101 In grey-haired Celia’s withered arms BLa94*137, Np46*86, Oep18*80 In happy days was Sacharissa’s reign 02pa3*193 In haste towards Ireland two ﬁerce princes go Yo11*109 In his Holiness’ name BLh19*131 In hope of sudden resurrection BLa94*90, HUe70*7, M35*4, Np46*29, Oa01*17, Oep18*29, Of06*12, Pt5*31, Yo11*57 In Lombardy’s land great Modena’s duchess Od57*169 In London city near Cheapside Pt5*188

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In Mercury of London it lately appears BLh15*91.1, Lb38*47.1, Np44*25 In Milford Lane near to Saint Clement’s steeple 02pa1*158, Ab12*11, BLh12*28, BLh13*24, Ed3*80, NLSa12*61, Np32*3, Np46*10, Oep18*10, Pt3*3, SKv69*12, V90*48, VAd43*53 In my last I begged I might soon have an answer to it Lb54*126 In no coffee house I dabble BLa62*45 In old times an old prophecy found in a bog Of16*65 In one thousand six hundred eighty and one BLa62*115 In parem imperium habet par 02pa2*57 In pious times ere buggery did begin BLh15*92, Lb38*48, Np44*21, Np46*82, Oep18*86 In place one day as I was standing 02pa4*81 In Rome there is a most fearful rout 02pa3*145, Pt5*19 In sable weeds I saw a matron clad 02pa1*250 In sable weeds your beaux and belles appear 02pa2*136, BLa60*11 In sixteen hundred seventy eight Ab12*75, BLh13*31, Np38*29 In sounds of joy your tuneful voices raise BLa94*215 In spite of the Dutch Yo11*14 In tadpole’s brain there moves a maggot Oep4*87, SA30*60 In the bowels of love I salute thee O king Yo54*227 In the days of George and Nanny Yo08*82 In the ﬁelds of Lincoln Inn Ab12*46, He36*4, Np40*38, Od08*264, SKv69*44, Yo05*17 In the isle of Britain long since famous grown 02pa1*145, BLa22*16, BLh15*23, BLh17*37, Ed3*79, He36*77, Lb54*73, Lb55*29, Mc14*7, NLSa12*44, OAc16*6, Od08*263, Pc99*10, Pt1*23, Pt3*65, Pt4*8, V90*43, VAd43*49, Yo70*11 In the merry month of may Pt3*70 In the mild close of a hot summer’s day BLa20*24 In the name of God amen I Thomas Moore Od08*118 In the name of the most Holy Trinity in the M35*132 In the year of grace BLa20*39 In theatro Bellator spectator in campo M35*193 In these our pious times when writing plays Np43*49, V90*220, VAd43*239 In this cold monument lies one Pt3*77, Pt5*87 In this corner is the portraiture of a church Od08*318 In this great debate concerning the king’s speech M35*15 In this our saucy age we daily see BLa62*99 In those dark ages when the world was blind Oep4*1, SA30*12 In time when princes cancelled nature’s law 02pa3*152, BLa97*82, HUe70*16, Np46*116, Oep18*107, Of06*20, Pt5*53, Yo11*169, Yo70*95

350

Appendix

In vain dear Celinda I lately have strove Oa01*44 In vain for help from your old friends you call BLa62*107, Od08*232 In vain she frowns in vain she tries Lb54*97 In vain the Bourbon and Plantagenet BLa94*28, BLh17*66, Of06*2, Yo11*171 In vain the French before Turin prepare 02pa4*93 In vain the fulsome errors of the age BLh17*5, BLh19*53, He85*50, NLSa12*137, Np42*33, Of15*37, Of16*10, Pt2*31, V90*131, VAd43*141, Yo13*27 In vain the harassed people strive 02pa2*93 In vino latitat malus anguis ubique sacerdos BLa20*117 In Westminster four wonders seen the like were never heard Oep4*58, SA30*59 In what esteem did the gods hold Fm12.1*59, V90*138, VAd43*148 In woeful plaints my sad muse renders Oep4*84, SA30*50 In your letter to me you desire to know BLh15*138, Fm12.3*54, Lb38*94 In your letter you tell me you are willing to know BLh14*79 Incerta mortis hora hodie ventura suspecta debit Christiano BLa20*22 Infamous priest that darst profane the place Yo11*54 Infelix religio infeliciores subditi Oa01*2.1 Infessis fumis adamato vimine pulsam BLa20*63 Infolded here in silent dust doth lie BLa20*50 Ingrata Colchis sis parentibus tuis SA30*194 Ingrata quae tui ipsius sis proditrix SA30*191 Ingrate Narcissus did impart Lb54*61 Injurious charmer of my vanquished heart Lb54*142, LLt27*32 Innumeris quassata globis rimisque fatiscens SA30*101 Inque tubâ genitas haurire et reddere ﬂammas M35*62 Insipid fool I thought to temporise Yo11*90.1 Inspire me truth whilst I the praises sing Od57*104 Inspired with high and mighty ale Np46*1, Oep18*1, V90*7, VAd43*7, Fm12.1*6 Insulting ass who basely couldst revile 02pa2*162 Insulting rival do not boast Lb54*96, Of06*31 Intelligence was brought the court being sat Np43*2, Od57*155, V90*158, VAd43*167.1 Inter privatos optimus M35*191 Inter rosas Cupido BLa20*93 Intolerable racks M35*185 Intuitu vix digna tuo te charta salutat SA30*178 Intulerant miseranda duae sibi bella sorores 02pa1*27 Invading William did at ﬁrst pretend Yo88*238 Inventâ sciuit primus qui nave profundum SA30*136

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Invidious Whigs since you have made the boast BLa60*73, BLa94*233 Invidus infausto jam morbo saucius ultrò BLa20*85 Is a monster whose father is a Presbyterian Oep4*59 Is any church more catholic than we Yo54*6 Is Fullwood gone then woe is me Oa01*16 Is Heaven turned bankrupt do the gods conspire Oep4*11 Is John departed and is Lilburne gone Yo54*237 Is there a sanctity in love begun BLh19*9 Is this the heavenly crown are these the joys 02pa1*231, Fm12.1*27, Pt4*20, V90*60, VAd43*65 Is Wolly’s wife now dead and gone Oa01*42 Is your ﬁt of passion over Np07*40 It chanced not long ago as I was walking He24*15 It chanced of late a shepherd swain Oa05*43 It happened in the twilight of the day 02pa1*119, BLh15*37, Fm12.1*29, Lb54*75, Mc14*42, NLSa12*47, Np40*45, OAc16*18, Pt1*39, Pt4*3, V90*62, VAd43*67, Yo54*109 It hath been a laudable practice in other times Oa01*58 It is a hard task to satisfy even friends Od08*2 It is alleged that there are 18000 pedlars etc Yo54*44.1 It is an old proverb and you know it well Yo52.2*22 It is an old say that the House called Common BLh19*171 It is contrary to common justice amongst men Od08*88 It is expected that this epilogue now Mc14*35 It is not that I see any reason to alter my opinion in 02pa2*2 It is rather a sense of compassion than of love Od08*33 It shall be known how Lackworth came so great 02pa3*207 It wants an epithet ingratitude Yo08*80 It was an unreasonable and extravagant opinion Od08*109 It was my hap spectator once to be 02pa4*61 It was observed the British bards of old Ed3*99 It was when Christians kneel and did entreat Oep4*28 It was when the dark lanthorn of the night BLh12*30, Ed3*78, Mc14*31, Yo70*20 It will be a clear asserting of the people’s right Pt5*26 It’s an eyesore to all modest women it devours OAc16*53 It’s briskly begun ladies but how poorly we come off M35*188.1 It’s odd indeed indeed it’s wondrous odd M35*161 It’s true Tallard when ﬁckle chance denied 02pa4*23 Ite lares Italos et fundamenta malorum Yo52.2*24 Iudicium agnoscunt atque associatio eundem Orp81*15 Iuno tonat lingua sed fulmine Iupiter urget Oa05*4 Iuramenta libens popularia suscipit anglus Yo11*78

352

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J.R. Whereas by misrepresentation Yo70*40 J’ai vendu Dunckirque BLh14*76 January This year of wonder 1672 France seems a second Julius Caesar BLa20*130 Johannes utrinque instigatione Diaboli episcopus M35*92 John Bell broken browed Np07*17 John Dryden enemies had three 02pa3*183, BLh14*78, Oa05*3 Judas preserved mankind from perishing M35*140 Jul. 21 1657 Video meliora proboque [. . .] In the name of God Amen. BLa20*41 Julian how comes it of late we see BLh13*64, BLh17*1, BLh19*42, Ed3*68, He85*4, LIa4*33, NLSa12*12, Np45*12, Of16*6 Julian I’ve long been idle loath to write BLh17*31 Julian in verse to ease thy wants I write 02pa3*56, Ab12*48, BLa22*34, BLa97*1, BLh13*2, BLh19*18, CMp*10, Ed3*102, Fm12.1*24, NLSa12*84, Np32*8, Np38*2, Np40*40, SKv69*47, V90*56, VAd43*61, Yo13*7, Yo54*191 Julian with care peruse the lines I send BLh13*68, He85*42, LIa4*59, Of16*9 Julius Mazarini Cardinalis divini virga furoris in Gallos Yo36*11, Yo52.1*45 Juno shall not be jealous Venus fair Fm12.1*16, V90*35, VAd43*39 Juno we thank thee and congratulate Oep4*27 Junxerat ante rosas Henricus regna Jacobus 02pa4*106 Jupiter in terris tecum Lodoice probaret BLa20*121 Jure et amore tui modo spes nunc gloria regni 02pa1*294 Justice is here made up of might Od57*45 Justitiae defensor eras defensor honesti 02pa2*158 Keep to the church while yet you may BLa97*31, Of16*89, Yo08*10, Yo08*74 Kendal is dead and Cambridge riding post BLa22*13, He24*7, Pc99*19, SA30*32, Yo36*9, YoD*9 Kind Jesuits you have but justly done BLa62*64, Yo54*179 Kind neighbours and countrymen listen I pray Od08*82 Kind William came over to rescue this nation BLa97*141 Kindness in drink is often shown Of16*39.1 King James say the jacks as other kings do 02pa3*177 King William concerned to leave his gulled loobies M35*63 Kings like to God reward as we deserve M35*109 Knewst thou whose these ashes were Yo54*15 Knighthood to heroes only once was due Pt5*176 Knowing that I must immediately give an account to God M35*113 L’Estrange the fop that arbitrary tool Yo54*207

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353

L’on ne ocut pas que ie baisse Oep54*24 Ladies I know not how to salute you mistake me not Oep4*88, SA30*37 Ladies take heed a northern blast approaches BLh13*63, LIa4*42 Lana caprina or the complete wrangler SA30*48 Laomedonteâ sic fulsit purpura Troiâ SA30*129 Last night when I to sleep my self had laid BLa97*19, BLh19*106, Of15*62, Of16*68, Pt2*58, Yo08*45 Last Sunday by chance 02pa3*139, BLa97*62 Last year in the spring 02pa2*141, BLa60*12, BLa94*72, BLa97*127, BLh15*105, Fm12.3*28, Fm12.3*61, Lb38*61, M35*57, Np44*40 Last year our English travellers would be Yo88*208 Lauderdale the pretty Mc14*71 Law physic and divinity He24*37 Lay by your pleading law lies a-bleeding HRO36*39 Lay by your reason Truth’s out of season BLa94*52, Yo11*187 Le brave comte de Tallard BLh14*88 Le dieu qui repand sa lumiere BLh14*59 Le jubile dernier Lysander ﬁt dessein BLh14*92 Le roi j’avois beau la premiere partie Od08*201 Le roy Jaques s’avance dans le sacre pourpris BLh14*90 Learn hence ye Whigs and act no more like fools 02pa1*260 Leave off thy paint perfumes and youthful dress HRO36*10 Leave off your ogling Francis BLh14*27, BLh19*61, He85*64, Lb54*83, NLSa12*105, Np42*32, Of15*38, Of16*18, Pt2*18, V90*108, VAd43*116, Yo13*31 Legite parentes vanissimus hominum ordo Yo36*13 Lent all the year faith that’s too much Yo54*214 Leopoldus imperator Caesar Pius Faelix Augustus Od08*4 Let a woman be damn’[d] Pt3*92 Let all in Wickhambrook lament BLa20*139 Let all old England’s freeborn sons Np43*103 Let all the muses now assist my quill Yo11*45 Let all this meaner rout of books stand by Oep4*14 Let ancients boast no more 02pa1*293, Ab12*63, BLh13*12, NLSa12*85, Np38*12, Np39*34, Pt3*15, V90*16, VAd43*16 Let Bl[ackmo]re still in good King Arthur’s vein Pt5*153 Let braves who into armies go Lb54*29 Let Charles so swive Od76*12, Oep4*86, SA30*71 Let creeping players whose pliant fancies cast 02pa4*68 Let cynics bark and the stern Stagirite Of16*118, Yo08*79 Let each one take his glass Ed3*41, NLSa12*14, Np45*14 Let England bewail Yo11*29 Let England rejoice with heart and voice BLa97*74, BLh15*66,

354

Appendix

Fm12.3*4, HUe70*32, Lb38*20, Np44*4, Of06*13, Pt5*47, Yo11*105, Yo70*90 Let Englishmen sit and consult at their ease Od57*13 Let equipage and dress despair BLh14*43, He85*78, Np43*28, Of16*26, V90*190, VAd43*203 Let him that will ascend the tottering seat Yo54*225, Yo88*223.1 Let Homer sing of Ilium’s queen Oep4*46, SA30*21 Let knaves dispute the rights of kings Yo11*13 Let Mary live long Yo11*21 Let mighty Caesar not disdain to view 02pa2*157 Let my Britons now boast BLa94*162 Let no man commend me for doing of it Yo54*19.1 Let noble Sir Positive lead the van 02pa3*157, BLa94*143, BLh15*100, Fm12.3*26, Lb38*56, Np44*37, Np46*97, Oep18*99, Yo70*60 Let Oliver ne’er be forgotten BLh14*51, Np43*56, Of16*112, Pt2*55, V90*228, VAd43*248 Let Ormond for the knaves provide Yo40*33 Let Tollemach preach to his dull simple crowd BLa62*111, BLh13*46, Np38*41 Let the ambitious statesman be Pt3*95 Let the Commons hunt after plots with a hey with a hey BLa22*45, BLh19*15, Ed3*44, NLSa12*16, Np45*16, Yo54*165 Let the hector and whore that’s afraid of the dying Ed3*154 Let the malicious critics snarl and rail Pt5*169 Let the parliament know BLa40*11 Let the Parnassian immortal choir Yo11*117 Let the walks of my satyr beware BLh19*165 Let the Whigs repine LIa4*43, Np39*27 Let us advance the good old cause Np39*22, Od57*137 Let’s laugh and let’s kiss let’s dance and let’s sing Yo54*166 Let’s toss up our bonnets my Sanny Yo11*27 Leuconoe I distrust the gods no more Mc14*61 Lewis of France hath been the Protestants’ scourge 02pa3*97 Libenter omnes deserunt sortem malam SA30*195 Life is a journey from our mothers’ wombs Yo88*198 Life is but a mixture of proﬁt and pleasure Yo54*162 Lift lift your heads up O ye gates Oa01*62 Like a dog with a bottle fast tied to his tail BLa20*106, M35*176 Like a true Irish merlin that misses her ﬂight BLa60*54, BLh14*57, HRO36*92 Like dancers on the ropes poor poets fare Pt5*75 Like the dumb man who found his tongue when he saw Lb55*12 Like the vain curlings of the watery maze 02pa4*59, Oep4*30

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355

Like to a hermit poor in place obscure Yo52.2*5 Lilium in meliore parte manebit et intrabit BLa20*101 Lion of war whose roar the Dutch dismayed 02pa1*214 List of Bury St Edmunds beauties since 1660 Yo54*98.1 List of Lord Chief Justices since 1660 Yo54*82 List of the members of the royal household Np39*4 Little George of Denmark BLa97*118 Little rogue is departed this life BLa20*26 Lo two rude waves by storms together thrown M35*36, Od76*13 Long beerdis hartles SA30*171 Long days of absence dear I could endure Od08*203 Long did Nassau his Belgic valour try 02pa4*7 Long ﬂourish the Orange and Rose Yo11*154 Long had my pen lain dull and useless by HUe70*6, Np42*63, Of15*70, Pt2*65 Long has great Lewis formed the vast design 02pa3*194 Long has the poet his just licence waived Yo70*25 Long our divided state 02pa3*168 Long racked with torturing despair Np07*41 Long since two loyal earls the court forsook BLa94*160 Long time had Israel been disused from rest 02pa2*1 Look how the country hobbs with wonder ﬂock 02pa4*74 Lord God we thank thee in a full and ample manner Pt5*41 Lord in thine anger put me not to shame BLa20*8 Lord let me know the period of my age M35*171 Lord we thank thee in a large and ample manner Od57*34 Lorraine thou stol’st by fraud thou gott’st Burgundy Lb55*27.2, M35*149 Lost or stolen from the new Archbishop or his brethren M35*88 Louis the great for all his glories past Lb54*108 Love a woman thou’rt an ass Ab12*45, BLa40*30, DA*13, He36*61, Lb54*47, Np40*37, SKv69*45, Yo05*22 Love bad me hope and I obeyed Ab12*36, BLa40*29, DA*8, He36*20, Lb54*35, LLt27*19, Np40*28, SKv69*34, V90*44, VAd43*47, Yo05*28 Love brave virtue’s younger brother Pc99*13 Love is the fart Yo54*153 Love’s a dream of mighty treasure Np07*43, Of16*103 Love’s goddess sure was blind this day HRO36*21 Lovely Aurelia why d’ye bear Lb54*133 Loving friend This is to desire thee to go to a vulture-like man HRO36*64 Luca dedit lucem tibi Luci Pontiﬁcatum SA30*148 Ludo vicisti gentes Ludovice potentes Od08*186 Ludovicus magnus Cui simul omnia quae vix uni singula contigere Od08*7

356

Appendix

Ludovicus XIVus Francorum et Navarrae rex Od08*3 Lumine Aeon dextro caveat Leonella sinistro M35*17 Lumine dum lustro magnum per mane vaganti BLa20*110 Madam as victors when they quit the ﬁeld Mc14*77 Madam I am at last come to Adderbury LLt27*14 Madam I cannot but congratulate Np40*107, Of15*78, Pt2*60 Madam I come ten thousand thanks to pay Fm12.1*62, VAd43*151, V90*141 Madam I humbly thank you for your kind letter LLt27*12 Madam I loathe the censures of the town BLa94*95, BLh15*48, HUe70*2, Lb38*2, Np46*34, Oep18*33, Yo08*44 Madam I received an account from Abbott Montague Od08*74 Madam I’ve heard how surly knight BLa60*42, Np44*103 Madam if it were worthy anything to be beloved by me LLt27*11 Madam If my friend’s poem in proper season Oa01*32 Madam If you’re deceived ’tis not by my cheat Ab12*23, CAL68*18, Ed3*25, NLI93*11, Np07*33, Np40*16, Od08*274, SKv69*22, Yo05*64, Yo54*187 Madam Immured with rocks of ice no wretches left 02pa1*269 Madam In the preamble to your proclamation BLa97*113, Yo11*174 Madam look out your title is arraigned BLa60*74, BLa94*223 Madam My gratitude thinks you are too kind Oa01*29 Madam once more the obsequious muse 02pa2*167, Oa01*67 Madam take care BLa60*69 Madam The poets tell how once enamoured Jove CAL68*24 Madam Thus with yourself have you presented been CAL68*26 Madam We address you today in a very new fashion 02pa3*223, HRO36*66, Np42*71 Madam While vulgar souls their vulgar loves pursue Lb38*92 Madam You’re happy sure you do the spring disclose Oep4*21 Madam Your Majesty has so often declared your just concern 02pa2*126 Magne aedes major Dominus miracula posthac CAL68*43 Magne dux qui titulum M35*170.1 Magne Leo qui marte potes Germania vires 02pa1*212 Maidens of England sore may ye moan SA30*170 Maids need no more their silver piss-pots scour 02pa1*281, BLa94*64 Majestas hac fronte sedet magnum sedet intus BLa20*120 Make use of your next vowel M35*41 Malus adest mensis non interdicta secundis SA30*125 Man and wife are all one BLa94*104, BLa97*72, BLh15*54, HUe70*8, Lb38*8, M35*90, Np46*43, Oep18*38, Of06*40, Of15*68, Pt2*73 Man eat and sinned and fell vain shadow say Oep4*3 Mannock that fair lovely maid OAc16*31

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357

March on march on brave Irish boys BLa97*94 Mark but this ﬂea and mark in this Yo88*242 Mark how the greedy rabble ﬂock to see Od08*279 Marlburii famae frustra est erecta columna CAL68*48 Marriage the greatest cheat that priesthood e’er contrived Np43*47 Marriage thou curse of love and snare of life Yo54*199 Married Sir Robert can the news be true BLa94*133, BLh15*89, Lb38*45, Np44*22, Np46*80, Oep18*84 Martilla’s prudent wise discreet 02pa3*220 Mary the wonder of her sex Yo11*175 Mary Waters daughter and co-heir of Robert Waters Yo54*236 May a want-weakened body care-torn mind BLa20*64 May England see her errors ere too late BLh17*59, Yo11*20 May I live to see William and Mary grow old BLh19*140 May it please etc Way hundred and ﬁfty elect of the gown Orp81*35 May it please your Highness How great and just Fm12.1*52 May it please your majesty I am commanded by the lords Yo54*157 May it please your majesty We have with great satisfaction observed Od57*102 May plagues like those which abdicated kings Yo70*71 May she to nauseous Scarsdale prove BLh15*124, Lb38*80 May the ambitious favour ﬁnd He85*25 May’t please here is a wearied bee from hive BLa20*62 Me have of late bin in England Od57*46 Me miserum quò me vertam nec vivere possum BLa20*99 Medela Romae Scaevola vulnus fuit SA30*190 Melinda who had never been He85*82, Lb54*76 Mella dabunt Gallis Hispanis spicula verum SA30*145 Men brethren fathers sons of holy love Ed3*47, Np43*97 Men on this age sad grievances do heap Pt5*58 Menin deide thea taphiniadio kambroio Orp81*3.1 Menon the Thessalian was extremely covetous and ambitious BLa94*216 Mens bona non vaga sors virtus non gratia regis Yo52.2*34 Methinks I cannot but commiserate Np40*107.1 Methinks I see our mighty monarch stand 02pa1*229, Ab12*66, BLa62*95, BLa94*82, BLh13*19, BLh19*22, Fm12.1*55, Lb54*62, NLSa12*97, Np38*19, Np39*6, Np46*9, OAc16*59, Od08*298, Oep18*9, Pt3*37, SKv69*63, V90*119, VAd43*128 Methinks I see you newly risen 02pa1*142, BLa62*94, BLh13*18, BLh15*44, Ed3*117, NLSa12*17, Np38*18, Np39*16, Np45*17, Od08*299, Pt1*46, Pt3*44, SKv69*61, V90*65, VAd43*70 Methinks my poor prick has been troubled too long Np40*62 Midst pretty tricks and quaint device 02pa2*129

358

Appendix

Milo’s from home and Milo being gone M35*165 Mine and the poet’s plague consume you all BLh19*84, He85*75, NLSa12*120, Np42*36, Of15*42, Of16*24, Pt2*34, V90*152, VAd43*162 Miraris dulces de ponto nascier amnes Yo54*10.1 Miriﬁca aediﬁcant Galli haec sua tecta tonanti BLa20*125 Miror de Gallicis cuius sunt ordinis Od08*6 Miss Danae when fair and young BLa60*45, BLa94*159 Mittis vina mihi mihi Pamphile vina supersunt SA30*140 Money plague on you where run you Pt5*111 ’Mongst all the hard names that denote reproach BLh17*62, M35*49, Yo11*72 Monmouth the bunch is fox am I Of06*50 Monmouth the witty Lb54*132, Od08*250, Yo40*54, Yo54*5 Monsieur Le sieur Campy Savoyard de nation Yo54*4.1 Mors est maesta nimis magnos q[uam] iungit in imis SA30*163 Mors solet innumeris morbis abrumpere vitam Yo88*231 Mortality would be too frail to hear 02pa1*151 Most academical most knowing judges I will willingly Pc99*30 Most good and gracious God we thy sinful creatures M35*86 Most gracious omnipotent Od57*25 Most mighty monarch They that change their lords before Yo54*93 Most modern wits such monstrous fools have shown Od08*240 Most of our civil broils may date their spring BLa62*126, Ed3*137, LIa4*38, Yo70*65 Most reverend grave judicious sirs Pt5*118 Most trusty hearty and undeserved father this is written by the way of BLa20*140 Mountown thou sweet retreat from Dublin cares 02pa4*21 Mourn all ye nymphs with me lament your state Of16*29 Mr Masters When non-resistance was run out of breath Yo11*86 Mr Mayor your servant gentlemen yours damn you all Oep18*103 Mr Speaker I have troubled you little of late for indeed BLa94*138, BLh15*86, Lb38*41, Np44*20, Np46*87, Oep18*79 Mr Speaker In the front of Magna Charta it is said Yo54*213 Mr Speaker The petition now presented unto you in behalf BLa94*59 Mr Speaker | The present times require our most earnest and serious thoughts BLa94*17 Mrs Die’s fair hand BLa60*9 Much has been said of strumpets of yore BLh14*29, BLh19*60, Fm12.1*56, He85*56, V90*121, VAd43*131, Yo13*26 Much wine had passed with grave discourse Ab12*13, Ed3*116, He36*5, Lb54*32, Np40*3, SKv69*14, Yo05*4, Yo40*51

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359

Much wine had passed with much discourse Np42*51, Np46*22, Oep18*21, Of15*61, Pt2*43, V90*225, VAd43*245 Muse bark no more satyr thy bristles couch BLa62*67.1 Muse let us change our style and live in peace Ab12*72, BLh13*28, BLh19*28, Fm12.2*11, He85*36, Np38*26, Np42*20, Od57*152, Of15*27, Pt2*22, V90*102, VAd43*110 Muse put on wings and straight go muster all Oep4*24 Mush honord Madame Me ha here wit sent your good laship de dildoa Yo54*53 Music has learnt the discords of the state 02pa3*222 Must good men still die ﬁrst and is there gone Yo54*37 Must he be ever dead cannot we add Yo54*21 Must I complain and yet ﬁnd no relief Pt5*72 Must I then passive stand and can I hear Pt5*156 Must I with patience ever silent sit 02pa1*225, Ab12*69, BLa62*74, BLh13*23, Ed3*127, Fm12.1*2, Lb54*16, LIa4*7, Mc14*38, NLSa12*88, Np38*23, Np39*18, Od08*297, Od57*70, Pt3*36, SKv69*64, V90*3, VAd43*3, Yo13*4, Yo27*9, Yo54*244 My Bernicia since I do not ﬁnd Lb54*116 My dear Lord Carlisle I very much approve of what my Lord Mordaunt Yo52.2*27 My dear Sabina why should you and I NLI93*17 My dearest dear in whom my life depends SA30*75 My dearest friend that lov’st me so BLa94*97, Fm12.2*20, Np42*61, Np46*36, Of15*76, Pt2*70 My ﬂeets my castles and my towns BLa94*101, Np46*40, Yo08*34 My friend will shortly be in town BLa94*15.1 My friends forsooth grow godly and precise Yo54*91 My husband me and I my court have left 02pa4*96 My little lodge tease me no more Oep18*124 My little lord methinks ’tis strange Od57*47 My lord Cornwallis The breach of the king’s peace Yo54*88.1 My lord duke I did send Mr Humble Yo54*178 My lord I’d praise your lordship but you’ve had your share 02pa3*147 My lord out of the love I bear to some of your friends M35*177 My lord These unlucky queries falling by great providence Od08*239 My lord Though to advise may seem presumptuous Od08*30 My lord treasurer The king’s most excellent majesty Od08*131 My lord We pity such as are by tempest lost BLh19*70 My lords and all you gentlemen BLa94*153, Np46*124, Oep18*119 My lords and gentlemen I am afraid you’ll think this time BLh15*93, Np44*28, Oep18*120 My lords and gentlemen I am commanded by his majesty Lb55*17

360

Appendix

My lords and gentlemen I am informed notwithstanding all BLh15*93.1 My lords and gentlemen I believe you will expect BLh15*93.2, Np43*99 My lords and gentlemen I can never enough extol the divine goodness BLa94*48 My lords and gentlemen I greet ye BLa94*155, Np46*126 My lords and gentlemen I have been very desirous to meet you HRo36*69 My lords and gentleman I told you at our last meeting 02pa3*33, BLa62*120, BLh15*31, Lb55*22, Np40*59, NLSa12*52, Yo52.2*25 My lords and gentlemen You may remember at the meeting of this session Yo52.2*31 My Lords and my Commons ’tis my resolution BLa97*80, Np46*120, Of06*15, Yo11*123, Yo70*104 My lords I have often troubled you with my discourse Yo54*1 My lords I have received a letter BLh15*107, Lb38*63 My lords It is a bill deserves to be burnt Yo54*193 My lords The matter now expounded is of marvellous weight M35*1 My lords When by the providence of almighty God BLa20*98, Od08*57, Yo52.1*64 My lords Your appointing of the consideration of the state of England NLSa12*99 My masters and friends and good people draw near He36*46, Yo54*57 My masters you that undertake the game Od57*9 My muse and I are drunk tonight LIa4*54, Od57*127 My muse shall rehearse such blue-coats on horseback Of06*55 My muse thus ventures to open her ware Yo52.2*14 My noble lords and gentlemen Yo11*125 My part is done and you’ll I hope excuse He36*54, Np40*104, Pc99*6, Yo05*57, Yo54*83 My petition good people of Ag—sham hear 02pa4*49 My son yes lord my only son my Isaac he Oep4*2 My soul dost thou resolve an easy life Yo88*197 My tap is run then Baxter tell me why 02pa2*59 My text beloved I could divide into three and thirty BLh12*34 Mynheer H. Bentinck begs of King William for him M35*163 Mysterious day which no time can BLa20*13 Mysterious riddle of the state BLa20*9, BLa62*41, Yo40*34 Naked I came when I began to be M35*182 Naked she lay clasped in my longing arms Ab12*8, BLa97*40, BLh12*24, Ed3*15, He36*38, Np40*80, SKv69*9, Yo05*6 Nan and Frank two quondam friends <See ‘Of civil dudgeon . . .’) Nassau knight errant of our church chose rather Oa01*4.1 Natalium lux et magniﬁcentia BLa20*66

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361

Nature does strangely female gifts dispense BLh19*57, He85*63, Lb54*86, Np43*91, Of16*20, Yo13*32 Nay blackcoats now look to’t you must away Oep4*45, SA30*19 Nay painter if thou darst design that ﬁght 02pa1*16, BLa22*26, BLh15*1, CAL68*22, He24*1, Lb54*112, Od08*80, Oep4*89, Pt1*1, SA30*23, Yo36*1, Yo40*26, YoD*1 Ne’er blame the hero for the kingdom’s fall M35*82 Near Covent Garden theatre where you know BLh19*164 Near Epsom at the King of Bantam’s marriage Fm12.1*9, Np46*5, Oep18*5, V90*30, VAd43*32 Near Hampton Court there lies a common 02pa1*233, BLa97*26, NLSa12*153 Near Holborn lies a park of great renown 02pa1*136, BLa22*21, Od08*62, Od57*122, Yo54*234, Yo70*8 Near Isis spring the muses’ poor retreat 02pa4*62 Near Lethe’s banks where the forgetful stream Pt5*179 Near to an ancient famous house of prayer M35*204, Yo11*83 Near to the Rose where punks in numbers ﬂock 02pa2*147 Neighbours I have read the paper you delivered me Od08*110 Nell Gwyn’s mother found drunk Yo54*122 Nero to rule by law once pledged his troth Mc14*81 Never be long about a match Lb54*10 New forms of prayer are sent the realm throughout BLa94*38, Yo11*146 News to expect from Houghton Hall Oa05*49 Nil minus immenso fecit Lodoicus in orbe BLa20*123 Nil mirere tribus suppositum regibus unum BLa20*20 Nil sub sole novum sapiens rex dixerat olim BLa20*80 No by my faith she lies it cannot be CAL68*28 No cover le feau ye Catesbyots BLa62*12 No Gods nor heaven there is says Selius SA30*182 No longer blame those on the banks of Nile 02pa2*64, BLa97*8, BLh14*60, He85*18, Lb54*69, Mc14*93, Np46*13, Oep18*13, VAd43*78, Yo13*33, Yo70*21 No longer may the English nation boast BLh19*45, He85*46, Np43*29, V90*191, VAd43*204 No man hath a greater veneration for the royal family Od57*113, Yo54*195 No man is qualiﬁed to reprove other men’s faults 02pa2*143 No man love’s ﬁery passions can approve Mc14*17 No more my muse of lawless fop or fool BLh17*40 No more of your admired year Od57*176 No pedigree nor projects Od57*42 No poor Dutch peasant winged with all his fear He36*49

362

Appendix

No sacred pages never more repine 02pa4*19 No scornful beauty e’er shall boast Yo54*67 No she shall ne’er escape if gods there be Yo05*58 No sooner had the royal senate met BLa94*128, BLh15*71, Fm12.3*9, HUe70*61, Lb38*25, Np44*11, Np46*76, Oep18*75 No sooner our hero to Flanders was got M35*159 No wonder storms and winds destructive prove Np42*70 No wonder winds more dreadful are by far 02pa3*196, BLa94*197, BLh14*97, Np42*69, Np46*107 Noble sir this epistle most humbly complains BLh15*116, Fm12.3*32, Lb38*72, Np44*51 Noctis avem dicunt exorto sole poetae SA30*119 Non orbis gentem non urbem gens habet ulla BLa20*108, Lb55*26, Pc99*15, SA30*142, Yo54*221 Nor hell itself nor gloomy fate can save Pt5*4 Northampton happier in his choice Od57*166 Nostra damus cum falsa damus num fallere nostrum est Yo88*227 Not a hard bed i’th’ country to procure Od08*161 Not all the Baths nor Tunbridge can assuage BLh17*47 Not all the threats or favour of a crown 02pa1*239, BLa97*21, Od57*168, Of16*67, Yo08*77 Not being at home I have but little or no time Lb54*141 Not Celia that I am more just 02pa3*210 Not hell itself now gloomy fate can fare 02pa1*248 Not long ago I drank a piss-pot Pt5*68 Not many miles from Tunbridge town BLa97*130, Np07*32 Not Rome in all her splendour could compare 02pa1*226, BLa22*52, BLa62*96, BLh19*17, Fm12.1*4, Lb54*17, NLSa12*87, OAc16*45, Od08*307, Of15*13, Pt2*7, Pt3*55, SKv69*58, V90*5, VAd43*5 Not thicker are the stars i’th’ milky way BLa97*5, BLh17*4, He85*2, NLSa12*24, Np45*24, V90*124, VAd43*134, Yo13*22 Nota mori vetus et justum est sed iniqua deorum BLa62*88 Nothing adds to your fond ﬁre Ab12*38.1, BLa40*34.1, DA*6.1, Fm12.1*22, Lb54*37.1, LLt27*4.1, SKv69*36.1, VAd43*45.1, Yo05*25 Nothing but my having been the most desperately in the spleen Lb54*125 Nothing thou elder brother e’en to shade Ab12*33, BLa40*22, BLa97*45, CAL68*1, Ed3*6, He36*15, ILr*10, M35*29, M35*29.1, M35*29.2, Np40*25, Od08*305, Od76*15, Pt5*90, SKv69*31, Yo05*15, Yo27*6, Yo52.2*44 Nothing thou shadow of the chaos world Mc14*14 Now at last Fitzharris has expounded Np43*101 Now at last the riddle is expounded Np43*100, Od08*312, Od57*95, Pt3*20

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363

Now being old I need not go with speed Yo88*245 Now beloved if we are not happy whose fault is it BLa94*193 Now Christian trot with heavy heart Pt5*115 Now curses on ye all ye virtuous fools Ab12*53, He36*53, Np07*2, Np40*44, Pc99*3, SKv69*50, Yo05*56, Yo54*77 Now did the saffron morn her beams display Oa05*29 Now Echo on what’s religion grounded—Roundhead Od57*58 Now Ferris is dead BLa40*18 Now ﬁe upon him what is man BLa20*77, M35*175 Now had Apollo heard in verse and prose BLa94*56 Now had the sun sunk down to’s liquid bed Fm12.3*25, Np44*36, Yo70*51 Now Hadleigh adieu BLa20*83 Now happy were good English faces BLh15*131 Now having gone thus far in the description of rebellion NLSa12*50 Now Heaven defend thee Bassett and protect Lb54*71, LIa4*62 Now in our extreme danger when foreign forces threaten Od08*268 Now joy to the saints from the north and the west Np43*37, V90*208, VAd43*224 Now let proud Albion cease to mourn Yo11*16 Now listen good friends and I’ll tell you how ’twas Yo54*101 Now Lord have mercy on us all a strange thing I’m to tell Yo54*45 Now Louis all thy numerous trophies boast 02pa2*99 Now love and war the selfsame art is grown M35*160 Now may the metaphors for prayers be said SA30*8 Now now the prince is come to town 02pa3*134 Now now the Tories all shall stoop BLa62*2 Now now the work’s done Np39*33 Now painter try if thy skilled hand can draw 02pa1*230, Pt3*87 Now Phoebus did with frowns the world survey BLa60*67 Now soar my muse on thy sublimest wing BLh15*121, Lb38*77 Now that the world is all in amaze M35*174 Now the job’s done and who will say Fm12.1*15, ILr*2, V90*34, VAd43*38 Now the reformer of the court and stage 02pa1*176, Ed3*52, Fm12.1*19, Pt3*53, V90*39, VAd43*43 Now the veil is pulled off and this pitiful nation Yo11*185 Now wars dissensions want and taxes cease BLa94*117, Np46*60, Oep18*58 Now what’s the result of this mystical summons M35*139 Now whilst Whitehall wears black and men do fear BLa20*23, Yo52.1*27 Now with a better face affairs appear 02pa1*216 Nullis mella dabo sed cunctis spicula ﬁgo BLa20*17

364

Appendix

Nunc superes tu qui super es successor honoris SA30*152 O all ye people of this land BLa94*47.1, HUe70*55.1, Yo11*217 O all ye young ladies of merry England BLa40*15, BLh17*35, Od08*188 O Anna see the prelude is begun Orp81*39 O Anna think thou poor unhappy queen BLa94*207 O Anna thy new friends and prick-eared court BLa94*191, BLh14*105 O are you come ’tis more than time 02pa3*144 O assist me ye powers who have rhymes at command Ed3*22, Pt5*109 O Birkenhead how hast thou tired thy Muse BLa20*40, Od08*114 O bright exemplar of the British youth CAL68*54 O Cambridge famous for unlucky hits Of16*64 O Celimena of my heart SA30*1 O could my thoughts but suit the vast design Oa05*25 O cruel death whose rage without remorse is Pt5*201 O d’open the door sweet Betty Yo70*29 O daughter fairer copy than the other Mc14*62 O doctor you’re mistaken ’twas not at Mount Ida BLa60*33 O fading beauty which so soon art gone BLa60*27 O fair Aminta never ﬂy Lb54*99 O glory glory who are these appear 02pa3*116, NLSa12*123, Of16*47 O God we pray remove the cause BLh17*71, Yo11*103 O happy England free from this foul sin Od57*150 O happy people you must thrive M35*124 O Harry canst thou ﬁnd no subject ﬁt 02pa2*107, BLa60*1, BLh15*115, Lb38*71, Np44*47 O heaven were she but mine or mine alone Yo54*200 O heavens the weakness of my unkind father 02pa3*95 O heavens we now have signs below 02pa3*67, BLa62*35, BLh15*39, BLh17*11, OAc16*49, Od08*303, Od57*66, Pt1*41, Yo54*123 O how great William’s name Yo11*157 O how rigid is our fate M35*107 O last and best of Scots who didst maintain 02pa3*162, BLa94*103, BLh15*56, HUe70*9, Lb38*10, Np46*42, Oep18*37, Of06*23 O Lord how well in thee Doth life and death agree Yo88*203 O lord of hosts hear England’s cry Oa01*52 O Love how cold and slow to take my part Ab12*34, BLa40*39, DA*5, He36*16, ILr*15, Lb54*34, LLt27*2, Np40*26, SKv69*33, Yo05*7 O matchless genius whose exalted lays 02pa4*40, BLa94*165 O monachi vestri stomachi BLh14*50 O my J.T. was good and ﬁrmly stood BLa97*134 O my Myrtillo whose unjust complaint NLI93*1 O Nigrocella don’t despise Yo08*58 O Paduae fautor quae tibi nota geni BLa20*155, Yo54*161

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365

O patriots renowned open your eyes 02pa3*19 O pity poor England O pity I say BLa62*18 O qui potentem ducis originem Oa05*58 O Salisbury people give ear to my song Yo54*60 O Scotland lament the loss of thy friend Yo11*40 O solitude my sweetest choice 02pa1*289 O S—rs T—t D—itt M—gue Pt5*158 O stay a while and drop a tear Oa01*60 O strange what is’t I hear the man Yo54*144 O temporising wretch thus to abuse Yo11*90 O that I could by some chemic art Ed3*96, He36*28, ILr*13, Pt3*73, Yo05*75 O that she had lived in Cleopatra’s age 02pa3*51 O the plot’s discoverers Oates Bedloe Dugdale Prance Ed3*161 O the sad day HRO36*6, Yo40*44 O times o manners Cicero cried out HRO36*22 O Venus joy of men and gods Oep18*123 O Venus regina Cnidi Paphique Oep18*123.1 O vos qui de salute vestra securi estis 02pa1*298, BLa94*47, HUe70*55, Yo11*216, Yo70*74 O what a damned age do we live in BLh14*3, Of15*9, V90*11, VAd43*11 O ye Britons draw near 02pa4*13 O ye yes if anyone can tidings tell Yo54*134 O yes henceforward sit omnibus notum BLa60*49, BLa94*178, BLh14*107, HRO36*91 O you hurt me she cried Lb54*98 O you sweet rural beauties who were never BLa20*96 Obadiah Walker of University College Pt5*43 Obdormit Stephanus quanta hac patientia BLa20*70 Occasionally as we discoursed of queen and church and nation 02pa3*189, BLh14*101 Ocius ista ruunt quae sic cumulata locantur SA30*138 Octogesimus octavusque Hyspanicus annus Oa01*5 ’Ods life we are undone Yo54*111 Of a great heroine I mean to tell Ab12*80, BLh13*37, BLh19*31, He85*39, Np38*34, V90*105, VAd43*113 Of a hectoring bully 02pa3*135 Of a new vast supremacy the plot Od08*50 Of a splenetic nation I sing BLh14*65 Of a tall statue and of sable hue 02pa1*120, BLa62*92, BLh17*18, Mc14*57, Np43*96, Od08*282, Pt3*60 Of all dissembling gypsies thou’rt the worst Np46*92, Oep18*94 Of all great nature fated unto wit Oep4*79, SA30*43

366

Appendix

Of all my sons by tyranny bereft 02pa2*128 Of all quality whores modest Betty for me Ab12*64, BLh13*14, BLh14*6, Np38*14, Np39*10, Pt3*16, V90*17, VAd43*17, Yo13*23 Of all the brisk dames Messalina for me SA30*61 Of all the cheats and shams that have of late 02pa2*83 Of all the follies that infest the age LIa4*48 Of all the fools these fertile times produce Ab12*84, BLh13*41, Np38*38, Od08*325 Of all the grain our nation yields 02pa2*56 Of all the handsome ladies BLa60*80 Of all the plagues mankind possess 02pa2*70, BLa94*85, BLa97*10, BLh19*103, He85*85, Lb54*104, NLSa12*149, Np42*46, Np46*19, Od57*147, Oep18*19, Of15*52, Pt2*48, V90*199, VAd43*212 Of all the plagues with which this world abounds Ab12*73, BLh13*29, BLh14*55, BLh19*29, He85*37, NLI93*24, Np38*27, Np42*21, Np46*15, OAc16*62, Od57*98, Oep18*15, Of15*28, Pt2*24, Pt3*18, V90*103, VAd43*111 Of all the sots with which the nation’s cursed BLa97*4, BLh17*2, BLh19*65, He85*1, Np43*21, Of16*37, V90*181, VAd43*194, Yo13*21 Of all the things which at this guilty time Lb54*91, Np40*111 Of all the torments all the cares BLh15*126, Fm12.3*47, Lb38*82, Np44*73 Of all the vermin that did e’er debase BLh13*75, BLh17*23, He85*29 Of all the wonders since the word began 02pa1*227, Ab12*5, BLh13*5, Ed3*2, Lb54*58, LIa4*14, Np38*5, Np39*25, Np43*83, Pt3*23, SKv69*54, Yo13*1, Yo27*15 Of Catesby Fawkes and Garnet BLa20*160, Lb54*79 Of civil dudgeon many a bard 02pa2*60, Ab12*85, BLh13*42, BLh19*27, He85*68, NLSa12*156, Np38*39, Np42*23, OAc16*65, Of15*30, Pt2*26, V90*86, VAd43*94, Yo13*10 Of Clineas’ and Dametas’ sharper ﬁght BLa94*16, Np43*41, Of16*96, V90*212, VAd43*228, Yo19*7 Of famous nuptials now we’ll sing BLh17*49, BLh19*119, LIa4*70, Np43*67, V90*244, VAd43*264 Of ﬁelds I write famous for mighty lust BLh13*45, He85*6, LIa4*24, NLSa12*31, Np38*45, Np45*31 Of kings renowned and mighty bards I write 02pa2*96 Of lovers hail ye happy pair Np07*38 Of monsters fell and wondrous wights 02pa4*60 Of oats new threshed at Tyburn take two pound 02pa3*121, Of16*60 Of old the very name of Drake 02pa4*53, Np07*42 Of ramblings and follies you oft have been told 02pa4*103, BLh15*110, Fm12.3*31, Lb38*66, Np44*43

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367

Of the herbs of hypocrisy and ambition of each one Pt5*2 Of the old heroes when the warlike shades 02pa1*114, BLa40*2, Od57*60 Of villains rebels cuckolds pimps and spies Ab12*82, BLa94*83, BLh13*39, BLh17*25, Ed3*134, Np38*36, Np43*10, Np46*12, Od08*324, Oep18*12, V90*169, VAd43*182, Yo13*14 Of wars and blood and foughten ﬁelds I sing Mc14*1 Of what I now am going to write Yo11*139 Oft am I by the women told Np40*117 Oft has our poet wished this happy feast Orp81*8 Oft have I seen the heavens so black you’d think Oa01*11 Oft have we heard of impious sons before BLh17*67, Of06*3, Yo11*172 Old Bayard take care and look well to your hits Yo11*204 Old Jemmy is a lad Yo11*26 Old Priscian’s rule henceforth must hold no more BLa62*14 Old Sarum was built on a dry barren hill Yo54*60.1 Old Simon strove his maid to f[uc]k Ed3*144 Old stories of a tiler sing 02pa3*142, BLa97*66, Of16*124, Yo08*32 Old stories tell of elegant discourses Of06*36 Old Wainscot is i’th’ right with a hey with a hey Ab12*81, BLh13*38, Np38*35, VAd43*75 Old Westminster the seat of kings whose law BLa97*24, Np43*55, Od57*167, Of16*82, V90*227, VAd43*247 Older and wiser has a long proverb been BLh19*98, He85*94, Lb54*88, NLSa12*133, Np42*41, Of15*47, Pt2*39, V90*201, VAd43*214 Omnipotens et sempiterne Deus penes quem fons est bonorum omnium BLa20*15 On a day of great triumph when lord of the city 02pa3*163 On a well chosen piece of ground Pt5*116 On avoit cru jusqu’à ce jour BLh14*100 On Lord Fairfax Crom & Vane BLa62*3 On Monday the chamberlain made a long speech Yo54*129 On my hard fate as late I pondering lay 02pa2*148 On ne veulut pas que je f—t Np39*15 On Saturday night we sat late at the Rose 02pa3*108, M35*54, Np43*58, Of16*101, V90*230, VAd43*250, Yo08*86 On the obedience passive still to dote BLh19*107, Mc14*86, NLSa12*154, Yo08*88 On Tunbridge walks two bona robas justle Yo54*137 On voit regner le crime avec la violence Yo52.1*47 Once had I doted on this jilting town NLSa12*145 Once happy church no longer censure Rome Yo11*94 Once happy land no longer censure Rome BLa94*27

368

Appendix

Once how I doted on this jilting town 02pa1*154, He85*88, Lb54*94, Np43*50, V90*221, VAd43*240 Once in a certain family 02pa4*86 Once more a father and a son fall out 02pa1*162 Once more take pen in hand obsequious knight Pt5*162 Once more the needy poet sells his pen Of16*23 Once on a time the hands and feet 02pa2*36 One being asked what’s best to learn said this Yo52.2*46 One compact two nuptials threeform war BLa62*104.1 One day I heard a zealous shout Pt3*75 One day the amorous Lysander Ab12*17, BLa97*41, He36*39, SKv69*16, Yo05*48 One fatal day a sympathetic ﬁre 02pa2*109 One labour more O Arethusa yield VAd43*18 One month a lawyer thou the next will be HRO36*27 One morn when a thick fog had spread BLh19*113 One night Saint Peter in a rage from Rome Np43*61, V90*235, VAd43*255 One of our friars late devoutly vaunted BLa20*81 One Saturday she sent for divers persons of quality M35*157 One while I think and then I am in pain Yo88*191 One whole piece of the Duchess of Cleveland’s honesty 02pa3*30, BLa22*22, BLh15*29, Lb55*18, Np42*12, OAc16*55, Od08*172, Of15*18, Pt1*30, Pt2*14, VAd43*181, Yo40*76 One whore is dead Yo05*76 Oratori in artem invehenti academici ignoscatis oro SA30*106 Orbem terrarum Judas salvavit ab Orco Np07*28 Ore tibi pauci sed nulli in carmine dentes SA30*141 Others below the dignity of rhyme 02pa3*173 Our bard most bravely draws up his militia Oep4*77, SA30*40 Our Canterbury’s great cathedral bell Yo54*30 Our church alas as Rome objects does want 02pa3*2 Our councils are governed by Hugo Boscawen Pt3*93 Our dainty ﬁne duchesses have got a trick Od08*188.1 Our Father which art in Rome Yo54*106 Our fathers took oaths as husbands take wives BLa60*77 Our Faux Alexander having new crossed the seas Np46*123, Oep18*116 Our glorious realm o’er all the earth renowned 02pa1*268 Our God and soldier we alike adore M35*209 Our hearty thanks we humbly pay 02pa4*85 Our justices whose prudence does disclose HUe70*49 Our labour more indulgent muse inspire BLh19*110 Our ladies fond of Love’s soft joys BLa97*87, HUe70*51, Np43*106, Yo11*224, Yo70*28

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Our land is distracted with fancy and zeal OAc16*44 Our monarch’s whore from France is come BLh14*28, BLh19*49, He85*15, NLSa12*18, Np42*24, Np45*18, Of15*31, V90*109, VAd43*117 Our play’s a parallel the holy league LIa4*56 Our priests in holy pilgrimage 02pa3*109, BLa97*67 Our prologue wit grows ﬂat the nap’s worn off 02pa1*262, NLSa12*94 Our rebel party of late BLh14*44, He85*62, NLSa12*138, Np43*35, V90*198, VAd43*211, Yo13*35 Our trade is truth to seek and truth to tell BLa20*111 Our wise reformers wise and gay Yo11*191 Our zealous sons of mother church BLa94*110, BLh15*69, HUe70*39, Lb38*23, Np46*50, Oep18*45, Of06*62, Yo70*94 Out of stark love and arrant devotion BLa22*31, CMp*8, Ed3*73, Lb54*48, NLI93*21 Ovid who bid the ladies laugh HRO36*7 Oyes oyes oyes can any bring BLh19*129 Pacto uno binis thalamis belloque triformi BLa20*5, BLa22*11, BLa62*104, Od76*14, Pc99*16, SA30*65 Paint me St Albans full of sup and gold BLa20*33 Painter I’ve seen a picture represent 02pa4*52 Painter once more thy pencil re-assume And draw 02pa1*125, BLa22*9, Lb55*2, NLSa12*64, OAc16*50, Od08*60, Od57*117, Pc99*11, Yo40*66, Yo52.1*57, Yo70*48 Painter once more thy pencil reassume Draw me Od08*269 Painter prepare thy pencil yet once more Od08*192 Painter where was’t thy former work did cease 02pa1*111, BLa22*37, He24*4, Oep4*93, SA30*29, Yo36*6, YoD*6 Pallas destructive to the Trojan line 02pa3*198 Papa noster qui es in Roma Yo54*118 Par domus est caelo sed par est nulla triumphis SA30*143 Par urbi domus est urbs orbi neutra triumphis BLa20*126, Lb55*25 Parce precor lacrymis fuit in gravare quid urges Yo88*228 Pardon dear Hero that I send to thee Mc14*51 Parson What makes thee thus like silly widgeon BLh12*10 Parties by turns make us all court slaves BLa60*70 Parvula haec urna illum includit SA30*89 Pasquine, quis est Papa BLa20*52 Passant apren quen l’incertitude des chose humaines Yo52.2*55 Passenger who e’er thou art BLa20*141 Passive obedience and non- BLa94*108, BLh15*65, HUe70*50, Lb38*19, Np46*47, Oep18*42 Pater Alpha and Omega Deus BLa20*49

370

Appendix

Pauca haec Urbani sint verba inscripta sepulchro BLa20*19 Paupertas me saeva domat dirusque Cupido SA30*137 Pax peregrina diu binas nunc uniet oras 02pa1*211 Pax regit Augusti quem vicit Julius orbem 02pa1*29 Peace absent long two states to union brings 02pa1*213 Peace mourning friend forebear to weep for him Yo11*48 Pego resurrexit mediaque in nocte medullas Yo54*102 Pejoris fruges aris M35*195 Pellorum locii tot lunas moenia solus SA30*200 Persons in absence ought to notify returns LLt27*15 Perusing the list of the tackers in print 02pa4*1 Peter of Wells that blessed abhorrer Od57*93 Peter Since thy departure for Jamaica we have seen here Oa01*76 Phaeton’s sister though ’twas thy desire Oa01*30 Phillis be gentler I advise Ab12*40, BLa40*28, CKh14*8, Ed3*74, Fm12.1*23, He36*19, Lb54*41, LLt27*5, Np40*32, SKv69*41, V90*41, VAd43*46, Yo05*26 Phillis men say that all my vows Pt2*74, Yo70*23 Phillis regardless of her charms BLh15*119, Lb38*75 Phillis talk no more of passion Lb54*135 Phillis the fairest of love’s foes BLa97*129, BLh14*63 Philomela now it plainly does appear Mc14*47.2 Phoebus adest fuscos abscondat noctua vultus SA30*120 Piss out your ﬁres you Huguenots Mc14*22 Pity the private cabal Np39*38 Places thus very near our pious schools HUe70*59, Np46*75, Oep18*74, Of15*74, Pt2*71 Plaude licet magno laetis successibus anno 02pa4*105 Pleasure from which the universe did spring Mc14*28 Plenipotentiary to the states BLa94*192 Poems and prose of different force lay claim Pt5*164 Poetry is an intellectual mint Od76*5, Oep4*43, SA30*14 Poets of late such monstrous fools have shown Pt5*76 Pone Levian titulum quid prosit gratia coeli M35*8 Poor Celia once was very fair BLa20*2 Poor Fuckadilla now grown past Mc14*54 Poor Job lost all the comforts of his life Pt5*166 Poor Mountfort is gone and the ladies do all Of15*73, Pt2*69 Poor poet why didst spin this thread BLa62*19, Od08*52 Poor Strafford worthy of no name at all Od57*12 Poor Tom of Lincoln Pt5*3 Pope Rospigliosi the late pope said to an Englishman Od08*262 Porter made forty of his best friends die Np07*29

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Post varios casus post tot discrimina M35*99 Pox o’ this playhouse ’tis an old tired jade Mc14*64 Pox on the rhyming fops that plague the town LIa4*10, Yo27*20 Praebere ﬂammas gentibus aliis decus SA30*196 Pray listen a while I’ll a rascal describe BLa94*204 Pray listen all unto our tale Od57*16 Pray noble Diodorus show me why Mc14*47.1 Pray pardon John Bayes for I beg your excuse 02pa3*69, BLh17*12, HRO36*50, Np43*12, V90*171, VAd43*184, Yo11*61 Pray sir did you hear of a late proclamation 02pa2*154, BLa94*70 Prepare O you cits your charter to lose Ed3*71, LIa4*58 Preserve O Lord this our inconstant nation Yo11*147 Preserved by wonder in the oak O Charles 02pa2*81, BLa22*54, BLa40*13, BLh12*33, BLh19*11, Ed3*104, NLSa12*74, OAc16*40, Od57*112, V90*89, VAd43*97 Presto popular Pilkington Of16*14 Prick down the point who ever hath the art Oep4*69 Prick nature’s pump cunt’s pioneer CMp*7, He36*8, Pt3*30 Pride lust ambition and the people’s hate 02pa1*172, BLa22*12, BLa62*5, BLh15*7, Fm12.1*1, He24*11, NLSa12*62, Od08*72, Od57*162, Pt1*7, SA30*66, V90*2, VAd43*2, Yo40*35, Yo52.1*55 Prima domus Christi fuit almae virginis alvus Yo88*232 Prima domus Christi fuit almae virginis alvus Yo88*236 Primâ fronte rogas cur panagrammate non sit M35*7 Primus ab Angliacis Hibernas qui petit oras Yo11*4 Primus huic omnium tremulus M35*196 Principium vitae detur et detur exitus ingens Yo88*233 Prithee Jerry be quiet cease railing in vain 02pa4*25 Prithee now fond fool give o’er LLt27*29 Prithee tell me gentle swain Np07*11 Pro Jacobo secundo sine regno rege BLa94*134, BLh15*85, Lb38*39, Np46*83, Oep18*83 Pro rege saepe pro republica semper CAL68*49 Propter oves et boves He24*17 Prorogue upon prorogue damned rogues and whores 02pa3*21, BLa20*131, BLa22*30, BLa62*23, BLh15*12, Fm12.1*7, He24*23, Lb55*6, Od08*69, Pc99*12, Pt1*12, V90*19, VAd43*20, Yo40*39, Yo52.2*3 Protect our state and let our Marlborough thrive 02pa4*97 Proud dust swelled bubble you whose towering mind Oa01*65 Proud with the spoils of royal cully 02pa3*212 Provided also and be it further enacted by the authority Od08*168 Proximus et similis regnas Ludovice tonanti Yo11*112 Pruriunt digiti Auditores vae omnibus istis M35*170

372

Appendix

Puissant prince the object of our fears M35*98, Yo11*153 Pulvis ad hydropinos accedit Tunbrigienses Yo54*54 Purus erat dum natus erat ?alvus Adamus Yo88*235 Pythagoras his transmigration Pt5*93 Quae scombros quae thus metuit damnatur ad ignes Yo11*76 Quacks set out bills Jack Pudding makes harangues 02pa3*202 Qualis ab exacto Dux classis marte solutus Orp81*5 Qualiter in cineres latialis Roma sepulta SA30*133 Qualiter in medio scintillans fulgeret auro SA30*109 Quam bello hoc bellum trahitur tum tempus agendi en Yo88*221 Quand ce quoc icy chantera SA30*167 Quantus sub Titane lepos dominatur Eoo SA30*144 Queis Augusta malis quum moenia vexarentur Of06*41 Quem tu summe Deus semel BLa20*44 Qui ca pit/ret uxo rem/re poe nam/na ca pit/ret Oep52*73 Qui mihi discipulus puer es cupis atque doceri SA30*124 Qui placidus summas regni moderatur habenas SA30*189 Quid contemplaris molem hanc saxeam SA30*81 Quid iuvat excelso cineres tumulare sepulcro SA30*187 Quid mirum adfertis socii si per tribus unum BLa20*21 Quid prosunt monumenta ortusvè satusvè superba Lb55*7 Quid queror an proprio sub pondere magna fatiscunt 02pa3*184 Quidam sublimes nimium dixere gigantes SA30*110 Quidni credibile est ignem portare Dianam SA30*86 Quis negat auriacum natum sub stirpe Neronis Oa01*4 Quo festinanti properatis in aequora velo SA30*102 Quod sim mortalis novi sed quando peragro CAL68*46 Quoquo defugiam iam orbatus utroque parente Yo52.2*48, Yo52.2*59 Quos deus vult perdere hos dementat 02pa2*97 Quot subito attraxit splendentis pompa theatri SA30*91 Quoth Louis to James pray tell me the truth Oa01*51 Quoth the Duchess of Cleveland to Counsellor Knight Ed3*150, He36*72, Np40*86, Yo40*46 Quoth the duke to the countess how like you my farce Yo40*81 Quoth the king to the parliament Yo11*124 Quoth the king to the wise Lord Arlington He24*12 RH they say is gone to sea BLa40*6, Mc14*19, OAc16*13, Yo54*115 Rail on discourteous knight if modest Tate Pt5*171 Rail on poor feeble scribbler speak of me Ab12*31, BLa40*37, Ed3*12, He36*12, HRO36*49, Lb54*50, NLI93*7, Np40*23, Np40*84, Od76*31, SKv69*29, Yo05*13, Yo54*90 Rambling last night dear Jack half drunk BLh17*88 Rash fool that happy in a private sphere Yo54*239

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373

Rat too rat too rat too rat tat too rat tat too Ed3*28, Yo05*60 Reader beneath this turf I lie M35*207 Reader if Whig thou art thou’lt laugh Yo11*67 Reader this book is an aceldema Fm12.1*17, V90*36, VAd43*40 Rebellion hath broken up house M35*155 Recte ardere iubet captorum scrinia Caesar SA30*198 Reform great queen the errors of thy youth 02pa3*28, BLh15*26, Ed3*108, LIa4*53, NLSa12*75, Np40*64, OAc16*25, Od08*61, Pt1*26, Yo40*65 Regibus obsequium dum binis obligat unum M35*208, Orp81*16 Reginae fundata manu regina scholarum SA30*97 Regnis minatur multa regentium 02pa1*23 Rejoice good people all and some M35*110 Rejoice ye sots your king is come again M35*129 Religion is a thing if understood 02pa2*48 Religion’s a politic law BLa97*38, BLh15*46, Np44*84, Of16*55, Pt1*48, Pt3*35, Yo70*46 Religione vana aula prophana Od08*46 Remember Damon oft you vowed Np07*39 Remember maids that Christmas now draws near HRO36*38 Renowned Blake what trumpet may be found 02pa2*125 Renowned Phiz kept evidence in awe 02pa4*87 Res a pulicibus gestae illustrissimo Nipskinno Rege Orp81*3 Resolved that no commoner of England committed by order Od08*220 Resolved that the full proof of adultery committed against her husband BLa94*126, Np46*72, Oep18*71 Resolved that the maxims and policies of the most renowned BLa94*201 Resolved that the proceedings of the House of Lords Yo52.1*54 Retreat base Monck into some loathsome gaol Yo40*17 Revelation 18 verse 9. Here you see Babylon must down Yo54*218 Revenge revenge my injured shade begins 02pa3*148 Reverend brethren I know no way better to communicate Yo54*182 Reverend pater Yours I received all goes well Od08*78 Reverend sirs I fain would know M35*65, Oa01*56, Yo11*92 Rex and Grex have both one sound 02pa3*86, Yo52.2*53 Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem cum boni principis Od08*14 Rex princeps infans status minor ager ut omnes Yo88*234 Rhetoricis alii celebrent tua funera verbis SA30*95 Richard the third was a hog BLh14*66 Riddle: What is faith Yo54*114 Riding of late to take a little air 02pa2*10, Pt5*121 Right heir to Flutter Fop o’th’ last edition BLa94*10, Of16*88, Yo08*61, Yo19*1

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Right trusty and right well beloved cousins Pt5*18 Right trusty and well beloved Madam Cresswell and Damaris Page BLa20*109, Od08*54 Rightly those names are joined when both agree Yo52.2*62 Rise Absalom rise to God’s dread prophet tell BLa94*2 Rise lofty numbers rise from scenes of light 02pa2*172 Rixantque pueri antiquam M35*198 Roger told his brother clown He24*20, Yo40*20 Romanis sua stagna iugis septena superbis SA30*104 Romantic bards that were of old Od08*117 Rome’s story tells of a triumvirate He85*55 Room boys room room boys room HRO36*19 Room for a pedant with those forms of speech BLa94*42, Fm12.2*21, HUe70*40, Np42*64, Of15*72, Pt2*72 Room for the bedlam Commons BLa62*52, BLh15*16, Pt1*16 Room for thund’ring Orange with his men of war BLa62*44 Room room for a blade of the town Np40*11, Yo05*36 Rouse genius rouse something that’s lofty say Yo08*2 Rouse up brave monarch of this potent land M35*96 Rouse up my sons redeem your lost renown Ed3*19 Rusticus hem cunctos cum congemerat et ad ictus Yo88*224 Sacheverell is at liberty BLa60*72 Sacrae Caesarae majestati vestrae procul dubio satis Od08*12 Sacrilegus dum ﬁt imitata veste sacerdos Od57*91 Sacro nomini Annae magnae Britanniae, etc. reginae 02pa4*104 Salvete par regum impar Oa01*80 Sam Wills had viewed Kat Betts a smiling lass BLa94*198 Sandwich in Spain now and the duke in love 02pa1*18, BLa22*28, BLh15*3, He24*2, Lb54*113, Lb55*4, Oep4*91, Pt1*3, SA30*26, Yo36*3, Yo40*28, YoD*3 Sanguineis nescit miles se mergere rivis 02pa1*21 Satyr is grown so dull that fops increase Np39*29 Satyr’s despotic now none can withstand BLh13*67, BLh19*35, He85*49, LIa4*61 Say Echo who this new religion grounded Yo40*6 Say gentle muse is this a prophecy Od57*24 Say goddess muse for thy all-searching eyes 02pa4*41, BLa94*163, Pt5*193 Say Heav’n-born muse for only thou canst tell He36*55, Np40*81, Yo05*9 Say Mariana what strange change is this Fm12.3*42, Np44*67 Saying that nightly work would produce an heir M35*70 Says his grace to Will Green whom he found at his stall 02pa3*158 Says Watkin to Cotton I thought my Lord Gower Oep18*122

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375

Scarce did the grey-eyed dawn appear HRO36*87 Scorning religion all thy lifetime past Of16*45 Scots are no rebels why they’re conquerors Yo54*23 Scrape no more your harmless chins HRO36*24 Second to Jove alone in whom unite 02pa2*110, Pt3*99 Second to royal Jove great Russell’s thunder Oa01*5.2 Sede sedens istâ iudex inﬂexibilis sta SA30*157 See Britons see one half before your eyes 02pa2*90, Fm12.3*60, Np44*87 See how the parted ﬂames aspire Oep4*47, SA30*13 See saw sack a day Od57*136 See thou disturber of the world’s repose 02pa2*133 See two rude waves by storms together thrown Od57*40 See worthy friend what I would do BLa20*1 Seek not to know a woman for she’s worse BLa20*133 Selius seems safe whilst that he doth aver SA30*184 Send forth dear Julian all thy books BLh13*55, BLh14*35, BLh19*38, Ed3*115, He85*8, LIa4*31, NLSa12*104, Np38*52, Np39*21, Np42*25, Od57*106, Of15*22, Pt2*17, V90*143, VAd43*153, Yo13*40 Seraphic lord whom heaven for wonder meant 02pa1*2102, Pt3*83 Serenissime potentissime et invictissime Romanorum Od08*11 Sermo salutaris nihili tibi prorsus habetur BLa20*72 Seven sages in our happy isle are seen BLa60*40, BLh14*112 Seven sages in these latter times are seen 02pa4*17 Seventy four articles of war in large imperial paper 02pa3*32, BLh15*30, Fm12.2*6, Np42*14, Of15*20, Pt1*32, Pt2*15 Several privateers were taken a year ago M35*111 Shall the world be thus abused and I sit still LIa4*44 Shall we stand tamely mute and see our England sunk Yo54*235 Shame of my life disturber of my tomb 02pa3*63, Ab12*59, BLa22*47, BLa94*4, BLh13*8, Fm12.1*20, He36*78, Lb54*18, LIa4*9, M35*33, Mc14*43, Np38*8, OAc16*34, Od08*288, Od57*71, Pt3*21, V90*40, VAd43*44, Yo13*18, Yo27*12 Shame of thy country and thy ancient name Np44*9 Sharpius exercet dum saevas perﬁdus iras BLa62*31, Yo54*230 She ﬁrst deceased he for a little tried Np07*21 She is so charming fair Lb54*140 She ran in virtue’s race till thirty-two Pt5*95 She that designs to make a virtuous wife BLh19*80, V90*150, VAd43*160 She that for money will her love constrain Yo52.1*75 She was so exquisite a whore BLh14*23, Mc14*8, V90*85, VAd43*93 She’s dead thanks to the jury’s pious care 02pa4*20 She’s exiled now and it’s not strange to see M35*181

376

Appendix

She’s gone the beauty of our isle is ﬂed 02pa1*277 Sheweth That we your majesty’s poor slaves 02pa1*243, BLa97*49, LIa4*68, Np43*59, Od57*143, Of16*113, V90*231, VAd43*251, Yo08*31 Shine forth ye planets with distinguished light 02pa3*205 Short are our powers though inﬁnite our will Pt5*174 Should I be called where cannons roar Np07*14 Should you order Tom Brown M35*146 Shows why this tale in verse is wrote 02pa4*80 Si probitas sensus virtutis gratia census SA30*153 Si recte memini causae sunt quinque bibendi Od08*95 Sibi iam caveat terrarum orbis, hasce enim inter pluvias SA30*82 Sic ascitos nasos de clune torosi SA30*180 Sic Catharina ferat Carolus sic gignat ut illa Od76*11 Sic civile chaos dum bellum gessit et una 02pa1*25 Sic hypochondriacis inclusa meatibus aura SA30*181 Sicelides dominus domus est Busiridis ara Lb55*26.1 Sicilian goddess whose prophetic tongue 02pa2*177, BLa60*17, Fm12.3*67, Np44*94, Np46*112, Orp81*23 Sicilian muse begin a loftier ﬂight 02pa2*173, BLa60*15, Fm12.3*66, HRO36*64, Np44*93, Oa05*45, Orp81*22, Pt4*40, Pt4*41, Pt4*42, Pt4*43, Yo08*81 Sicilian muse begin a loftier strain 02pa2*174 Sicilian muse thy voice and subject raise 02pa2*178 Sidera si possint pecudesque feraeque mereri SA30*115 Sigh o my soul sigh till thy loins do swell Yo52.2*2 Silence Gentlemen troopers Yo08*85 Simultates et privatas inimicitias Np43*53, Np46*23, Oep18*22, VAd43*243 Since ’tis your study and your care BLa94*78 Since Adam striving to be overwise BLh19*138, Of06*39 Since all must certainly to death resign Np46*91, Oep18*91, Of06*60 Since all the actions of the far famed men 02pa3*60, BLh19*19, Fm12.1*5, Lb54*20, NLSa12*86, Np39*3, SKv69*62, V90*6, VAd43*6 Since all the mighty monuments of fame Yo70*16 Since all the world’s grown mad I’ll e’en go sing BLh13*76, LIa4*39, Np39*23 Since at a tavern I can’t meet you BLh17*89, BLh19*162, Yo11*82 Since being rough the learned doth enrage Pt5*30 Since by just ﬂames the guilty piece is lost 02pa2*69, BLa94*9, BLa97*14, Fm12.2*16, Lb54*93, Np42*40, Of15*46, Of16*27, Pt2*38 Since B—y’s nonsense to outdo you strive Pt5*159 Since Celia’s my foe Yo54*68

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Since Cleveland is ﬂed 02pa3*82, Od08*287 Since Cob gives the feast BLa60*63 Since dearest Harry you will needs request Oa05*6 Since death on all lays his impartial hand BLa94*45, Yo70*33 Since Dorset’s grown dull HUe70*68, Yo11*218 Since ev’ry foolish coxcomb thinks it ﬁt BLh19*21, Ed3*126, Fm12.2*9, He85*31, Lb54*64, NLSa12*93, Np39*44, Np42*18, Od08*281, Of15*25, Pt2*20, V90*120, VAd43*130 Since every mountain where the muses come 02pa4*79 Since fasts and Lenten sermons do no good HUe70*42, Yo70*15 Since heaven from Albion’s once-loved isle estranged 02pa4*78 Since I came last I’ve seen a lampoon here HUe70*52, Yo70*30 Since it came in my mind of late to turn poet Yo70*68 Since it hath pleased this wise and newborn state Oep4*62, SA30*16 Since Justice Scroggs Pepys and Dean did bail 02pa3*76, BLa62*77 Since ladies were ladies I dare boldly say BLa97*116, Oep18*117, Yo11*142 Since love and verse as well as wine He85*89, Lb54*101, NLSa12*129, Of16*74, VAd43*216, Yo70*22 Since love intrigues are out of date Yo08*12 Since Manwaring and learned Perry BLh14*71, BLh15*113, Lb38*69, Np44*45 Since now my Silvia is as kind as fair 02pa1*174, Ab12*16, CMp*4, He36*40, Mc14*32, NLSa12*54, Np32*5, Np40*6, Np46*11, Oep18*11, Pt3*5, SKv69*51, V90*49, VAd43*54, Yo05*47 Since oaths are solemn serious things Pt5*49, Yo11*81 Since Orange is on British land 02pa3*130 Since plagues were ordered for a scourge to men 02pa2*74 Since plotting’s a trade BLa62*123 Since popery of late is so much in debate Od08*208 Since popery’s the plot BLa62*124, Od57*101 Since prose won’t move we’ll try what verse can do BLa97*48, BLh17*45 Since revelling ballet and masquerade Np43*19, V90*179, VAd43*192 Since rhyming’s in season with or without reason Od08*202 Since satyr is the only thing that’s writ BLh19*58, Ed3*70, He85*44, NLSa12*32, Np42*30, Np45*32, Of15*36, Pt2*30, V90*128, VAd43*138 Since scandal ﬂies thick BLa97*11, BLh14*46, BLh19*99, He85*98, NLSa12*126, Np42*43, Of15*48, Of16*52, Pt2*44, V90*203, VAd43*219 Since that I’ce ﬁnd by sa’l good wits will jump Oa01*32.1 Since the ladies ’gainst men Pt5*65 Since the law’s at a stand OAc16*33

378

Appendix

Since the liberty of the subject to free quarter M35*189, Oep4*44 Since the senate is mad and the lords are such tools BLh15*138.1, Fm12.3*55, Lb38*94.1, Np44*81 Since the sons of the muses grew numerous and loud DA*1, Ed3*76, He36*43, HRO36*52, Lb54*3, Np40*97, Od08*265, Yo05*52, Yo54*99 Since the times are so nice BLh15*134, Lb38*90 Since the united cunning of the stage 02pa1*155, He85*76, NLSa12*115, Np43*26, Of16*28, V90*187, VAd43*200 Since there are some that see with me the state 02pa1*143, NLSa12*19, Np45*19, Pt4*23, Yo70*49 Since to restrain our joy that ill-bred rude 02pa1*159, Ed3*63, He36*25, NLSa12*11, Np45*11 Since truth begins to scatter radiant light Fm12.3*49, Np44*75 Since Whitehall scribblers do our clubs abuse Od08*280 Since you have forgot BLa97*12, BLh14*47, BLh19*100, He85*99, NLSa12*127, Np42*44, Of15*49, Of16*53, Pt2*45, V90*204, VAd43*220 Since you resigned your dear commission Yo11*229 Since you will needs be kind to me BLh14*12, Ed3*91, V90*45, VAd43*50 Sir ’Tis not in me your miseries to redress BLh19*143, Of06*37 Sir ’Twas Sarsﬁeld Parsons and Mun Sherman’s wit BLh13*52, He85*7, LIa4*28, Np38*49, V90*95, VAd43*103 Sir All my endeavours all my hopes depend 02pa2*66, He85*77, NLSa12*148, Np43*74 Sir Decennio parturit elephas sed elephantum Oa01*25 Sir Edmundbury Godfrey Od57*142 Sir For that order mentioned in your letter I ﬁnd Od08*108 Sir History and experience have plenally certiﬁed Yo52.2*56 Sir Humphrey Wynch one of the council for trade Od08*86 Sir I give you many thanks for your kind letter Oa01*22 Sir I send you here some rude strokes Np44*79 Sir I should think myself happy in any occasion Oa01*26 Sir I took my dose BLa20*4 Sir I understand that there is a great interest Yo54*183 Sir In your letter to me you desire to know Np44*80 Sir John for so in times preceding 02pa3*36, BLh12*8 Sir John I have a commission here BLa40*7 Sir Knowing how desirous you are to have a clear Od08*234 Sir Matthew Camprey a Savogard friar of the order of Saint Bennet Oa05*56 Sir My son being absent I thought best myself to satisfy Od08*119 Sir Ovid of old in merry verse Oa05*46

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Sir Roger from a zealous piece of frieze 02pa3*10, Od57*7 Sir Seeing that you are pleased to think ﬁt that these papers should 02pa1*13, BLa20*148 Sir That evening Prior came to town He36*81 Sir The vacancy of the seat of Chief Justice Yo54*80 Sir Though I never received a favour from you nor can now hope BLa94*55 Sir Who spares to ask can ne’er expect to speed Oa01*36 Sir William in arcta custodia lies 02pa3*72 Sir With what unwillingness I entered upon my answer Od08*107 Sir you have obliged the British nation more Od57*159, Oep4*75, SA30*39 Sirs I’ve been where so many puritans dwell Yo08*1 Siste viator et lege 02pa4*5, BLh14*114, Orp81*29 Siste viator hic jaceo celebris Batavorum respublica BLa20*143 Sister don’t you hear the news ’tis said Oep18*125 Sit mihi non voto descendat sanguine regnum Yo54*10.2 Sit or sit not by law or sword 02pa3*101 Sitting beyond a river’s side Yo54*117 Sitting by the streams that glide BLa20*10 Six of the female sex and purest sect Ab12*67, BLh13*20, Np38*20 Six tedious months our senate sits M35*83 Sleep locks up sense and lets the soul go free Oep4*40 Sleep may our wearied senses prisoners take Oep4*41 Slight not the following lines 02pa3*99, Yo54*132 Smectymnuus the goblin makes me start 02pa3*11 Smooth was the water calm the air HRO36*26 So comes the mighty Juno from above Np43*45, V90*218, VAd43*235 So far the work of Reformation Pt5*119 So have I seen a Dean of Paul’s 02pa3*98, BLa62*75 So his bold tube man to the sun applied 02pa1*113, BLa40*1.1, CAL68*21 So kind he was that in our greatest need Lb55*8 So long was I deprived of my rest Mc14*40 So represented have I seen BLa94*226 So shipwrecked passengers escaped to land Oep4*65, SA30*57 So soft and amorously you write Ab12*21, Ed3*84, He36*37, Np40*14, SKv69*20, Yo05*43 So soon as you against me took the ﬁeld CAL68*29 So spake the god and heav’nward took his ﬂight Oa05*28 So sweet the joys by love and beauty giv’n Oa05*36 So swift yet with so regular a pace Fm12.3*41, Np44*66 So the bright taper useless burns He24*29 So two rude waves by storms together thrown Oep4*42 So we some antique hero’s strength BLa20*104

380

Appendix

Soap and suds or the Ethiopians address to the queen of Sheba 02pa3*209 Solid and heroic virtue as it often bestows a crown Od08*278 Solomon in his divine apothegms afﬁrms M35*52 Solus ad imperium evasit M35*192 Some few from wit have this true maxim got Np40*96 Some may deride our grief say tears are vain Oep4*12 Some men there are that swear and whore and rant Yo11*35 Some praise the hogshead some the sober well Oep4*54.2 Some say a physician of late 02pa2*94 Some scribbling fops so little value fame Pt5*157 Some thieves by ill hap with an honest man met BLa97*77, BLh15*59, Lb38*13, M35*123, Pt5*45, Yo11*180.1 Some years are past since by his Majesty’s command Pt5*70 Son of a whore God damn thee canst thou tell BLh12*31, BLh14*18, ILr*12, Mc14*27, Np42*4, Of15*4, Pt3*72, Pt5*91, V90*74, VAd43*82 Son Petres Yours I received by the infernal post Np43*66, V90*243, VAd43*263 Soon after writing the song of Like a Dog with a Bottle BLa20*107 Soon as the dismal news came down BLa94*145, BLh15*101, Fm12.3*23, Lb38*57, Np44*33, Np46*100, Oep18*100 Soon as you read my theme I’m sure you’ll ask Ed3*42, NLSa12*15, Np45*15 Soon as you read these lines I know you’ll ask V90*52, VAd43*57 Sooner I may some ﬁxéd statue be Od57*29 Sooner than I’ll from vowed revenge desist HRO36*34 Sore sick a lady late did lie BLa94*185 Sorrell transformed to Pegasus we see BLa94*148, Np46*104 Spargaret audaces cum dira per aethera crines Np40*67 Speak satyr for there’s none can tell like thee 02pa2*4 Spes patris ac timor M35*197 Spread a large canvas painter to contain 02pa1*116, BLa22*7, BLh15*8, BLh17*17, Ed3*111, He24*24, Lb54*109, Lb55*16, NLSa12*68, Np40*75, OAc16*2, Od08*178, Od57*120, Orp81*1, Pt1*8, Pt3*48, Yo36*10, Yo40*79, Yo52.2*6, Yo70*44 Squab puppy who canst bark but never bite Of16*90, Yo08*63, Yo19*3 Sta viator sive tu Veneri seu Baccho vixeris idoneus 02pa1*299, Yo70*75 Stain of thy country and thy ancient name BLa94*120, BLh15*67, BLh19*149, Fm12.3*7, HUe70*36, Lb38*21, Np46*63, Oep18*61, Of06*65, Yo70*84 Stamford is her sex’s glory Ab12*79, BLh13*36, Np38*33, Pt3*26 Stamford’s countess led the van Ab12*74, BLa62*117, BLh13*30, BLh14*25, BLh17*6, BLh19*30, He85*38, Np38*28, Np42*22, Od08*314, Of15*29, Pt2*25, Pt3*27, V90*104, VAd43*112

First-Line Index to Anthologies

381

Stand forth thou grand impostor of our time 02pa1*270, BLa97*33, Od57*146, Yo08*5 Stand up Smectymnuus and hear thy trial Od08*166 Stand With reverend fear amazed look in BLa20*103 Stay here fond youth and ask no more be wise HRO36*45 Stay O sweet and do not rise Yo88*243 Stephen Pope of Newtown BLa94*179 Sternhold and Hopkins had such qualms Oa05*22 Stet quicunque volet potens Yo54*223, Yo88*223 Stigmata maxillis bajulans insignia laudis BLa20*75 Still still O ye furies of Mars BLa20*127 Stop the chafed boar or play Fm12.1*60, V90*139, VAd43*149 Stout Hannibal before he come to age Ed3*18, Np43*17, V90*177, VAd43*190 Straight from behind I heard the gentle tread Mc14*15 Straight his train of parasites appear M35*77 Strange news from Barbary learned Digby tells Yo52.1*24 Strange news from Westminster the like was never heard 02pa3*92 Strephon a youth of sodomitic strain Np39*37, Np40*92 Stretched in the shades of a thick cypress grove DA*16, Pt5*37 Study thy self and read what thou hath writ Yo88*202 Success which can no more than beauty last Od08*84 Such a sad fate prepare to hear BLa97*136, BLh12*27, BLh14*13, BLh19*4, Ed3*58, He36*70, Np42*2, Od08*55, Of15*2, Pt2*2, V90*46, VAd43*51, Yo40*68, Yo70*19 Such has been this ill-natured nation’s fate 02pa2*127 Such is the mode of these censorious days BLa94*119, HUe70*56, Np46*62, Oep18*60, Yo70*105 Such perfect bliss fair Cloris we He36*3 Such pleasures we ﬁnd Pt3*91 Such was our builder’s art that soon as named BLa94*168 Sunt tua criminibus videntia tempora tonsor SA30*155 Sure as ye live who Arthur’s fate deplore Of06*64.1, Yo70*89.1 Sure it may do us both a prejudice to meet any other way Lb54*122 Sure Nature never did design Yo54*167 Sure that wise man who undertook Np44*38 Sure there are some that with me see the state Fm12.1*47, Od57*107, V90*111, VAd43*120 Sure we do live by Cleopatra’s age 02pa3*52 Surly and sour thou dislikst mankind HRO36*29 Surly mankind has long despised lampoon BLh19*92, Of16*123 Sustinuit tumidos pellis caprina gigantes SA30*114 Sweet as short slumbers to a troubled mind Of06*41.2

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Appendix

Sweet lovely youth let not a woman’s crime Np46*4, Oep18*4, V90*29, VAd43*31 Sweetest bud of beauty may BLa40*24, Pc99*27 Take a fresh plate and to the life express M35*85 Take a gallon of poor passive Church of England water M35*211 Take a turd 02pa3*80, Od08*260, Yo54*119 Take courage noble Charles and cease to muse 02pa2*180, Fm12.3*69, Np44*96, Oa05*27, Yo70*7 Take of Lory Hyde the head HRO36*58 Take of Sir H. James’s affection to the ministry Yo40*5 Take two ounces of Whigs of Tories the same BLa94*196 Taken ods death and in the tower too Pt5*17 Taking of snuff is a mode at court Od08*71 Talk Strephon no more of what’s honest and just 02pa2*121 Tame age and diseases this year did conspire Od08*100 Tears are but hackney griefs the vulgar eye Oep4*9 Tell me abandoned miscreant prithee tell Np40*98, Yo05*59 Tell me Armida tell me why BLh13*43, He85*41, Np38*40, Np43*93, Yo13*36 Tell me dear charming Lydia tell me Mc14*59 Tell me Dorinda why so gay 02pa2*160, BLa94*61, BLh14*64, BLh15*97, BLh19*166, Fm12.3*22, Lb38*53, Np44*30, Yo88*239 Tell me insipid lecher now the tide Mc14*63 Tell me Jack I prithee do He36*80 Tell me my friend who would a favourite be Yo08*43 Tell me no more I am deceived Lb54*40 Tell me no more of constancy Od08*242 Tell me no more where you have been Np43*44, V90*217, VAd43*234 Tell me not of lords or laws Yo11*183 Tell me O tell me some powers that are kind Yo54*173 Tell me sage Will thou that the town around BLa97*107, BLh17*85, BLh19*163, Yo70*76 Tell me thou conﬁdent of what is done SA30*25, Oep4*90 Tell me thou safest end of all our woe BLa62*58 Tell me thou treasury of spite BLa97*23, BLh19*109, He85*106, Np07*6, Np43*40, Od57*138, Of16*81, V90*211, VAd43*227, Yo08*22 Tell your great master it was fate not choice M35*142 Tellus epotat sitibundis faucibus imbrem BLa20*90 Ten crowns at once and to one man and he He24*28, Od08*162, Yo52.1*41 Ten pounds to a crown who will make the match NLSa12*111 Th’inspiring muses and the god of love BLa60*39 Thank heavens we have a king BLa97*117

First-Line Index to Anthologies

383

Thanks for this miracle for it is no less HRO36*89 Thanks to our good King William Yo11*116 Thanks to the goodness Lydia why Oa01*38 Thanks ye kind powers I am at last got free BLh12*17 Thanks ye kind powers I am at last in love BLh12*18 That a prince who falls out with laws breaketh with his best friends BLa94*54, Fm12.3*18, Np44*26 That according to the law of the land the king Lb55*21 That author needs must take great pains Oa01*81 That author sure must take great pains Yo11*119 That Crowder would from whites abstain Yo70*67 That every teacher and preacher must be sent from God Lb55*14 That forasmuch whereas whereby and by which the major part Np39 That he hath advised the king to raise a standing army Yo52.1*53 That his majesty be pleased to equip pay and maintain Od08*24 That I have only answered mum Np46*2, Oep18*2, V90*8, VAd43*8 That in the year 1660 upon his majesty’s Restoration Od08*38 That kings should from their thrones be rudely torn M35*23, Of06*7, Pt3*76, Yo11*60 That lowly vicar may in order rise HRO36*72 That man is cowardly base and deserves not the name Yo54*19 That nauseous Ruthen would for France BLh15*123, Lb38*79 That rib forsooth of which a woman came Np39*26 That so much rhyme you in one month have writ BLa94*15, Of16*95, Yo19*6 That the Earl of Clarendon designed a standing army Od08*36 That the king did not declare his judgement in council BLa94*18 That the king’s answer to the House of Commons Od08*137 That the said lady hath and still doth cohabit Od08*315 That thou dost shorten thy long nights with wine HRO36*14 That with much wealth and large increase my lord Yo70*5 The air shows the state of our souls Pt4*32 The Almighty’s image of his shape afraid Np46*14, Oep18*14, Of06*47 The Archbishop of Canterbury BLa20*118 The author sure must take great pains 02pa3*166, BLa97*112, M35*127 The bards of old who were inspired with wit V90*70, VAd43*77 The beauteous Sunderland much brighter shines BLa60*26 The best of his artillery was prayer Yo52.2*8 The best of prelates in a factious age BLa94*214 The bishop being angry looked grum Yo54*206 The Bishop of Durham Yo11*96 The blackest ink of fate sure was my lot Yo52.2*23 The blazing comet and the monstrous whale BLa62*80, Yo54*58

384

Appendix

The blessed virgin this day Jesus brought Yo88*201 The blind lord giving sight to the man born blind 02pa4*22 The blood o’th’ just London’s ﬁrm doom shall ﬁx BLa62*36, Lb55*1, Od08*70, Pc99*24, Yo52.1*61 The breed’s described now satyr if you can 02pa2*6 The British Arthur as historians tell Pt5*187 The camp you shun beauties adore abhor you do BLa62*40.1 The cause of absence is not less of love Mc14*78 The censuring world perhaps may not esteem BLh17*26, BLh19*63, He85*47, V90*132, VAd43*142 The cestrian roach will prove a ﬁne ﬁsh 02pa3*221 The chertreux wants the warning of a bell Np40*114 The city hath a mayor which mayor is a lord He24*14 The city monument is this 02pa3*85 The city’s viewed now satyr turn thine eye 02pa2*145 The clergy now the good Calixtus hate BLa62*13 The clog of all pleasure the luggage of life Ab12*9, BLa62*91, BLh14*8, BLh17*29, CAL68*15, Np32*2, Oa01*10, Pt3*2, SKv69*10, V90*23, VAd43*25 The cocks may crow in the morn BLa40*20 The committee which is to enquire into the causes Od08*59 The conquests Anna by her chiefs has won 02pa4*89 The court of St Germain’s is served up in state BLh14*104 The court was scarce up when the sluices broke in BLh19*117, Np42*59, Of15*67, Of16*116, Pt2*54, V90*239, VAd43*259 The covetous man is a heap of absurdities Oa01*72 The critics that pretend to sense 02pa1*252, BLa97*55, Of16*127, Pt5*8 The desire in general is to have all knights’ services Od08*123 The earth with thirst did gape but now I think Oa01*12 The eleventh of April is come about BLh17*55, Yo11*128 The elms are lopped Pt4*0.1 The end of satyr is reformation and the author though he 02pa2*3, Pt5*190 The failing blossom which a young plant bears BLh12*7 The fame of virtue ’tis for which I found 02pa2*7 The farm of Parnassus is beggared they say Yo52.2*12 The faults of princes and of kings BLh15*84, HUe70*64, Lb38*38 The fear of God is freedom joy and peace CKh10*2 The ﬁelds now resume their former verdure Pt4*35 The ﬁrst appears with an uneasy crown BLa94*35, BLh17*76, Yo11*178 The ﬁrst was the exercising of the king’s guards Yo40*43 The fourth more blacker than ﬁfth of November BLh17*69, Of06*24, Yo11*167 The fox last night so sore did bite Pt5*5

First-Line Index to Anthologies

385

The freeborn English generous and wise 02pa1*131, BLa97*60, BLh13*17, Fm12.1*48, LLt27*30, NLSa12*82, Np38*17, Pt3*47, V90*112, VAd43*121, Yo08*67, Yo54*197 The globe of earth on which we dwell is tacked unto the poles BLa60*48, BLa94*176 The glories of our birth and state BLa20*65, Lb54*106, Lb55*7.1, M35*118, Yo54*65 The glory of our English arms retrieved BLa60*37, BLa94*156, BLh14*99, HRO36*68, Np42*73, Np46*129 The God of Day descending from above BLa94*142, Np46*93, Oep18*95 The gods and the goddesses lately did feast Ed3*9, Mc14*75, Od08*308, Pt5*57 The gods are not more blest than he 02pa2*112 The gospel and law allow monarchs their due 02pa3*153 The government being resolved Of16*121 The grave House of Commons by hook and by crook 02pa3*64, BLh19*33, Ed3*120, Fm12.2*4, LIa4*23, NLSa12*57, Np42*10, Od08*283, Of15*16, Of16*15, Pt2*10, Pt3*71, Pt4*21, V90*167, VAd43*178, Yo27*28, Yo54*196 The great conveyer both of truth and lies BLa94*228 The great loyal clergy are met with intent M35*25 The hawks were once at mortal jars 02pa2*21, Pt5*132 The heaven drinks every day a cup Np43*6, VAd43*173 The heavens look big with wonder and inform Od08*93 The holy brotherhood of zealous Scots Yo54*28 The House of Commons having lately sent Od57*14 The House of Commons is the people’s god OAc16*20, Pt3*74 The House of Commons taking into serious consideration Yo54*181 The humble atheist who acknowledge can Oep4*51, SA30*53 The husband’s the pilot the wife is the ocean 02pa2*76, BLh12*41 The idle person is the devil’s day labourer Oa01*74 The illegitimate Smectymnuan brat Yo54*56 The Jacobites their cause t’advance BLa97*109 The jurors upon their oaths do say Pt5*100 The king duke and state BLh19*54, Ed3*139, He85*13, Np39*8 The king having left to her great sorrow M35*106 The king is encircled in the rays of the sun Od08*5 The king knights Will for ﬁghting on his side Od57*1 The king of all beasts and the tailor’s long measure BLa20*35 The ladies I hear take it in great scorn BLh19*128 The lark that shuns on lofty boughs to build Oa05*5 The lark’s awake that gilds the morn Ed3*146 The last letter I received from your honour LLt27*10

386

Appendix

The law is at a stand BLa62*38 The letter C with the Latin word ave BLa20*34 The lion having held the reins Pt5*138 The Londoners gent 02pa1*123, BLh15*15, Fm12.1*28, Lb55*20, NLSa12*100, Od08*256, Pt1*15, Pt3*24, Pt4*6, V90*61, VAd43*66 The Lord my pasture shall prepare Np40*112 The lords and commons having had their doom 02pa3*34, BLa40*3, BLh15*40, Np40*49, Od08*275, Pt1*42, Yo54*145 The lords craved all and the queen granted all Yo54*20 The lords do take notice of the House of Commons Od08*217 The lords do unanimously declare that they are of opinion Od08*219 The Louvre to Paris that to the world compare Lb55*25.1 The man dear Brett that wears a condom BLa60*56, BLh14*111 The man I sing BLa94*234 The man that’s just and resolutely good CAL68*36 The man that’s resolute and just 02pa4*8, HRO36*73 The man that’s uncorrupt and free from guilt Oa05*35 The members of parliament all BLa97*76 The merry world does lotteries deride Pt5*135 The mighty monarch of this British isle 02pa3*124 The mighty nine in full assembly meeting BLh19*81 The mighty puss not long since ruled the state 02pa2*28 The modest poet was unkind Ed3*94 The miracle’s done This year ninety and one M35*95, Yo11*53 The moment I received your last I acknowledged it Lb54*119 The moon was in eclipse with a hoi Of16*129 The moon was set no stars in the skies did shine Yo54*41 The morning come the slaves await 02pa2*29 The most learned Galileus by a familiar demonstration Od08*1 The most undoubted kings have heretofore been forced M35*119 The mouldering earth we tread upon may justly put us Pt4*33 The necessity of the liberty of the press Np07*26 The night is come like to the day He24*35 The noise of foreign wars Yo08*19 The nymph who oft has been exposed to view BLh14*109 The observation of all this is not so hard to make BLa94*19 The parched earth when one would think BLa20*91, Mc14*30 The parliament did demand where’s all the money gone Od08*286 The parliament thrifty to make up their wages M35*61 The parsons all keep whores BLh14*1, He36*75, Lb55*23, Np46*7, OAc16*30, Od08*209, Oep18*7, Pt5*81, V90*9, VAd43*9, Yo05*72 The pawns have all the sport and all their say Od57*55 The people grumble all Yo40*32

First-Line Index to Anthologies

387

The people of Scotland most illustrious patriots Pt5*136 The pigeons worried by a kite Pt5*144 The pillars of popery now are blown down 02pa3*151 The play great sir is done yet needs must fear Od57*57 The play is at an end but where’s the plot Yo52.2*17 The plot being so suddenly contrived as you hear V90*162, VAd43*170.1 The poets tell us idle tales to please us 02pa1*264, Np43*62, Od57*174, V90*236, VAd43*256 The praises I sing of our treasurer Lory Of16*56 The preacher Maurus cries all wit is vain Pt5*175 The Prince of Whigland swaggers in Whitehall Np43*90, He85*60, Lb54*82, Yo13*28 The princes once did all combine 02pa2*35 The proctor’s being always much inclined Yo08*91 The prodigal’s returned from husks and swine 02pa3*49, Of16*32, Od57*134 The prospect of a promising harvest to contemplate Pt4*36 The proud man is one who measures his length Oa01*73 The queen a message to the senate sent BLa60*18, BLh15*145, CAL68*39, Fm12.2*22, Np42*65 The queen deceased so pleased the king so grieved 02pa3*170, M35*115.1, Orp81*25.1 The queen like heaven shines equally on all BLa94*181 The rabble hates the gentry fear 02pa1*164, BLa22*55, BLa62*113, Ed3*109, Lb54*66, LIa4*51, NLSa12*95, Od57*97, V90*21, VAd43*23, VAd43*72, Yo54*160 The rage of jealousy then ﬁred his soul Oa05*32 The rattle-headed ladies being assembled at Kate’s Od08*34 The ravens formerly were looked upon Pt5*148 The reason why I conceal myself is to save you the pains Od08*266 The rising morn had summoned night away CAL68*25 The rising sun complies with our weak sight 02pa3*15 The royal ghost raised from his peaceful urn BLa60*64 The same allegiance to two kings he pays M35*208.1, Orp81*16.1 The senseless world perhaps may not esteem Of16*11 The sheep a people void of strife BLa60*47 The sight of the title gives the reader to understand Pt5*137 The soldier now forgets the sanguine sea 02pa1*22 The sound of thy renown being borne on the wings of an angel of victory BLh15*98, Np44*31, Np46*96, Oep18*96 The Spaniards gravely preach in politic schools BLh17*36, BLh19*14, Ed3*122, LIa4*22, OAc16*42, Od57*78, Pt3*42, V90*14, VAd43*14, Yo27*27

388

Appendix

The stage has been and yet improved shall rise 02pa3*201 The stakes three crowns four nations gamesters are Yo54*22 The stars are ﬁt resemblances of the angels of God Pt4*31 The story of King Arthur old Yo70*41 The sun and that’s my crime I’m told 02pa4*91 The sun had loosed his weary train DA*19 The surplice now is worn Od57*41 The talk lately went Yo08*55 The talk up and down 02pa3*66, BLh14*56, BLh19*123, Np43*64, Of16*122, V90*241, VAd43*261 The thirsty earth drinks up the rain BLa20*89 The thought was great and worthy of a cit Pt5*182 The thunder-breathing brass grew hot and spoke BLa20*78 The Tories wish for James again BLh19*150 The town has thought ﬁt BLh13*47, He85*10, LIa4*25, Np38*44 The town is in a high dispute BLh15*114, Lb38*70, Np44*46 The trial of Charles Lord Cornwallis 1676 Yo54*88 The tyrant queen of soft desires Oa05*7 The utmost grace the Greeks could show LLt27*33 The widows and maids 02pa3*107, BLa97*15, BLh14*45, BLh19*95, He85*97, NLSa12*125, Np43*36, Of16*51, V90*202, VAd43*215 The witty Northumberland BLa97*91 The wonderful year 1672 seems France to resolve Od08*87 The world no nation has no nation town Yo54*222 The world’s a tennis court man’s the ball BLa62*59 The worst mine enemies could have done to me M35*79 The year before The ﬁgures four Yo70*98 The year of wonder now is come 02pa1*246, BLa97*50, Np43*69, Of16*99, VAd43*266 The youth was beloved in the spring of his life BLh14*36, BLh19*72, Fm12.2*13, Np42*35, NLSa12*112, Of15*41, Pt2*33, V90*144, VAd43*154, Yo70*63 The youth whose fortune the vast globe obeyed Of15*79, Pt2*77 Then dare not for the future once rehearse HRO36*35 Then let us boast of ancestors no more 02pa2*9 Theniles an apostle brother long BLa94*161 Theologis animas subjecit lapsus Adami M35*72, Yo08*36 There are some things accounted real 02pa3*218 There being lately lost whilst the devil was removing OAc16*54, Od08*317 There dwelled a farmer in the west 02pa2*53 There happened of late a terrible fray Od08*113 There is a bawd renowned in Venus’ wars BLa62*84, Od57*75 There is a little thing which is in divers lands BLa97*120

First-Line Index to Anthologies

389

There is a monarch in an isle say some <See ‘In the isle . . .’> There is a paper spread about the town Pt5*20 There is lately found out by some state physicians Od57*63 There is no fear that you shall poets lack BLa62*46 There is not half so warm a ﬁre Yo40*62 There is not in nature so merry a life Ed3*153 There lodgeth a lady of late Od57*105 There sighs not on the plain DA*4, Np40*56 There was a good man had daughters twain M35*137 There was a jade Nelly lived in the Pall Mall OAc16*4 There was a jolly blade DA*20 There was a king of a Scottish race 02pa2*161 There was a lass in Scotland Yard BLa62*102 There was a monarch whose imperial sway 02pa2*46 There was a prophecy lately found in a bog 02pa3*122 There was a weaver and he married his daughter to Np40*106 There was an eagle built his nest 02pa2*49 There was an old prophecy found in a bog BLa97*58.1, Yo70*91 There was wondrous intriguing at th’assembly BLh15*132, Lb38*88 There’s little Sedley for simile renowned HRO36*55 There’s no harm in sound cunts nor in arseholes He36*13, Pt3*59 There’s no such thing as good or evil BLh14*4, Of15*10, V90*12, VAd43*12 There’s none but the traitor rejoins at the gallows Ed3*160 There’s Orange with his long nose Yo11*164 There’s some at court that would be critics called Yo88*204 There’s Sunderland the Tory BLh14*34, BLh19*62, He85*69, NLSa12*33, Np45*33, V90*136, VAd43*146 These are the names of those that did actually sit M35*199 These are to give notice to all gentlemen and others M35*47 These lines had kissed your hands October last 02pa3*18, He24*21 These lodgings are ready let and appointed Od08*65 These most magnetic cliffs our hopes must crown Oa01*37 These nations had always some tokens BLa94*208 These scaterand Scots SA30*169 These sons and grandsons are to us their mothers CAL68*40 They are a congregation without teachers M35*210 They came to mine own heart hence to my head 02pa3*217 They talk of a plot on this side and that Of16*34 They talk of raptures ﬂames and darts 02pa1*288 They who before the earliest down doth shade Oep4*23 Thine is the only muse in British ground Pt5*180 This bee alone of all his race NLI93*16

390

Appendix

This day our prince our rising sun Yo11*5 This fabric which at ﬁrst was built M35*205 This goblin honours which the world adores Yo52.1*33 This government either can’t or will not maintain itself Pt5*195 This illustrious bearer is my ambassador LLt27*16 This is a truth so certain and so clear 02pa3*5 This is happy John who now must leave to rest Yo88*218 This is my oath for ever to despise Yo11*65 This is the house that Jack built BLh14*67 This is the place where bliss itself does lie Mc14*18 This is the rhetoric that Fisher Paganus Yo40*13 This life of man breathed forth at ﬁrst with cries BLa62*57 This making of bastards so great BLh19*66, He85*61, Lb54*77, NLSa12*139, Od57*135, Of16*16 This mystic knot unites two royal names 02pa3*165, Yo11*3 This page I send you sir your Newgate fate M35*42 This rumour ent’ring angry Titan’s ears 02pa1*223, BLa62*83, Ed3*3, OAc16*39, Od57*110 This shall be to warn you now you are lawfully summoned Pt5*66 This strolling presbyter from Scotland came Oep18*78.1, Yo11*75 This trick of trimming is a ﬁne thing 02pa3*57, BLh14*33, BLh19*68, Fm12.2*12, Lb54*80, NLSa12*108, Np42*31, Od57*133, Of15*39, Of16*35, Pt2*32, V90*135, VAd43*145, Yo13*29 This warrant was granted to me by the right worshipful Pt5*6 This was the house that was built by Harris Lb55*25.2 This was the man the glory of the gown Od57*37 This way of writing I observe by some BLh13*54, BLh19*41, He85*5, LIa4*30, NLSa12*8, Np38*51, Np45*8, V90*172, Np43*13, VAd43*185 This window’s like a mean estate Yo52.2*21 This world is but a bubble Yo88*229 This worthy corpse where shall we lay 02pa3*115, BLa97*52 Thomas did once make my heart full glad Yo54*121 Those beams of love which from my heart Oa01*39 Those justly may a real greatness own Oep4*15 Those showers are best which don’t o’erﬂow but ﬁll Oep4*25 Those stars by which the weary traveller’s led Oep4*20 Those who write ill and those who ne’er durst write Od08*83 Those wonderful wise men nicknamed antiquaries Yo11*196 Thou art so fair and cruel too Yo54*172 Thou best of poets and thou best of friends 02pa1*278 Thou common shore of this poetic town 02pa3*65, Ab12*57, BLh13*6, BLh19*12, CAL68*23, CMp*9, Ed3*17, NLSa12*73, Np32*6,

First-Line Index to Anthologies

391

Np38*6, Np40*42, Np42*8, Od57*73, Of15*12, Pt2*6, Pt3*17, SKv69*49, V90*55, VAd43*60, Yo05*67, Yo13*6, Yo54*190 Thou Cooper guardian of the British laws HRO36*70 Thou damned Antipodes to common sense Ab12*51, CKh14*6, Ed3*31, He36*65, Lb54*5, Np40*88, Oa05*38, Oep4*73, SA30*49, Yo05*45 Thou doting fond besotted am’rous fool BLh13*53, Ed3*103, He85*11, LIa4*29, Np38*50, V90*96, VAd43*104 Thou dull insipid wretch who couldst not choose BLh12*16 Thou equal partner of the royal bed ILr*6, Mc14*66 Thou ﬁlthy hypocrite of a dean BLa97*95, Yo11*66 Thou fund of nonsense was it not enough Pt5*161 Thou genius to Padua’s friend BLa20*156 Thou great Nassau hadst the best wife and queen Oa01*68 Thou mercenary renegade thou slave Of16*30, Of16*44 Thou mighty princess lovely queen of holes He85*16, NLSa12*35 Thou quibblest well hast craft and industry HRO36*12 Thou sayest thou’rt Mars’s scholar and ’tis true He85*92 Thou strutst as if thou wert the only lord HRO36*11 Thou that for Cromwell was so ﬁerce Od08*75 Thou that of yore detaindst a godly plot M35*13 Thou who the pangs of my embittered rage BLa94*235 Thou worst of ﬂesh in superstition stewed Np40*47, Od57*124, Yo54*233 Thou’rt more inconstant than the wind or sea BLh12*2, Ed3*62, NLSa12*10, Np45*10, Od08*236 Thou’rt out to think thyself by Judas meant Orp81*42.1 Though actors cannot much of learning boast Oep4*68 Though all are statesmen now and ’tis the guise Od76*10 Though he is dead the immortal fame BLa20*47 Though I was in a way of recovery before I received Lb54*120 Though it is not in my power to see or hear from you Lb54*123 Though ladies of quality’s cunts often itch He36*71 Though my spirits are brought very low BLa94*177 Though our town be destroyed Yo54*97 Though poets praise those most who need it least 02pa3*187 Though royal sir your every act does show Fm12.1*38, Lb54*11, LIa4*8, Np40*95, V90*90, VAd43*98, Yo27*19 Though satyr does admonish every year BLh19*97, He85*96, NLSa12*147, Np43*78, Of16*49 Though teaching thy peculiar bus’ness be BLh19*56, Fm12.1*46, He85*59, NLSa12*30, Np45*30, VAd43*119 Though thanks were grudged you for your past success BLa60*79 Though the duke take physic to make himself clean BLa62*105

392

Appendix

Though when I cry Oep4*61, SA30*73 Though you my Lyce in some northern ﬂood BLa97*84 Thoughts what are they M35*184 Thraso ecclesiasticus Yo11*80 Three doctors of late 02pa2*98 Three large volumes of the Duke of Monmouth’s politics Od57*100 Three Meere squirrels a tyke and a whore Yo27*11 Three nymphs as chaste as ever Venus bred BLh13*72, He85*20, Yo70*3 Three peers as wise as ever England bred LIa4*64 Three saints to Fulham went as people hope M35*10 Thrice blessed be that womb whose plenteous birth Oep4*48, SA30*67 Thrice happy barque to whom is given 02pa4*107 Thrice happy I thrice blessed was that night BLh12*32 Through Chloe’s room as Strephon sighing passed BLa60*66 Through storms of wind and swelling seas which roar 02pa2*168 Thus boar and sow when some black storm is nigh Oa05*21.1 Thus death in all its gloomy pomp I see Yo11*42 Thus drinking round hath end ah fond delight Oa01*15 Thus God does bless our sovereign Anne 02pa4*50 Thus goes it on and pity ’twere indeed BLl36*3 Thus in the zenith of my lust I reign BLh12*37, Np40*1, Pc99*1b, Pc99*2a, V90*50, VAd43*55 Thus is at length the horrid hydra slain 02pa4*11 Thus like a deluge war came roaring forth HRO36*4 Thus ’tis when two religions squabble Pt5*46 Thus ’twas of old then Israel felt the rod 02pa3*119 Thy famed and arbitrary farce I saw Yo40*40 Thy groans dear Armstrong which the world employ 02pa1*133, BLa94*84, BLh19*74, Fm12.1*63, Np46*16, Oep18*16, V90*145, VAd43*155 Thy life on earth was griefs and thou art still Yo88*211 Thy numerous name with this year doth agree Od57*31 Thy saviour thou canst help eat earn proud brags Oa01*66 Till by Lucifer taught Yo11*121 Till it shall be understood BLa20*38 Timely wise Sir you did foresee our fate BLa62*53 Tired with the business of the day BLa94*123, Np46*69, Oep18*67 Tired with the noisome follies of the age 02pa1*138, Ab12*65, BLa62*68, BLa97*2, BLh13*16, BLh15*43, BLh17*13, Ed3*135, ILr*8, Lb54*60, M35*34, NLSa12*102, Np38*16, Od08*293, Od57*94, Pt1*45, Pt3*13, SKv69*59, Yo13*9, Yo52.2*54 ’Tis a sport to our prince 02pa3*136 ’Tis a strange thing to think on 02pa1*258 ’Tis billa vera I must smart Oa01*14

First-Line Index to Anthologies

393

’Tis certainly my lord the duty of every good subject Od08*9 ’Tis common in the world when great men die BLa20*51 ’Tis common we know for goblins to walk BLh15*55, Fm12.3*2, HUe70*14, Lb38*9, Np44*2, Np46*115, Oep18*106, Of06*48, Yo11*71, Yo70*100 ’Tis conceived and that very candidly without prejudice Od57*72 ’Tis I ’tis I with my empty purse BLa62*39 ’Tis late and time to rest but stay BLa20*11 ’Tis not dear sir the least ambitious aim Fm12.1*33, V90*71, VAd43*79 ’Tis not that I am weary grown Ab12*10, BLa40*33, He36*17, LLt27*3, CKh14*10, Lb54*28, SKv69*11, Yo05*16 ’Tis not the threats of an enraged mob Yo11*34 ’Tis rare that kings by common deaths depart BLh14*73 ’Tis said that favourite mankind 02pa3*7 ’Tis said when George did dragon slay 02pa3*87, BLh19*16, LIa4*21, Np43*8, V90*166, VAd43*177, Yo27*26, OAc16*46 ’Tis strange that gentlemen to all beholders Od57*5 ’Tis strange that you to whom I’ve long been known 02pa1*130, BLa62*79, BLh13*78, BLh17*10, NLI93*25 ’Tis strange to think on BLa97*54 ’Tis the Arabian bird alone 02pa2*78, BLa94*6, Np42*5, Of15*5, Pt2*12, VAd43*175 ’Tis the critics’ objection to Lucan that his poem Pt5*192 ’Tis thought tall Richard ﬁrst possessed Ab12*62, BLh13*11, Lb54*55, Np39*24, Np38*11, Pt3*22, SKv69*65 ’Tis to every one known Of16*79 ’Tis true ’tis break of day what though it be Yo88*244 ’Tis true great name thou art secure 02pa1*14, BLa20*149, BLh15*34, CAL68*8, He36*51, Od76*20, Oep4*34, Pt1*36 ’Tis true my heart has gone astray Of06*45 ’Tis true that I have lately seen BLh19*86, He85*84, NLSa12*119, V90*156, VAd43*166 ’Tis true vile name thou art secure Od76*21 ’Tis well he’s gone O had he never been 02pa1*168, CAL68*12, Np40*53, Od76*9, Oep4*32 ’Tis well you’ve thought upon the chiefest cause 02pa1*150 To a king and no king an uncle and father M35*19, Yo11*8 To a rebellious house I’m sent from far Yo11*56 To all Christian people to whom these presents Od08*112 To all present and to come which these present letters Od08*92 To all their menial servants and those of their family Od08*149 To all you ladies now at land BLa60*78 To be acted on midsummer day at stiff King John BLa60*55

394

Appendix

To be emphatically wicked who would grudge M35*9.1 To charming Celia’s arms I ﬂew BLa94*71, Pt5*106 To day hark heaven sings BLa20*12 To give the last amendments to the bill 02pa3*190, Pt5*191 To God an injured prince commits his case Orp81*41 To honourable court there lately came Ab12*68, BLh13*22, Lb54*65, Np38*22, Np43*9, V90*168, VAd43*180 To James our lieutenant this greeting we send Pt5*33 To lampoon ladies thus for everything Yo54*135 To make Charles a great king and give him no power Od57*39 To make it the blackest of crimes in the fanatics to depose Charles 02pa3*156 To make my self for state employment ﬁt 02pa1*220, BLh15*32, DA*3, Np40*66, Np43*5, Od08*257, Pt1*34, V90*164, VAd43*172, Yo40*60 To Norfolk House lords knights and beaux repair Of16*132 To our monarch’s return we our glasses advance BLa97*98, M35*94, Yo11*9 To purchase kingdoms with a single vice Yo11*202 To rack and torture thy unmeaning brain Ab12*30, BLa40*36, Ed3*11, He36*11, HRO36*48, Lb54*49, NLI93*6, Np40*22, Np40*83, Od76*30, SKv69*28, Yo05*12, Yo54*89 To Saint Giles’s I went He85*26, Np43*88, Od57*145, Yo13*24 To say this comedy pleased long ago Oep4*63, SA30*2 To speak with drownded eyes and mournful looks Yo11*184 To Sylvia’s bower I transported stole BLa97*135 To take degrees by leaping though of quick Yo88*199 To testify unto the world how far my mind hath ever Od08*40 To that prodigious height of vice we’re grown Np43*73, Of16*80 To the celestial hands of that inﬁnite pearl of perfection BLa20*129 To the essence of beauty and virtue the incomparable BLa20*146 To the eternal infamy of the city of Leyden 02pa4*100 To the hall to the hall He24*16 To the ladies whom we hope to ﬁnd Fm12.1*50, V90*114, VAd43*123 To the right honourable Robert Earl of Aylesbury Od08*20 To the utmost of your mortal power knit the knot of this match BLa20*138 To this moment a rebel I throw down my arms Ab12*37, DA*9, Lb54*36, LLt27*20, Np40*29, SKv69*35, V90*42, VAd43*48, Yo05*29 To those again whom death did wed Yo88*189 To thy ﬁrst stanza poetry laid by BLa94*14, Of16*94, Yo19*5 To Tunbridge I went BLh13*62, BLh14*38, BLh19*47, Ed3*100, He85*34, LIa4*47, NLSa12*5, Np43*14, Np45*5, Of16*5, V90*173, VAd43*186

First-Line Index to Anthologies

395

To what intent and purpose was man made He36*63 To you grave speaker and the rest beside Od57*38 To you great sir whose power does extend Fm12.1*14, ILr*1, V90*33, VAd43*37 To you who hang like Mecca’s tomb NLSa12*132, Np43*76, Of16*77 To you who live in chill degree He85*90, Lb54*102, NLSa12*131, Of16*76, VAd43*217 Toast of Great Britain for the year 1708 BLa60*59 Tobacco is an Indian weed M35*134, Yo08*54 Today a mighty hero comes to warm 02pa2*132, Fm12.3*65, Np44*92 Today man dressed in gold and silver bright Oa05*60 Tolle caput caelo sublimis Lupara non est BLa20*122 Tom I know thou art allowed to be impudent NLSa12*53 Tom Jolly’s nose I mean to abuse He36*79, Yo54*163 Tomorrow morn is to be shown SA30*20 Tony and Louisa upon a merry pin Yo54*152 Too conscious of her worth a noble maid BLh15*144, Lb38*100 Too long the wise Commons have been in debate 02pa3*27, Ed3*129, Ed3*93, Od08*150, Od76*17, Pt1*27, Pt3*29, V90*69, VAd43*76, Yo40*78 Too long we have troubled the court and the town Fm12.2*15, He85*74, Np42*38, Of15*44, Pt2*37, V90*188, VAd43*201 Too weak are laws and edicts vain BLh19*169, Np44*71 Too weak my eyes on her to gaze BLa60*31 Tot tantaque sunt a me in dominationum vestrarum SA30*83 Touch now touch now the tuneful lyre BLa94*63 Towards Ireland in haste two princes go BLh17*68 Towards the latter end of January last past a woman BLa20*7 Traitor to God and rebel to thy pen BLh19*93, NLSa12*124, Od57*163 Traitor to God damned source of blasphemy Ed3*132 Trajicit heroum turbâ freta cinctus Iason SA30*128 Transcendent Sorrel worthy heaven to grace Np46*105, BLa94*149 Traveller stand what I invite thee to Oa01*28.1 True English men ever approve yourselves loyal Yo11*233 True Englishmen drink a good health to the mitre 02pa1*249, Yo11*50 Trust not false man th’ experienced Prisca cries BLa60*57 Truth I could chide you friends why how so late Od57*50 Tu Lotharos raptu Burgundos fraude petisti Lb55*27.1, M35*148.1, Od08*184, Pc99*18 Tu quae Romanos voluisti spernere leges SA30*147 Tuesday the 14th of April 1676 I sent my gondola Od08*22 Tunbridge which once has been the happy seat BLh19*76, He85*73, NLSa12*141, V90*148, VAd43*158

396

Appendix

Tune ducem vixisse doles O improbe Felton Yo54*11.1 Turn in my lord my heart’s a homely place Yo88*210 Turn thee about lo thus thou ought’st to stand Od57*54 Tush look for no ease from Hippocrates BLa20*37 ’Twas a foolish fancy Jemmy BLh14*26, Fm12.1*45, Of16*17, V90*107, VAd43*115 ’Twas at an hour when busy nature lay 02pa1*241 ’Twas in the days of old when women had no hair Np40*109 ’Twas near no purling stream nor shady grove He36*73, Pt3*28 ’Twas near the mighty Senate House where lie BLh19*156, Oep18*51 ’Twas noon when I scorched with a double ﬁre Np40*108 ’Twas on the evening of that day 02pa3*167, Yo11*115 ’Twas still low ebb of night when not a star 02pa1*266, Of16*86 ’Twas when the sable mantle of the night BLh14*54, V90*75, VAd43*83 ’Twas when the seas was roaring Np07*46 ’Twas when with doling eyes and crazy brain BLl36*2 ’Twere folly if ever 02pa1*165, NLSa12*60, LIa4*67, Yo52.1*4 ’Twixt that rotund and yours there’s no comparison Od08*237 Two famous wights both Cheshire knights Od08*227 Two ﬁerce young bulls within the marshes strove 02pa2*17, Pt5*128 Two justices with valour mickle Od76*1 Two kind turtles when a storm is nigh Oa05*21 Two knights six projectors four squires and Tom Twitty Yo70*39 Two royal youths we boast from George’s loins Of16*131 Two sharpers once to gaming fell 02pa2*41 Two Toms and a Nat together sat 02pa1*251, BLa97*35, LIa4*63, Od57*172, Yo08*37 Two travellers an oyster found 02pa2*20, Pt5*131 Two Welshmen partners in a cow 02pa2*16, Pt5*127 U R I C Poor Canterbury in a tottering state Od57*10 Ud’s life we are undone A pox on your son BLa62*50, NLSa12*46, Od57*82 Ulmus ego patulam quae praebeo frondibus umbram SA30*123 Ultime Scotorum potuit quo sospite solo 02pa3*161 Un orateur en chaire Np39*13 Una dies Lotharos Burgundos hebdomas una Lb55*27, M35*148, Od08*183, Pc99*17 Unctos a Domino divellere presbyteranos Yo11*79 Under ﬁve hundred kings three kingdoms groan Od57*80 Under this marble lies the dust BLa94*231, Orp81*33 Under this stone does lie 02pa1*128, BLa20*150, DA*2, He36*42, NLSa12*143, Od08*0.1, Od57*131, Yo05*53, Yo54*103

First-Line Index to Anthologies

397

Under this weeping monumental stone He85*54 Undone undone the lawyers are Od57*26 Ungrateful boy I will not call thee son 02pa3*62, Ed3*106, Fm12.1*26, Lb54*15, LIa4*12, NLSa12*81, Np39*35, OAc16*36, Od08*290, Pt3*1, V90*58, VAd43*63, Yo27*14 Ungrateful wretch canst thou pretend a cause 02pa3*118, BLh19*122, Yo08*53 Unhappier age whoe’er saw 02pa1*255 Unhappy age and we in it M35*108 Unhappy I who once ordained did bear 02pa2*88, BLa94*29, Oep18*111 Unhappy island what hard fate ordains 02pa3*53, Od57*148, Yo70*42 Unhappy isle what made thy sons rebel BLa94*36, M35*66, Orp81*13, Yo11*200 Unhappy man who through successive years Fm12.3*46, Np44*72 Unhappy prince with dismal moan Pt5*28 Unhappy state condemned to worst of things 02pa4*4 Unhappy tyrant prithee stay Yo54*69 Unto my aid I would a painter call BLa62*22, OAc16*38, OAc16*41, Od08*212 Unwieldy pedant let thy awkward muse Pt5*154 Up up wronged James’s friends what can you be Yo11*15 Upon Saturday the Lord Stafford was brought to the bar Yo54*216 Upon the downs when shall I breathe at ease He85*95, Of16*48 Upon the pleasant famous river’s side BLa94*26, Yo11*51 Upon the slippery tops of human state Yo54*224, Oa05*50 Usurping William now is very great Yo88*217 Ut prior illa domus violento corruit igne Yo54*85 Vale fortuna Yo54*175 Vandyke had colours force and art 02pa3*192, BLa60*25 Velleribus primis Apulia Parma secundis SA30*135 Vendidit ut Judas Christum sic Scotia regem M35*20 Vendit Alexander claves altaria Christum Orp81*12 Venus one day as story goeth Pt4*27 Versailles and Marly never did appear Yo88*207 Versailles no more shall of her wonders boast CAL68*44 Veste tegis raptam dum sacra Blude coronam Od57*88 Victorious day which hast charmed up to eyes BLa20*14 Videor mihi auditores puerperae cuiusdam audire gemitus SA30*85 Viderat Hadriacis Venetam Neptunus in undis Lb55*28 Vidua quaedam dives a vicina petebat ut BLh19*6, VAd43*56 Villiers has all the charms has all the arts Np07*31 Vincent the great comptroller of us all Yo52.2*38 Vinum bonum et suave Od08*96

398

Appendix

Vinum quando bibo tristari non bene quibo Od08*94 Virtue’s triumphant shrine who dost engage 02pa1*219 Virtutes fruticum iam iam cecinere poetae SA30*127 Vis duci summo tristis captivus in arcu SA30*199 Vos primae violae sat notae Od57*33 Vouchsafe O God to hear the mournful cries Yo54*3 Voulez-vous passer la vie Np39*14 Vulcan contrive me such a cup Ab12*15, He36*18, Np40*5, SKv69*15, Yo05*18 Vulcan thou cities’ foe to whom Oep4*53 Wake drowsy Britain and prevent your doom BLa60*76 Walk on dull Stoic since the world goes round Mc14*4 Walking the park I to my horror there Yo11*173 Wanton Cupid runs away CAL68*33 Warmed with the pleasures that debauches yield BLa97*96, BLh17*50, Lb54*110, Np42*50, Of15*63, Pt2*42, V90*234, VAd43*254 Was ever man before like me Pt3*67 Was ever man so to himself unjust Yo54*55 Was this the justice Sir you came to do BLa94*34, BLh17*60, M35*101, Of06*6 Wave Fancy Beauty’s arched brow Yo52.2*61.1 We act by ﬁts and starts like drowning men LIa4*41 We are a game at cards the cabal deal BLa62*43, Yo54*220 We bid thee not give o’er the killing trade Pt5*160 We fasted ﬁrst and prayed the wars might cease Od57*52, Yo54*31 We Father Godden Gregory and all BLa97*17, BLh17*58, Of16*66, Yo08*8 We have a gracious king indeed M35*141 We have a king but he is gone Yo11*28 We have of late been entertained with many pretty whims in divinity 02pa3*216 We have raised a legion of lusty young wenches BLh17*30 We have raised an army of lusty young fellows BLa22*41, Yo54*112 We know thy skill Sir Pleadwell in the laws BLh14*108 We know you are harrassed with petitions from all quarters Pt5*64 We must resign heaven his great soul does claim 02pa1*15, BLh15*35, CAL68*11, He36*52, Np40*52, Od76*8, Oep4*31, Pt1*37 We present our sad apprehension of the dismal consequences Od08*167 We read in profane and sacred records 02pa1*122, BLa22*23, BLa62*28, BLh15*20, Ed3*107, Lb55*34, LIa4*20, Mc14*23, NLSa12*45, OAc16*7, Od08*254, Od57*118, Pt1*20, Yo08*4, Yo27*25 We your Majesty’s most dutiful etc. Being informed by that bright orator BLa94*217

First-Line Index to Anthologies

399

We your majesty’s most loyal and most dutiful subjects Np39*11, Np42*11, Np45*28, NLSa12*28, Od57*84, Of15*17 We’ll ﬁrst begin with Warwick’s praise Of16*1 We’ll remember the men 02pa4*2, BLa94*167 Wearied with business and with cares oppressed 02pa1*254, BLa97*63, BLh17*48 Weep marble weep so shall my pious eyes Oep4*10 Welcome great monarch to the throne we gave 02pa3*155, BLa94*118, BLh15*63, BLh19*154, Fm12.3*11, HUe70*41, Lb38*17, Np44*13, Np46*61, Oep18*59 Welcome great prince to life again at least Pt3*79 Welcome great prince unto this land BLh19*13, Fm12.1*36, He36*64, Pt4*16, V90*87, VAd43*95 Welcome great princess to this lonely place BLa94*130, BLh15*87, Lb38*42, Np46*78, Oep18*81, Yo11*17 Welcome great Russell from the coast of Spain BLa97*123 Welcome great sir unto a drooping isle 02pa3*132 Welcome my health physicians all adieu Yo88*193 Welcome my honest long expected friend BLa94*11, Of16*91, Yo08*62, Yo19*2 Welcome sad night Od57*20 Welcome thou friendly earnest of fourscore BLa94*199, 02pa4*35 Welcome welcome again to thy wits Yo54*171 Welcome ye noble souls from the base seat Yo11*55 Welcomes are sometimes pious here profane Oep4*17, SA30*34 Well Charles when thy last days shall come Pc99*8 Well did the Fates guide thy unlucky arm BLh19*89, NLSa12*144, Np42*42, Np46*18, Oep18*18, Of15*51, Pt2*47, V90*207, VAd43*223 Well done my sons ye have redeemed my cause 02pa3*77, Pt4*12 Well for a careful prudent bawd say I Mc14*34 Well may our lives bear an uncertain date 02pa4*67 Well met my faithful steward where hast been Yo54*246 Well since we are met our business is to try 02pa3*200 Well sir ’tis granted I said Dryden’s rhymes Ab12*28, BLa20*154, BLa62*130, BLa62*71, CAL68*3, He36*9, HRO36*47, Lb54*51, NLI93*19, Np40*20, SKv69*30, Yo05*10, Yo54*70 Well then Lysander since you would be great CAL68*34 Well then ’tis true wherever princes move V90*101, VAd43*109 Well-wishers of arbitrary government 1678 Yo54*185 Were I a spirit to choose for mine own share CAL68*14 Were I to choose the greatest bliss Pt5*38 Were I to choose what sort of corpse I’d wear 02pa2*176, 02pa1*2105, BLh12*5, Ed3*36, He36*33, Od08*245, Pt3*62, Pt5*82, Yo05*3

400

Appendix

Were I to cure the nation’s fears Yo11*23 Were I who to my cost already am Ab12*3, BLa40*40, BLh12*4, CAL68*13, CKh10*1, CKh10*3, CKh14*1, CKh8*1, Ed3*35, He36*32, ILr*9, NLI93*3, Np40*100, Od76*23, Od08*195, Oep4*70, Orp81*6, Pt5*79, SKv69*3, Yo05*2, Yo40*53 What a bustle of late have we had to no purpose BLh19*139, Of15*71, Pt2*67 What a de’el is the stir we make with war 02pa3*159 What a devil ails the parliament 02pa3*73, LIa4*1, Od08*247, Od57*125, Pt4*13, Yo27*2 <See also ‘Zoons what . . .’> What a rope ail these seamen so loudly to rail Yo11*208 What are you mad you damned confounded dog SA30*6 What art thou O thou new-found pain 02pa1*161, He85*103, He85*3, Lb54*89, V90*214, VAd43*230 What business or what hope brings thee to town HRO36*9 What can be the mystery Charing Cross 02pa3*24, BLa62*30, BLh15*19, Ed3*130, Fm12.1*64, NLSa12*70, Np40*72, Od57*116, Od08*223, Pt1*19, Pt3*41, V90*153, VAd43*163 What can I say what arguments can prove BLa60*16 What can resist our two great navies joined BLa60*5 What chance has brought thee into verse BLa94*115, BLa97*90, BLh14*69, BLh15*74, BLh17*75, BLh19*161, HRO36*43, HUe70*44, Lb38*28, Np44*6, Np46*56, Oep18*54, Yo11*222 What cruel pains Corinna takes Ab12*35, BLa40*31, DA*7, Lb54*42, LLt27*18, Np40*27, SKv69*39, Yo05*27, Yo05*27 What day is this what Belgic Boreas cloud Yo11*168 What do members now ail 02pa3*55 What doleful cries are these that fright my sense Np40*90, SKv69*60, Yo05*50 What down in the dirt by St Leonard her grace 02pa3*94 What every day thus long ﬁe ﬁe arise Pt3*82 What fast and pray 02pa2*118 What fast for the horrid murder of the day Pt5*105 What folded up the wretches then begin Yo11*161 What fools are they who use to cry 02pa1*297 What frenzy has possessed thy desperate brain Pt5*167 What Greece when learning only ﬂourished knew He36*48 What hand what art can form the artful piece 02pa2*175, BLa60*13, BLh15*120, Lb38*76, M35*154, Np44*53, Pt4*39, Yo70*57 What hands divine have planted and protect Oa05*41 What have the changes cost M35*117 What if by chance a man can’t stand Np40*54 What is termed popery to depose a king BLa94*23, Yo11*31

First-Line Index to Anthologies

401

What is’t to us who guide the state BLa97*73, HUe70*13, Of06*42, Yo18*13 What jolly shepherd’s voice is this He24*30 What liberty of conscience that’s a change Yo08*16 What makes thee thus like silly widgeon 02pa3*38 What mean you Sir John in the fear of God will you desist Od08*322 What means the sun to rise with double light Np43*43, V90*216, VAd43*233 What means this silence Sirs what’s here become BLa62*61 What means this silence which may seem to doom Oep4*6, SA30*33 What Nosterdame with all his art can guess BLa94*122, BLa97*83, HUe70*31, Lb54*139, M35*27, Np46*67, Oep18*65, Of06*30, Yo11*195, Yo70*93 What only feared to wrap up soap or plums Yo11*77 What power of words can equal thy renown 02pa4*16 What pray spectators do you come to see Mc14*9 What proud bravadoes this that still doth crack Od76*32 What rage does England from itself divide HRO36*3, Od57*59 What rage provokes me thus to squabble Yo54*35 What reason have I to complain 02pa3*185 What revolutions in the world have been Lb54*85 What rub and kiss and on the mistress rest Oa01*35 What shall a glorious nation be o’erthrown Oep18*113, Yo11*192 What shall each patron’s ripening smile infuse 02pa3*178 What shall I do or what shall I say Yo11*18 What shall the honest silently permit BLh17*44, Of16*72 What should I ask my friend which best would be 02pa1*146, He85*104, NLSa12*59, Of16*61 What sir I see you’ve answered what I writ BLh12*19 What slender youth with his perfumed embrace Mc14*58 What stirs the heavens which gave life to all Oep4*13 What strange mechanic thoughts of god and man 02pa2*146 What strange vicissitudes our age has known BLa94*92, Np46*31, Oep18*31 What strepitantious noise is it that sounds 02pa1*149 What sullen wary shepherd’s voice is this He24*31 What the priests gospel call 02pa2*58, Mc14*73, M35*21 What think you of this age now 02pa3*111 What thou saidst for me Aga William when thou wert Turgiman BLh15*99, Np44*32, Np46*96.1 What though her sire be but a potter Oa01*48 What though the sky be clouded o’er M35*173 What Timon does old age begin t’ approach Ab12*5, Ed3*59, He36*56, Lb54*31, NLI93*13, Np40*91, SKv69*6, Yo05*51

402

Appendix

What tortures can there be in hell Oa05*12 What wantst thou that thou art in this sad taking Yo11*212 What wenys King Edward with his Long-shanks SA30*168 What whimsical vicissitudes of fate BLa60*41 What woman could do I have tried to be free DA*18 What words what sense what night piece can express BLh19*24, Ed3*67, Fm12.2*8, Np42*16, Of15*24, Pt2*23, V90*142, VAd43*152 What you please you always cry Pt5*112 What’s a protector ’tis a stately thing Yo40*10 What’s orthodox and true believing M35*120 What’s prudery ’tis a beldame Oa05*54 What’s this your justice sir you come to do Yo11*152 Whate’er the eye discovers is a ring Oep4*50, SA30*35 When a church and a hill to the Danube advance 02pa4*9, BLa94*157, Fm12.2*23, Fm12.3*79, Np42*66, Np44*107, Np46*130 When a knight of the north is lopped in Ax-yard 02pa2*124, BLa94*68, M35*51, Orp81*18, Pt5*104 When a prince resolves to stand by his friends Fm12.3*19, Np44*27 When Adam beheld Mother Eve newly born BLh15*122, Lb38*78 When Adam proper names on beasts conferred Ed3*131 When Alexis lay pressed SA30*62 When all mankind in Adam lay in the graves of death Yo52.1*51.1 When all the elements above conspire M35*43, Np46*121, Oep18*114, Yo11*110 When Anjou stepped into the Spanish throne 02pa4*88 When Anna was the church’s daughter 02pa4*12 Whenas King William ruled this land BLh14*86, BLh15*139, Lb38*95, Np44*89 When Aurelia ﬁrst I courted BLa20*53, Yo40*42 When Aureng-zebe usurped his father’s chair Yo11*130 When bashful daylight once was gone Yo54*51 When Baxter’s self has seized on petty cannon Pt5*25 When beauty doth in all its pomp appear Oa01*46 When birds had rules of government Pt5*140 When blessed Mary did cast down her eye Yo88*196 When blooming beauties ﬁrst appear Yo08*76 When brewers and bakers BLa97*121 When British Isle their sovereign lord had left Oa01*54 When Briton bold of Spanish birth Yo52.1*28 When buried corpse are seen in the air Od57*141 When Burnet perceived that the beautiful dames 02pa3*175, BLa60*2, BLa94*77, BLh15*129, Fm12.3*35, HRO36*40, Lb38*85, Np44*57, Yo70*14

First-Line Index to Anthologies

403

When by Charles I ﬁrst was courted BLa20*59 When Caesar quitted Gaul and marched home Yo88*222.1 When Catesby and Faux with the rest of the gang M35*64 When civil war through all the chaos reigned 02pa1*26 When Clarendon had discerned aforehand 02pa1*169, BLa22*38, BLh15*6, He24*5, Od57*178, Pt1*6, SA30*30, V90*1, VAd43*1, Yo36*7, YoD*7 When crowding folks with strange ill faces 02pa1*275 When Cupid did his grandsire Jove entreat BLa60*60, Pt4*26, Od57*89 When daring Blood his rents to have regained 02pa1*124, BLa20*132, BLh15*25, Lb55*9, NLSa12*65, Pc99*22, Pt1*25, V90*25, VAd43*27, Yo40*57, Yo52.2*33.1, Yo54*156 When death shall part us from our kids Orp81*9 When death shall part us from these skies Pt3*81 When Dryden’s tuneful celebrated muse 02pa4*39, BLa94*164 When duns were knocking at my door Ed3*4, He36*45, Yo54*241 When eighty times eight and three times three Od08*173 When English coin shall have a face BLa94*60, M35*138 When enraged Southesk Np07*3 When envy does at Athens rise 02pa2*104, Oa05*17 When Fairfax hath o’errun the land Yo54*84 When ﬁgures four set on their head Yo70*97 When ﬁred by glory Philip’s godlike son Pt5*172 When ﬁrst I did begin to love Mc14*50 When ﬁrst in Love’s court fair Eminda was tried Oa01*45 When ﬁrst our poet set himself to write SA30*52 When ﬁrst Pastora came to town HRO36*32 When ﬁrst rebellion struck at the crown He36*14 When ﬁrst royal Nancy she mounted the throne BLa94*150, Np42*72, Np46*108 When ﬁrst the Indian trade began 02pa4*82 When ﬁrst the world from the black chaos rose Yo08*7 When ﬁrst with beauty I was catched Mc14*70 When gazing on his Phyllis’ eyes Pt5*29 When God almighty had his palace framed 02pa1*263 When God to punish Adam’s sons inclined BLa60*3 When Grafton that clown Yo11*69 When great men fall their fall makes weeping eyes BLa62*106 When great Nassau is dead and gone 02pa4*32, BLa60*20, BLh14*95, Fm12.3*74, Np44*101, Np46*111 When Harry’s fury ﬁrst grew tame V90*94 When haughty monarchs their proud state expose 02pa2*164

404

Appendix

When Heav’n surrounded Britain by the main BLh15*58, Lb38*12, M35*78, Np46*114, Oep18*105, Of06*19, Yo11*198, Yo70*102 When Heaven’s great power had made the world’s vast frame BLh15*125, Lb38*81 When Henry’s fury ﬁrst grew tame Fm12.1*42, Np39*42, VAd43*102 When here a Scot shall think his crown to set Od08*233 When Hodge ﬁrst spied the labour in vain 02pa3*83, Pt4*10, Yo54*108 When Hodge had numbered up how many score 02pa1*121, BLa22*18, BLa62*32, BLh15*38, NLSa12*49, Np40*60, Od08*252, Pt1*40, Yo54*147 When I sigh by my mistress and gaze on those eyes Oa05*13 When in a constant quest my thoughts did muse Yo88*215 When Israel ﬁrst provoked the living Lord 02pa3*48 When Jacob from offended Laban ﬂed Lb54*23 When Jacob stole the ﬂower of every ﬂock Of16*128 When James and his army shall run from the Boyne 02pa2*153 When James our great monarch so wise and discreet 02pa1*221, Np43*70, V90*247, VAd43*267 When James takes possession again of the throne BLh19*136 When James the 3rd did ﬁrst from Dunkirk sail Yo88*209 When James with his army shall run from the Boyne BLa94*69 When Job contending with the devil I saw M35*206, Pt5*163 When Jove to Ida did the gods invite 02pa3*195, BLa60*23, BLa60*32 When lately King James whom our sovereign we call BLh19*115, Np43*51, Of16*115, V90*222, VAd43*241 When lawless men their neighbours dispossess BLh17*80, HUe70*12, Np46*117, Oep18*108, Of06*10, Pt5*48, Yo11*158 When lazy Time had spent a summer’s day Mc14*12 When Lydia thou the rosy neck and arms Mc14*60 When man was lost Christ’s pity went about Yo88*194 When MDC shall join with L Od08*309 When men of god will do the devil’s work 02pa4*64 When Monmouth the chaste read these impudent lines BLa97*89, BLh14*70, BLh15*75, HRO36*42, HUe70*45, Lb38*29, Np44*7, Np46*57, Oep18*55, Yo11*221, Yo70*38 When mother church had Anna for her daughter BLa94*170 When Mother Clud had risen from play BLa94*203 When my Carlos ﬁrst adored me SA30*36 When Naboth’s vineyard looked so ﬁne Pt4*28 When Nature’s God for our offences died 02pa3*112 When Nebat’s famed son had undertook the just cause 02pa3*154, BLa94*57, Fm12.3*34, Np44*56

First-Line Index to Anthologies

405

When noble Prince George BLh14*31, Fm12.1*57, He85*71, V90*129, VAd43*139 When once we yield men all their vows retract BLa94*73 When only fools and villains rule a state Yo70*96 When Orange landed ﬁrst upon our shore M35*91, Yo11*181 When our good God gave life unto my heart Yo88*206 When people ﬁnd their money spent 02pa2*84, BLa94*154, Np46*125, Oep18*118, Yo11*118 When Phillis does in dreams appear Oa01*40 When plate was at pawn and fob at an ebb 02pa1*171, BLa94*81, BLa97*69, Ed3*39, Fm12.1*54, NLSa12*96, Np46*8, Oep18*8, V90*118, VAd43*127, Yo54*87 When popular men do mount above this height BLh19*118, Np43*57, V90*229, VAd43*249 When Portsmouth did from England ﬂy BLh19*48, Ed3*34, Mc14*72, NLSa12*13, Np45*13, OAc16*68, Pt4*22 When pride is in price BLa20*57 When pride provoked old Satan to rebel BLa60*19 When quack me lodged in dark obscure cell Oa01*7.1 When rebels ﬁrst pushed at the crown BLh14*17, V90*73, VAd43*81 When Sarah led by fancy fate or scorn BLa60*58 When Shakespeare Fletcher Jonson ruled the stage Ab12*29, BLa62*70, CAL68*4, CKh14*7, Ed3*10, He36*10, Lb54*4, NLI93*5, Np40*21, Od08*326, Od76*29, SKv69*27, Yo05*11, Yo54*86 When shall I be at rest will pleasing peace 02pa3*204, Fm12.3*78, Np44*106 When shall we see old England wise again sir Yo11*30 When shame for all my foolish youth had writ Yo70*52 When she through my eyes Lb54*100 When Sieur Tour That son of a whore Yo70*99 When sin grows ripe then judgement enters in Od08*101.1 When soul of Jeffreys did to hell come BLh17*57, BLh19*134, HRO36*37, HUe70*10, Pt3*103, Pt5*69, Pt5*197, Yo11*68 When souls unite in generous friendship joined 02pa1*285 When stormy winds do blow Yo52.2*49 When Tewksbury mustard shall travel abroad 02pa1*2100, BLh15*94, Lb38*50, Np46*94, Oep18*92, Pt3*101 When that remnant of royalty Jemmy the cully Pt5*34, Yo08*40 When the Almighty did his palace frame 02pa3*1, BLa97*30 When the bold Carthaginian 02pa2*114 When the Danish ambassador Guldenlieu came into England Od08*21 When the dragon of Beau shall look over the Tower Yo08*26 When the dry sun had left his burning course Mc14*6

406

Appendix

When the House of Commons had in debate the making NLSa12*51 When the joy of all hearts and desire of all eyes 02pa3*129, Yo08*28, Yo70*55 When the king leaves off Sedley and keeps to the queen BLh14*52, BLh17*46, BLh17*46, Np42*55, Np46*24, Oep18*24, Of15*64, Pt2*59, V90*232, VAd43*252, Yo08*90 When the king’s distracted BLa62*37.1 When the last of all knights and the worst of all knaves 02pa1*2101, BLh15*95, Lb38*51, Np46*95, Oep18*93, Pt3*104 When the old heroes of the warlike shades NLSa12*136 When the plate was at pawn and the fob at an ebb BLa20*61, BLa62*8, Yo40*18, Yo52.1*52 When the proud sea with bellowing waves did swell Mc14*83 When the seal is given to a talking fool NLSa12*42, Od08*243 When the twenty brave pleaders culled out of the throng BLa94*209 When the world was drowned Od76*33 When thou art asked to sup abroad HRO36*8 When thousand hundreds six and forties two are gone Od57*68 When times were yet but rude thy pen endeavoured CAL68*56 When to the great the suppliant muses press BLh15*117, Fm12.3*33, Lb38*73, Np44*52 When to the king I bid good morrow Np40*63, BLh14*2, OAc16*10, Of15*8, V90*10, VAd43*10, Yo05*74, Yo40*49 When Tories and parsons cant and pray BLa94*62 When tuneful ladies strike the trembling lyre 02pa4*98 When we through age could neither read nor write Yo70*53 When weary Time had spent a summer’s day Mc14*25 When William the wise BLa94*67 When William’s hand Oates with his lips approached BLa94*37, Yo11*162.1 When with the noise of court and city cloyed Od08*300 When with the rolling tides of fate 02pa1*24 When zeal for God inspires the breast Oa01*6, Od76*7 Whence comes it that each base malicious pen BLa94*96, HUe70*3, Np46*35 Whene’er those lovely eyes I view Yo70*34 Whenever tyrants fall the air 02pa1*129 Where are our clergy gone what damp hath killed BLa62*67 Where are the muses are there none to tell Yo11*44 Where are you ladies which your morning pass Oep4*35 Where are you run you engines of all ill OAc16*52 Where divine Gloriana her palace late reared Pt4*25 Where ever God erects a house of prayer 02pa2*5

First-Line Index to Anthologies

407

Where gently Thames in stately channels glides BLh15*133, Lb38*89 Where is there faith and justice to be found 02pa1*245, Of16*120, Yo11*165 Where Medway’s gentle streams do glide Of16*133 Where music and more powerful beauties reign 02pa3*191 Where such a garden doth appear Oep4*36, SA30*11 Whereas a libel vainly intended against the honour Od08*77 Whereas by misrepresentation 02pa1*276 Whereas divers wicked and malicious persons M35*97 Whereas I have been ever from my infancy bred up Yo54*71 Whereas it hath pleased almighty God in his great mercy M35*167 Whereas the Jacobites do brag BLa97*99, M35*178, Yo11*149 Whereas there are in this kingdom two thousand and more Np42*13, Od08*172.1, OAc16*56, Of15*19 Wherever I am and whatever I do Ed3*142 Whether 18000 Irish men cannot conquer England Pt5*114 Whether a ﬁtter anagram can be made of the name Od08*101 Whether by sea our mighty Ormond ﬂies 02pa2*163 Whether Father Patrick be not Muckle John’s natural son 02pa3*29, BLa94*80, BLh15*28, Np46*6, Oep18*6, Of15*11, Pt1*29, VAd43*22 Whether the author did by this intend Pt3*98 Whether the graver did by this intend BLa94*109, BLa97*101, BLh15*68, BLh17*77, Fm12.3*15, Lb38*22, Np44*18, Np46*48, Oep18*43, Yo11*156 Whether we mortals love or no Np43*46, V90*219, VAd43*236 Which is the greatest thing to brag on Oep4*85, SA30*51 Whigs the ﬁrst letter of his odious name BLa94*200 While Alexis lay pressed Ed3*141 While blooming youth and gay delight Oep18*72 While crowding folks with strange ill faces HUe70*1, Of06*33 While Europe is alarmed with wars Of06*22 While fanatics and papists and quakers agree BLa94*186 While ﬂattering crowds ofﬁciously appear 02pa4*73 While I in the camp BLh14*32, BLh19*69, He85*70, V90*130, VAd43*140 While lazy prelates leaned their mitred heads 02pa1*127, NLSa12*71 While lewd Whitehall burning in justest ﬂames 02pa3*180 While mounting with expanded wings Oa05*34 While on those lovely looks I gaze Ab12*42, DA*11, He36*22, Lb54*44, LLt27*24, Np40*34, SKv69*42, Yo05*33 While Phaon to the ﬂaming Etna ﬂies DA*12 While slaughtered Ottomans advanced your fame BLa94*140, Np46*89, Oep18*90

408

Appendix

While there’s a monkey or buffoon V90*193, VAd43*206 While vulgar souls their vulgar loves pursue BLh15*136 While William van Nassau with Bentinck Bardashau BLa97*71, BLh17*73, HUe70*4, Np46*113, Oep18*104, Of06*4, Yo11*140 While with a strong and yet a gentle hand 02pa1*11, CAL68*10, Np40*70 While you my lord with an extensive hand 02pa4*38 Whilst all the world vows to fresh glory pay Oep4*19, SA30*70 Whilst blooming youth and gay delight BLa94*20, Np46*73 Whilst brave Sacheverell saps the ground we ﬁnd BLa94*224 Whilst crowding folks with strange ill faces Yo11*215 Whilst cruel Blood wore the priest’s coat ’tis strange Od57*92 Whilst duns were knocking at my door Np40*102, Yo05*68 Whilst episcopal mouse and presbyter frog Od08*90 Whilst Europe’s alarmed with wars M35*112 Whilst happy I triumphant stood Np40*89, Yo05*49 Whilst in the sky with blazing train Np40*67.1 Whilst Lewis the tyrant Te Deum does sing 02pa2*169 Whilst priestly pens the glorious theme decline 02pa4*66 Whilst princes meet whence all rebellion springs Yo11*111 Whilst she was the church’s daughter Orp81*26 Whilst that our English church in ashes lies Oa01*3 Whilst there’s a monkey or buffoon Np43*30 Whilst thirst of praise and vain desire of fame Oa05*55 Whilst thou blest John wert in thy mother’s womb Yo88*216 Whilst thou hadst all my heart and I all thine HUe70*17, Np42*60, Oep18*89, Of06*67, Of15*58, Pt2*61 Whilst thou sitst drinking up thy loyalty HRO36*15 Whilst wicked prosperous Selius doth deny SA30*183 Whilst with a strong and yet a gentle hand BLa40*9, Oep4*29 Whilst with ﬁerce ﬂames Whitehall was compassed round BLh14*75 White Hall a palace impious and accursed 02pa3*181 White innocence that now liest spread BLa62*47 White maid well met what may I call thy name Yo52.2*56.3 Whither going Damon whither in such haste Lb54*87 Whither O whither wander I forlorn 02pa1*126, BLa62*116, OAc16*64, Od08*320, Od57*61 Whither ye impious Britons do ye run 02pa2*139, BLa94*65 Whither young Damon whither in such haste Fm12.2*14, Np42*37, Of15*43, Pt2*36 Who Bess she ne’er was half so vainly clad BLa20*95 Who can but wonder at this season BLa97*13, BLh19*77, He85*81, Np43*77, NLSa12*116 Who can forbear and tamely silent sit Pt5*189

First-Line Index to Anthologies

409

Who can on this picture look 02pa1*232, Ed3*119, Lb54*53, NLSa12*89, Np39*40, Od08*302, Pt3*33, Pt4*19, Yo40*86 Who does not extol our conquest marine 02pa4*44 Who governs his own course with steady hand Np40*113 Who is a bashful woman Yo54*159 Who says the times do learning disallow Od57*56 Who will be saved he must believe BLh15*72 Who will this day at church lose dinners Of06*16 Who would have thought but Damon’s love Yo54*170 Who would have thought my ruin was so near Yo40*4, Yo52.1*48 Who would have thought that Rome’s convert so near BLa94*129, BLh15*83, Fm12.3*16, HUe70*66, Lb38*37, Np44*19, Np46*77, Oep18*76, Yo11*219, Yo70*72 Who’d be the man lewd libels to indite 02pa1*237, BLh13*27, Ed3*112, Fm12.2*10, Lb54*24, Np38*42, Np42*19, Od08*285, Of15*26, Pt2*21, V90*59, VAd43*64, Yo13*16 Who’s he that’s nobody’s friend 02pa3*104, M35*136 Who’s there a Whig and one of quality BLa94*238 Whoe’er thou art that darst with lying lays BLa60*52 Whoe’er thou art who tempts in such a strain Oa05*48 Whoever looks about and minds things well 02pa1*134 Whosoever doth accompany the Duke of York to dinner Od08*271 Whosoever will be saved he must believe Lb38*26, Np46*49, Oep18*44 Why am I daily thus perplexed 02pa1*272, BLa97*57, Pt5*21 Why are these hours which Heav’n in pity lent Np07*47 Why d’ye with such disdain refuse BLa60*29, BLh15*127, Fm12.3*37, Lb38*83, Np44*62 Why does the Prince of Orange with his heretics rage BLa22*10.1 Why fair vowbreaker hath thy sin thought ﬁt Yo52.2*41 Why Granville is thy life conﬁned Oa05*47 Why how now Pasquin since the last election 02pa4*30 Why is great Phoebus styled the god of lays 02pa4*34 Why is your faithful slave disdained Np07*10, Pt2*76 Why nymphs these pitiful stories BLh15*131.1, BLh19*168.1, Lb38*87.1, Np44*59 Why should one blockhead’s speech make such a noise Yo08*35 Why should so much beauty dread He36*29, Yo54*203 Why should the tears our cheeks thus trickle down Oa01*70 Why sits my gentle Thirsis thus forlorn Yo11*36 Why so serious why so grave M35*172 Why to the French should England be so civil BLa97*124 Will it please you to hear a new song He24*19 Will Pickering be damned and his rascally gang OAc16*47

410

Appendix

Will’s wafted to Holland on some state intrigue 02pa4*31 William Nassau with another Armade Pt5*10 William the third lies here the Almighty’s friend 02pa2*119 Williams thy tame submission suits thee more 02pa3*70, BLa97*36, BLh19*125, Fm12.2*19, Np42*56, Np46*21, Oep18*20, Of15*55, Of16*98, Pt2*52, V90*226, VAd43*246 Wilt thou then passive see the sacred bays Pt5*177 Wise Aesop thought it no mistake 02pa4*63 Wise men suffer good men grieve Yo11*148 Wisely an observator said 02pa3*172 With a grave leg and courteous smile BLa94*121, BLa97*92, BLh15*70, BLh19*159, Fm12.3*8, HUe70*53, Lb38*24, Np44*10, Np46*66, Oep18*64, Yo11*127 With a loud voice through every ﬁeld and wood Fm12.2*1, Np42*1, Of15*1, Pt2*1 With clouted iron shoes and sheepskin breeches 02pa2*8, BLh19*170, Fm12.3*50, Np44*76, Yo70*37 With envy critic you’ll this poem read Oep4*78, SA30*42 With equal grace and force he walks and writes NLI93*12 With force united my soft heart he charmed Lb54*7, Lb54*95 With Job-like patience we’ve our burthens bore M35*55 With joy we see this circle of the fair 02pa3*203 With love though rude we crowd this hallowed place 02pa2*166 With Monmouth cap and cutlass by my side HUe70*35, Np46*68, Oep18*66, Yo70*87 With negro phiz and impudence replete Fm12.3*52, Np44*78 With scorn the world but I with pity see He85*57 With the king in his closet the count did contest Fm12.3*57, Np44*83 With the sad tidings of the day oppressed 02pa2*95 With Tuck of Toledo up stands the brave Swale Od08*45 Within a ﬂeece of silent waters drowned Yo54*48 Within my breast I felt a sudden ﬂame CAL68*35 Within this house are rooms appointed BLa22*14, BLa62*26 Within this house lives Justice Scroggs Yo54*120 Without your form we did design to pray BLa94*38.1, Yo11*146.1 Wolseley though much I love thy generous rage Np07*23 Woman in the beginning as ’tis said Pt3*86 Woman thou damned hyperbole in sin BLh12*21 Woman thou worst of all church plagues farewell 02pa2*123 Woman’s ornament is hair the best of all Oa01*33 Women make us love and love makes us sad Yo54*138 Wonder not Nelly He85*14, Np38*46 Wonder not sir that praises ne’er yet due Oep4*80, SA30*44

First-Line Index to Anthologies

411

Wonder not why these lines come to your hand BLa20*74, M35*56 Worth would be thought a fair one Yo13*31.1 Worthy brethren I have received your letter from Dr Bisby Pt5*40 Worthy sir Though weaned from all those scandalous delights 02pa2*61, Ab12*61, BLa62*97, BLh1310, Ed3*56, Lb54*59, LIa4*13, Np38*10, Np43*85, Od57*65, Pt3*14 Worthy sir Yours hath refreshed me exceedingly Yo54*228 Worthy that man to scape mortality 02pa1*279 Would God say they if any be content SA30*186 Would the world know how Godfrey lost his breath 02pa3*74, Pt4*11 Would they who have nine years looked four 02pa3*182 Would you be a man in favour 02pa3*127 Would you be a man in favour Yo08*52, Yo11*135 Would you be a man in power Of06*1, Yo08*30 Would you be a man of honour BLh19*124 Would you be famous and renowned in story 02pa3*114, Pt5*24, Yo08*87 Would you be preserved from ruin BLa94*100, BLh15*53, Lb38*7, Np46*39 Would you be true to serve the nation OAc16*16 Would you have a new play acted 02pa3*150 Would you have a place at court Sir BLh19*151, Of06*49 Would you know if I should change my life 02pa2*116 Would you see an army leaving Yo08*29 Would you send Kate to Portugal 02pa3*43, BLa62*49, BLh14*14, BLh15*41, BLh17*20, Ed3*38, Fm12.1*30, NLSa12*79, Np39*7, OAc16*15, Od08*249, Od57*160, Of15*15, Pt1*43, Pt2*9, Pt3*80, Pt5*89, V90*63, VAd43*68, Yo54*151 Would you Sir attain that honour BLh19*132 Wouldst thou be free I fear thou art in jest HRO36*16 Wouldst thou in grace to high perfection grow Yo88*200 Wounds set thee upright he that dares be lame Yo52.2*10 Wretch whosoe’er thou art that longst for praise BLh17*15, NLSa12*151, Np43*38, Of16*78, V90*209, VAd43*225, Yo08*39 Ye Britons that are yet not weary of living BLa94*58 Ye children that do serve the lord M35*53 Ye commons and peers Pray lend me your ears BLa60*62 Ye English nations put your mourning on 02pa2*137 Ye freeholders most dear 02pa4*15 Ye gentle swains who pass your days and nights BLa60*36 Ye glorious triﬂes of the East Od57*32 Ye heaven and earth now hear my declaration Yo11*155 Ye heers and hogens all we greet you well 02pa4*92

412

Appendix

Ye hypocrites for what d’ye fast and pray M35*87 Ye hypocrites that fast and pray M35*18 Ye Jacks of the town and Whigs of renown BLa94*188 Ye ladies and damsels pray why all this bustle BLa60*75 Ye learned doctors of the Smectymnian creed Od08*165 Ye London lads be sorry Ab12*83, BLh13*40, BLh14*11, Fm12.1*13, Np38*37, Np39*20, Od08*321, V90*32, VAd43*36 Ye members of Parliament all 02pa3*160, BLh17*72, HUe70*11, M35*24, Np46*122, Oep18*115, Of06*5, Pt5*44, Yo11*163 Ye men of might and muckle power 02pa4*37 Ye mighty lampooners who grow in fashion BLh15*76, Fm12.3*6, HUe70*46, Lb38*30, Np44*8, Np46*58, Oep18*56 Ye mitred fathers of the land Yo08*14 Ye Musgrave Clarges Harley Foley Lowthers 02pa2*103, Np07*27 Ye puny sinners cease from tears Yo11*209 Ye sacred nymphs of Lebethra be by BLh13*77, Np44*54 Ye sages of London of states high and low Yo11*226 Ye she-friends and he-friends whoever inherit Yo54*192 Ye sons of my church who were ever of such BLa94*182 Ye townsmen of Oxford and scholars draw near BLa62*119, OAc16*61, Od57*86 Ye true born Englishmen proceed HRO36*57, HRO36*59, Np07*22 Ye vile traducers of the female kind 02pa2*105, BLh19*167, Fm12.3*39, Np44*64 Ye Whigs and ye Tories Repair to Whitehall Yo11*176 Ye wily projectors why hang ye the head Od57*6 Ye worthy patriots go on 02pa2*102, BLa97*128, BLh15*130, Fm12.3*40, Lb38*86, Np44*65, Pt5*199 Yes ﬁckle Cambridge Perkin found it true 02pa1*273, BLa94*89, Np46*28, Oep18*27, Pt5*117, V90*213, VAd43*229 Yes I could love if I could ﬁnd Yo54*95 Yes now in apparition doth she live Oep4*38 Yet once more peace turns back her head to smile OAc16*63 Yet were Bidentalls sacred and the place Yo54*24 Yonder meadows and groves shall repeat my sad moan Yo54*169 You are absolutely the worst of men and have committed Yo54*217 You are pleased to command me to give you some account Od08*310 You are to take a messenger with you and ﬁnd out the dwelling house BLa94*131, Np46*78.1 You catholic statesmen and church men rejoice 02pa1*271, BLa97*37, Mc14*94, Np43*63, Of16*107, V90*240, VAd43*260, Yo08*71 You darker clouds ﬁlms o’er the glorious eye Oa01*64 You English men all that lie under the curse BLa94*125, BLa97*102,

First-Line Index to Anthologies

413

BLh15*79, Fm12.3*12, HUe70*63, Lb38*33, Np44*15, Np46*71, Oep18*69, Yo11*95, Yo70*24 You gallants all that love good wine HRO36*23 You good men of Middlesex country men dear BLa22*42, BLh19*26, Ed3*32, Fm12.1*44, LIa4*3, NLSa12*98, OAc16*22, Od08*277, V90*98, VAd43*106, Yo08*84, Yo27*4, Yo54*130 You happy youths whose hearts are free He85*24 You know I long have loved and do so still Mc14*95 You ladies all of merry England 02pa2*77, BLh17*86, BLh19*3, Np42*3, Of15*3, Pt2*4, V90*47, VAd43*52, Yo11*223 You laymen of England both virtuous and good BLh19*141 You Lorraine stole by fraud you got Burgundy Od08*185 You loyal lads be merry Lb54*81 You madcaps of England which soldiers would be BLa97*115, Yo11*107 You make the year so auspiciously begin Oep4*26 You meaner beauties of the night BLh19*2 You must know that England wholly subsisted Od08*89 You need not wonder why we change our spheres Oep4*67, SA30*74 You nursed me and bathed me and hugged me ’tis true Yo54*247 You said that I was loved you knew by who Mc14*79 You say ’tis love creates the pain HUe70*27, Oep18*47 You say tomorrow you’ll enjoy your life Mc14*5 # You scribblers that write still of widows and maids BLh13*59, BLh19*40, Ed3*66, He85*48, NLSa12*7, Np38*55, Np39*19, Np42*28, Np45*7, Od57*109, Of15*32, Of16*2, Pt2*29, V90*125, VAd43*135 You see gallants the effects of lechery BLh12*38, Pc99*2 b You sots that are joined to a woman Pt5*67 You that to write and judge are able Yo70*79 You told me you loved me Ed3*147 You very well know that the strongest temptations Pt5*50 You Whigs and you Tories you trimmers and all BLh19*67, He85*65, Lb54*78, NLSa12*106, Of16*19, V90*134, VAd43*144 You your brother and your whore OAc16*11 Young Coridon and Phyllis BLh15*128, Lb38*84, Np44*61, Np46*128 Young gallants o’th’ town leave your whoring I pray Ed3*5, Od08*259, V90*68, VAd43*74, Yo40*23 Young Jemmy was a lad Yo05*77 Young Phaeon strove the bliss to taste Ed3*143 Your aid my muse this once I only ask Yo08*78 Your book our old knight errants’ fame revives Oep4*76, SA30*41 Your hours are choicely employed Np44*65.1 Your husband tight LLt27*17

414

Appendix

Your lean petitioner sheweth humbly BLa97*88, HUe70*38, Np46*54, Oep18*52, Pt3*94 Your Nottingham ale and Halifax law HUe70*30, Np46*65, Of06*52, Yo70*82 Your pardon John Bayes for I beg your excuse BLa97*53 Your primitive players ﬁrst acted in a cart Fm12.3*45, Np44*70 Your prophecy came very opportunely to my hands Od57*67 Your ships are all taken your merchants are stripped Yo11*205 Your station ’twixt these globes doth prompt our pen Oep4*18, SA30*69 Zoons what ails the parliament Ed3*101, Np42*9, Of15*14, Pt2*8, NLSa12*48, Yo54*116, OAc16*14 <See also ‘What a devil . . .’>

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Culture and Cultural Politics in Early Modern England: Essays Presented to David Underdown (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1995), 277–300. Condren, Conal, and Cousins, A. D. (eds.), The Political Identity of Andrew Marvell (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1990). Congreve, William, The Complete Plays of William Congreve, ed. Herbert Davis (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1967). Crane, Mary Thomas, Framing Authority: Sayings, Self, and Society in Sixteenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1993). Croft, Pauline, ‘Libels, Popular Literacy and Public Opinion in Early Modern England’, Historical Research, 68 (1995), 266–85. —— ‘The Reputation of Robert Cecil: Libels, Political Opinion and Popular Awareness in the Early Seventeenth Century’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser. 1 (1991), 43–69. Crowne, John, The Comedies of John Crowne: A Critical Edition, ed. B. J. McMullin (New York: Garland, 1984). Cust, Richard, ‘News and Politics in Early Seventeenth-Century England’, P&P 112 (Aug. 1986), 60–90. —— and Hughes, Ann (eds.), Conﬂict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics 1603–1642 (Harlow: Longman, 1989). Danchin, Pierre (ed.), The Prologues and Epilogues of the Restoration 1660–1700, 7 vols. (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1981–8). Dryden, John, The Works of John Dryden, ed. Edward Niles Hooker, H. T. Swedenberg Jr., and Alan Roper, 20 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1956–89). Ezell, Margaret, Social Authorship and the Advent of Print (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1999). Fisher, Nicholas (ed.), That Second Bottle: Essays on John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000). Fox, Adam, ‘Ballads, Libels and Popular Ridicule in Jacobean England’, P&P 145 (1994), 47–83. —— ‘Libels, Popular Literacy and Public Opinion in Early Modern England’, Historical Research, 68 (1995), 266–85. —— Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000). Fraser, Peter, The Intelligence of the Secretaries of State and their Monopoly of Licensed News 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956). Gowing, Laura, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996). Gray, Douglas, ‘Rough Music: Some Early Invectives and Flytings’, YES 14 (1984), 21–43. Haley, K. H. D., The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1968). Hammond, Paul, Figuring Sex between Men from Shakespeare to Rochester (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002).

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—— ‘The Dating of Three Poems by Rochester from the Evidence of Bodleian MS don. b 8’, Bodleian Library Record, 11 (1982–5), 58–9. —— ‘The Robinson Manuscript Miscellany of Restoration Verse in the Brotherton Collection Leeds’, Proceedings of the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society, Literary and historical section, 18/3 (1982), 277–324. —— and Brennan, Michael, ‘The Badminton Manuscript: A New Miscellany of Restoration Verse’, EMS 5 (1995), 171–207. Harris, Brice, Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, Patron and Poet of the Restoration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1940). Hume, Robert D., Reconstructing Contexts: The Aims and Principles of Archaeo-Historicism (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999). Ingram, Martin, ‘Ridings, Rough Music and Mocking Rhymes in Early Modern England’, in Barry Reay (ed.), Popular Culture in SeventeenthCentury England (London: Routledge, 1985), 166–97. Johns, Adrian, The Nature of the Book (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). Kaplan, M. Lindsay, The Culture of Slander in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997). Lake, Peter, ‘Anti-popery: The Structure of a Prejudice’, in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds.), Conﬂict in Early Stuart England (London: Longman, 1989), 72–106. Lee, Nathaniel, The Works of Nathaniel Lee, ed. Thomas B. Stroup and Arthur L. Cooke (New Brunswick, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1954). Levy, F. J., ‘How Information Spread among the Gentry, 1550–1640’, Journal of British Studies, 21 (1982), 11–34. Lord, George deF. (gen. ed.), Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse 1660–1714, 7 vols. (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963–75). Love, Harold, Attributing Authorship (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002). —— ‘Constructing Classicism: Dryden and Purcell’, in Paul Hammond and David Hopkins (eds.), John Dryden: Tercentenary Essays (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000), 92–112. —— ‘Dryden’s London’, in Steven Zwicker (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Dryden (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004), 111–28. —— ‘Dryden, Rochester and the Invention of the Town’, in Claude Rawson (ed.), John Dryden (1631–1700): His Politics, his Plays, and his Poets (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2003), 36–51. —— ‘How Personal is a Personal Miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book” ’, in R. C. Alston (ed.), Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 111–26. —— ‘The Look of News: Popish Plot Narratives 1678–1680’, in John Barnard, D. F. McKenzie, and Maureen Bell (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 652–6.

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Love, Harold, ‘Nell Gwyn and Rochester’s “By all Love’s soft, yet mighty Pow’rs” ’, N&Q 247 (2002), 355–7. —— ‘Oral and Scribal Texts in Early Modern England’, in John Barnard and D. F. McKenzie, with Maureen Bell (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 97–121. —— ‘Scribal Texts and Literary Communities: The Rochester Circle and Osborn b. 105’, Studies in Bibliography, 42 (1989), 219–35. —— Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). —— ‘Shadwell, Flecknoe and the Duke of Newcastle: An Impetus to MacFlecknoe’, Papers on Language and Literature, 21 (1985), 19–27. —— ‘The Ranking of Variants in the Analysis of Moderately Contaminated Manuscript Traditions’, Studies in Bibliography, 37 (1984), 39–57. —— and Marotti, Arthur F., ‘Manuscript Transmission and Circulation’, in David Loewenstein and Janel Mueller (eds.), The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 55–80. McKenzie, D. F., ‘Speech–Manuscript–Print’, in Dave Oliphant and Robin Bradford (eds.), New Directions in Textual Studies (Austin: Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas, 1990), 97–9. McKitterick, David, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003). McRae, Andrew, ‘Renaissance Satire and the Popular Voice’, in Geoffrey Little (ed.), Imperfect Apprehensions: Essays in English Literature in Honour of G. A. Wilkes (Sydney: Challis Press, 1996), 5–17. —— ‘Satire and Sycophancy: Richard Corbett and Early Stuart Royalism’, RES 215 (2003), 336–64. —— ‘The Literary Culture of Early Stuart Libeling’, Modern Philology, 97 (2000), 364–92. Manley, Lawrence, Literature and Culture in Early Modern London (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995). Marotti, Arthur F., John Donne, Coterie Poet (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986). —— Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1995). —— and Bristol, Michael D. (eds.), Print, Manuscript and Performance: The Changing Relations of the Media in Early Modern England (Columbus: Ohio State UP, 2000). —— and Love, Harold, ‘Manuscript Transmission and Circulation’, in David Loewenstein and Janel Mueller (eds.), The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 55–80.

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Marshall, Alan, The Age of Faction: Court Politics 1660–1702 (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1999). Moss, Ann, Printed Commonplace-Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996). O’Donnell, Mary Ann, ‘A Verse Miscellany of Aphra Behn’, English Manuscript Studies, 2 (1990), 189–227. Patterson, Annabel, Censorship and Interpretation: The Conditions of Writing and Reading in Early Modern England (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984). —— ‘Lady State’s First Two Sittings: Marvell’s Satiric Canon’, SEL 40 (2000), 395–41. Pepys, Samuel, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews, 11 vols. (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1970– ). Potter, Lois, Secret Rites and Secret Writing: Royalist Literature 1641–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989). Raylor, Timothy, Cavaliers, Clubs, and Literary Culture: Sir John Mennes, James Smith, and the Order of the Fancy (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1994). Reay, Barry, Popular Cultures in England 1550–1750 (Harlow: Longman, 1998). Rose, Craig, England in the 1690s: Revolution, Religion and War (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). Sackville, Charles, sixth Earl of Dorset, The Poems of Charles Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset, ed. Brice Harris (New York: Garland, 1979). Saunders, J. W., ‘ “The Stigma of Print”: A Note on the Social Bases of Tudor Poetry’, Essays in Criticism, 1 (1951), 139–64. Sedley, Sir Charles, The Poetical and Dramatic Works of Sir Charles Sedley, ed. V. de Sola Pinto (London: Constable, 1928). Shadwell, Thomas, The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell, ed. Montague Summers, 5 vols. (London: Fortune Press, 1927). Simpson, Claude M., The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1966). Sisson, C. J., Lost Plays of Shakespeare’s Age (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1936). Smuts, R. Malcolm, Culture and Power in England 1585–1685 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999). Southerne, Thomas, The Works of Thomas Southerne, ed. Robert Jordan and Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1989). Spurr, John, England in the 1670s: ‘This Masquerading Age’ (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000). Stone, Laurence, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500–1800 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977). Turner, James Grantham, Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern

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London: Sexuality, Politics and Literary Culture, 1630–1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002). Underdown, David, Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603–1660 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985). Vieth, David M., Attribution in Restoration Poetry: A Study of Rochester’s ‘Poems’ of 1680 (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963). Whyman, Susan E., Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England: The Cultural Worlds of the Verneys 1660–1720 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999). Wilmot, John, second Earl of Rochester, The Works of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, ed. Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999). Wilson, John Harold, Court Satires of the Restoration (Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1976). Woudhuysen, H. R., Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts 1558–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). Wycherley, William, The Plays of William Wycherley, ed. Arthur Friedman (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979). Zwicker, Steven N., ‘Virgins and Whores: The Politics of Sexual Misconduct in the 1660s’, in C. Condren and A. D. Cousins (eds.), The Political Identity of Andrew Marvell (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1990), 85–110.

Index Addison, Joseph 147, 253 adultery, attitudes to 72–3, 214–15 advice to a painter poems 107–16, 119, 243, 258, 279; see also Marvell Albermarle, Ann Monk, Duchess of 25–6, 114–15 Albermarle, Christopher Monk, second Duke of 34 Albermarle, George Monk, ﬁrst Duke of 285 Albermarle, Joost Keppel, ﬁrst Earl of 142 Allen, Mr 169 Ancrum, Frances Ker, Countess of 38–9 Anne, Queen (also as Princess) 64, 106, 141, 145, 208 answer poems 13 anti-Catholicism 44–5, 47, 48, 62–4, 240, 246–7, 275, 278–9 Archilochus 9 Argyle, Archibald Campbell, eighth Earl of 39 Aristophanes 21, 207 Arlington, Henry Bennett, ﬁrst Earl of 1, 32, 34, 116, 228 Armstrong, Sir Thomas 152 Arp, see Orby Arran, James Douglas, Lord 161 Arrowsmith, Joseph 85–6, 271 Ashton, Edmund 90 Atherton, John, Bishop of Waterford 256 Aubrey, John 197, 268 authorship 151–90; amateur and professional 79–86; authors as wits 183–90 Ayloffe, John 105; ‘Oceana and Britannia’ 127–8 Baber, John 167, 170, 175 Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam 15, 198 Baker, Thomas 93 ballad tunes 14, 229, 249–57; ‘Cheviot Chace’ 78, 94, 250–1, 252–3;

‘Cuckolds All A-row’ 251; ‘Health to Betty, A’ 249–50; ‘I am the Duke of Norfolk’ 251–2, 255–7; ‘John Dory’ 255; ‘Old Man With a Bed full of Bones, An’ 251; ‘Packington’s Pound’ 87, 134, 252; ‘Peg’s Gone Over the Sea with a Soldier’ 250; ‘Sage leaf ’ 2–3, 180–1 Barlow, Lucy 131–2, 136 Barrow, Isaac 49 Barry, Elizabeth 62, 79, 95 Bath 30, 36, 47–50, 207, 209 Bayles, Mary 272 Beal, Peter v, vi, 289, 290 Beaumont, Francis and Fletcher, John 5; Philaster 10 Behn, Aphra 81, 98, 170–1, 183–4, 262, 302; Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister 258, 297–8, 299 Beinecke Library 100 Belassis (Bellasyse), Susan, Lady 210 Belassis (Bellasyse), Thomas, Earl Fauconberg 152 Bellany, Alastair 9, 15, 16, 259 Bellegarde, Jean-Baptiste Morvan de 192, 207 Berkeley, John Berkeley, Lord 169 Betterton, Thomas 81, 93–4, 116 Blair, David 149 Blood, Thomas 5, 284 Blount, Charles 34, 49 Boileau, Nicolas 84, 166, 244 Born, Hendrik 275 Boyle, A. J. 224 Boynton, Katherine 44 Boys, Jeffrey 69 Braithwaite, Richard 12 Brandon, Anne, Lady 87 Brennan, Michael 291 Brewster, Anne 105 Brome, Alexander 22, 281 Brounker, Henry 109 Brown, John Seely 97 Brown, Tom 292–3

422

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Brownlow, Dorothy (‘Doll’), Lady 87 Brudenell, Frances 295 Buchanan, George 126 Buckingham, George Villiers, ﬁrst Duke of 2, 16, 18, 126, 273 Buckingham, George Villiers, second Duke of 1–6, 19, 20, 32 n. 24, 33, 34–5, 39–40, 55, 102, 105, 116, 118, 119–20, 139, 152, 255, 282, 284–6; as faction leader 34–5, 53, 82–3; as lampoon subject 1–6, 118, 126, 196, 251; as patron 80; The Rehearsal 83, 91–2, 100, 142–3, 180–1, 239 Buckingham, Mary Villiers, Duchess of (also as Mary Fairfax) 5, 215 Burke, Edmund 117, 194 burlesque 12–13 Burlington, Richard Boyle, second Earl of 162, 280 Burnaby, William 174 Burnet, Gilbert 23, 39–40, 90, 144, 191 Burrows, John v, 57, 105, 136 n. 65 Busenello, Francesco 108 Butler, Charlotte 79 Butler, Dorothy, Countess of Arran 210–11 Butler, John, Lord 281 Butler, Samuel 1, 19, 21, 33, 41, 78, 107, 243 Cabal ministry 116; ‘Cabal, The’ 288; ‘Dream of the Cabal, A’ 117–18, 237 Cambridge 59, 176, 187, 235, 269–73 Cameron, W. J. 148, 164, 263, 287, 294 Capel, Nan (‘Orange Nan’) 70, 77–8, 302 Carberry, John Vaughan, third Earl of 154, 188–9 Cary, Simona 44 Caryl, John 130; Nabaoth’s Vineyard 128 Castelhaven, Mervin Touchet, second Earl of 15–16 Catherine of Braganza, Queen 43, 51 n. 73, 55–6, 57, 207, 246–7 Catullus 9, 220 Cavalier school of dramatists 81–2 censorship 16, 123, 145 Chace, John 260 Chamberlen, Dr Peter 165 Charles I 12, 13, 19, 40

Charles II 1, 4, 23, 29, 30, 31–2, 39–40, 63, 75, 101, 225; as lampoon subject 53–4, 83, 108, 115, 134–6, 221, 234, 237 Chaucer, Geoffrey 12 Chesterﬁeld, Philip Dormer Stanhope, fourth Earl of 197 Chesterﬁeld, Philip Stanhope, second Earl of 42–3 China 32 Cholmondeley, Hugh, Viscount Cholmondeley 169 Church of England 58, 106, 255–7; ecclesiastical courts 18 Cibber, Colley 72, 95 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, ﬁrst Earl of 1, 4, 19, 32, 35, 39, 102, 106, 109, 238, 239, 285; as lampoon subject 107, 112, 115–16, 228–9, 269, 279, 285 Clark, Peter 189 Clayton, Sir Thomas 14 Cleveland, Barbara Palmer, Duchess of (also as Countess of Castlemaine) 34, 37, 38; as lampoon subject 43–4, 112–14, 196, 210, 222, 228–30, 235, 241, 272, 284 Cleveland, John 20, 107 Clifford, Martin 80, 118, 272, 282 Clifford, Thomas Clifford, Lord 116, 228 coffee houses 85–6; Will’s 84; Peters’s 264 Coke, Sir Edward 18, 240 Coleman, Edward 122 College, Stephen 125, 235, 251–3 Collingwood, Daniel 152 Collins, Thomas 261–2 Colt, Henry 160 Colyear, Sir David (later Earl of Portmore) 204 complaint 11 Compton, Henry, Bishop of London 48–9, 58, 144 Congreve, William 72–3, 93, 200, 234 Cook, Sarah 165 Corbett, Richard 17 Corelli, Archangelo 108 Cotton, Charles 18, 20, 22 Cotton, Sir Robert 274 country, the: emigration from to Town 68–9, 74 Couperin, François 65

Index court, royal 30–42, 52, 67, 77–8; antagonisms and factions 34, 38–40, 43–5, 53, 55, 83; minor courts within 35–7, 43–5; royal mistresses 32, 36–8, 51–4; see also lampoons, ‘court’ Coventry, Francis 298 Coventry, Sir John 132 Coventry, Sir William 1, 109, 152 Cowley, Abraham 20, 80, 108 Cowper, Sarah 282–6; ‘The Medley’ 282–3 Cowper, Sir William 282, 283 Crashaw, Thomas 247 Crofts, Catherine 173, 272 Cromwell, Oliver 3–4, 108 Crowne, John 73 n. 19, 81 Cruikshank, George 147 Cutts, John, Lord 171–2 Danby, Briget Osborne, Countess of 119–20 Danby, Thomas Osborne, Earl of (later ﬁrst Duke of Leeds) 35, 53, 102, 116, 119, 140, 152; as lampoon subject 119–22, 265, 293 D’Avenant, Sir William 19, 22, 79, 82 Davenport, William 16 Davies, Sir John 11 Davis, Miles 219 de Viau, Théophile 18 Declaration of Indulgence 59 Defoe, Daniel 140 Denham, Sir John 22, 242 Denham, Margaret, Lady Denham 228–9, 242 Derby, William Stanley, ninth Earl of 215, 290 Devonshire, Christiana Cavendish, Countess of 36 Diana, Princess 195–6 Digby, Sir Kenelm 271, 276 Digby, Dame Magdalene 276 Dolben, John, Archbishop of York 3 Donne, John 11, 14, 20, 62 Donno, Elizabeth Story 104, 105 Dorset, Charles Sackville, sixth Earl of (also as Lord Buckhurst and Earl of Middlesex) 19, 34, 40, 42, 49, 57, 64, 82, 83, 103, 142, 154, 167–9 passim, 172, 179, 180, 253, 293; and Robert Julian 288–9; and Rose Alley beating 153 n. 14; as patron 80, 186–7, 262–3; ‘Colin’ 44, 52–4, 234;

423

‘Come on ye critics’ 243, 284; ‘Duel, The’ 176; ‘Faithful Catalogue of Our Most Eminent Ninnies, A’ 57, 67, 139, 194, 215, 220, 221–6, 239, 242, 244–5, 259; ‘My Opinion’ 134 Dover, Henry Jermyn, Lord 46, 172, 223, 241 Dowling, William C. 91 Downing, Sir George 263 drolleries 19, 21 Dryden, John 2, 35, 85, 108, 146, 151, 153, 158, 166, 167–9 passim, 172, 177–8, 186, 234; Absalom and Achitophel 2, 24, 100, 101, 109, 115, 117, 118, 128, 133, 138, 177, 243, 244; All for Love 82; Annus Mirabilis 163; attitude to noble authors of 82–3; attributions to 56–7, 179–81, 279; ‘Essay on Satyr’ see Mulgrave; MacFlecknoe 24, 47, 83, 114, 153, 170, 178, 230–2, 233, 238, 243, 245; Marriage A-la-mode 66, 75–6; ‘Of Dramatick Poesie’ 83, 187; scribally circulated writings of 178–81; verse attacks on 81, 177–8 Dublin 151, 177, 235 Dubrow, Heather 226 n. 11, 237, 300 Duguid, Paul 97 Duke, Richard 202–3 Dumbarton, George Douglas, Earl of 168 Dunbar, Robin 194 Dunbar, William 9 Duncombe, Sir John 116 Dundee, John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount 178 D’Urfey, Thomas 100, 264, 296, 299; The Richmond Heiress 95–6, 295 Dutch Wars 23, 35, 106–11, 116, 288 ‘E., R.’ 173–4 Eccles, John 254 Eisenstein, Elizabeth 198 Eland, Henry, Lord 167–9 passim Elgar, Sir Edward 219 Eliot, T. S. 103–4 Essex, Elizabeth Devereux, Countess of 276 Etherege, Sir George 77 n. 25, 80, 164, 165, 166, 177, 186–7, 243–4; as clandestine satirist 154, 167–9 passim; The Man of Mode 37, 69–70, 72, 182, 199

424

Index

Exclusion Bill controversy 102 Exeter, John Cecil, ﬁfth Earl of 169 Fairfax, Brian 4–5, 215 Fairfax, Thomas, Lord Fairfax 4, 284–5 Falmouth, Charles Berkeley, Earl of 45, 109–10 Falmouth, Mary Berkeley, Countess of 48 Fanshaw, William 167, 168 Farquhar, George 72, 214 Faulkland (also Falkland), Anthony Carey, ﬁfth Viscount 164, 169–70 passim, 179 Felton, John 2 Felton, Lady Elizabeth 56, 173 Fielding, Henry 239 Fingall, Margaret Plunket, Countess of 38 Firth, Sir Charles 148–50 Flatman, Thomas 269 Flecknoe, Richard 80, 231–2 Foucault, Michel 299 Fox, Adam 9, 249, 251 Fox, Jean 173 Fox, Kate 194, 197 Frazier, Cary, see Peterborough, Cary Mordaunt Frazier, Charles 167–9 passim Freke, John 105; ‘History of Insipids, A’ 257, 279, 285 Freschville, Anne, Lady 61, 169, 173 Gaton, Robert 271 George II 146 Gerard, Elizabeth, Lady 223 Gerard, Henry 281 Gerard, Mary 153 Germaine, John 88 Ghent, English nunnery at 276 ‘Ghost’ satires 234 Gibbon, Mr 184 Gilbert and Sullivan 254 Gill, Alexander 16 Gillray, James 147 Glanville, Joseph 48 Gluckman, Max 193–4 Godfrey, Sir Edmund Berry 57 n. 86, 246 Goldgar, Anne 275 Goodman, Carlell 87, 241 gossip 182, 191–217, 222, 283; and

news 198–203; retrospective 212–17; women gossipers 203–7, 283 Gould, Robert 79 Gowing, Laura 10, 18, 193 Grafton, George 185, 262, 281, 294 Grafton, Henry Fitzroy, ﬁrst Duke of 153 Grafton, Isabelle Fitzroy, Duchess of 87, 222 Grahame, Kenneth 121 Gramont, Philibert, Comte de 33 Gregge, Ralph 278 Grey, Ford, Lord Grey of Werke 168 Grey, Mary, Lady Grey of Werke 96–7, 299 Grifﬁn, Edward, Lord 169 Grifﬁn, Madam 162 Gwyn, Ellen 30–1, 41, 49, 54, 56, 58, 59–60, 83, 126, 131–2 Hadleigh 270 Haines, Joseph 259, 262 Hales, Sir Edward 224 Halifax, George Saville, ﬁrst Earl of 29, 32, 168, 213–14, 215 Hall, Jacob 112 Hall, Joseph 11, 20 Hamilton, Anthony, Count 33, 42–3, 45–6, 50, 249 Hammond, Paul 143, 180, 267, 291 Harris, Benjamin 130 Harris, Brice 248 Harris, Joseph 80, 259 Harvey, Elizabeth, Lady 37, 153, 172, 260 Haward, Sir William 265, 267–9, 272, 279, 283–6, 290 Hawkins, Coleman 219 Hawse, Mr 155 hedonism 71, 74–5 Heinsius, Daniel 275 Henderson, Felicity vi, 281 n. 95 Henrietta Maria, Queen 19, 35, 43 Herrick, Robert 12, 19 Heveningham, Henry 161–2, 163, 167, 169, 170, 188, 263, 264 Hewitt, Sir George 94 Hinton, Moll 87, 94 Hobart, Mary 45–6, 249, 295 Hobbes, Thomas 6, 27–9, 30, 50, 74–5, 91, 133, 195, 215, 242 Hogarth, William 147

Index Homer 47, 56 homosexuality 3, 5, 60–1, 64, 142–3, 175, 280 Hooke, Robert 298 Horace 8, 9, 11, 115, 236, 243 Howard Edward 81–2, 243 Howard, Mary (Mall) 26–7, 87, 94, 209–10 Howard, Sir Robert 82, 155, 157, 208 Howe, John Grubham 26, 134, 141, 154, 160, 164–5, 166–70 passim, 174–5, 191, 206–7, 263, 292 Howell, James 276–7 Hoyle, John 253 Hughes, Margaret 210 Hume, Robert D. 8, 301 Huntington, Theophilus Hastings, seventh Earl of 158, 168, 169, 210, 211 Hyde Park 70, 73 Inns of Court 14, 51 invasion of privacy 197 Jacobites 64, 65, 140, 145, 287 James I 2, 12, 14–5, 18 James II (also as James, Duke of York) 35, 42, 47, 48, 50, 62–4, 74, 139–40, 145, 224; as lampoon subject 119, 221; as military leader 82, 108–11; religious views of 106, 119, 225 Jeffreys, Sir George 130, 131 Jenkins, John 270 Jenkins, William 153 Johns, Adrian 198 Johnstone, Barbara 302 Jones, Sir William 127 Jonson, Ben 11, 27–8, 79–80, 114, 126, 146, 243, 245, 273 Joyce, James 223 Julian, Robert 152, 154, 157–8, 160, 251, 261, 287–91, 292 Juvenal 9, 11, 57, 91, 146, 215, 236, 243 Kaplan, M. Lindsay 16, 193 n. 5 Katz, Jack 192–3 Kelliher, Hilton v, 179, 180 Killigrew, Elizabeth 44 Killigrew, Henry 153 Killigrew, Thomas 22 Killigrew, Sir William 44 King, Gregory 6

425

Kneller, Sir Godfrey 234 Knight, Mary (Mall) 112–14, 126 Kynaston, Edward 3, 5 Lacy, John 80, 259 Lake, Peter 247 lampoon ‘stars’ and stock characters 23–5, 99, 131 lampooners as class 89, 181–190, 299 lampoons: authorship of 151–90 classical inﬂuences on 84–5 collaborative composition of 163–6, 176 ‘court’ 21–65, 67, 107, 142 effect on victims 151–3, 295–300 folk 8–11 forms and styles of 12, 13, 87, 146–7, 154, 219–21 morality of 88–91, 189–90, 240, 296 n. 132, 299 origin of term 13 poetics of 218–47 professional writers and 170–2, 189 reception of 51, 248–302 scribal publication of secondary meanings in 242–7 social aims and functions of 71, 86–98, 151 space and time relationships in 226–38 stanzaic 12, 87 ‘state’ 99–150 sung 12, 13, 249–57 ‘Town’ 66–98, 99, 154, 159, 191 transmission of 45, 51, 154–8, 248–302; as separates 259–66; in miscellanies and anthologies 286–94; see also scriptoria women writers of 147, 172–4 lampoons not cited by author or subject: ‘Advice to Apollo’ 81, 159 ‘Barbara Piramidum Sileat Miracula Memphis’ 84 ‘Caesar’s Ghost’ 233, 237 ‘Cary’s face is not the best’ 43–4, 51–2, 268, 277 ‘Catholic Priest’s Farewell to the House of Commons, The’ 240 ‘Cover le feu ye Huguenots’ 240, 264, 278 ‘Good people draw near’ 225,

426

Index

lampoons . . . subject (cont.): 227–30, 235, 237–8, 239, 242, 245 ‘Heroic Poem, An’ 55–7, 67, 77, 84 ‘Ignis Ignibus Extinguitur’ 89–90 ‘king, duke and state, The’ 167 ‘King’s Vows, The’ 45 ‘Last Night’s Ramble, The’ 233, 237 ‘Lovers’ Session, The’ 87–8, 221, 257 ‘Nostradamus Prophecy’ 279, 285 ‘Of Three Late Marriages’ 79 ‘On the Duke’s Servants’ 45 ‘On the Ladies of Honour’ 239 ‘Quarrel between Frank and Nan, The’ 77–8 ‘Quem Natura negat’ 79, 89, 91 ‘Rochester’s Farewell’ 55, 67, 76, 84, 221–2, 259, 280, 285 ‘Sage Leafe’, ballad to 2–3, 180–1 ‘Satire on Benting’ 79 ‘Seigneur Dildoe’ 38, 46–7, 49, 246, 250, 265, 268 ‘Session of Ladies, A’ 87–8, 233 ‘Some Passages Illustrating the Giants’ War’ 136–8 ‘Song on Danby, A’ 120–2, 265, 293 ‘Town Life, The’ 63, 73–4, 75, 139 ‘Utile Dulce’ 264 ‘Visitt, The’ 70, 89, 157–8, 199–200 ‘Young gallants of the town’ 45 Lansdowne, George Granville, Lord 93, 162 Laslett, Peter 216–17 Latimer, Edward Osborne, Viscount Latimer 122 Latimer, Elizabeth Osborne, Lady 122 Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury 274 Lauderdale, John Maitland, Duke of 116, 285 Le Neve, Oliver 174 Lee, Nathaniel 234, 296 Lely, Sir Peter 113 L’Estrange, Sir Roger 105, 189, 262, 277 libels and libellers 14–18; see also lampoons litany, as satiric form 3–4, 12, 227, 234–5, 281 Livingston, Elizabeth 44 Locke, John 6 London 66–72, 75

Lord, George deForest 7 n. 12, 43 Louis XIV 1, 5, 31, 32, 36, 101, 119, 268, 273, 280, 284 Lovelace, Richard 20, 107 Lucas, Charles, Lord 22, 234, 270, 279, 280, 284, 285–6 Lucilius 9, 236 Luck, Nancy 87, 205 Lumley, Henry 163, 168, 191; as ‘Tyzard’ 264 Lumley, Richard, see Scarborough Macaulay, Thomas Babbington, Lord 149–50 Macclesﬁeld, Anne Brandon, Countess of 87 Macdonald Hugh 289 McKitterick, David 198 McRae, Andrew 8, 17 McVeagh, John 100 Magalotti, Lorenzo 265 Magdalen, St. Mary 113 maids of honour 37, 277 Maine, Henry 160 Mainwaring, Arthur 144, 162; ‘Tarquin and Tullia’ 144 Malouf, David 146–7 Mandeville, Bernard 75 Manley, Lawrence 66 Manton, Thomas 48 Margoliouth, H. M. 104 Marlborough, James Ley, third Earl of 109 Marlborough, John Churchill, ﬁrst Duke of 241 Marlborough, Sarah Churchill, Duchess of 61 Marlowe, Christopher 246 Marotti, Arthur v, 7, 15 Marprelate controversy 16 Marshall, Alan 28, 33 Marston, John 11, 20 Martial 9, 11, 214, 215, 224–6, 243, 245 Martin, Sir Roger 159, 169, 175 Marvell, Andrew 25, 101–15, 218, 234, 268, 284; ‘King’s Speech, The’ 281, 285; ‘Last Instructions to a Painter’ 104, 112–14, 237, 269, 272; Rehearsal Transpros’d, The 112, 114; ‘Second Advice’ 105, 107–12; ‘Third Advice’ 105, 114, 233; ‘Tom May’s Death’ 114

Index ‘Marvellian’ Satire 101–7, 268, 279, 284–5 Mary II 64–5, 106, 140, 143–4 Mary of Modena, Queen (also as Duchess of York) 35, 36, 37, 47, 50, 208 n. 34, 246, 251 May, Baptist 228 May, Steven 8 Mazarin, Hortense Mancini, Duchesse de 36, 55 Melton, Frank E. 5 n. 9 Mennes, Sir John 12–13, 18–19, 22 Middlesex, Lionel Cranﬁeld, ﬁrst Earl of 15 Middleton, Charles Middleton, second Earl of 177 Middleton, Jane 24, 37, 53, 222, 241 Milton, John 16, 21, 105, 136, 137, 274 Misson, Francis 258 Monmouth, Earl of, see Peterborough, Charles Monmouth, James Scott, Duke of 55, 97, 131, 231, 257, 266; as lampoon subject 131–9 Montagu, Charles, Earl of Halifax 187, 293 Montagu, Ralph Montagu, ﬁrst Duke of 53 Montrose, James Graham, ﬁrst Marquis of 39 Mordaunt, see Peterborough More, Henry 277 Morland, Anne, Lady 53–4 Morland, Sir Samuel 53–4 Moyle, Walter 162 Mulgrave, John Shefﬁeld, third Earl of (later ﬁrst Duke of Buckinghamshire) 34, 35, 61–2, 84, 142, 152, 154, 165, 168, 178; as lampoon subject 35, 48, 55, 81, 91, 222, 245; ‘Essay upon Satyr, An’ 35, 83, 94, 151, 158, 170, 178–9, 181, 194, 221, 243, 289; ‘Nine, The’ 65, 142, 163–4 Napier, Robert 281 Nash, Richard ‘Beau’ 207 Nashe-Harvey controversy 16 New Exchange, the 70, 200 Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of 28, 302 Newcastle, William Cavendish, ﬁrst Duke of 39, 79–80, 231

427

Newport, Francis, Lord 77–8 news and newspapers 114, 198; see also gossip Niobe complex 214 Nokes, James 115 Nonconformism 20, 22–3, 106, 210, 270, 278–9, 282 Non-jurors 140, 145 Norfolk, Henry Howard, seventh Duke of 245 Norfolk, Mary Howard, Duchess of 88, 222, 245 North, Dudley, Lord North 270 North, Sir Henry 270–1, 272 North, Marcy 297, 300 North, Peregrina 272 Nottingham, Heneage Finch, ﬁrst Earl of 122 Oates, Titus 57, 123, 128, 246 O’Donnell, Mary Ann 171 n. 53 Oldham, John 19, 20, 91–2, 100, 126, 244, 282; ‘Sardanapalus’ 166, 243 Ong, Walter J. 183, 198 Orby, Charles (as ‘Arp’) 161 Order of the Toast, the 161–2, 187–8 Orkney, Elizabeth Villiers, Countess of 64, 143 Orleans, Henrietta, Duchesse de (‘Minette’) 1, 5 Orleans, Philippe, Duc d’ (‘Monsieur’) 1 Ormonde, James Butler, ﬁrst Duke of 100, 117–18, 152 Ormonde, James Butler, second Duke of 206, 214 Ormonde, Mary Butler, Duchess of 206–7 Orrery, Charles Boyle, fourth Earl of Orrery 162 Osborn, James M. 148 Osborne, see Danby Osbourne, Penelope, Lady 173, 204–6 Ossory, Thomas Butler, Lord 152 Otway, Thomas 81, 82 Overbury, Sir Thomas 15–16 Ovid 9 Oxford 5–6, 14, 59, 235; Reception of Buckingham at 4, 251; terrae ﬁlius at 281 Paine, Robert 193–4 ‘Painter’ poems 107–16

428

Index

Paisible, Jacques 36 Paman, Henry 272 Panther, The 269 parliament 1, 5, 17, 34, 54, 58, 68, 101–2, 105, 106, 112, 118–19, 121, 122, 124, 128, 184, 186, 230, 240, 261–2, 268, 279; elections 5, 68, 140; House of Commons 109, 116–17, 279; House of Lords 53, 106, 279; Rump 21 parody and burlesque 12, 47, 112–14, 244 Parsons, Sir John 169, 170 Patrick, Father 48 Patrick, Simon 271 Patterson, Annabel 105 Payne, Henry Neville: The Morning Ramble 201–2 Peachey, Robert 270 Penn, Admiral 110 Pepys, Samuel 6, 24, 28, 31, 35, 44, 124, 197, 253, 254, 258, 260, 268, 291 Perry, Stephen 270 Persius 9, 82–3 personal cleanliness 24, 40–2, 53 Peter, John 11 Peterborough, Cary Mordaunt, Countess of (also as Cary Frazier) 36, 163–4, 169, 173 Peterborough, Charles Mordaunt, third Earl of (also as Viscount Mordaunt and Earl of Monmouth) 141, 142, 163–4, 166, 167–70 passim, 179, 244–5, 292; ‘Female Nine, The’ 65, 142, 163–4; ‘Ladies’ March, The’ 24, 26–7, 38–9, 44, 48, 52, 163–4, 220 Peterborough, Penelope Mordaunt, Countess of 36 Petty, Sir William 6, 157 Poems on Affairs of State (1702–1707) 7, 148–9 Poems on Affairs of State (Yale) v, 7, 29, 51, 148 political developments 1660–1702 101–3 Pope, Alexander 2, 6, 87, 146, 147, 179, 232, 239 ‘Popish Plot’ 122, 123, 126–8, 216 Porter, Olive 170, 173 Portland, William Bentinck, ﬁrst Earl of 79, 42–3

Portsmouth, Louise de Keroualle, Duchess of 32, 36, 38, 47–8, 51, 53–4, 55, 58, 59–60, 83, 153, 179 postal services 260 Potter, Lois 58 Price, Henrietta Maria 45–6, 249 Prior, Matthew 293 Pritchard, Allan 104 Private Eye 25, 49, 183 prologues and epilogues 85–6, 172, 177 Prynne, William 17, 284 Pulteney, Sir John 153, 161–2, 168, 170, 188–9 Pulton, Ferdinando 16 Purcell, Henry 69, 108, 253 Pye, Sir John 184–5, 260, 262, 273–82, 283–6, 300; as traveller 274–6 Pye, Sir Robert 273 Radcliffe, Alexander 22, 236 Radclyffe, Edward, Viscount 162, 163 Radnor, Charles Robartes, Earl of 206, 210 Raleigh, Sir Walter 15, 126, 234, 279 ‘Ramble’ poems 233, 236 Ravenscroft, Edward 67, 258, 289 Rawlins, Giles 153 Raylor, Timothy v, 8, 12–13, 18–20 Raynton, Rebecca 276 Ré, Île de 2, 19 religious conﬂict 102, 106, 118; see also anti-Catholicism; Nonconformism Richmond, Frances Stuart, Duchess of 26, 44, 134 Richmond, Stuart (Howard), Mary, Duchess of 3–4, 32 n. 24 Rivers, Dame Constantia 276 ‘Robin’, drawer 170 Robinson, Capt. Charles 292 Rochester, John Wilmot, second Earl of 19, 21, 23, 26, 27–8, 35, 40, 42–3, 45–6, 68, 80, 82, 84, 90, 103, 112, 151, 154, 166, 174–5, 185, 191, 218, 224, 234, 248, 266, 282 ‘Against Reason and Mankind’ 74, 285–6 ‘Allusion to Horace, An’ 82, 83, 159, 284 ‘Artemiza to Chloe’ 72, 92–3, 200–1 as patriot 248

Index ‘By all Love’s soft yet mighty powers’ 40–1, 244 ‘In the Isle of Britain’ 30–1, 46, 50, 60, 268 ‘Quoth the Duchess of Cleveland to Counsellor Knight’ 112–13 ‘Ramble in Saint James’s Park, A’ 32–3, 236 ‘Say Heav’n-born Muse’ 47–50, 57 ‘Timon’ (also attrib. Sedley) 184, 258 ‘To the Post Boy’ 59, 159 ‘Too long the wise Commons’ 248 ‘Tunbridge Wells’ 208, 209, 236, 279, 284 ‘Upon drinking a bowl’ 133–4 ‘Upon Nothing’ 279, 284 Rochester, Laurence Hyde, Earl of 24, 179 Rogers, Francis 265 Roscommon, Wentworth Dillon, fourth Earl of Roscommon 36, 136 Rupert, Prince 3, 35 Rye House Plot 257, 290 Sackville, Edward, Colonel 169 St Albans, Henry Jermyn, Earl of 43, 114, 269, 272 Saint Évremond, Charles de Marguetel de Saint Denis de 36 St John, Mrs 206–7, 214 Salisbury Cathedral 27 Salisbury, James Cecil, fourth Earl of 180 Salisbury, Robert Cecil, ﬁrst Earl of 15–16, 274 Salmasius 274 Samizdat 300 Sanderson, Bridget, Lady (‘Mother of the Maids’) 32, 37, 49 Sarsﬁeld, Patrick 170 Saslow, Edward 153 n. 14 satire, clandestine 7–8, 15; see also lampoons Savile, Henry 119, 208 n. 34 Scarborough, Richard Lumley, ﬁrst Earl of 163, 169 Scarsdale, Robert Leke, third Earl of 169 Schless, Howard 185 scriptoria: ‘Cameron’ 64, 141, 179, 248, 286, 292–4; ‘Gyldenstolpe’ 287, 291–2; ‘Hansen’ 248, 290

429

Scroggs, Sir William 123–31 Scroope, Sir Carr 81, 152, 156–7, 168; ‘In Defence of Satyr’ 84, 90, 157, 158 Sedley, Sir Charles 19, 34, 40, 42, 80, 83, 180, 185, 187, 224, 253, 262, 292 Sedley, Katharine, Countess of Dorchester 173, 203–4, 207, 209, 210, 223, 263, 302; ‘The Knight Errant’ 172–3, 262 ‘sessions’ satire 13, 80, 87–8 Settle, Elkanah 81 sexual conduct in Restoration England 216–17 Shadwell, Thomas 23–4, 80, 81, 82, 83, 122, 128, 136 n. 65, 153, 178, 230–2, 298 Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, ﬁrst Earl of 102, 116, 118–19, 139, 280 Shakespeare, William 9, 47, 56, 116, 243 Sharpe, Kevin 301 Sheldon, Frances 37 Sheldon, John 210 Sheppard, Sir Fleetwood 81, 167, 169, 263, 293 Sheppard, William 240 Sherman, ‘Mon’ 170 Shirley, James 79 Shrewsbury, Anna Maria Brudenell, Countess of 1, 5, 152, 153 Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, twelfth Earl of 144, 210 Shrewsbury, Francis Talbot, eleventh Earl of 1, 5, 152, 153 Sidney, Algernon 17 Sidney, Sir Philip 251 Sidney, Sir Robert 132 Simpson, Christopher 220 n. 1, 221 Simpson, Claude M. 249 n. 4, 251, 252 n. 15 Sisson, C. J. 9 Skelton, John 12 skimmington 8 Skipwith, Sir Thomas 156, 168, 169 Smith, Aaron 255–7; ‘Ballad Sung by Aaron Smith, A’ (‘The Magpyes’) 255–7, 268 Smith, James 12–13, 18–19, 22 Soames (also Soame), Sir William 166–7, 181

430

Index

Sodom and Gomorah 59, 62 sodomy 59–61, 245 Somerset, Charles Seymour, sixth Duke of 206 Somerset, Frances Carr, Countess of 15–16 Somerset, Robert Carr, ﬁrst Earl of 15–16 Somerton, John 154, 206, 261, 262, 292 Sophronia 96, 299 Southerne, Thomas 72; The Wives Excuse 70–1, 92, 197, 200, 204, 214 Southesk, Anne Carnegie, Countess of 223 Spence, Joseph 33 Spenser, Edmund 47, 56 Spragge, Sir Edward 288 Sprat, Thomas, Bishop of Rochester 80 Spring, Sir William 271 Stamford, Elizabeth Gray, Countess of 26 Stanhope, Catherine 173 Star Chamber, Court of 17, 18 Starkey, John 261–2 state poems 15, 99–150 Stationers’ Company 145 Stepney, George 187 Sterne, Laurence 239 Stillingﬂeet, Edward, Bishop of Worcester 277, 278 Stone, Lawrence 72 n. 16 Strange, Sir Thomas 145 Strode, Sir George 263 Stubbe, Henry 47 Suckling, Sir John 13, 19, 41, 236; ‘Ballad upon a Wedding’ 13; Prologue to Aglaura 66; ‘Sessions of Poets, A’ 13, 52, 80 Sullivan, J. P. 224 Sunderland, Robert Spencer, second Earl of 35 Sutton, Sir Edward 32 Swan, Richard 165 Swift, Jonathan 146 Talbot, John 153 Talbot, Sir John 152 Tate, Nahum 100, 181 Tatham, John 21 Taylor, Jeremy 188 Temple, Anne 46, 49 n. 64, 249, 295 Temple, Philippa 48–9, 55–6, 59, 60

Temple, Sir Richard 117 Thacker, Godfrey 263 theatres: Blackfriars 66; Dorset Garden 67, 72; Drury Lane 67, 70, 71–2, 200; satire against 79 Thwaites, Mr 264, 278 Titus, Silas 276 Toulouse 276 Town, the 66–79; formation of 66–8, 74–5; civility in 146–7, 215–16; see also lampoon, Town travesty 13, 20 Tresilian, Sir Robert 126–7, 128 Tunbridge Wells 30, 207–8; lampoons about 93, 155–7, 160, 165–6, 207–12, 236, 295 Turner, James Grantham 28, 106 n. 14 Twisse, Robert 278 Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, Earl of 46 Underdown, David 9 Vanbrugh, Sir John 72, 233 Verney family 140, 204–6 Vieth, David M. v, 47, 162 n. 35, 287, 290 Villiers family 213, 229 Villiers, Francis 161, 169, 249–50 Virgil 47, 56, 243 visiting 69–70 Wakeman, Sir George 124 Walker, Keith v Wallace, John M. 105 Waller, Edmund 22, 41, 80, 107–12, 115, 242, 269 Waller, Thomas ‘Fats’ 219 Wallis, Ralph 277 Walsh, William 162 Warcup, Lenthal 154, 262; ‘To Captain Warcup’ 156 Ward, Ned 236 Warmestry, Ellen 44 Watson, John 269–73, 279 Watson, Thomas 271 Wells, Winifred 44 Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford 15 Wharton, Goodwin 167 Wharton, Henry 168 Wharton, Thomas 165, 166, 168 Wharton, Thomas, Lord 140, 222; ‘Lilli Burlero’ 140

Index Wharton, William 153, 169–70 passim, 176 White House scandals 51 Whitehall, Palace of 30, 38–9, 64, 66, 68, 69, 79, 84, 141, 233, 246 Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canterbury 15 Whyman, Susan E. 69 n. 10, 140 Wild, Robert 107, 234, 285–6 Wilde, Oscar 78 William III 64–5, 138, 140–5, 231 Williamson, Sir Joseph 229, 245 Wilson, John Harold 26, 29, 51, 88, 251

431

Windsor Castle 30, 246 Wolseley, Robert 153, 166, 169, 176, 223, 248, 292 Wolsey, Cardinal 85 Wolverton, Roger 270, 271 Wood, Anthony 5–6, 14, 181, 197, 253, 261, 266, 268 Wycherley, William 81, 95, 171; The Country-Wife 31, 71–2, 76, 101 York, Anne Hyde, Duchess of 35–6, 37, 228