Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology

Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology

Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.)

Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology

Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Counseling Psychology Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey U.S.A.

ISBN-13: 978-0-387-71798-2 This publication is available also as: Electronic publication under 978-0-387-71799-9 and Print and electronic bundle under ISBN 978-0-387-71800-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2008925838 All rights are reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 233 Spring Street, New York, NY 10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaption, computer software, or similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media springer.com # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010 Product liability: The publishers cannot guarantee the accuracy of any information about the application of operative techniques and medications contained in this book. In every individual case the user must check such information by consulting the relevant literature. springer.com Printed on acid-free paper

SPIN: 11347354 2109 – 5 4 3 2 1

To Julian, Isabel, and Sabrina—whose love and support throughout this work speaks volumes!

Preface It is with great anticipation that I hope you, the reader, will learn from the pages that follow. The field of school psychology is becoming increasingly prominent. School-based mental health centers provide counseling and services to youth in one of their primary natural environments—the school. They give children and families access to counseling, assessment, intervention, resources, and referrals, among a host of other services. Access is enhanced when interventions are delivered where children live their lives and experience their world. This is unlike going to an outside environment for support such as a private practice setting. This in-life intervention is further enhanced when it is provided in a way that reflects the youth’s experience. The Encyclopedia of CrossCultural School Psychology puts the practice of school psychology in a cross-cultural context. It explores how school psychology is culturally and linguistically relevant for students who represent various dimensions of diversity. When selecting topics to write, contributors were instructed to consider how each subject area played out in a cross-cultural context. Hence, the concept of academic achievement considers the experiences of diverse racial/ethnic groups of youth. The term ‘cultural resilience’ explores the cultural implications of overcoming adversity. The Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology has several goals. First, it seeks to respond to the increasingly diverse nature of schools—this considers what is happening nationally as well as implications for global outreach. Second, the volume organizes a community of science that provides current information about a far-reaching range of topics that are inextricably related. Individual entries are broadly categorized as follows: administrative issues; children at different stages of development; alternative school considerations; assessment within a cross-cultural context; community partnerships; counseling concepts; cultural competence; curriculum issues; ethnic identity; gender identity; health insurance and healthcare access; home–school connections; initiatives and innovations in the discipline; language and communication; religious schools; public policy; professional and community organizations; school climate; cross-cultural issues in special education; and a host of additional critical issues such as terrorism, teacher burnout, and culturally competent teaching strategies. The third goal is to offer an easily accessible major reference work. School personnel are busy. Countless challenges arise on a daily basis. Consider the incident where a child makes a racist comment to his classmate. In the moment, the teacher may be understandably nervous—she wonders how to respond and what action to take. This volume is geared to give teachers in this situation an avenue where they can quickly access topics like racism and bullying so as to respond from a base of new knowledge. The Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology is formatted and organized in a purposeful way. Five foundational topics provide an overall grounding for the more than 400 entries that follow. The content of these five chapters includes an overview of the history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States, a review of cross-cultural competencies, discussion about disparities in school services, consideration of multicultural assessment tools, and future directions in the field of school psychology. These foundational areas are followed by an A to Z listing of the topics themselves. Formatting within each topic is designed to maximize access to information. Entries range in length from small (approximately 600 words), to medium (1,500 words), and large (4,500 words). Subheadings highlight specific areas of interest associated with each topic. (Of course, for smaller entries, there may not be any subheadings.) Cross-references are provided at the end of each entry. These help the reader to seek out additional topics that relate to the major reference heading. For many topics, additional sections present suggested reading and suggested resources like websites. A text such as this is not without limitations. Because of the growth and increasing development of crosscultural school psychology, certain limitations are bound to develop. The changing nature of information is a case in point. Even within the course of this project, for instance, new scientifically based evidence and treatments emerged. The fact that this is an issue is exciting—it means that sufficient work is being done that warrants consideration about new developments and innovations in the field. This is good news. A second limitation is more concrete and concerns the topics themselves. It was easy to identify contributors for topics with substantial research and applied knowledge to back them up. This was not necessarily the case for some of the more esoteric,

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less researched topics. Indeed, some of these topics were ultimately not included because potential contributors could not be identified. It is hoped that as the field progresses, scholarship will occur not only for those more recent innovations, but also across an even greater range of content than that presented here. For topics that are not included, I invite readers to consider how research can move such areas forward for future publication. I am open to this conversation. Readers, for instance, are welcome to send me emails or letters sharing their recommendations about additional topics to be included in possible future editions of this volume. I would like to take a moment to acknowledge the many individuals who contributed to this work. An overall acknowledgement goes out to the authors. It has been a great pleasure to work with them and learn from their many perspectives. I am also quite proud of the fact that, just as this encyclopedia focuses on diversity, so too are the contributors whose words fill the pages that follow. Contributor diversity includes demographic variables, country of origin, area of study, and even professional position. With regard to the latter, for instance, it was wonderful that some of the contributors actually developed the measures they wrote about, whereas others were undergraduate and graduate students organizing their first publication. Just as the diversity of topics makes this work interesting, so too does the variety of authors who present their work from their particular worldviews. Finally, there are specific entities and individuals who deserve mention. I give a heartfelt thanks to a wonderful Advisory Board. The Board provided timely feedback and access to their expertise throughout the process of compiling this project. Many thanks also goes to Dr. Thomas H. Bornemann, Director of the Mental Health Program at The Carter Center, author of the foreword for this text, who shares great knowledge and compassion about this area. The collaboration at Springer has been truly gratifying. Judy Jones, the Senior Editor who first approached me about this project, has always been supportive and helpful. Sharon Panulla, Executive Editor, has been an ongoing source of steadfastness throughout project development. Editorial Assistants Heike Richini and Ulrike Eggert-Neben have amazed me with their accuracy and precision where the written word is concerned. Susanne Friedrichsen has been a thoughtful Reference Development Editor and Chris Purdon has shared his talent for detail and meticulousness as Freelance Copy-Editor. Antonia Hernandez, my former student and now a professional in her own right, has been a loyal colleague and contributor. Kristina Metz never ceased to amaze with her clarity, and Matthew J. Mayer provided timely feedback and insight. Of course, no acknowledgment is complete without the mention of those who make a family. My husband Julian has been a consistent support with his encouraging, gentle way that says anything is possible. Isabel, my oldest daughter, was present during initial discussions about this project at the American Psychological Association conference in Honolulu, Hawaii. She has thrived throughout, even pulling the occasional chair into my home office to sit down and do her research. And Sabrina, who actually came into existence during the middle part of this work, is now four and proudly says the word ‘‘research.’’ All three have provided great joy during this writing. To think about children in general, and then to think about my children, my nieces, nephews, and my friends’ children, is to be inspired. It is a call to action. A call to consider seriously how what we know as a ‘‘school’’ can be a place of egalitarianism, social justice, a love of learning, ongoing curiosity, and overall joy for children and those charged with helping them learn. What a world this would be. Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers

Foreword As the U.S. population increases each year, it continues to diversify. In the past 35 years, the percentage of foreignborn people living in the U.S.—both those who are naturalized and those who are not citizens—has increased from nearly 5% in 1970 to over 19% in 2005.1 This racial, ethnic, and cultural movement is reflected in many aspects of society, including the educational system, and is bringing with it cultural, attitudinal, and linguistic variance. To best address the depth of this diversity, school systems need to change the ways that students of various racial, ethnic, and cultural groups are engaged in the classrooms, and to better recognize and serve the needs of these students and families. It is imperative that educators receive training around the cultural and ethnic diversity in mental health services, and the necessity of making those services linguistically and culturally appropriate. School psychologists, guidance counselors, teachers, and administrators will counsel, teach, and serve children more effectively if they acknowledge the variety of ways in which students display mental health problems and the reasons why they may not receive necessary services outside the school system. As the Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology indicates, the development and implementation of cross-cultural school psychology is essential in illuminating the significant challenges posed by increasing population diversity. Furthermore, cross-cultural school psychology facilitates the adaptation of instructional environments, the availability of critical resources, and the extent to which teachers and parents remain informed about their children. In assessing potential barriers to mental health services, it is important to acknowledge that language is directly and intimately linked with an individual’s sense of identity, social confidence, and feelings of security.2 Although services may be available, insensitivity to linguistic differences may preclude access to mental health services and lead to erroneous evaluations of a student’s academic capability. For instance, English-as-a-SecondLanguage (ESL) students are sometimes classified as learning disabled after taking standardized tests in English, rather than in their native languages.3 Students in U.S. schools today speak more than 400 different languages. Most standardized tests are given only in English, and as a result, evaluation of individual knowledge and competence may inaccurately reflect cultural and ethnic differences. Unreliable assessments of strengths and weaknesses can unnecessarily leave students behind. Aside from possible language barriers to services, recognition of culturally variant attitudes about mental health and the seeking of services is essential. The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) has indicated that prevalence rates of mental disorders are higher among U.S.-born children of immigrants than among their parents.4 One possibility for this trend may underscore cross-cultural attitudinal differences in the acceptance and expression of mental illnesses. There are similarities in mental health problems across cultures, with substantial differences in the cultural context of these problems.5 In my 35-year career in public health, my work developing, planning, and implementing mental health programs for refugees and other populations has shown most clearly these cultural commonalities and differences in the acceptance of mental health problems and programs for treatment and recovery. Individuals and organizations committed to working with schoolchildren of different cultures and ethnicities should be educated on the contextual issues of mental health and the potential for language barriers. To be most effective in their jobs, school psychologists, counselors, teachers, and administrators should then transfer this knowledge into the formation of appropriate acculturation policies and services for addressing these differences. With estimates for the year 2040 suggesting that no one ethnic or racial group will compose a majority of the U.S. 1 U.S. Census Bureau http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/ACSSAFFFacts?_event¼&geo_i; Historical Statistics of the United States Millennial Edition Online. 2 Holtzman, W. H., & Bornemann, T. H. (Eds.). (1990). Mental health of immigrants and refugees. Austin: Hogg Foundation for Mental Health. 3 Rogers, M. R., & Lopez, E. C. (2002). Identifying critical cross-cultural school psychology competencies. Journal of School Psychology, 40(2), 115–141. http://www.nasponline.org/resources/culturalcompetence/cultcompmhservices.pdf 4 http://www.nimh.nih.gov/press/immigrant_mentalhealth.cfm 5 The World Health Report, 2001.

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school-age population,6 adapting to the increasingly heterogeneous population is no longer an option; it is a necessity. The focus of the Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology is to demonstrate how concepts in school psychology have a cross-cultural application. It is particularly relevant to school psychologists, clinical child psychologists, developmental psychologists, guidance counselors, social workers, administrators, teachers, and other allied professionals. The content is divided into two principal sections: ‘‘Foundation Topics in CrossCultural School Psychology’’ and ‘‘Topics in Cross-Cultural School Psychology.’’ The former is further divided into five subsections, and it provides a valuable historical context from which to understand the ‘‘Topics in CrossCultural Psychology.’’ Each entry includes cross-references and suggested reading and online resources where appropriate. The content is designed to provide readers with the necessary demographic and statistical background from which to gauge the need for cross-cultural psychology in U.S. schools. Additionally, several entries focus on specific areas of cultural and ethnic variance, giving in-depth and substantive information on diverse groups in the U.S. population, information that readers should keep in mind in their daily interactions with and treatment of culturally diverse students. For example, because language barriers may present problems in assessing students’ capabilities, there is a section devoted solely to language and communication. It includes content to address the language needs in multicultural classrooms, the intricacies of ESL instruction, culturally competent assessments of English language learners, transitional versus maintenance approaches to language, context communication, and other topics. These data are complemented by information on the assessment of culturally diverse groups, multicultural assessment instruments, community partnerships and organizations for diverse youth, the specifics of counseling children with mental and behavioral health problems, and initiatives to incorporate cross-cultural awareness. The Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology is an excellent and essential resource with which to guide educators, counselors, and others. It is the first comprehensive guide to cross-cultural efforts in schools, and one that identifies the formation of cross-cultural school psychology as essential in elucidating the significant challenges posed by increasing population diversity. Furthermore, it highlights issues applicable to children in pre-kindergarten through grade 12, providing a lifespan approach that addresses cultural variance. With noted increases in population diversity, the need for culturally relevant materials on mental health services in schools will only continue to increase in the coming years. The introduction of this encyclopedia is therefore very timely, and should prove indispensable in ushering U.S. schools into a new era of cross-cultural competency. With this in mind, allow it to remain on your desk with its pages open, for only those who engage in the knowledge that it so adeptly compiles and accessibly organizes will use it to its fullest potential. Thomas H. Bornemann, Ed.D. MSW Assistant Surgeon General (retired) Director, The Carter Center Mental Health Program Atlanta, GA U.S.A.

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National Association of School Boards of Education, 2002, as cited in Williams, B. B. (2006). Culturally competent mental health services in the schools: Tips for teachers. National Association of School Psychologists. http://www.nasponline.org/resources/culturalcompetence/ cultcompmhservices.pdf

Table of Contents Part I Foundation Issues in Cross-Cultural School Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 The History of Cross-Cultural School Psychology in the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Wilda Laija-Rodriguez . Alberto Restori

Cross-Cultural School Psychology: An Overview and Examples of Multicultural Treatment and Assessment Modalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Giuseppe Costantino . Carmen Inoa Vazquez . Melanie Perez

Enhancing Cultural Competence in Schools and School Mental Health Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Caroline S Clauss-Ehlers . Mark D Weist . W Henry Gregory . Robert Hull

Racial Disparities in School Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Charles R Ridley . M Karega Rausch . Russell J Skiba

Looking into the Future: New Directions in Cross-Cultural School Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Beth Kleinman-Fleischer

Part II Topics in Cross-Cultural School Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Administrative Issues Accountability Accreditation Attendance Block Scheduling Book Banning Center for School Mental Health (CSMH) Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP) Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Class Size Community Schools Data, Using (Accountability) Demographics Early Intervention Education Education Funding Grade Configurations Grading Outcomes-Based Education Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS) Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS): Process Considerations Principals Reform Retention

Rural Schools School Buses School Roles in Mental Health School Standards School, Size Of School-Based Prevention Student Dropout Student Mobility Suburban Schools Truancy Uniforms Urban Schools Age Groups Adolescence Adolescent Parents Childhood Daycare Diversity in Higher Education Early Childhood Education Head Start High Schools Kindergarten Middle School Preschool Preschool Mental Health Toddler Center Young Adulthood

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Alternative Schools Charter Schools Early Head Start Magnet Schools Montessori Parochial Schools Private Schools Reggio Emilia Religious/Ethnic Schools Single-Sex Education Vocational Schools Vouchers Waldorf Schools Assessment Achievement Tests Assessment of Culturally Diverse Children Authentic Assessment Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests (BVAT) Black Intelligence Test of Cultural Homogeneity (B.I.T.C.H.) Children’s Personal Meaning Profile (PMP-C) College Board Computer Based Testing Cultural Measurement Equivalence Gf-Gc Model of Intelligence Global Assessment of Functioning (GAF) High Stakes Testing Intelligence/Intelligence Quotient (IQ) Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children-Second Edition (KABC-II) Language Deficits Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), Multicultural Applications National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) Neuropsychological Assessment Nondiscriminatory Testing Nonverbal Assessment Norm-Referenced Test (NRT) Personality Tests: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) and Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI) Portfolios Preschool Language Assessment Instrument (PLAI) vs. A Thematic Version (PLAI-T) and Preschool Language Assessment Instrument- Second Version (PLAI–2) Projective Tests Racial/Ethnic Group Differences

Raven’s Progressive Matrices SAT Screening and Early Warning Signs Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment (SOMPA) TEMAS (Tell-Me-A-Story) Multicultural Thematic Apperception Test Testing and Measurement Universal Nonverbal Intelligence Test (UNIT) Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-IV (WISC-IV) Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-IV (WISC-IV) Spanish Woodcock-Johnson Community Partnerships Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) Community Approaches to Improving Child Success Community Interventions with Diverse Youth Community Psychology Community Violence Educational Partnership School-Community Mental Health Centers Counseling (Guidance/School) Aggressiveness Anxiety Childhood Depression Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) Conduct Disorder Counseling Crime in Schools Crisis Intervention Cross-Cultural Competence in School Psychologists’ Services Cross-Cultural Psychology Cross-Cultural School Psychology Cuento Therapy Delusion Desensitization Disasters and Disaster Prevention Eating Disorders Family Fragmentation Grief Counseling Hypochondriasis Impulsive Behavior Mania/Hypomania

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Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (OCD) Panic Disorder/Attacks Personality Disorders Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Psychosis Referral Schizophrenia School Counselor School Psychologist Self-Esteem Smoking Social Work Somatization Disorder Stigma Substance Abuse Suicide Cultural Competence Acculturation Adolescent Ethnic Identity Biracial/Multiracial Identity Development Black Racial Identity Development Cross-Cultural Consultation Cross-Cultural Dissonance Cultural Competency Self Assessment Checklist Cultural Diversity Cultural Enmeshment Cultural Issues in Education Cultural Perspectives on Trauma Cultural Resilience Culturally Competent Crisis Response Culturally Competent Practice Culture Defense/Coping Mechanism Discrimination Ecology Ego Identity Statuses Ethnic Identity Development Ethnic Minority Youth Ethnicity Generational Differences Melting Pot Mentoring Diverse Youth Minority Identity Development Model Multicultural Education People of Color Prejudice Psychotropics Race Racism: Individual, Institutional, and Cultural

Roles and Responsibilities of Multiculturally Competent School Counselors Self-Assessment Checklist for Personnel Providing Services and Supports to Children and Their Families Stereotyping Tolerance Under-Representation White Racial Identity Development Worldview Curriculum Academic Achievement in Minority Children Advanced Placement Career Education Character Education Citizenship Collaborative and Cooperative Learning Creativity Critical Thinking Cross-Cultural Learning Styles Cultural Psychiatry Cultural Studies in Schools Death Education Democracy, Teaching About Distance Learning Drama, Teaching Drug Education Health Education Holocaust Education Immigration Immigration Literature Language Arts, Teaching of Literacy Mathematics Teaching Approaches Mathematics, Teaching of Media Literacy Moral Education Physical Education, Teaching Poetry, Teaching Pregnancy, Teaching About Prevention Reading, Teaching Religion, Teaching About School-to-Work Science, Teaching Service Learning Sex Education Social Sciences, Teaching Stress/Stressors

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Study Skills Summer Learning Loss Technology Time Management Tracking Gender Identity/Sexual Orientation Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender (GLBT) Gender Bias Homophobia Safe Sex Same Sex Marriage Debate Sexual Development Sexual Orientation Health/Insurance Access and Utilization of Health Care Health Insurance HIV/AIDS Medicaid Social Implications of Medications/Illness Home-School Connection Consultation Cross-Cultural Families Divorce Domestic Violence Extended Family Families and Advocates Partnership for Education (FAPE) Families and Schools Together Program Family Therapy Father Involvement in Early Childhood Education Home, Family, School Liaison Home-School Partnerships Homeschooling Parent Advocacy Coalition for Educational Rights (PACER Center) Parent Attachment Parent Centers Parental Involvement in Education Parenting Adolescents Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) Parent-Teacher Conference Initiatives/Innovations After-School Programs Drug-Free School Zones Extracurricular Activities Gun-Free School Zones

Human Rights KIPP (Knowledge is Power Program) Schools Resilience Building Prevention Programs Language/Communication Bilingual Education Programs: Maintenance, Transitional, and Dual Language Bilingual School Psychologists Bilingualism Children’s Literature Code Switching Comics/Jokes/Humor Context Communication Culturally Competent Assessment of English Language Learners Ebonics English as a Second Language Instruction (ESL) English Language Learners Interpreters Language and Educational Assessment Language Needs in the Multicultural Classroom Language Proficiency Limited English Proficiency Nonverbal Communication Teaching of English as a Second Language (TOESL) Total Immersion Organizations American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) American Psychiatric Association (APA) American Psychological Association (APA) American Psychological Association (APA) Minority Fellowship Program (MFP) American Psychological Association (APA): Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) and Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA) American School Health Association (ASHA) Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi) Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies Council for Indian Education Mental Health-Education Integration Consortium (MHEDIC) National Association for Multicultural Education (NAME) National Association for the Education of African American Children with Learning Disabilities (NAEAACLD) National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) National Education Association (NEA)

Table of contents

National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities (NICHCY) UCLA School Mental Health Project, Center for Mental Health in Schools World Health Organization (WHO) Public Policy Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka Desegregation Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975 Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) New Freedom Commission on Mental Health No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Plessy v. Ferguson Section 504 Racial/Ethnic Groups African American Youth Arab American Children Asian/Asian American Youth Bicultural Efficacy Biculturalism Biracial Chinese Youth Hispanic Americans Jewish American Children Korean American Youth Latin Americans Latino/Latina American Youth Mexican American Youth Middle Eastern Youth Muslim American Youth Native American Schools Native American Youth Pacific Islander Youth Puerto Rican Youth Southeast Asian American Youth Sudanese Youth Vietnamese American Youth West Indians White American Youth Religion/Spirituality Confucianism Curanderism Religious Holidays School Climate Bullying Conflict Resolution

Emotional Intelligence Gangs School Violence Social Skills Special Education Asperger’s Syndrome, PDD Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) Child Traumatic Brain Injury Depression Disproportionality in Special Education Dyslexia Gifted Education Inclusion Individualized Education Plan (IEP) Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Labeling Learning Disabilities Mental Retardation Minimal Brain Dysfunction Multicultural Issues in Special Education Remedial Education Special Education Transitions Special Issues Adoption/Adopted Children Child Abuse Corporal Punishment Educational Resilience Emic-Etic Distinction Foster Care Life Cycle Mandated Reporters Poverty Refugee Youth Resilience School Response to Terrorism Sexual Harassment Sociocultural Factors Socioeconomic Status Torture Transracial Adoption Teacher/Classroom Issues Certification, Alternate Routes to Classroom Management Debates in the Classroom Discipline

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First-Year Teachers Homework Learning Styles Mentoring Teachers Multicultural Teacher Training Multiple Intelligences Paraprofessionals Pre-Service Teacher Education: Multicultural Education Reading Aloud to Students Reinforcement

Rewards Sheltered Instruction Student Motivation Student-Led Conferences Students with Disabilities Substitute Teachers Teacher Burnout Teacher Efficacy Teachers, Assessment of Teaching Strategies

Editor-in-Chief Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Counseling Psychology Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey U.S.A.

Dr. Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers (aka CC) is a bilingual psychologist who focuses on work with children and families within a multicultural context. She is Associate Professor of Counseling Psychology at the Graduate School of Education, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey. She is Program/Clinical Coordinator for the Programs in School Counseling and Counseling Psychology. Her research and writing focus on resilience and positive youth development within a cultural context. Dr. Clauss-Ehlers is co-editor of the book Community Planning to Foster Resilience in Children (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2004) and author of Diversity Training for Classroom Teaching: A Manual for Students and Educators (Springer, 2006). She is a 2004–2005 Rosalynn Carter Fellow for Mental Health Journalism, a contributor to the international publication Ser Padres, the Spanish-language version of Parents magazine, and a guest commentator on Univision. She has appeared on media outlets such as Channel 13, ABC’s Eyewitness News, and the CBS Early Show, where she has discussed parenting and child development. Dr. Clauss-Ehlers received her bachelor’s degree from Oberlin College and her Ph.D. in counseling psychology from Teachers College, Columbia University. She completed her predoctoral internship at the New York University/Bellevue Hospital Center. She lives in New York City with her husband and two daughters, ages 4 and 6.

Editorial Board Renato D. Alarco´n, M.D. MPH Professor of Psychiatry Medical Director, Mood Disorders Unit, Mayo Psychiatry and Psychology Treatment Center Mayo Clinic College of Medicine Rochester, Minnesota U.S.A James Garbarino, Ph.D. Maude C. Clarke Chair in Humanistic Psychology Director, Center for the Human Rights of Children at Loyola University Chicago Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Rafael Art. Javier, Ph.D., A.B.P.P. Professor of Psychology Director Postgraduate Professional Development Programs & Inter-agencies Training and Research Initiatives St. John’s University Queens, New York U.S.A. Larke Huang, Ph.D. Senior Advisor on Children, Office of the Administrator, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) US Department of Health and Human Services Former Member, President’s New Freedom Commission on Mental Health U.S.A. Dorothy S. Strickland, Ph.D. Samuel DeWitt Proctor Professor of Education, Emerita Distinguished Research Fellow National Institute for Early Education Research (NIERR) Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Lisa A. Suzuki, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Applied Psychology Department of Applied Psychology

Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Saundra M. Tomlinson-Clarke, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Counseling Psychology Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Kirkland C. Vaughans, Ph.D. Psychoanalyst in Private Practice; Clinical Professor Gordon F. Derner Institute of Advanced Psychological Studies, Adelphi University U.S.A. Susan M. Swearer, Ph.D. Associate Professor of School Psychology Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska, Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Ya-Ting Tina Yang, Ed.M. Department of Psychology and Research in Education University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A. George Coolidge Nitzburg, M.A. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Mark Kiang, Ed.M. Counseling Psychology Program Department of Educational Psychology Graduate School of Education Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

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Editorial Assistant Antonia Hernandez, Ed.M. Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

List of Contributors Susan Adler, Ph.D. Division of Curriculum and Instructional Leadership University of Missouri-Kansas City Kansas City, Missouri U.S.A.

Ryan Androsiglio, B.A. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Adeyinka M. Akinsulure-Smith, Ph.D. Department of Psychology The City College of New York City Univerisity of New York New York, New York U.S.A.

Andrea E. Antonson, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Renato D. Alarco´n, M.D., MPH Department of Psychiatry and Psychology Mayo Psychiatry and Psychology Treatment Center and Mood Disorders Unit Mayo Clinic College of Medicine Rochester, Minnesota U.S.A.

Donna J. Alberici, M.S., N.C.C, A.C.S., L.P.C. Department of Graduate Psychology Immaculata University Immaculata, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

Vincent C. Alfonso, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Odah Al-Rowaie, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Psychology Kuwait University Keyfan Kuwait

Mary Elizabeth Asbell, B.A. Metropolitan Nashville Public Schools Nashville, Tennessee U.S.A. Patricia Ashton, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Educational Psychology University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A. Jennifer Axelrod, Ph.D. Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning University of Illinois Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Amanda L. Baden, Ph.D. College of Education and Human Services Department of Counseling, Human Development and Educational Leadership Montclair State University Montclair, New Jersey U.S.A. Megan Bang, Ph.D. Technical Education Research Centers Cambridge, Massachusetts U.S.A.

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List of contributors

Carl L. Bankston III, Ph.D. Department of Sociology Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana U.S.A. Sara Barnett, Ed.M. Teachers College, Columbia University Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology New York, New York U.S.A. William M. Bart, Ph.D. College of Education and Human Development Department of Educational Psychology University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A. Lisa Baumwell, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Nancy Bearss, PA-C, MPH College of Health Professionals Towson University Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Lisa M. Beck, M.S. Department of Curriculum and Teaching Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Lisa M. Bedore, Ph.D. Department of Communication Sciences & Disorders The University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas U.S.A. Linda S. Behar-Horenstein, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Educational Administration and Policy College of Dentistry Department of Operative Dentistry University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A.

Heidi Allison Bender, Ph.D. Graduate Center City University of New York New York, New York U.S.A. Amy Berg, M.A., M.S. Institute for Educational Leadership Coalition for Community Schools Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Julie M. Bertel, M.Ed. College of Education Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Department of Educational, School and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri U.S.A. Nida Bikmen, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Denison University Granville, Ohio U.S.A. Christina H. Boice, M.A. College of Education and Human Development Department of Educational Psychology Center for Reading Research University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A. Sara Bolt, Ph.D., NCSP College of Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. James A. Bovaird, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

List of contributors

Cheryl A. Boyce, Ph.D. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services National Institute of Mental Health National Institutes of Health Rockville, Maryland U.S.A.

Rodrigo Campos, M.A. Department of Applied Psychology Steinhardt School of Education New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Catherine P. Bradshaw, Ph.D. Center for the Prevention of Youth Violence Bloomberg School of Public Health Johns Hopkins University Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Christina M. Capodilupo, Ed.M. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Melanie L. Bromley, M.A. Learning Research Institute California State University San Bernardino, California U.S.A.

John S. Carlson, Ph.D., NCSP Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A.

John Broughton, Ph.D. Teachers College, Columbia University Department of Arts and Humanities New York, New York U.S.A. Robert W. Burke, Ph.D. Department of Teacher Education Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A. Matthew K. Burns, Ph.D. Educational Psychology Department University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A. Sarah Butler, MLA Department of Psychiatry University of Illinois Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Margaret L. Byram, M.S., M.Ed., P.A.-C, A.T.C., P.A.S.I.I. Towson University Towson, Maryland U.S.A.

Hui Soo Chae, M.A.T. Gottesman Libraries Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Elaine Chan, Ph.D. College of Education and Human Sciences Department of Teaching, Learning, and Teacher Education University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Shih-Yi Chan, Ph.D. Department of Special Education National University of Tainan Taiwan

Minoa Chang, M.D., Ph.D. Bethel Seminary San Diego Bethel University San Diego, California Private Practice San Diego, California U.S.A.

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Wan-Chun Jenny Chen, Ed.M., M.H.R.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology School of Management and Labor Relations Department of Human Resource Management Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Eric C. Chen, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A. Katherine Cheung, M.A., Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Teresa P. Clark, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A.

Caroline S. Clauss-Ehlers, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Amanda Smith Collins, Ed.S. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A.

Clark Chinn, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Kathryn A. Conaway, M.A. Psychology Department Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A.

Jennifer Christ, M.Ed. Science Department Shakopee School District Shakopee, Minnesota U.S.A.

Karen Cone-Uemura, M.A. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology University of Utah U.S.A.

Theodore J. Christ, Ph.D. College of Education and Human Development Department of Educational Psychology Center for Reading Research University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A.

Jacqueline A. Conley, Ph.D. School of Arts and Sciences Department of Psychology Chicago State University Chicago, Illinois U.S.A.

Mary Cipriani-Price, M.S., LMFT Department of Marital and Family Therapy Bethel University San Diego, California U.S.A.

Ramesh Bakhtiari Conley, Ph.D. Elwyn Services Nonpublic School Program Philadelphia, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

List of contributors

Judith A. Cook, Ph.D. National Research and Training Center on Psychiatric Disability Department of Psychiatry University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Melissa Coolong-Chaffin, Ed.S. Educational Psychology Department University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A. Giuseppe Costantino, Ph.D. Lutheran Medical Center-Lutheran Family Health Centers Brooklyn, New York Touro College, New York, New York U.S.A. Tonia N. Cristofaro, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Alicia L. Crowl, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Janis H. Crowther, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Kent State University Kent, Ohio U.S.A. Raven E. Cuellar, B.S. Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A.

Jack A. Cummings, Ph.D. Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A.

Anne E. Cunningham, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education University of California Berkeley, California U.S.A.

Dana Cunningham, Ph.D. University of Maryland Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry School of Medicine Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Cheryl Danzy, M.A. Prince George’s County Public Schools Prince George’s County, Maryland U.S.A.

Jennifer Davie, B.S. University of Minnesota College of Education and Human Development School Psychology Program Department of Educational Psychology Minneapolis U.S.A.

Ellie Davis, L.C.S.W.-C. University of Maryland School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Kathryn De Bruin, M.A. Reinicke Counseling Associates San Diego, California U.S.A.

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Dawn Decker, Ph.D. Central Michigan University Department of Counseling and Special Education Mount Pleasant, Michigan U.S.A.

Leslie Ditta, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Alice Dix, M.A. College of Education Department of Educational Administration and Policy University of Florida U.S.A.

Minjung Helen Doh, M.Sc. Department of Counselor Education, Counseling Psychology, and Rehabilitation Services The Pennsylvania State University University Park, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

Chandra M. Donnell, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A.

Monika Echavarria-Son, Ms.Ed. The Graduate Center City University of New York New York, New York U.S.A.

Jana Echevarria, Ph.D. College of Education California State University Long Beach, California U.S.A.

Salman Elbedour, Ph.D. School of Education Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Jennifer L. Elfstrom, M.A. Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs Clinical Psychology Program Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A. Petra Engelbrecht, Ph.D. Faculty of Education Sciences North-West University South Africa Sumru Erkut, Ph.D. Wellesley Centers for Women Wellesley College Wellesley, Massachusetts U.S.A. Kathy Escamilla, Ph.D. School of Education University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado U.S.A. Lanaya L. Ethington, Ph.D. School of Education, Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Michelle L. Evans Learning Research Institute California State University San Bernardino, California U.S.A. Ted Feinberg, Ph.D., Ed.D., NCSP National Association of School Psychologists Bethesda, Maryland U.S.A.

List of contributors

H. Rachel Fender Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Courtney B. Ferrell, Ph.D. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services National Institute of Mental Health National Institutes of Health Rockville, Maryland U.S.A. Irina Feygina, B.A. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Yvette Frumkin Feis, Ph.D. Private Practice Melville, New York U.S.A.

Adolfo Martı´n Garcı´a Universidad CAECE Mar del Plata Argentina

Warlene Gary, M.Ed. Parent Teacher Association Chicago, Illinois U.S.A.

Marybeth Gasman, Ph.D. Higher Education University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

Rona Fields, Ph.D. School of Engineering and Applied Sciences Cognitive Sciences Program at the Center for Advanced Defense Studies George Washington University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Francisco X. Gaytan, MSW, Ed.M., Ph.D.-Candidate Steinhardt School of Education New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Melinda Finkel-Konigsberg, Psy.D. Private Practice New York, New York U.S.A.

Jami Givens, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Lois T. Flaherty, M.D. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Raymond Goldfield, B.A. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Samantha Francois, M.S. Department of Psychology Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana U.S.A.

Julie Goldstein Grumet, Ph.D. D.C. Department of Mental Health Office of Program and Policy Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

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Sycarah Grant, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A.

Linda Serra Hagedorn, Ph.D. Research Institute for Studies in Education Iowa State University Ames, Iowa U.S.A.

Misha Graves, Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A.

J. Mark Halstead, Ph.D. Department of Community and International Education University of Huddersfield Huddersfield United Kingdom

Linnie Green, M.A., Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Ronald K. Hambleton, Ph.D. Research and Evaluation Methods Program Center for Educational Assessment University of Massachusetts Amherst, Massachusetts U.S.A.

W. Henry Gregory, Ph.D. Progressive Life Center Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Christian Griffin, M.S.W. Department of Applied Psychology Loyola University Chicago Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Karen L. Haboush, Psy.D. Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey Piscataway, New Jersey U.S.A.

Anna L. Harms, M.A. Michigan’s Integrated Behavior and Learning Support Initiative Ottawa Area Intermediate School District Holland, Michigan U.S.A.

Erin A. Harper, Ed.S. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A.

Donald G. Hackmann, Ed.D. Department of Educational Organization and Leadership University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Champaign, Illinois U.S.A.

Bryn Harris, Ph.D. School of Education and Human Development University of Colorado Denver, Colorado U.S.A.

Sally M. Hage, Ph.D. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Thomas Hatch, Ed.D. Department of Curriculum and Teaching Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

List of contributors

Michael L. Hecht, Ph.D. Communication Arts and Science The Pennsylvania State University University Park, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

Antonia Hernandez, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Susan W. Herrera, M.Ed. College of Education Department of Educational Administration and Policy University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A.

Robyn Hess, Ph.D. College of Education and Behavioral Sciences School of Applied Psychology and Counselor Education University of Northern Colorado Greeley, Colorado U.S.A.

Danielle A. Hidalgo, M.A. Department of Sociology Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana U.S.A.

Caroline L. Hilk, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A.

Thomas J. Huberty, Ph.D., A.B.P.P. Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A.

Robert Hull, M.Ed., Ed.S., M.H.S. Maryland State Department of Education Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Ana Christina Dasilva Iddings, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona U.S.A. Colette L. Ingraham, Ph.D., NCSP., NCC. College of Education Department of Counseling and School Psychology San Diego State University San Diego, California U.S.A. Jason G. Irizarry, Ed.D. Dept of Curriculum and Instruction Neag School of Education University of Connecticut U.S.A. Khym Isaac De Barros, Ph.D. W W Wright School of Education Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Jennifer L. Ivie, M.A. Department of Psychology The University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A. Lourdes India Ivory, Ph.D. Syracuse Community Health Center Syracuse, New York U.S.A. Derek Iwamoto, Ph.D. NIDA-Fellow Yale University School of Medicine New Haven, Connecticut U.S.A.

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Yo Jackson, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Department of Applied Behavioral Science The University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A.

Mitchelle Johnson, Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Educational Psychology Graduate Center City University of New York New York, New York U.S.A.

Karen Jaffe, M.A. Department of Sociology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey Piscataway, New Jersey U.S.A.

Lakeisha Jourdan, M.Ed. School of Education Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Maia Jamadi, M.A. Department of Psychology Long Island University Brooklyn, New York U.S.A.

Rafael A. Javier, Ph.D., A.B.P.P. Postgraduate Professional Development Program and Inter-Agencies Clinical and Research Initiative Saint John’s University Queens, New York U.S.A.

James Jupp, Ph.D. Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies Research School of Social Sciences The Australian National University Australia Angela E. Kang, B.A. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Jeffrey Jay, Ph.D. School of Education Department of Elementary and Secondary Education Northern State University Aberdeen, South Dakota U.S.A.

Scott Barry Kaufman, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Yale University New Haven, Connecticut U.S.A.

Jennifer Jay, Ph.D. College of Education, Curriculum and Instruction St Cloud State University St Cloud, Minnesota U.S.A.

James C. Kaufman, Ph.D. Learning Research Institute Department of Psychology California State University San Bernardino, California U.S.A.

Tyondra Jefferson, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Alan S. Kaufman, Ph.D. School of Medicine Yale Child Study Center Yale University New Haven, Connecticut U.S.A.

List of contributors

Michael Kelly, Ph.D., L.C.S.W. School of Social Work Loyola University Chicago, Illinois U.S.A. Mark Kiang, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Youb Kim, Ph.D. Peabody College of Education Department of Teaching and Learning Vanderbilt University Nashville, Tennessee U.S.A. Constance G. Kim-Gervey, M.Ed., M.A., Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Beth Kleinman-Fleischer, M.A., Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Naoko Kodama, B.A. College of Education and Behavioral Sciences School of Applied Psychology and Counselor Education University of Northern Colorado Greeley, Colorado U.S.A. James R. Koller, Ph.D. College of Education Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Department of Educational, School and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri U.S.A.

Donna D. Kreskey, Ed.S. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A.

John Kugler, Ph.D. Bay Ridge Preparatory School Brooklyn, New York U.S.A.

Kevin A. Kupzyk, M.A. The University of Kansas Department of Psychology Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A.

Kyung-Hyun Kwon, M.A. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

Seunghee Kwon, M.A. Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A.

Brian Lack, M.Ed. College of Education, Early Childhood Education Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A.

Marcella Lafever, Ph.D. Department of Communication Studies California State University, Stanislaus Turlock, California U.S.A.

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Teresa Lafromboise, Ph.D. School of Education Department of Psychology in Education Stanford University Stanford, California U.S.A. Wilda Laija-Rodriguez, Ph.D. Educational Psychology and Counseling California State University, Northridge Northridge, California U.S.A. Dorothy J. Landon M.S.W., L.C.S.W. Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Graduate School of Education Department of Education, School, and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri-Columbia U.S.A.

Tricia M. Leahey, M.A. Weight Control and Diabetes Research Center Brown Medical School/The Miriam Hospital Providence, Rhode Island U.S.A. Deann Lechtenberger, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Educational Psychology and Leadership Texas Tech University Lubbock, Texas U.S.A. Angela Ledgerwood, M.A. Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs Clinical Psychology Program Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A.

Velma Lapoint, Ph.D. School of Education Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Patricia M. Lenahan, L.C.S.W., L.M.F.T. School of Medicine Department of Family Medicine University of California, Irvine Irvine, California U.S.A.

Jessica L. Larsen, Ed.M. Gevirtz Graduate School of Education Department of Counseling, Clinical, and School Psychology University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California U.S.A.

Nancy Lever, Ph.D. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Matthew Lau, Ph.D. College of Education and Human Development Department for Educational Psychology University of Minnesota-Twin Cities Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A.

Liliana Lo´pez Levi, Ph.D. Department of Politics and Culture Universidad Auto´noma Metropolitana Xochimilco Mexico

Joseph B. Layde, M.D., J.D. Medical College of Wisconsin Milwaukee, Wisconsin U.S.A.

Elizabeth O. Lichtenberger, Ph.D. Alliant International University San Diego, California U.S.A.

List of contributors

Jody Lieske, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Ben K. Lim, Ph.D. Department of Marital & Family Therapy Bethel University San Diego, California U.S.A. Soh Leong Lim, Ph.D. Department of Counseling and School Psychology San Diego State University San Diego, California U.S.A. Kaikok Lim, M.S. School of Education Department of Psychology & Research in Education The University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A. Annie I. Lin, M.A. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Michael A. Lindsey, Ph.D., M.S.W., MPH. School of Social Work School of Medicine Department of Psychiatry, Center for School Mental Health University of Maryland, Baltimore Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Darla Linville, Ph.D. Young Adult Services New York Public Library New York, New York U.S.A.

Rebecca Littman, Ed.M. Department of Educational Psychology Graduate School of Education Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Emilia C. Lopez, Ph.D. Division of Education Queens College City University of New York Flushing, New York U.S.A.

David Lounsbury, Ph.D. Epidemiology and Population Health Division of Community Collaboration and Implementation Science Albert Einstein College of Medicine of Yeshiva University Bronx, New York U.S.A.

Kelly Brey Love, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Ruth Mckoy Lowery, Ph.D. College of Education School of Teaching and Learning University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A.

Luka Lucic, M.A. The Graduate Center City University of New York New York, New York U.S.A.

Bridget Luebbering, B.A., Ed.S. North Kansas City School District Kansas City, Missouri U.S.A.

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Tabethah Mack, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraksa-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Ane Marinez-Lora, Ph.D. Institute for Juvenile Research University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago, Illinois U.S.A.

Elizabeth Mackenzie, Ph.D. West Seattle Psychological Services Seattle, Washington U.S.A.

Rebecca S. Martı´nez, Ph.D. School of Education Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A.

Susan Maclaury, L.S.W., Ph.D. Health Education Kean University Union, New Jersey U.S.A. Megan Maguire, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Erin K. Maguire, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Lindsay Mahony, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Robert Malgady, Ph.D. Program in Quantitative Studies New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Jo-Anne Manswell Butty, Ph.D. Center for Urban Progress Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Tara Mathews, B.S. Department of Psychology Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana U.S.A. Chris Mattise, M.Ed. Department of Counselor Education, Counseling Psychology, and Rehabilitation Services The Pennsylvania State University University Park, Pennsylvania U.S.A. Jennifer Matvya, M.A. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Nate Mccaughtry, Ph.D. Department of Kinesiology Wayne State University Detroit, Michigan U.S.A. Shannon Mckay-Cook, M.A. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

List of contributors

Meredith Mclellan, M.A. East Lansing Public Schools East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Christine Mcwayne, Ph.D. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Douglas Medin, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Northwestern University Evanston, Illinois U.S.A. Lisa Medoff, Ph.D. School of Education Stanford University Stanford, California U.S.A. Gigliana Melzi, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Michael C. Mensink, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A. Jose Mercado, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Jennifer E. Mettrick, M.H.S. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Kristina Metz, B.S., Ph.D.-Candidate Department of Education University of Texas Austin, Texas U.S.A. Jesse A. Metzger, M.S., M.Phil. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Elizabeth Midlarsky, Ph.D. Departmnet of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. James J. Mikusi, JR, A.S. Web-Kong LLC Jersey City, NJ U.S.A. M. David Miller, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Educational Psychology University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A. Madeeha Mir, B.A. Department of Psychology University of West Florida Pensacola, Florida U.S.A. Shannon Gwin Mitchell, Ph.D. Friends Research Institute Social Research Center Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Felicia Mohsen, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska - Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

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Debra Mollen, Ph.D. Department of Psychology and Philosophy Texas Woman’s University Denton, Texas U.S.A. Mercy R. Montsi, Ph.D. University of Botswana Botswana Caren R. Moore, B.A. University of Missouri-Columbia Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools College of Education School Psychology Program Department of Educational, School, and Counseling Psychology Columbia, Missouri U.S.A. Alejandro Morales, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska - Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Larissa Morlock, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Ernest Morrell, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education and Information Studies Urban Schooling Division University of California Los Angeles, California U.S.A. Jacqueline Mosselson, Ph.D. Center for International Education University of Massachusetts Amherst, Massachusetts U.S.A.

Elias Mpofu, Ph.D. Faculty of Health Sciences Department of Rehabilitation Counseling University of Sydney Lidcombe, NSW Australia J. A. Muchado University of Botswana Botswana Elizabeth Mullett-Hume, Ph.D. School-Based Intervention Program Child Study Center New York University School of Medicine New York, New York U.S.A. John Mustol, M.D., M.Div. St Luke’s Refugee Network San Diego, California U.S.A. Magen M. Mutepfa, M.Ed. Schools Psychological Services and Special Education Department Zimbabwe Open University Zimbabwe Kevin Nadal, M.A. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Michael J. Nakkula, Ed.D. Harvard Graduate School of Education Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts U.S.A. Gary Natriello, Ph.D. Department of Human Development Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

List of contributors

Nazeh Natur, M.A. School of Education Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Von Nebbitt, Ph.D., M.S.W. School of Social Work Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Chihiro A. Negron, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Vicky Ng, Ed.S. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Lan Ngo, M.A. The Storm King School Cornwall-on-Hudson, NY U.S.A.

Jennifer Nyeste, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Kristin Orlovsky, B.A. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Nancy Otskey, R.N., M.A., N.C.S.N. Montclair Public Schools Montclair, New Jersey U.S.A.

Stacy Overstreet, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana U.S.A.

Celeste Owens, Ph.D. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

George Coolidge Nitzburg, M.A. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Amy Padovano, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Erika Niwa, B.A., Ph.D.-Candidate Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University U.S.A.

Elizabeth D. Palacios, Ph.D., L.S.S.P., L.P.C. Department of Educational Psychology Baylor University Waco, Texas U.S.A.

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Rolland S. Parker, Ph.D. School of Medicine American Board of Professional Psychology (Clinical Neuropsychology; Clinical Psychology) Department of Neurology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Jason R. Parkin, B.A. College of Education Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Department of Educational, School and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri-Columbia Columbia, Missouri U.S.A. Christina M. Pate, M.Ed. College of Education University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri U.S.A. Carl E. Paternite, Ph.D. College of Arts and Sciences Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A. Constance Kindrick Patterson, Ph.D. Health Sciences Center Louisiana State University Baton Rouge, Louisiana U.S.A. Melissa Pearrow, Ph.D. Graduate College of Education Department of Counseling and School Psychology University of Massachusetts Boston, Massachusetts U.S.A. Elizabeth D. Pen˜A, Ph.D. Department of Communication Sciences & Disorders The University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas U.S.A.

Anna M. Pen˜a, M.S., NCSP Department of Counseling and Personnel Services University of Maryland College Park, Maryland U.S.A. Becky Pe´rez, M.S. School of Education Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University-Bloomington Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Melanie Perez, Ph.D. Lutheran Family Health Center Network Brooklyn, New York U.S.A. Jack Petrash, Ed.M. Nova Institute Kensington, Maryland U.S.A. Nareadi Phasha, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Johannesburg Johannesburg South Africa Jean S. Phinney, Ph.D. Department of Psychology California State University Los Angeles, California U.S.A. Claudia Pineda, Ed.D. Department of Education University of California, Irvine Irvine, California U.S.A. Jennifer Pitchford, M.S., L.G.P.C., L.C.P.C. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

List of contributors

Bradley S. Portin, Ph.D. College of Education, Educational Leadership and Policy Studies University of Washington Seattle, Washington U.S.A.

Anthony Ralston, Ph.D. Department of Computer Science and Mathematics University at Buffalo The State University of New York Buffalo, New York U.S.A.

Kathryn Powell, Ed.S. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A.

Erica Ramos, B.S. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A.

Leshawndra N. Price, Ph.D. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services National Institute of Mental Health National Institutes of Health Bethesda, Maryland U.S.A. Sherrie Lynn Proctor, Ed.S. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A. Stephen M. Quintana, Ph.D. Department of Counseling Psychology University of Wisconsin-Madison Madison, Wisconsin U.S.A. Saira I. Qureshi, M.A. Department of Psychology City University of New York Hunter College New York, New York U.S.A. Veronica Raggi, M.A. School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry University of Maryland Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A.

Patricia M. Raskin, Ph.D. Department of Organization and Leadership Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. M. Karega Rausch, Ph.D. Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Greogory K. Reed, Ph.D. Howard University School of Education Urban School Psychology Program Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Stephanie M. Reich, Ph.D. Department of Education University of California Irvine, California U.S.A. Emily A. Rentz, B.S. Graduate School of Education Division of Psychological and Educational Services Fordham University New York, New York U.S.A. Alberto Restori, Ph.D. Educational Psychology and Counseling California State University, Northridge Northridge, California U.S.A.

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List of contributors

Shamagne N. Richardson, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Charles R. Ridley, Ph.D. Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Lourdes M. Rivera, Ph.D. Department of Educational and Community Programs Division of Education City University of New York Queens College Flushing, New York U.S.A. Daniel H. Robinson, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology The University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas U.S.A. Eileen T. Rodriguez, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Anja Ro¨mhild, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Dinelia Rosa, Ph.D. Dean Hope Center for Educational and Psychological Services Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Marcia Rubin, Ph.D., MPH., FASHA American School Health Association Kent, Ohio U.S.A. Nancy Ruhode, M.Sc. Department of Psychology, Counseling and Special Education Zimbabwe Open University Zimbabwe Patricia Ruiz-Navarro, M.A., Ph.D.-Candidate The Graduate Center City University of New York New York, New York U.S.A. Frank R. Rusch, Ph.D. Department of Counselor Education, Counseling Psychology, and Rehabilitation Services The Pennsylvania State University University Park, Pennsylvania U.S.A. Troy D. Sadler, Ph.D. University of Florida Gainesville, Florida U.S.A. Jonathan Sandoval, Ph.D., A.B.P.P. School of Education University of California Davis, California U.S.A. Dylan Schenk, B.A. National Association of School Psychologists Bethesda, Maryland U.S.A. Adina Schick, M.A. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Megan B. Schneider, B.A. Kean University Union, New Jersey U.S.A.

List of contributors

Natasha K. Segool, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A.

Zewelanji N. Serpell, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Virginia State University Petersburg, Virginia U.S.A.

Elaine R. Silliman, Ph.D. Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders University of South Florida Tampa, Florida U.S.A. Arlene Silva, M.A., Ph.D., NCSP University of Maryland National Association of School Psychologists Bethesda, Maryland U.S.A.

Karen Lee Seymour, M.Sc. Department of Education and Training Western Australia Australia

Kiran Mala Singh, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Julia Shaftel, Ph.D., NCSP Center for Educational Testing and Evaluation The University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A.

Holli E. Sink, M.A. Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A.

Jennifer Shannon, B.A. College of Education Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools Department of Educational, School, and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri-Columbia U.S.A.

Almon Shumba, Ph.D. School of Education University of Fort Hare Alice, Eastern Cape South Africa

Amanda B. Siebecker, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Selcuk R. Sirin, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Russell J. Skiba, Ph.D. Center for Evaluation and Education Policy Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana U.S.A. Charlynn Small, Ph.D. Counseling and Psychological Services University of Richmond Richmond, Virginia U.S.A. Sara Smigell, M.A.T. Department of Kinesiology Wayne State University Detroit, Michigan U.S.A.

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List of contributors

Sharon Smith-Kemper, M.S.W., L.C.S.W. University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey Newark, New Jersey U.S.A. Guillermo Solano-Flores, Ph.D. School of Education Educational Equity and Cultural Diversity Program University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado U.S.A. Sharon H. Stephan, Ph.D. University of Maryland School of Medicine Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry U.S.A. Robbie J. Steward, Ph.D. College of Education Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Latoya S. Stewart, B.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Dorothy S. Strickland, Ph.D. Samuel DeWitt Proctor Professor of Education, Emerita Distinguished Research Fellow National Institute for Early Education Research (NIEER) Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Derald Wing Sue, Ph.D. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A.

Lisa A. Suzuki, Ph.D. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Susan M. Swearer, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska- Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Yoko Takebayashi, Ph.D. Furman Counseling Center Barnard College New York, New York U.S.A. Catherine S. Tamis-Lemonda, Ph.D. Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A. Louisa Banks Tarullo, Ed.D. Mathematica Policy Research, Inc Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Meghan Nichols Taylor, B.A. Douglass College Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Erika L. Taylor, B.A. College of Education and Human Development Department for Educational Psychology University of Minnesota in the Twin Cities U.S.A. Sarah W. Thompson, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

List of contributors

Nancy R. Tidwell National Association for the Education of African American Children with Learning Disabilities Columbus, Ohio U.S.A. Saundra M. Tomlinson-Clarke, Ph.D. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A. Gina C. Torino, Ed.M. Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York U.S.A. Joseph E. Trimble, Ph.D. Center for Cross-Cultural Research Department of Psychology Western Washington University Bellingham, Washington U.S.A. Stephen D. Truscott, Psy.D. College of Education Department of Counseling and Psychological Services Georgia State University Atlanta, Georgia U.S.A. Rhonda Turner, M.A. Graduate School of the College of Education and Human Services Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A. Sara Unsworth, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Northwestern University Evanston, Illinois U.S.A.

Fons J. R. Van De Vijver, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Tilburg University Tilburg, The Netherlands

Mieke Van Houtte, Ph.D. Department of Sociology Ghent University Gent, Belgium

Mark J. Van Ryzin, M.A. Department of Educational Psychology University of Minnesota-Twin Cities Minneapolis, Minnesota U.S.A.

Karin L. Vanderzee, M.A. Department of Psychology Miami University Oxford, Ohio U.S.A.

Carmen Inoa Vazquez, Ph.D., A.B.P.P. New York University School of Medicine Private Practice New York, New York U.S.A.

Justin M. Walker, B.A. School of Applied Psychology and Counselor Education University of Northern Colorado Greeley, Colorado U.S.A.

Joshua D. Walker, B.A. The University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas U.S.A.

Tavis Walker, B.A. Department of Marital and Family Therapy Bethel University San Diego, California U.S.A.

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Doris Walker-Dalhouse, Ph.D. Department of Educational Policy and Leadership Marquette University Milwaukee, Wisconsin U.S.A. Joseph Watras, Ph.D. Department of Teacher Education University of Dayton Dayton, Ohio U.S.A. Catharine L. A. Weiss, Ph.D. University of Maryland School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Elizabeth Weiss-Deboer, M.A. Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan U.S.A. Mark D. Weist, Ph.D. University of Maryland School of Medicine Center for School Mental Health Department of Psychiatry Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. Jennifer M. West, Ph.D. School of Education Bowie State University Bowie, Maryland U.S.A. Karen J. Weston, Ph.D. Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools College of Education Department of Educational, School and Counseling Psychology University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri U.S.A.

Amy Wickstrom, M.F.T. Department of Marital and Family Therapy Loma Linda University Loma Linda, California U.S.A.

Louise C. Wilkinson, Ph.D. Department of Reading and Language Arts Syracuse University Syracuse, New York U.S.A.

Jocelyn Williams, M.Ed. Department of Counselor Education, Counseling Psychology, and Rehabilitation Services The Pennsylvania State University University Park, Pennsylvania U.S.A.

Grace Wong, Ph.D. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York South Beach Psychiatric Center Staten Island, New York U.S.A.

Philip S. Wong, Ph.D. Department of Psychology Long Island University Brooklyn, New York U.S.A.

Susan F. Wooley, Ph.D., C.H.E.S. American School Health Association Kent, Ohio U.S.A.

Zalika S. Wright, M.Ed. Urban School Psychology Program School of Education Howard University Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

List of contributors

Oksana Yakushko, Ph.D. Department of Educational Psychology University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, Nebraska U.S.A.

Georgia Yu, M.A. Psy.D.-Candidate Graduate School of Education and Psychology Pepperdine University Malibu, California U.S.A.

Ya-Ting Tina Yang, Ed.M. Department of Psychology & Research in Education The University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas U.S.A.

Mayida Zaal, M.S.Ed. Graduate Center Department of Urban Education City University on New York New York, New York U.S.A.

Yvonne Yeh, Ed.M. Graduate School of Education Department of Educational Psychology Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey New Brunswick, New Jersey U.S.A.

Elizabeth Zachry, Ed.D. Graduate School of Education Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts U.S.A.

Julia H. Yoo, Doctoral-Candidate Graduate School of Education Learning, Cognition & Instruction Program Department of Educational Psychology The University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas U.S.A.

Donna Zanjanian, MPH. Steinhardt School of Education Department of Applied Psychology New York University New York, New York U.S.A.

xlv

Part I Part I Foundation Issues in Cross-Cultural School Foundation Psychology Issues in

The History of Cross-Cultural School Psychology in the United States Wilda Laija-Rodriguez . Alberto Restori

Multiculturalism has been an integral part of United States (U.S.) history since the pilgrims arrived. The early American settlers came from many different European nations, seeking religious freedom and relief from oppressive governments. Although most early settlers were White, they each had their own language, culture, values, and beliefs. It is fair to say that, from the very beginning, America and subsequently, the U.S., was settled and built by a multicultural group of people. Colonial America has been described as having an acceptance of cultural and linguistic differences among early settlers and establishing various schools to teach the various languages of the time (e.g., French, German, and English) (Gonzalez, Brusca-Vega, & Yawkey, 1997). However, in the late 1800s, as English began to be the dominant language and as many immigrants entered the U.S., attitudes toward bilingualism and diversity changed (Gonzalez et al., 1997; Ochoa, 2005). After the initial settlers arrived in America from Europe, immigration from various parts of the world to America followed. The largest immigration of Europeans to the U.S. occurred during the early 1900s and continued until the outbreak of World War I (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). Around the same time, the Southwest’s Mexican American population radically increased by more than one million persons as a result of displacement from the Mexican Revolution and the massive recruitment of Mexicans for agricultural, mining, railroad, and industrial labor (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). In addition, immigration of Japanese and various ethnic and cultural groups continued to increase during the remainder of the twentieth century. However, American society in the mid-1800s and 1900s was focused on the White population; it excluded Native American slaves, and did not address the needs of minority students (Gonzalez et al., 1997; Merrell, Ervin, & Gimpel, 2006). Immigration has been a part of America’s history and continues to be prevalent in today’s society. In 2001, the U.S. Census Bureau described the primary

ethnic minority groups to be Latinos, African Americans, Asian Americans, American Indians, natives of Alaska, and Pacific Islanders. These various ethnic groups composed nearly 50% of the population in the U.S., of which approximately 57% was 18 years old or younger (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001). It is estimated that by 2010 Latinos will be the largest ethnic group, followed by African Americans (Bernal, Trimble, Burlew, & Leong, 2003). One out of every five school-aged children in the U.S. speaks a language other than English (Gonzalez et al., 1997; Kindler, 2002). In addition, there are more than 400 languages represented within the student population with limited English proficiency (LEP), with Spanish (77%) and Vietnamese (2.3%) being the most common (Kindler, 2002). Issues about diversity have been prevalent in American society and have therefore influenced psychology and education in the U.S. Moreover, various historical events, such as segregation, racism, discrimination, and prejudice, affected institutions and organizations and impeded the integration of multicultural factors into professional practice (Jackson, 1995). The history of diversity (Gonzalez et al., 1997) and the increased number of minority populations in the U.S. within the past century (Ochoa, 2005) have resulted in various social reforms. Several reform movements were related to the emergence of psychology and school psychology (Fagan & Wise, 2000). Although psychology and school psychology have spent a large portion of this century establishing themselves and thus have been preoccupied with structural professional issues, diversity has not been an issue that the profession has addressed effectively (Fagan, 2004; Fagan & Wise, 2000). However, given the changing demographics of the U.S., there is a question of the effectiveness of a psychology that historically has not been inclusive of ethnic and racial groups (Bernal et al., 2003). With the increasing number of minority populations in the U.S., psychology and school psychology will need to include different racial and ethnic groups into all aspects of research and practice if they are to be representative of U.S. demographics (Bernal et al., 2003).

History of Cross-Cultural Psychology Psychology has developed based on the contributions of many European and White American psychologists. It is sometimes criticized as addressing the dominant

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

culture, but failing to account for minority cultures in its theory, practice, and development (Bernal et al., 2003). As a result, the field of cross-cultural psychology emerged in an attempt to: (1) transport present hypotheses and findings to other cultural settings to test their validity and applicability in other groups of humans; (2) explore other cultures to discover cultural and psychological variations that are not present in our own limited cultural experience; and (3) attempt to assemble and integrate, into a broadly based psychology, the results obtained when pursuing the first two goals, and to generate a more universal psychology that will be valid for a broader range of cultures (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 2002). Cross-cultural psychology has ‘‘a long past, but only a short history,’’ as psychologists have been interested in the impact of culture on individuals for a very long time, but a more consistent study of culture on individuals has only occurred recently (Ho & Wu, 2001). The literature on cross-cultural psychology points out that one of its main challenges in incorporating multicultural and cross-cultural factors into the field of psychology begins with the definition. Firstly, the concept ‘‘culture’’ in cross-cultural psychology remains largely unexamined theoretically. As a result, the theoretical and research usefulness of this construct is questioned (Rohner, 1984). Despite this issue, ‘‘multicultural’’ has been defined as ‘‘a confluence of three or more coexisting and unintegrated cultures (e.g., those that differ by age, gender, race, ethnicity, social class, or sexual orientation), each of which displays patterns of human behavior that include thought, language, action, and artifacts that may be somewhat unique to it and are sustained by members’ capacity for and interest in learning and transmitting knowledge to succeeding generations’’ (Oakland, 2005, p. 6). Berry et al. (2002) define cross-cultural psychology as: ‘‘the study of similarities and differences in individual psychological functioning in various cultural and ethnocultural groups; of the relationships between psychological variables and socio-cultural, ecological and biological variables; and of ongoing changes in these variables’’ (p. 3). Sociology, anthropology, and social psychology were the first disciplines to consider cultural factors (Segall, Dasen, Berry, & Poortinga, 1990). German psychologists J. F. Herbart and Lightner Witmer, who is also the ‘‘father of school psychology’’ (Fagan & Wise, 2000), began to consider how culture affects human behavior (Hogan & Sussner, 2001). However,

the exploration of cultural determinants in social psychology textbooks was rare during the first half of the twentieth century (Segall, 1979). What continued to be prevalent during the late 1800s and early to mid-1900s was what Holliday and Holmes call ‘‘scientific racism.’’ Holliday and Holmes (2003) suggest that the field of psychology contributed to the practice of scientific racism during the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They illustrate this point by citing the work of Sir Francis Galton, who indicated that African Americans were on average two grades below the Anglo Saxons, and Stanley Hall, who argued that other ‘‘lower’’ races were at a more ‘‘adolescent stage’’ of their life cycle than Whites. This issue has continued in psychology. In the early 1920s, Spearman observed that tests with a higher g loading, purer measures of intellectual capacity, revealed larger performance differences between groups (Berry et al., 2002). Later, in 1985, Jensen formulated Spearman’s hypothesis, which predicted larger performance differences between ‘‘racial groups’’ in the U.S. when using intelligence tests (Berry et al., 2002). Jensen interpreted his results as evidence for differences in intellectual capacity between African Americans and White Americans. There has been much controversy over Jensen’s results. Berry et al. (2002) concluded that there is a relationship between test performance and schooling and that ‘‘the relationship between cognitive test performance and schooling may have two bases: (1) performance may actually be enhanced by educational experience, and (2) the relationship may be an artifact of the test content being similar to school materials’’ (p. 119). The issue of differences in intellectual capacity among diverse groups continued to be present in psychology. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, minority populations were primarily discussed in psychology and education research to make comparisons based on racial differences (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). Moreover, psychology’s psychometric and experimental procedures were used to investigate problems of ‘‘national concern’’ about ethnic minorities. Statistical analyses compared the performance of White, African American, and Latino students on intelligence tests (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994). Researchers then used the results of their analyses to make comparisons between different groups and Whites, as well as assertions about the innate abilities of different groups and their ability to learn. Since the early part of the twentieth

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

century, there have been many studies on psychological characteristics (e.g., intelligence and personality) of ethnic minorities. Stated implications of these studies often focused on issues related to the management, socialization, and education of the nation’s minority people, and were used to justify racially differential treatment (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). Richards (1997) characterized these studies as ‘‘race psychology,’’ which sought to refine, document, and validate assumptions of scientific racism. In addition, these types of study were used to justify segregation and differential treatment of culturally and linguistically diverse students. During the Great Depression, attempts to include the field of psychology in social issues were best represented by the formation of the Psychologists League in 1934. This was an activist organization committed to ideological critique of issues pertinent to psychological theory, direct political action, and reform of related issues. It was also supportive of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, which was primarily concerned with the application of psychological theory and methods to the scholarly study of such social issues as war, industrial conflict, and racial prejudice, as well as the testing of hypotheses about social change (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). In the early 1900s, several individuals from different ethnic minorities became scholars of psychology and began to study the major tenets of scientific racism and to highlight the potential effects of environmental variables on human behavior and racial differences (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). Unfortunately, much of the work of these scholars went relatively unnoticed and ignored in psychology and education. Moreover, differentiation and bias toward culturally and linguistically diverse persons continued to influence social, political, and economic agendas in the U.S. Interestingly, in the 1920s, many psychologists believed that, for the most part, all humans were alike and that there was no need to identify and study cultural correlates (Bernal et al., 2003). Some psychologists continue to argue that the study of culture should be conducted within the field of anthropology. Many more psychologists currently feel that psychology has ignored the robustness and salience of culture and ethnicity for many years (Bernal et al., 2003). After World War II, cross-cultural psychology grew in spurts. By the 1970s it came ‘‘of age,’’ having 1,125 cross-cultural psychologists registered in the Directory of cross-cultural research and researchers, professional

organizations, and journals specific to issues in it (Bernal et al., 2003; Ho & Wu, 2001; Segall, 1979). In addition, in 1970, the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology was launched at Western Washington University (Bernal et al., 2003). Other disciplines, such as anthropology and branches of psychology, also began to address cultural factors in their publications. The first textbook in social psychology, Social psychology by Otto Klinberg in 1940, highlighted the diversity of human behavior, questioned the claim about the universality of psychological concepts, and criticized the concept of biological determinism that had been used to support the belief in the inferiority of ‘‘non-Western’’ peoples (Hogan & Sussner, 2001; Segall et al., 1990). A brief introduction to cross-cultural psychology was written by Serpell in 1976, and an edited volume dealing with research issues in cross-cultural psychology was written by Warren in 1977 (Segall, 1979). In addition, international conferences began to take place during the 1970s, in Ontario, the Netherlands, and Germany (Segall, 1972). In 1972, a group of psychologists from different countries convened in Hong Kong to examine and discuss culture’s influence on the human experience. This led to the founding of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP) (Bernal et al., 2003). In addition, the first Handbook of cross-cultural psychology, a series of six volumes, was edited by Triandis et al. (1980). Another important book in the subject was The handbook of cross-cultural human development by Munroe, Munroe, and Whiting in 1981. This book provides impressive evidence that there are scientific laws governing human development (Segall et al., 1990). Given these important contributions, cross-cultural psychology is now an established field, but cultural diversity is yet to be incorporated systematically in other areas of psychology (Segall et al., 1990; Sue, Arrendondo, & McDavis, 1992). Considerations of ethnic, cultural, and linguistic factors in psychology have not been well represented in traditional publications (Bernal et al., 2003). Publishing manuscripts on ethnic minority issues in mainstream periodicals has been a problem. For this reason, culture-specific associations and publications were established in the 1970s. Various of these are listed in > Table 1. Information obtained from Bernal et al. (2003) and Berry et al. (2002).

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The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

. Table 1 Culture-specific associations and publications Title Association of Black Psychologists Network of Indian Psychologists Asian American Psychological Association Journal of Black Psychology White Cloud Journal of American Indian/ Alaska Native Mental Health Renamed American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences Journal of the Asian American Psychological Association National Hispanic Psychological Association Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues (Division 45) Society for the Clinical Psychology of Ethnic Minorities (Section VI of Division 12) Culture and Psychology Asian Journal of Social Psychology Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology

Year Early 1970s Early 1970s Early 1970s 1974 1978 1987 1979 1979 1980 1980 1986 1986 1995 1998 1999

History of School Psychology School psychology diverted from psychology and clinical psychology in the early 1900s (Fagan & Wise, 2000). The field of education began to develop at the same time. The combination of (1) compulsory education in the U.S., (2) the social conditions after immigration and industrialization, and (3) the emergence of new educational tools and scientific technologies, such as intelligence quotient (IQ) and other mental tests, contributed to the inception of school psychology as a field (Fagan & Wise, 2000; Merrell et al., 2006). Therefore, school psychology has had a foundation in psychology and education. The development of the IQ, mental ability testing movement, racial segregation, and inequality in schools, which occurred in the first quarter of the twentieth century, had significant implications for the development and definition of school psychology (Merrell et al., 2006). Compulsory attendance laws between 1852 and 1918, the child labor laws, and waves of immigration dramatically changed education and led to the inclusion in schools of increased

numbers of children from diverse backgrounds (Fagan & Wise, 2000). As education struggled to meet the needs of such large numbers of children, psychologists were sought for the schools to assist educators in determining which resources students should receive; ultimately, these early psychologists assisted in segregating students into different programs (Fagan, 1990; Fagan & Wise, 2000). Fagan (1990, p. 917) points out that ‘‘the early years of the testing movement demonstrated the advantage of ability and achievement tests in segregating individuals for specialized treatments.’’ This led the way for the beginnings of special education and psychological services in schools. By 1910 special education services to address ‘‘mental, physical, and moral’’ issues with students were available in many urban and some rural school systems (Fagan & Wise, 2000). School psychological services existed to a small degree, but it has been stated that the employability of school psychologists in the school system was to reliably sort children into segregated settings (Fagan & Wise, 2000). These initial school psychologists were seen as ‘‘gatekeepers’’ because of their role in identifying students not geared to benefit from regular education. As a result, intelligence testing has been described as a means of promoting, tracking, segregating, and routing students into vocational training to reduce focus on other variables (e.g., curriculum, teacher influence) and assisting in the exclusion of students from obtaining certain types of education (Merrell et al., 2006). Fagan and Wise (2000) state that school psychology went through a formative state between 1890 and 1920 because it lacked the characteristics of a profession. This formative state involved: practitioner autonomy, professional regulation of training, credentialing, and practice. ‘‘Although clinical, counseling, and school psychology were establishing separate identities, there were no criteria for official recognition of psychology specialties’’ (Fagan, 2005, p. 226). During the 1950s and 1960s, school psychology was preoccupied with establishing itself as a professional organization and with professional issues, such as training and credentialing (Merrell et al., 2006). In 1945 the American Psychological Association (APA) gave school psychologists their first national organizational identity in the form of the Division of School Psychology (Division 16). This gave school psychologists an organizational identity, established a loose network of communication among school psychologists, and drafted guidelines for training and credentialing (Fagan & Wise, 2000).

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

The National Association of School Psychologists was later established in 1969. School psychology focused on becoming a profession in the early nineteenth century. Perhaps because of this focus and its role of ‘‘gatekeeper,’’ it did not pay attention to issues of multiculturalism or crossculturalism to the degree that was needed. In 1954, Brown v. Board of Education addressed the many years of inequality in schools. It resulted in the decision that school segregation by race denied the right of equal protection to African American students, and that schools should provide African American students equal access to the same resources as White students (Fagan & Warden, 1996; Gonzalez et al., 1997; Merrell et al., 2006; Reynolds, Elliott, Gutkin, & Witt, 1984). School psychology, however, with other areas in psychology, described minority students as culturally deprived, culturally different, distinct, or culturally neutral (Jackson, 2005). In the 1960s and 1970s, the school-aged population increased once again, thus increasing the special needs population and therefore the need for school psychologists to assist in the placement of children in special classes. Although the field of school psychology has been characterized by intelligence testing and the need to address diversity in schools, multicultural and crosscultural issues have been largely ignored. The field of school psychology continued to use systematic practices, such as IQ testing, as sole criteria for placement in special education programs that did not necessarily address multicultural or cross-cultural issues (Gonzalez et al., 1997). It appears that responsiveness to multicultural issues did not occur until the field was forced. Various court cases and legislation began to surface to force education and school psychology to address issues about the education, assessment, and equal opportunities for minority students. Some of these cases include Hobson v. Hansen (1967, 1969), Larry P. v. Riles (1972), Diana v. California State Board of Education (1970), Guadalupe v. Tempe Elementary District (1972), Public Law 94-142, and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) (1990). These and other court decisions brought into focus the need for more sensitive multicultural assessment, improved technical adequacy of tests, broader conceptualization of assessment (Fagan, 1990), and issues about equal educational opportunities. Yet despite the various laws addressing issues of equal educational opportunity, segregation, bias, and tracking, legislation is not systematically enforced (Gonzalez et al., 1997).

Cross-Cultural School Psychology Although Tarver-Behring and Ingraham (1998) and Ingraham (2000) have defined multicultural and cross-cultural consultation, there is no current definition for cross-cultural school psychology in the literature. Ingraham’s (2000) definition of cross-cultural consultation and Pederson’s (2003) definition of cross-cultural counseling will be used to define crosscultural school psychology. It will be defined as the consideration of differing cultural beliefs and values involving ethnicity, language, socioeconomic status, age, gender, educational attainment, sexual orientation, spirituality, professional role, and level of acculturation from one individual, group, community, institution, or profession to another when assessing, conceptualizing, and implementing and evaluating treatments and interventions in a client’s cultural context where those behaviors were learned and displayed. Although this is a long definition, it attempts to capture the complexity of cross-cultural considerations in school psychology. It also attempts to emphasize the need to consider various factors when one is working with an individual who differs in cultural background. School psychologists have worked and continue to work disproportionately with children from low-income, minority families, and cross-culturally diverse backgrounds (Fagan & Wise, 2000; Oakland, 2005). Historically, most of the literature in school psychology dealing with cross-cultural issues and diversity has focused on assessment and its bias (Reynolds, Lowe, & Saenz, 1999). Owing to the many controversies surrounding intelligence testing with minorities, psychology and school psychology have been forced to consider cross-cultural factors when studying bias in mental testing with minority students. Unfortunately, this is not the case in other areas of school psychology. > Table 2 shows some of the events, legislation, and major publications that have led the way to considering a multicultural and cross-cultural focus in school psychology. One can see from the list that the development of a multicultural and cross-cultural perspective in school psychology has been recent. Although legislation requiring school psychology to address multicultural and cross-cultural issues goes back as early as 1954, school psychology only began to address issues of diversity more comprehensively in the past decade. This is consistent with Frisby’s (2005) report that the word ‘‘multiculturalism’’ began to be largely used in the 1990s.

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The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

. Table 2 Developmental milestones in cross-cultural school psychology Event

Year

Compulsory education

Between 1852 and 1918 Stanford Binet Scales 1905 Brown v. Board of Education 1954 Hobson v. Hansen 1967, 1969 Diana v. State Board of Education 1970 Guadalupe Organization, Inc. v. Tempe Elementary School District 1972 Public Law 94-142 1975 P.A.S.E. v. Hannon 1980 Larry P. v. Riles 1984 National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) Position Statement on Advocacy for Appropriate 1985, 2002 Educational Services for All Children Children at Risk: Poverty, Minority Status, and Other Issues in Educational Equity (NASP) 1990 Ethical standards for the deliverance of services for ethnically diverse population resulted 1993 Individuals Disability Education Act (IDEA) 1997 NASP task force on cross-cultural school psychology competence ‘‘providing psychological services to 1998 racially, ethnically, culturally, linguistically diverse populations in the schools: recommendations for practice’’ Standards for educational and psychological testing 1999 Cross-cultural consultation volume in the School Psychology Review (volume 29, issue 3) 2000 Paper ‘‘Identifying critical cross-cultural school psychology competencies’’ by Rogers and Lopez 2002 Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (Frisby & Reynolds) 2005 Handbook of multicultural school psychology: An interdisciplinary perspective 2006

We reviewed the four major school psychology journals (Psychology in the Schools, Journal of School Psychology, School Psychology Quarterly, and School Psychology Review) to understand to what degree the literature in school psychology has reflected multicultural, cross-cultural, or diversity issues in the past 10 years (1986–2006). Databases searched were PsycINFO, Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC), Academic Search Elite, Psychology in the Schools online (full text available from Wiley Interscience Journals), Journal of School Psychology online (full text available from ScienceDirect Journals), School Psychology Quarterly online (full text available from EBSCOhost EJS), and School Psychology Review online (full text available from Wilson OmniFile) in October 2006. We searched for articles using the following words: ‘‘cross- cultural’’ þ ‘‘school psychology’’ þ ‘‘counseling,’’ ‘‘cross-cultural’’ þ ‘‘school psychology’’ þ ‘‘intervention,’’ and ‘‘cross-cultural’’ þ ‘‘school psychology’’ þ ‘‘consultation.’’ A total of 41 articles were found, of which 19 were directly related to school psychological services. We found a significant difference in

the number of articles that reflected multicultural issues published by each journal. > Table 3 reflects the number of times the words ‘‘multicultural,’’ ‘‘diversity,’’ ‘‘cross-cultural,’’ ‘‘African American,’’ and ‘‘Hispanics’’ where cited in the title of each article in each journal in the past 10 years. > Table 4 shows the proportions of articles from 1996 to 2006 in each journal addressing multicultural, cross-cultural, diversity, African American, and Hispanic issues. By far, School Psychology Quarterly proved to be the journal with the most articles (0.79), whereas Journal of School Psychology (0.06) and School Psychology Review (0.03) had the fewest articles, reflecting multicultural and cross-cultural issues in the past 10 years. The two leading group of books in school psychology have been the Best practices I–IV (Thomas & Grimes, 1988, 1990, 1995, 2002) and The handbook of school psychology (Gutkin & Reynolds, 1990; Reynolds & Gutkin, 1999). We reviewed these two sets of books (with the exception of the Handbook of school psychology (1st ed.), which was not accessible) to see

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

. Table 3 Titles addressing multicultural and cross-cultural issues in four school psychology journals, 1996–2006 Words used in title

Psychology in the schools

Journal of school psychology

School psychology quarterly

School psychology review

29 71 11 29 10 150

5 1 3 7 3 19

16 54 58 78 22 228

5 5 3 4 2 19

Multicultural Diversity Cross-cultural African American Hispanics Total

. Table 4 Proportions of articles addressing multicultural and cross-cultural issues in four school psychology journals Number of articles/total number Multicultural Diversity Cross-cultural African American Hispanics Total (All articles/total number of articles)

Psychology in the schools

Journal of school psychology

29/538 = 0.05 71/538 = 0.13 11/538 = 0.02 29/538 = 0.05 10/538 = 0.01 150/538 = 0.27

5/288 = 0.01 1/288 = 0 3/288 = 0.01 7/288 = 0.02 3/288 = 0.01 19/288 = 0.06

how many chapters were focused on multicultural or cross-cultural issues. We found that the Best practices I had 1 out of 39 chapters focused on bilingual assessment with LEP and bilingual children; Best practices II had 2 out of 62 chapters that were on bilingual assessment and another on considering cultural factors; Best practices III had 3 out of 96 chapters that focused on cultural differences in families, the role of culture, and working with bilingual children; and Best practices IV had 5 out of 101 chapters that focused on working with culturally and linguistically diverse children and families, using school interpreters, bilingual assessment, non-biased assessment, and increasing crosscultural competence. The handbook of school psychology (2nd ed.), focused one of its chapters on multicultural or cross-cultural issues. And The handbook of school psychology (3rd ed.) focused one of its chapters on cultural diversity and interventions. This is consistent with what Frisby and Reynolds (2005) found. According to them, ‘‘only one of the 43 chapters in the Handbook of school psychology (Reynolds & Gutkin, 1999), 5 of the 101 chapters in Best practices in school psychology

School psychology School quarterly psychology review 16/286 = 0.05 54/286 = 0.18 58/286 = 0.2 78/286 = 0.27 22/286 = 0.07 228/286 = 0.79

5/543 = 0.01 5/543 = 0.01 3/543 = 0.005 4/543 = 0.005 2/543 = 0.003 19/543 = 0.03

IV (Thomas & Grimes, 2002); and 4 of the 85 chapters in Children’s needs II (Bear, Minke, & Thomas, 1997) were devoted to multicultural issues’’ (p. xix). Henning-Stout and Brown-Cheatham (1999) have also noted that diversity issues in school psychology have focused on the difficulties in practice, and to a much lesser degree on training and research. They also indicate that scholars of school psychology began to give the issue of diversity more attention in the early 1990s, with regard to bilingual assessment, bilingual education, training diverse school psychologists, experiences of people of color and women. Yet, research in school psychology has largely ignored issues of diversity. This is perhaps because of the possibility that school psychology might have to change or adapt to a new way of proceeding with culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) populations (Henning-Stout & Brown-Cheatham, 1999), given possible differences in assessment, counseling, consultation, and intervention procedures. The literature in school psychology consultation has already begun to lead the way in including theoretical and research considerations of

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diversity in school psychology and how this would modify current consultation (Tarver-Behring, Cabello, Kushida, & Murgia, 2000). Given that ‘‘cross-cultural school psychology’’ is a new term and a fairly recent perspective, school psychology has much to learn from cross-cultural psychology. It is important to use the knowledge derived by many psychologists who have richly contributed to the field of cross-cultural psychology to develop the field of cross-cultural school psychology. Among the information that school psychologists need to understand are the cross-cultural perspectives in child and adolescent development, cultural identity, acculturation, cognition across cultures, culture and emotion, culture and moral development, gender and culture, abnormal psychology and culture, clinical psychology and culture, social psychology across cultures, culture and social cognition, and social justice from a cultural perspective. The reader is referred to Harry Gardiner’s (2001) chapter on Child and adolescent development: Cross-cultural perspectives and Yrizarry, Matsumoto, Imai, Kooken, and Takuchi’s (2001) Culture and emotion chapter in Adler and Gielen’s (2001) book, as well as Gardiner, Mutter, and Kosmitzki’s (1998) book Lives across cultures: Cross-cultural human development. We refer the reader to Segall et al.’s (1990) book Human behavior in a global perspective: An introduction to cross-cultural psychology, and specifically to the Developmental niche, theories of human development, and Cognitive processes chapters to understand human behavior in different cultural contexts. We also refer the reader to David Matsumoto’s (2001) The Handbook of culture and psychology and Berry et al.’s (2002) Cross-cultural psychology (2nd ed.) for further information on major concepts in cross-cultural psychology. In addition, it is important to note that two multicultural handbooks in school psychology, Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (Frisby & Reynolds, 2005) and Handbook of multicultural school psychology (Esquivel, Lopez, & Nahari, 2007), have recently been published. This not only increases the literature on cross-cultural school psychology, but also the focus on multicultural and cross-cultural issues in school psychology. Although school psychology has not always addressed issues of diversity, it is important to note the strides in which school psychology has moved towards a cross-cultural framework. Given that the school psychologist’s role primarily involves assessment,

consultation, counseling, and interventions, a brief view of the historical events that have contributed to the development of ‘‘cross-cultural school psychology’’ in each area will be discussed. The main area that has historically been targeted as needing to address cultural and linguistic diversity issues is psychoeducational assessment. Unfortunately, this has often been due to issues of malpractice, bias, or discrimination. As a result, there is much history in this area that has contributed to cross-cultural school psychology. The other area that has paved the way for cross-cultural school psychology is consultation. Lopez, Rogers, Ingraham, and Tarver-Behring brought issues of diversity into the forefront in the late 1990s, which served to develop school psychology as it relates to cross-cultural and multicultural issues. In addition, Rogers and Lopez (2002) have begun research on the consensus about what cross-cultural skills are necessary to provide best practices in school psychology. They have also provided a list of important crosscultural competencies in school psychology. School psychology has focused less on counseling and interventions for diverse students. It will have to borrow from research in cross-cultural and counseling psychology to expand its knowledge in how to provide best practices in counseling and intervention with culturally and linguistically diverse students.

Cross-Cultural Assessment in School Psychology Because intelligence testing has defined school psychology since its inception, it is no surprise that there is much history in this area. Binet and Simon introduced intelligence testing in 1905 in France, whereas Lewis Terman and his associates published the Stanford-Binet Test, a revision of the Binet-Simon Test, in the U.S. in 1916 (Holliday & Holmes, 2003). This major event led the way for school psychologists to use the Stanford-Binet Test for students in schools by the early 1900s. By 1910 there were various psychology professionals, usually at the non-doctorate level, working in schools. Their main role was to assist in the placement of students in special programs, which was sometimes seen as segregating students. Jacob and Hartshorne (2003) support this fact by indicating that intelligence testing and other mental ability tests have been used to track and segregate ethnic, racial, and linguistic minority students in inferior, dead-end

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

classes, which denied them access to the college preparatory curriculum. In addition, ethnic, racial, and linguistic minority students have been misclassified as retarded to justify their placement in poorly equipped special education classes, often taught by inadequately trained teachers (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). By the mid-1900s, school psychologists were testing CLD students and placing them in special education classes based on their IQs obtained by intelligence testing. As mentioned earlier, school psychology was forced to consider cross-cultural factors in testing based on lawsuits. One of the first lawsuits filed against school districts because of misclassification of minority students into special education was Diana v. California State Board of Education in 1970. Diana was a class action suit on behalf of nine Spanish-speaking Mexican American children placed in classes for the educable mentally retarded on the basis of IQ assessed by tests, such as the Stanford-Binet or Wechsler Intelligence Scale, given in English. After being retested by a bilingual school psychologist, the Diana students not only scored much higher, but they no longer qualified for special education services. As a result, the consent decree in Diana required children to be assessed in their primary language or with sections of tests that did not depend on knowledge of English (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). Guadalupe v. Tempe Elementary District (1972) was also a class action suit on behalf of Yaqui Indian and Mexican American children. The consent decree from this case went further than Diana. It required that if the student’s language was not English, intelligence should be assessed by using performance or nonverbal measures and that assessment of adaptive behavior should be done with an interview with the parents (Fagan & Warden, 1996). The history of testing African American students has been their disproportionate assignation to lower educational tracks, thus raising the debate over the bias of intelligence testing. Hobson v. Hansen (1967, 1969) was the first class-action lawsuit representing African American students in an attempt to stop their disproportionally being assigned to lower tracks based on group-administered aptitude tests (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). The judge ruled that this practice segregated African American students into tracks that were educationally inferior based on the equal protection clause and ordered this practice to end. In addition, he added that the group-administered aptitude tests produced misleading results because they

were standardized on White middle-class children. Larry P. v. Riles was another class action suit representing African American students. This was a special education class-action suit in California filed on behalf of African American students who had been placed in classes for the educable mentally retarded (EMR) in the San Francisco public school system. According to Fagan and Warden (1996), the central issues in this case were: (1) that standardized individually administered intelligence tests were culturally biased and at fault for the over-representation of African American students in EMR classes; and (2) that these EMR classes were not necessarily beneficial for these students. Judge Peckham found the intelligence tests (Stanford-Binet and Wechsler Intelligence Scales) to be racially and culturally biased, to have discriminatory impact against African American students, and not to be validated for placing African American children in EMR classes (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). Moreover, he found no particular benefit of EMR classes for African American children. The P.A.S.E. v. Hannon (1980) case was similar to the Larry P. case. However, the judge ruled that IQ tests, in conjunction with other assessment procedures, would not result in racial or cultural discrimination (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). Although issues of difference in testing among ethnic groups and bias in testing have been present in psychology for a long time, school psychology has been forced to address these issues to some degree based on litigation. Diana and Guadalupe have forced school psychologists to administer intelligence tests to non-English-speaking students in their native language, and to use nonverbal intelligence tests when appropriate. Litigation has also forced school psychology not to use intelligence tests to assess African American students. These court cases have also influenced federal legislature in considering multicultural factors in the assessment and provision of services for CLD students. One federal legislation delineating multicultural factors in the assessment and provision of services for CLD students was the passage of Public Law 94-192: Education for All Handicapped Children Act (1975). This provided a more specific delineation to the field of school psychology for special education services. It served to give school psychology more status and increased the demand for school psychological services. Public Law 94-142 mandated services for children aged 3–21 who had been identified with a

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qualifying disability (i.e., mental retardation, hearing impairment (including deafness), speech and language impairment, visual impairment (including blindness), serious emotional disturbance, other health impairment, specific learning disability, or being multihandicapped based on an assessment conducted by multi-disciplinary team members, such as the school psychologist) (Fagan & Warden, 1996). In addition, public law 94-142 also required child-find activities, service determination by a multidisciplinary team, education in the least restrictive environment, when possible with non-handicapped peers, development of an individualized education plan, and procedural safeguards including due process. This federal law used outcomes of previous case laws, such as Diana v. Board of Education and Larry P. v. Riles, to include its provisions. Public Law 94-142 served to require school psychologists nationally to focus on multicultural issues in assessment by mandating nondiscriminatory testing and evaluation procedures. It was later renamed the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) with Public Law 101-476 in 1990 (Fagan & Warden, 1996). IDEA mandates services for children aged 6–21 who are categorized as disabled. It continues to delineate previous mandates listed under Public law 94-142, including nondiscriminatory assessment and evaluation procedures. Jacob and Hartshorne (2003) indicate that IDEA-Part B lists the following provisions for the assessment of culturally and linguistically diverse students: (1) tests and other evaluative components be provided and administered in the child’s native language or other mode of communication, unless it is clearly not feasible to do so; (2) materials and procedures used to assess a child with limited English proficiency are selected and administered to ensure that they measure the extent to which the child has a disability and needs special education, rather than measuring the child’s English language skills; and (3) ‘‘native language’’ is defined as the language normally used by the child in the home or learning environment (p. 90). In addition, IDEA 1990 requires for assessment personnel to: (1) use a variety of assessment tools and strategies; (2) use various tests and procedures to determine whether child has a disability; (3) use technically sound instruments; and (4) determine qualification and placement for special education services by a team. Professional codes of ethics and standards in school psychology also mandate non-biased assessment of

children from culturally and linguistically diverse populations. IDEA 2004 continues to mandate the same as the previous two IDEA legislations, with the modification that a child with LEP should be assessed in the language they are most proficient in, rather than in the native language, as these two may not be the same. The history of the misuse of IQ and other mental testing has provoked various professional organizations to establish safeguards using professional and ethical standards. According to Merrell et al. (2006), the Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing were jointly published by the American Educational Research Association, the APA, and the National Council on Measurement in Education in 1999. Ethical guidelines have also been used to delineate appropriate professional behavior and service delivery to culturally and linguistically diverse students. Ethical guidelines were also established by the APA in 1953 and revised in 1992. The National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) first adopted a professional code of ethics in 1974 that was revised in 1990 (Fagan & Warden, 1996; Fagan & Wise, 2000). A professional code of ethics delineates procedures on how psychologists and school psychologists should provide services to CLD children, youth, families, and professional and community members. Despite the long history of problems with the assessment of CLD students, there have been few books on the assessment of CLD students. Most of this literature is in individual journal articles. In 2005, Rhodes, Ochoa, and Ortiz wrote a book called Assessing culturally and linguistically diverse students: A practical guide, which provides a good foundation of the assessment practice for CLD students within school psychology. Although the way in which school psychologists use tests and interpret the information derived has improved, there is increasing information from the cross-cultural literature indicating differences in cognitive processing among culturally and linguistically diverse students. For example, cross-cultural research has found differences in groups in information processing and reaction times that may be affected by differences in stimulus familiarity (Berry et al., 2002). Other research into memory has found that although there do not appear to be cultural differences in recall, there are differences in recall ability based on schooling and urbanization (Berry et al., 2002). Crosscultural research has also shown that ecological and cultural factors do not influence the sequence of

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

developmental stages, but that they do influence the rate at which they are attained. In addition, there has been work exploring different cognitive styles, such as field-dependent or field-independent cognitive styles found among different groups, which can help understand qualitative aspects of processing information (Berry et al., 2002). These cultural factors in cognitive processing have not yet been incorporated in how school psychologists interpret information derived by standardized tests, which are largely based on monolingual populations. There is still much that the field of cross-cultural psychology does not know about cognitive processing and culturally and linguistically diverse students. However, what little there is about the similarities and differences between groups should be incorporated in interpreting standardized test results with CLD populations.

Counseling in Cross-Cultural School Psychology In addition to assessment, school psychologists have conducted counseling in schools since the beginning of the profession when early practitioners, who were mostly clinical psychologists, worked in the schools (Fagan & Wise, 2000). Fagan and Wise (2000) indicate that school psychologists have varying degrees of training in individual and group counseling. For those school psychologists, examples of counseling involve working with children of divorce, children having difficulties with anger management, and children dealing with grief (Fagan & Wise, 2000). School psychologists have also led the way in providing crisis counseling in schools beginning in the latter half of the twentieth century (Fagan & Wise, 2000). Since 1990, IDEA has mandated that students receive counseling services in schools to help them adjust to the school setting (Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). School psychologists are one of the professionals involved in providing counseling as a related service to students. Although some provide this service, most report that assessment takes the majority of their time (Fagan & Wise, 2000). Not surprisingly, studies involving role perceptions of school psychologists have shown that teachers and administrators have either not considered counseling as a function of a school psychologist’s role (Reschly, 1998; as cited in Fagan, 2000) or have wanted school psychologists to be more involved with counseling students

(Hughes, 1979; Roberts, 1970). In all three studies, however, school psychologists did not particularly favor counseling students and tended to favor consultation, involvement in curriculum-based measurement, or organizational development. Much of the information on counseling culturally diverse students in school settings comes from the field of school counseling. Although counseling psychology has provided definitions in cross-cultural counseling competence, the focus is largely on adults (Rogers & Lopez, 2002). In school psychology there is limited literature on counseling, as much of it focuses on assessment, consultation, or interventions. Moreover, literature about particular CLD groups in school psychology often focuses on assessment and general diversity issues working with children and families. Counseling competencies in school psychology were first addressed by Rogers and Ponterotto (1997). These authors developed the Multicultural School Psychology Counseling Competency Scale to measure the multicultural counseling competencies of school psychologists, based on multicultural and cross-cultural competencies identified by Sue et al. (1982). This work influenced the investigation of Rogers and Lopez (2002) regarding relevant cross-cultural competencies in school psychology. In their investigation, cross-cultural counseling competencies rated important in school psychology included: issues in counseling, culture, working with parents, working with interpreters, theoretical paradigms, professional characteristics, and language (Lopez & Rogers, 2001; Rogers & Lopez, 2002). It is hoped that the delineation of these cross-cultural counseling competencies in school psychology will be followed by more literature and improved practice in the field. For more information on the competencies, please refer to the chapter on cross-cultural school psychology competencies in this volume.

Cross-Cultural Consultation in School Psychology Issues in cross-cultural and multicultural consultation in school psychology appear to have surfaced in the mid-1980s, with Gibbs (1980) questioning the effectiveness of consultation with African American clients without considering cross-cultural factors. According to Tarver-Behring and Ingraham (1998), the field of consultation has not consistently acknowledged the

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importance of culture. Further, the literature does not yet provide adequate conceptual or applied models for guiding research and practice in school-based consultation with CLD populations (Ingraham & Meyers, 2000). Other well-established models of consultation, such as the behavioral consultation model, do not have empirical support that they are effective with diverse students (Sheridan, 2000). As a result, cross-cultural and multicultural consultation in school psychology are relatively new terms and approaches. Ingraham and Meyers edited the first mini-series on multicultural and cross-cultural consultation in schools in 2000 through the School Psychology Review. Tarver-Behring and Ingraham (1998) define ‘‘multicultural consultation’’ as a culturally sensitive indirect approach in which the consultant adjusts the consultation services to address the needs and cultural values of the consultees and/or clients from various cultural groups. The specific aspect of differences in cultural background among the consultation participants is referred to as ‘‘cross-cultural consultation’’ (TarverBehring & Ingraham, 1998). Ingraham (2000) lists various researchers who have brought up multicultural or cross-cultural issues in school psychology consultation. The work of these researchers, with the exception of Gibbs (1980), took place in the 1990s. Some of these researchers have studied preferences for race of consultants, ratings of consultants’ effectiveness as a function of consultant race and style, the impact of race on ratings of consultants’ competence, multicultural sensitivity, and/or intervention acceptability, and content of the consultation session for racial issues (Ingraham, 2000). Other research, such as TarverBehring et al. (2000), explored cultural modifications to current school-based consultation approaches with CLD students and consultants. It found that certain modifications to consultation were needed for it to be culturally sensitive to CLD students and parents. Although there are mixed findings about how race has an impact on ratings of consultant competence, multicultural sensitivity, and intervention acceptability, it has been found that consultants’ attention and inclusion of race-sensitive content was rated as positive both by African American and White raters. With research emerging in the field of crosscultural and multicultural consultation, it is not known whether current theories and practices on consultation are equally effective with culturally different groups (Jackson & Hayes, 1993). Ingraham (2000) presented a comprehensive framework in

multicultural and cross-cultural consultation in schools. However, this model has yet to be adopted systematically and needs to be researched. The reader is referred to intervention and prevention efforts in cross-cultural school psychology to learn more about multicultural and cross-cultural consultation practice.

Interventions in Cross-Cultural School Psychology Henning-Stout and Brown-Cheatham (1999) indicate that school psychology does not yet have the expertise in diversity, especially as this pertains to learning environments and learning success. This is because educational institutions are organized to be consistent with values and goals of the dominant culture, which has been primarily European American. Educational systems, as described earlier in this chapter, have led to segregation, institutionalized discrimination, and bias against CLD students (Gonzalez et al., 1997). Institutionalized discrimination has been described and documented by various authors (e.g., HenningStout & Brown-Cheatham, 1999; Meier & Stewart, 1991) as significantly and negatively affecting CLD students’ academic and social development. The primary issue of institutionalized discrimination is that of educational equity and access to curriculum. For CLD students the biggest obstacles to an equal educational experience have been the political aspects surrounding bilingual education, segregation, and their overrepresentation in special education programs. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 addressed some of these obstacles by prohibiting discrimination based on race, color, sex, and national origin by any program receiving federal funding (Gonzalez et al., 1997). School psychologists are often not aware of legislation concerning educational access for CLD students. Important legislation is the Bilingual Education Act (Title VII), which was passed in 1968 and permitted students with LEP to receive instructional services in their native language (Ochoa, 2005). It is also important to know that the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare expanded its guidelines in 1970 through the May 25 Memorandum by requiring districts to: (1) rectify the language deficiencies of students from minority groups; (2) refrain from assigning pupils to special education based on criteria that reflect English skills; (3) ensure that ability grouping based on language skills does not result in

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

permanent tracking; and (4) notify parents of school activities in a language that they understand (Gonzalez et al., 1997, p. 35). Another law that school psychologists need to be aware of is Lau v. Nichols (1974). This addressed the specific responsibilities of school districts in the education of students with LEP, and ordered the San Francisco school district to provide a meaningful education to students with LEP in a language they could understand (Gonzalez et al., 1997; Ochoa, 2005). Unfortunately, Lau v. Nichols did not legislate what type of service, program, or language instruction should be provided. Other case law has indicated that school districts should implement a language proficiency testing program (Aspira of New York v. Board of Education of the City of New York, 1975) and should provide CLD students with programs that are (1) based on sound educational theory, (2) implemented in an effective manner that includes adequate training and funding, and (3) produce positive results over a reasonable time (Castaneda v. Pickard, 1981; No Child Left Behind, 2001). Despite legislature addressing equal educational opportunities for CLD students, including students with LEP, there is little follow through in enforcing these laws (Gonzalez et al., 1997). As a result, many school districts have not actively or efficiently supported the learning of CLD students or those with LEP. Moreover, because of political climates characterized by English-only and anti-bilingual education movements, bilingual education programs have been restricted in at least three states (California, Arizona, and Massachusetts) (Ochoa, 2005). For bilingual children, access to bilingual programs or adequate instructional services is paramount to early literacy development and academic achievement (Thomas & Collier, 2002; Willson & Hughes, 2005). For African American youth, institutionalized or racial discrimination may affect academic engagement, academic motivation, and achievement (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006). Unfortunately, school psychologists have become part of an educational system that often does not have programs that lead to positive outcomes for CLD students. Three main examples are the issues of bilingual education, desegregation, and the over-representation of CLD students in special education. The lack of bilingual education services for students with LEP, despite the continued documentation of success of particular bilingual education programs (i.e., late exit transitional bilingual education and dual immersion bilingual

programs) with these students (see Collier, 1992; Gonzalez et al., 1997; Ochoa, 2005), is one of the major impediments in the delivery of best practices in school psychology with this population. Moreover, the absence of an equal educational opportunity based on scientifically based programs for students with LEP has led the fields of education and school psychology to a precarious position in their roles servicing this population. The lack of appropriate programs has led to inappropriate referrals and placements in special education of students with LEP (Figueroa & Artiles, 1999). It has been reported that many urban schools, which are often composed of poor students and those with LEP, currently reflect the highest levels of segregation since the Brown v. Topeka Board of Education Supreme Court decision in 1954 (Truscott & Truscott, 2005). Segregation of CLD students continues to be a major problem. It is a major obstacle for CLD students to graduate from high school, attend higher education, achieve good employment, and achieve success at higher levels in their professional career (Truscott & Truscott, 2005). Lee’s (2001) study indicated that the academic achievement gaps in high school graduation, college graduation, and poverty between White Americans and African Americans decreased between 1970 and 1990, but began to increase again by the mid1980s. The academic achievement gap between White Americans and Hispanics remained stable. The overrepresentation of CLD students, including secondlanguage learners and African American students, in special education programs, either because of the lack of services in the regular program or an intolerance in cultural differences (Figueroa & Artiles, 1999; Henning-Stout & Brown-Cheatham, 1999), poses significant challenges to school psychologists, who have ethical and legal responsibilities in their practice with CLD students. Along with specification of providing meaningful educational experiences to CLD students and those with LEP in regular education, there have also been court cases supporting the specialized instruction of disabled students with LEP in schools in particular states, such as New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois (Gonzalez et al., 1997). Although IDEA has provided a delineation for the assessment of students with LEP, it has not provided guidelines for the education of disabled students with LEP. As a result, school districts were not held responsible for the education of disabled students with LEP until the Illinois Public Act

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87-0995 of 1992, which delineates issues related to ‘‘bilingual special education,’’ and the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, which requires school districts to be accountable for the progress of students with LEP (Gonzalez et al., 1997; Jacob & Hartshorne, 2003). Although the Illinois Public Act is a state law, the No Child Left Behind of 2001 is legislature and affects all states. Still, there is no indication about how students with LEP should be educated (Gonzalez et al., 1997), most likely because of the controversies surrounding bilingual education and thus the possible political repercussion resulting in delineating educational programs for students with LEP. As a result, school psychologists are often part of a system that is unprepared to provide services or programs that are meaningful to CLD students and those with LEP and that result in positive outcomes. Although there is a growing body of literature establishing the relationship between cross-cultural competence and intervention outcomes (Rogers & Lopez, 2002), very little research in the school psychology literature has explored specific educational interventions with LEP students or those with LEP. Although various researchers began to provide theoretical frameworks in conceptual and linguistic development from the 1970s to the 1990s (e.g., Jim Cummings, Virginia Gonzalez, and Steven Krashen), very few professionals outside bilingual education even know who these researchers are or what they recommend when intervening with students with CLD and LEP. Some literature (e.g., Carnine, 1994) addresses the different learning styles of CLD students and how this may affect their ability to gain from a curriculum designed for primarily White American students. Yet, other research documents that there are many more similarities in learning styles across cultural groups (Kane & Boan, 2005). Much more research is needed in this and other areas exploring learning strengths and requirements among CLD students for school psychologists to better understand how to incorporate such information into their practice. For academic interventions, the field of school psychology has largely focused on curriculum-based assessment in the past decade and how this can be applied to better outcomes for students. Yet, school psychology has paid little attention to students with CLD and LEP, how curriculum-based assessment, more specifically curriculum-based measurement, can be applied to them (Henning-Stout & Brown-Cheatham, 1999). School psychology as a field is more keenly aware

than ever of reading development and its impact on students’ reading proficiency. Yet, despite the significant problems with reading proficiency among CLD students, there is limited knowledge and research on curriculum-based measurement of students with LEP (Laija-Rodriguez, Ochoa, & Parker, 2006).

Multicultural and Cross-Cultural Training in School Psychology Although the Thayer Conference in 1954 focused on the structural issues pertaining to the specialization of school psychology and its training, it did not address social or cultural issues (Fagan, 2005). Fagan (2005) mentions that the famous Brown v. Board of Education case was neither mentioned at the Thayer Conference nor addressed by APA at that time. The 2002 Multisite Conference was more ‘‘socially and culturally ‘in touch’ especially with regard to developing services for an increasingly diverse student population, and the need for greater minority participation in school psychology’’ (Fagan, 2005, p. 244). According to Cummings (2005), three of the five priority outcomes of the 2002 Multisite Conference were to: (1) improve academic competence and school success for all children; (2) provide more effective education and instruction for all learners; and (3) enhance family–school partnerships and parental involvement in schools. However, ethnic and cultural factors are not noted in the comments of Cummings (2005) or D’Amato, Sheridan, Phelps, and Lopez’ (2004) about the 2002 Multisite Conference. In 1999, according to Fagan and Wise (2000), 92% of school psychologists were White American, 2.14% were African American, 4.01 were Hispanic (1.46% Other Hispanic, 0.91% were Mexican American, 0.76% Puerto Rican), 0.93 were Asian American/Pacific Islander, and 0.40 were American Indian/Alaskan Native. A shortage of school psychologists from minority groups has been a consistent theme throughout the history of school psychology (Fagan, 2004). Not only is school psychology dominated by White Americans, but the recruitment of minority students into school psychology programs has been a challenge (Benson, 1990). The Multisite Conference in 2002 also emphasized the need to train more school psychologists of diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds. In 1986, Zins and Halsell reported that only 11.5% of the enrolled students in school psychology training programs were students of color, most

The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States

of them coming from 15 programs, and 22% of the programs surveyed having no students of color enrolled. Although the trend of recruiting and retaining minority school psychology students has improved, there is no doubt that there continues to be large need for school psychologists of color in the field (Fagan, 2004). The recruitment of minority individuals to become school psychologists alone will not solve the problem of addressing the needs of CLD students and their families. The APA and NASP professional code of ethics, and legal mandates such as IDEA, Diana v. Board of Education, and Larry P. v. Riles, delineate practice to some degree in working with CLD children, families, and school personnel. Moreover, NASP has delineated specific standards for training school psychologists to work with CLD populations. Research in how training programs address multicultural issues appears to have begun in the late twentieth century. Rogers, Conoley, Ponterroto, and Wiese (1992) surveyed multicultural training in school psychology. They revealed that only 6% of the programs required that students take a foreign language, and that all of these programs granted the doctoral degree (Ed.D., Psy.D., Ph.D.); 60% of the programs offered at least one course specifically devoted to multicultural issues, and 63% of the programs offered two to five courses; in most cases (76%), the multicultural course (titled: Multicultural Studies in Education, Multicultural Counseling, Cultural Diversity, and Bilingual and Multicultural Education) was located inside the program’s department and was a required course (Rogers et al., 1992). In addition, most program directors (69%) estimated that student exposure to minority clients during practicum and internship experiences occurred less than one-quarter of the time, which suggests that a subgroup of school psychology students have either limited or no direct exposure to culturally diverse clients during field training (Rogers et al., 1992). Ochoa, Rivera, and Ford’s (1997) survey on bilingual assessment revealed that 80% of school psychologists reported not having been trained to perform bilingual psychoeducational assessments and 97% indicated that no coursework was available in bilingual assessment in their training program. Even when programs claim to provide multicultural training, there are inconsistencies in the follow through in meeting multicultural guidelines as provided by the APA (Kearns, Ford, & Brown, 2002). The more recent (2002) research of Kearns and colleagues on

multicultural training shows that there is still no systematic manner by which multicultural school psychology programs (even the best) provide multicultural or cross-cultural training.

Implications Cross-cultural issues have been present in the field of school psychology probably since its inception. However, cross-cultural school psychology has a short history. Although multicultural and cross-cultural issues have focused on bias and discrimination in psychoeducational assessment and have been prevalent in school psychology since very early on, multicultural and cross-cultural issues affecting other areas of practice, such as counseling, consultation, and intervention in school psychology, have been evolving slowly. The more recent overwhelming growth of CLD populations in the U.S., however, makes it imperative for the school psychology field to address cross-cultural issues throughout its practice. Although the 2002 Multisite Conference began a national discussion to address the needs of CLD students in the field of school psychology, more remains to be done regarding how this will occur. It is our belief that school psychology will need to use research from cross-cultural psychology for cross-cultural school psychology to truly evolve. It will not do so until school psychology trainers and mainstream school psychologists address cultural and linguistic factors in work with students, families, school personnel, and other professionals. Unfortunately, school psychologists work in educational systems that have often been part of institutionalized discrimination in various respects (Meier & Stewart, 1991), thus reducing options for CLD students. In addition, there has not been enough emphasis on training school psychologists to effectively work with students with CLD and LEP (Ingraham & Meyers, 2000; Truscott & Truscott, 2005). This places the average school psychologist at a disadvantage in furthering the field of cross-cultural school psychology and providing cross-cultural psychological services to CLD students. As a field, school psychology will need to embrace multiculturalism and cross-culturalism to provide the best practices delineated by law as well as professional and ethical codes. Although it will be challenging, given that school psychologists often practice within a system and in settings characterized by

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institutionalized discrimination, school psychologists will need to be trained to understand systems dynamics and system-level changes. School psychology can learn from the school counseling field about taking a more active social advocacy role. There has been much focus on psychoeducational assessment of CLD students within school psychology, mostly because of malpractice, bias, and discrimination. Cross-cultural school psychology can use this information and further the field by incorporating research from cross-cultural psychology, focusing on similarities and differences in cognitive, social, and emotional development and learning among various CLD groups. In addition, school psychologists can interpret assessment information and delineate interventions based on research in cross-cultural psychology. School psychologists will also need to be reminded that their role is not just in assessment, but also in providing counseling, consultation, and interventions to CLD students. This is more relevant given the recent mandates of IDEA (2004) and No Child Left Behind (NCLB, 2002), that require interventions based on scientifically based research. Moreover, IDEA and NCLB focus on data and outcomes, thus making school psychologists accountable for their work with CLD students, families, schools, and community members. School psychology researchers will have to ‘‘step up to the plate’’ and study best-practice approaches in providing counseling, consultation, and interventions for CLD students in schools. This leads to training. School psychology training programs have the added responsibility of addressing mandates delineated by law and by professional and ethics codes in the provision of services to CLD students in schools. School psychology training programs need to go a step further. That is, training programs have the responsibility of not only providing knowledge in the provision of best practices to CLD students in assessment, counseling, consultation, and intervention, but also of developing competence in these areas, as expected by NASP standards. This is a monumental task, given that few school psychology programs address multicultural or cross-cultural issues in a systematic and comprehensive manner. Training in school psychology will have to change to reflect cross-cultural school psychology competencies, as described by Rogers and Lopez (2002) and Gonzalez et al. (1997), and focus on best practices for CLD populations.

Acknowledgment We thank Lilea Magdaleno for her positive attitude in searching journals for articles reflecting multicultural and crosscultural issues in school psychology.

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Jackson, D. N., & Haes, D. H. (1993). Multicultural issues in consultation. Journal of Counseling and Development, 72, 144–147. Jackson, J. H. (2005). Commentary #2: What is multicultural school psychology? In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.). Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 14–29). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Jackson, M. L. (1995). Multicultural counseling: Historical perspective. In J. G. Ponterotto, M. J. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 3–16). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Jacob, S., & Hartshorne, T. S. (2003). Ethics and law for school psychologists (4th ed.). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Kane, H., & Boan, C. H. (2005). A review and critique of multicultural learning styles. In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.). Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 425–482). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Kearns, T., Ford, L., & Brown, K. (2002). Multicultural training in doctoral school psychology programs: In search of a model program. ERIC 465 930. Kindler, A. L. (2002). Survey of the states’ limited English proficient students and available educational programs and services 1990– 2000 summary report. Washington, D.C.: National Clearinghouse for English Acquisition and language Instruction Educational Programs. Laija-Rodriguez, W., Ochoa, S. H., & Parker, R. (2006). The crosslinguistic role of cognitive academic language proficiency on reading growth in Spanish and English. Bilingual Research Journal, 30(1), 87–106. Lee, J. (2001). Interstate variations in rural student achievement and schooling conditions. Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED99-CO-0027). Retrieved October 10, 2006 from http://www.ael.org/page.htm?&pv = x&pd = &id = ss9 Lopez, E. C., & Rogers, M. R. (2001). Conceptualizing cross-cultural school psychology competence. School Psychology Quarterly, 16(3), 270–302. Matsumoto, D. (Ed.). (2001). The handbook of culture and psychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Meier, K. J., & Stewart, J. (1991). The politics of Hispanic education: Un paso pa’lante y dos pa’tras. New York: State University of New York Press. Merrell, K. W., Ervin, R. A., & Gimpel, G. A. (2006). School psychology for the 21st century: Foundations and practices. New York: The Guilford Press. Oakland, T. (2005). Commentary #1: What is multicultural school psychology? In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.). Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 3–13). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Ochoa, S. H. (2005). The effectiveness of bilingual education programs? In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.). Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 329–356). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Ochoa, S. H., Rivera, B., & Ford, L. (1997). An investigation of school psychology training pertaining to bilingual psycho-educational assessment of primarily Hispanic students: Twenty-five years after Diana v. California. Journal of School Psychology, 35, 329–349. Pederson, P. B. (2003). Cross-cultural counseling: developing culture-centered interactions. In G. Bernal, J. Trimble,

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The history of cross-cultural school psychology in the United States A. Burlew, & F. Leong, (Eds.), Handbook of racial & ethnic minority psychology (pp. 487–503). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Reschly, D. J. (1998, August). School psychology practice: Is there change? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA. Reynolds, C. R., Elliott, S. N., Gutkin, T. B., & Witt, J. C. (1984). School psychology: Essentials of theory and practice. New York: Wiley. Reynolds, C. R., & Gutkin, T. B. (1999). The handbook of school psychology (3rd ed.). New York: Wiley. Reynolds, C. R., Lowe, P.A., & Saenz, A. L. (1999). The problem of bias in psychological assessment. In C. R. Reynolds & T. B. Gutkin (Eds.) The handbook of school psychology (3rd ed., pp. 549–595). New York: Wiley. Rhodes, R.L., Ochoa, S. H., & Ortiz, S. O. (2005). Assessing culturally and linguistically diverse students: A practical guide. New York: Guilford Press. Richards, G. (1997). Race, racism, and psychology: Towards a reflexive history. New York: Routledge. Roberts, R. D. (1970). Perceptions of actual and desired role functions of school psychologists by psychologists and teachers. Psychology in the Schools, 7, 175–178. Rogers, M. R., Conoley, J. C., Ponterrotto, J. G., & Wiese, M. J. (1992). Multicultural training in school psychology: A national survey. School Psychology Review, 21(4), 603–616. Rogers, M. R., & Lopez, E. C. (2002). Identifying critical crosscultural school psychology competencies. Journal of School Psychology, 40(2), 115–141. Rogers, M. R., & Ponterotto, J. G. (1997). Development of the multicultural school psychology counseling competency scale. Psychology in the Schools, 34, 211–217. Rohner, R. P. (1984). Toward a conception of culture for crosscultural psychology. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 15, 111–138. Segall, M. H. (1979). Cross-cultural psychology: Human behavior in global perspective. Monterrey, CA: Brooks/Cole. Segall, M. H., Dasen, P. R., Berry, J. W., & Poortinga, Y. H. (1990). Human behavior in global perspective: An introduction to crosscultural psychology. New York: Pergamon. Sheridan, S. M. (2000). Considerations of multiculturalism and diversity in behavioral consultation with parents and teachers. School Psychology Review, 29(3), 344–354. Sue, D. W., Arrendondo, P., & McDavis, R. J. (1992). Multicultural counseling competencies and standards: A call to the profession. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 20, 64–88.

Sue, D. W., Bernier, J. E., Duran, A., Feinberg, L., Pedersen, P., Smith, E. J., et al. (1982). Position paper: Cross-cultural counseling competencies. The Counseling Psychologist, 10, 45–52. Tarver-Behring, S., Cabello, B., Kushida, D., & Murguia, A. (2000). Cultural modifications to current school-based consultation approaches reported by culturally diverse beginning consultants. School Psychology Review, 29(3), 354–368. Tarver-Behring, S., & Ingraham, C. L. (1998). Culture as a central component of consultation: A call to the field. Journal of Educational and Psychological Consultation, 9(1), 57–72. Thomas, W. P., & Collier, V. P. (2002). A national study of school effectiveness for language minority students’ long-term academic achievement. George Mason University: Center for Research on Education, Diversity and Excellence. Available at http://www. crede.org/research/llaa/1.1_fianl.html Thomas, A., & Grimes, J. (1988). Best practices in school psychology I. Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Thomas, A., & Grimes, J. (1990). Best practices in school psychology II. Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Thomas, A., & Grimes, J. (1995). Best practices in school psychology III. Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Thomas, A., & Grimes, J. (2002). Best practices in school psychology IV. Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Triandis, H. C., Lambert, W. W., Berry, J. W. Lonner, W. J., Brislin, R., Heron, A., et al. (Eds.). (1980). Handbook of cross-cultural psychology. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Truscott, S. D., & Truscott, D. M. (2005). Challenges in urban and rural education. In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 3–13). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2001). Resident population estimates of the United States by sex, race, and Hispanic origin: April 1, 1990 to November 1, 1999, with short-term projection to November 1, 2000. Retrieved October 1, 2006 from www.census.gov/population/estimates/nation/intfile3-1.txt Willson, V. L., & Hughes, J. N. (2005). Retention of Hispanic/Latino students in first grade: Child, parent, teacher, school, and peer predictors. Journal of School Psychology, 44(1), 31–49. Yrizarry, N., Matsumoto, D., Imai, C., Kooken, K., & Takeuchi, S. (2001). Culture and emotion. In L. Adler, & U. Gielen (Eds.), Cross-cultural topics in psychology (2nd ed., pp. 131–148). Westport, CT: Praeger. Zins, J. E., & Halsell, A. (1986). Status of ethnic minority group members in school psychology training programs. School Psychology Review, 15, 76–83.

Cross-Cultural School Psychology: An Overview and Examples of Multicultural Treatment and Assessment Modalities Giuseppe Costantino . Carmen Inoa Vazquez . Melanie Perez

Background Psychology as a discipline emerged to address questions that provided an understanding of the differences in personalities and the workings of the human mind (Allport, 1973; Robinson, 1976). Theoreticians such as Sigmund Freud, Carl Rogers, Raymond Cattell, and Gordon Allport were the pioneers of various personality theories being applied in psychology today (Mayer, 2005). Although some of these theories have been modified and expanded to include broader theoretical frames, they are primarily based on the European and European American formulation of personality. Hence they lack the specific understanding that cross-cultural psychology recommends should be followed by school psychologists in the United States (U.S.) (Dana, 1993).

Cross-Cultural Psychology Currently, cross-cultural psychology recognizes that those theories, which have trained the profession to view people universally, must consider the role of culture when assessing, treating, teaching, and training people from diverse national backgrounds. Universality of behavior may be only partly true. One of the aims of cross-cultural psychology is either to refute or confirm this view and be able to determine scientifically the relevance of cultural factors in the understanding of all human beings (Berry, Portinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992). A definition of cross-cultural psychology posed by Segal, Dasen, Berry, and Portinga (1990) indicates that it is ‘‘the scientific study of human behavior and its transmission, taking into account the ways in which behaviors are shaped and influenced by social and cultural forces’’ (p. 1). This definition takes into

consideration two important aspects: (1) acknowledgment of the diversity of human behavior and its uniformity; and (2) the relationship between human behavior and culture. Before we fully understand cross-cultural school psychology, we must look at a broad definition of school psychology. School psychology is the science and practice of psychology in the school system that promotes the protection and the educational and personal development of school-age children. School psychologists facilitate the interaction of youngsters through learning and developmental tasks encountered in U.S. school systems. The practice of school psychology includes psychological and psychoeducational evaluations, individual/group/family therapy with students and parents, consultation with guidance counselors, teachers and principals, screening for physical/ sexual abuse, program development and evaluation, teachers’ training, and research (Costantino & Flanagan, 2004). The settings in which school psychologists may be employed and their job functions reflect their education and training. The acknowledgment of the diversity of human behavior and its uniformity has been one of the challenges faced within the subspecialty of cross-cultural school psychology. This challenge must address the connection between human behavior and culture within the areas of research, training, teaching, assessment, and treatment in mental health. In this regard, the development of the discipline of psychology recognizes that school mental-health professionals are now working with a diverse society, which requires the integration of racial, ethnic, and sexual identity, as well as disabilities, into psychological theory and research. This recognition has been followed by the development of specific guidelines for clinicians, researchers, and teachers in the application of their services. The guidelines train psychologists to gain a better understanding of the differences and similarities of the culturally diverse groups they come in contact with that require services in assessment, treatment, teaching, and research (American Psychological Association, 2003; Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1998; Frisby & Reynolds, 2005; Sue, 2001). Although this integration by definition includes school psychology in the provision of mental health services to children from different cultures and their families, it is faced with limitations. The limitations are based on the dearth of specific literature on competency that applies to services in schools (Lopez & Rogers, 2001).

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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The culturally diverse populations that seek services from psychologists and other mental health professionals in the U.S. pose a challenge to our politics, schools, and agencies and to the profession of psychology in general (Tharp, 1991). Cross-cultural school psychology is faced with the challenge of providing services in a culturally competent manner to a population that is composed not only of persons from different racial and ethnic backgrounds, but of individuals with diverse physical challenges, sexual orientations, economic status, religious backgrounds, and gender. Psychologists who provide services to a diverse population in schools and wish to be culturally competent often fear that they cannot be knowledgeable about all the various racial/ethnic groups that include individuals from African American, Caribbean Black, Asian American, Hispanic/Latino, Native American and Pacific Islander backgrounds.

Cultural Competence Cross-cultural school psychology requires that services be provided to all children and their parents in a manner that recognizes the different values they hold that stem from their cultural beliefs. The number of people from other cultures living in the U.S. is increasing significantly. For example, a Pew Hispanic Center report (2005) indicated that more than half of Hispanic/Latino children (56%) attend schools with the largest enrollments compared with 32% of Blacks and 26% of Whites. In this report Richard Fry indicated that ‘‘Hispanic teens are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to attend public schools that have dual characteristics of extreme size and poverty’’ (Fry, 2005a, p. 7). According to the Pew Hispanic Center, other significant findings of the three reports refer to the higher dropout rate of foreign-born students. Twenty-five percent of teenage dropouts from school are foreign born (Fry, 2005b). Another alarming finding is that, regardless of the country of origin, adolescents who interrupted their school careers before they immigrated to the U.S. tend to stay out of schools after immigration (Fry, 2005b). The immigration experience tends to create a great deal of stress for children and their families (Dana, 2000; Rogler, 2002; Vazquez, 2004a, 2005). This requires psychologists providing services in schools in the U.S. to gain specific sensitivity and competency skills that will help them

understand differences based on cultural customs, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. To understand the relevance of these differences, the providers of services in mental health need to be culturally competent (American Psychological Association, 2003). Before proceeding further, it is necessary to define and understand what is meant by ‘‘cultural competence.’’ The definitions in general refer to a fundamental need to value and respect differences and to gain awareness that cultural competence is an ongoing process, more an ideal than a firmly attained goal (Dana, 1998a; Sue, 2003; Sue & Sue, 2003; Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992; Vazquez, 2005). Dana (1998a, p. 73) sees cultural competence as a prerequisite for a healthy society: ‘‘It should embrace an ethnorelativistic citizenry who acknowledge, accept, honor and understand differences.’’ A crucial component of cultural competence for the mental health professional is to acknowledge the differences and similarities among the diverse clients, and to acknowledge the limitations in providing competent services. Mental health professionals are not to be considered culturally competent by merely being a member of a particular ethnic or racial group. Nor do they develop competence by belonging to a specific group without receiving the appropriate training to acquire both competence skills and sensitivity. It therefore follows that the need to receive training in cultural competence applies to all mental health clinicians. It is only through awareness, experience, and self-knowledge that practitioners can then reduce biases and look at others’ belief systems and behaviors without labeling them necessarily pathological. Montaigne, the French philosopher, first recognized the universality and individuality of human beings when he stated that all human beings must be alike because no human being is ever mistaken for an animal; but they must be different because no human being is ever mistaken for another human being. When applied to individuals from different cultural groups, this statement embodies both emic and etic perspectives. ‘‘An emic perspective can provide an approach to more veridical and enriched assessment conceptualization of other persons by an emphasis on understanding individuals in their cultural contexts’’ (Dana, 1993, p. 142). Conversely, an etic perspective emphasizes the universal condition of the human personality. Consequently, culturally diverse individuals living in the U.S. tend to exhibit a continuous acculturation process in both their culturally specific personality functions

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

and their general personality functions specific to the Anglo European American culture. Traditionally, psychological tests, both intelligence and personality instruments, have been developed in a biased manner because they have been constructed and normed based on the Anglo European American majority group and then applied to culturally diverse minority groups, such as Latinos, African Americans, and Caribbean Blacks. An emic-sensitive instrument takes into consideration those elements that are indigenous to a given cultural group for personality characteristics, and thus reduces test bias. More specifically, the Montaigne axiom rightly assumes that there are certain given universals within human beings, whether they are called drives, emotions, motivations, or behaviors; however their experience or manifestations may be completely different in various cultures. Not to recognize and acknowledge these differences could render the assessment and treatment provided to most culturally diverse clients as biased, if not harmful. If this line of thought is followed, having cultural/linguistic guidelines in the profession of psychology should be seen as the recognition of a consensual message on how to operate competently within the profession of psychology, when clinicians are treating clients from another culture. Guidelines should be understood as a clinical requirement and not a political position. Accordingly, the American Psychological Association (APA) has developed clear multicultural guidelines for psychologists (American Psychological Association, 2003). The concern with cultural competence has been around for more than three decades, dating back to 1973 when the Vail Colorado Conference supported a resolution that recognized multicultural competence as an essential therapeutic expertise, and initiated an examination of ethical issues. For years thereafter, however, and despite the best of intentions, there was no uniform effort to understand culture-specific values and their manifestations in the populations treated by psychologists (Dana, 1998b). The first set of guidelines for multicultural counseling was submitted in 1982. The second set of guidelines (endorsed in 1999), focused on the importance, maintenance, and application of cultural competence as it applies to counseling members of specific racial/ethnic groups. However, the most comprehensive multicultural guidelines for psychologists in the areas of assessment, treatment, research, and teaching were issued only in 2003 (American Psychological Association, 2003). The application of cultural sensitivity and competence was

started at the Hispanic Research Center (HRC), Fordham University, in the early 1980s with a systemic program of assessment and treatment research, which developed culturally competent assessment techniques such as the Tell Me A Story (TEMAS) Multicultural Test (e.g., Costantino, 1978, 1987; Costantino, Colon-Malgady, Malgady, & Baley, 1992; Costantino, Colon-Malgady, Malgady, & Perez, 1991; Costantino & Malgady, 1983; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988a; Costantino, Malgady, Rogler, & Tsui, 1988; Costantino, Malgady, & Vazquez, 1981), and cuento therapy, the use of folktales as therapy modalities for Latino children and their parents (e.g., Costantino, 1982; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1988, 1988b, 1994; Malgady, Rogler, & Costantino, 1990a, b). These programs, and subsequent ones as will be expanded later, were developed for school children in public school settings. At HRC, issues of cultural bias were also addressed (Malgady, Costantino, & Rogler, 1987) and a culturally competent treatment framework for Latinos was developed (Rogler, Malgady, Costantino, & Blumenthal, 1987). The concept of cultural competence extends to teaching, research, and practice. Although it is not possible to list the entire guidelines here, the list of resources at the end of this chapter details where to download the guidelines. In general the guidelines define that what is understood by cultural diversity should include ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and socioeconomically based differences, physical differences in sexual orientation, and any subgroup of characteristics of people about which valid generalizations can be made. Licensed mental health professionals should be specifically educated and trained to recognize and incorporate the influence of diversity on human behavior. There are specific directions that refer to the requirements of psychological practice, which must include an understanding of how cultural differences affect attitudes, values, and behavior. This knowledge should be gained during the psychologist’s formal educational preparation and should be ongoing. To be considered culturally competent in the provision of mental health services within a school setting, specific guidelines must be included for training professionals providing services in schools. These guidelines will insure the adherence and acquisition of cross-cultural competencies. Cross-cultural school psychology not only offers guidelines indicating that all assessments and interventions be completed within the relevant cultural context of the child, including the dominant language of the students, but it also refers

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to the importance of the values of the family and schools, and the relevance of both as socializing institutions. This socialization process from schools and families requires sensitivity in understanding differences among the various groups. When these differences are primarily due to divergent cultural values that promote different behaviors and expectations either from the families or the schools, children, families, and school personnel can be faced with significant conflicts. Sensitivity to the different values and beliefs is important, but it alone does not ensure competence, which is an essential component of cross-cultural school psychology.

Training and Education of School Psychologists The education and training of school psychologists requires advanced master’s or doctoral degrees. The National Association of School Psychologists requires an advanced master’s diploma with a minimum of 60 credits beyond the baccalaureate degree. The APA requires a doctoral degree. However, many school psychologists have not had the opportunity to obtain their master’s or doctoral degrees in cross-cultural psychology from an accredited university. In 2001, Walter J. Lonner, of the Center for Cross-cultural Research at Western Washington University, indicated that no U.S., Canadian, or foreign universities awarded a Ph.D. in cross-cultural psychology (Lonner, 2001). Hence, most school psychologists must learn to become culturally sensitive and competent by attending seminars, workshops, and internship training such as the APA-recognized and accredited programs at Bellevue Medical Center in New York City (Vazquez, 1991) and the Sunset Park Mental Health Center in Brooklyn, New York (Costantino, Rivera, Bracero, & Rand, 2005).

School-Based Mental Health Programs Since the late 1970s, city boards of education, city departments of mental health, and community-based mental health centers in a tripartite partnership have developed school-based mental health programs. These programs seek to bridge the gap for psychological services by providing psychoeducational and mental health assessment and treatment of school-age

children. According to a 1998–1999 survey conducted by the National Assembly on School-Based Health Care (NASBHC), there were 1,135 school-based health centers in the nation, an increase from only 200 in 1990 (NASBHC, 2000). This dramatic growth parallels the strong need for mental health services in schools as an increasing number of students struggle with language, acculturation, family violence, substance abuse, and parental abuse and neglect (Murry, 1997; Paternite, 2005). However, a more recent survey has revealed that more schools are providing school-based mental health centers, which offer a one-stop source of primary and preventive health and mental care. However, the dramatic increase of the late 1990s has leveled off. In the nation’s approximately 114,000 public schools, the number of school-based health centers has increased from 1,137 programs in 1999 to 1,708 in 2005, as shown by National Assembly on School-Based Health Care, 2004–2005 Census. Students in these school-based centers are from predominantly racial/ethnic minority groups that have experienced health care disparities. Approximately 50% of these students are eligible for free and reduced lunch provided by the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s National School Lunch Program to poor students. Of these 1,708 school-based health centers (SBHCs), 39% were housed in high schools, 23% in elementary schools, 18% in middle schools, 9% in elementarymiddle schools, 7% in middle-high schools, and 4% in kindergarten through grade 12 schools. Sixty-two percent of SBHCs were in urban settings, 25% in rural settings, and 10% in suburban districts. Students in these schools with SBHCs are students of color largely from low socioeconomic populations who experience disparities in access to health care: 33% are African American, 32% are White 32%, 29% are Hispanic/ Latino, 4% are Asian/Asian American, 1% are Native American, and 1% are other categorizations. Four in ten SBHCs report that 50% or more of SBHC users had no other source of health and mental health care; in other words, 40% of SBHCs report that 50% or more of their users have no other source of health care. The majority of SBHCs provide basic preventive primary care services, such as health assessment, Body Mass Index (BMI), vision and hearing screenings, immunizations, treatment of minor injuries, and to a lesser extent dental services. Furthermore, SBHCs in middle and high schools tend to offer abstinence counseling (76%), treatment of sexually transmitted diseases (62%), HIV/AIDS and substance abuse counseling (64%), and provide pregnancy testing (78%). The majority of these

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

centers are prohibited from dispensing contraceptives. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National Assembly on School-Based Health Care). The first school-based mental health program in New York City operated by a community mental health center was established by the Sunset Park Mental Health Center of the Lutheran Medical Center in 1978 (Costantino, Bailey, & Jusino, 1999). Today, this Center has seven culturally competent school psychologists serving 10 public schools in Brooklyn and approximately 14,000 culturally and linguistic diverse children. The Center’s school psychologists, who are employed by the Lutheran Medical Center and paid by New York City, New York state, and federal grants, provide psychological services in the schools and have been working closely with a school-based support team. The support team comprises a guidance counselor, a social worker, and a part-time psychologist, who are employed by the New York City Board of Education (Costantino, Bailey, & Jusino, 1999). The Lutheran Family Health Centers Network school-based mental health program is fully integrated within the Network’s School-Based Health Centers, that provide basic primary care and preventive mental health services in 14 elementary, middle, and high schools. The Lutheran Family Health Centers Network School-Based Health Centers are one of the largest school-based services in the nation.

Existing School-Based Services The Sunset Park Mental Health Center school health program serves the southwest Brooklyn communities of Red Hook, Sunset Park, and southern Park Slope, which have a population of 150,000 people. The 15 schools in the network comprise six middle schools and eight elementary schools in two school districts (nine in District 15 and two in District 20), and one high school. Services provided on site in the SBHC include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Intake evaluation. Outreach for Child Health Plus and Medicaid. Mental health services (either on site or by referral). Alcohol/substance abuse (prevention and referral). Primary care and preventive health services. Management of chronic conditions such as asthma. Coordination of care with Sunset Park Network’s Pediatric Department. 8. Follow up and referral. 9. 24 hour/7 day access to care.

The school-based mental health program, which is part of the Lutheran Family Health Centers School Health Program, operates under Article 31 and is licensed by the New York State Office of Mental Health. The program is housed in Brooklyn, New York and provides mental health services to nine elementary schools, five middle schools, and a high school that includes two middle schools in the complex. Services include: 1. Psychosocial assessment on all children enrolled in the SBHC program and psychiatric evaluation as needed. 2. Referral to clinician on site (e.g., school psychologists, social workers). 3. Referral to Sunset Park Mental Health Center or other mental health providers as dictated by the child’s insurance coverage (e.g., primarily managed care contracts). 4. Mental health services such as assessment and treatment plans for individual, group, and family therapy, consultation, and crisis intervention. In addition to its size, what distinguishes the Lutheran Family Health Centers program is that all assessment and treatment are delivered by culturally and linguistically competent psychologists and psychologists-intraining using multicultural competent modalities such as cuento therapy (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1986), the TEMAS narrative therapy (Costantino, Malgady, & Cardalda, 2005), and the TEMAS Multicultural Test (Costantino, 1987; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988a; Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007).

Historical Context The different groups that currently compose American society have been arriving in the U.S. for nearly two centuries. This flow of culturally diverse immigrants, which started around 1820, has created the ‘‘American Mosaic’’ (Johnson-Powell, 1997b) that includes persons from all over the world. Each immigrant group which has arrived to America shares an experience unique to themselves. These experiences may include seeking freedom and safety, avoiding persecutions due to differences in political or religious beliefs, economic changes resulting from wars, physical disasters, and unemployment. Not all members of an immigrant family choose to leave their country: in many instances they are forced to accompany their relatives, as in the case of children or the elderly. People throughout the world leave their homes and try to survive in a

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different sociocultural environment, which for many requires significant adjustments that negatively affect their mental health.

Mental Health Disorders Among Culturally Diverse School Children Recent statistics indicate that there are approximately 75 million school-age children under the age of 18 in the U.S. (the New York City public school system alone has more than one million pupils). According to a recent study (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Servies Administration, 2004), school-age children throughout the nation present severe mental health problems. More specifically, the study showed that: 80% of girls and 73% of boys present social, interpersonal, and family problems; 63% of boys and 27% of girls show aggression, disruptive behavior and bullying; 42% of boys and 20% of girls exhibit behavior problems related to neurological disorders; 24% of the boys and 36% of the girls present adjustment disorders; 18% of the boys and 41% of the girls show anxiety, stress, and school phobia; and 13% of boys and 29% of girls exhibit depression disorders. In addition, the World Health Organization Global Burden of Disease Study (2001) indicates that by 2020, children’s mental health disorders will increase by more than 50%, thus becoming one of the five most common causes of disability and mortality among children. The U.S. Surgeon General (2001) emphasized that a large percentage of children with mental illnesses do not receive any services. The situation is even worse for African American, Latino, and other youngsters from ethnically and culturally diverse communities. Tragically, these children often bear the burden of unmet mental health needs (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). These significant percentages of mental health problems indicate that schools play a critical role in mental health interventions; hence school-based mental health programs become the necessary agent to provide treatment on-site to the high numbers of affected pupils in the nation. In 2003, there were 73 million children ages 0–17 in the U.S., 25% of the population, down from a peak of 36% at the end of the baby boom. Children

are projected to compose 24% of the total population in 2020. The racial and ethnic diversity of America’s children continues to increase. In 2003, 60% of U.S. children were White non-Hispanic, 19% were Latino, 16% were Black, and 4% were Asian. The proportion of Hispanic/Latino children has increased faster than that of any other racial and ethnic group, growing from 9% of the child population in 1980 to 19% in 2003 (America’s Children, 2005). In 2004, more than one-quarter of the population three years and older (74.9 million people) were enrolled in schools in the U.S.; 33 million in elementary school, 17 million in high school, and 17 million in college (U.S. Census Press Releases, 2005). For geographical distribution, school-age children in large cities throughout the country are: 1. In Los Angeles, California, the total school-age enrollment according the Board of Education in California is 1.7 million: 7.7% Asian; 61.7% Hispanic/Latino; 10.4% African American; 0.3% American Indian or Alaska Native; 16.5% White (not Hispanic); 0.9% multiracial or no response. (California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit, 2006.) 2. In Chicago, Illinois, according to the Illinois Board of Education (http://www.cps.k12.il.us/At A Glance.html), there are 426,812 enrollees. Their racial distribution is: 49.8% African American; 38.0% Latino 8.8%; White 3.2%; Asian/Pacific Islander; and 0.2% Native American. 3. In Miami, Florida, there are a total of 371,773 students enrolled: 37,844 White non-Hispanic students; 106,609 Black students; 218,923 Hispanic/Latino students; 4,239 Asian/Pacific Islander students; 346 American Indian students; 3,812 multiracial students. 4. In New York, New York, the New York City Department of Education indicates a total of 1,055,986 students: 4,906 American Indian; 139,695 Asian/ Asian American; 411,767 Hispanic/Latino; 346,655 Black; and 152,963 White. 5. In Atlanta, Georgia, there are 50,770 students: 0.03% American Indian; 0.6% Asian/Asian American; 86% Black; 4% Hispanic/Latino; 1% multiracial; 8% White. 6. In Boston, Massachusetts, according to the Massachusetts Board of Education, a total of 57,742 students are enrolled: 231 Native American;

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

5129 Asian; 26,277 African American; 8,070 White; and 18,035 Hispanic/Latino. 7. In Newark, New Jersey, according to the Newark Public Schools 2004–2005 Annual Report, there was a total student enrollment of 41,899 students: 24,887 Black; 13,354 Hispanic/Latino; 3,295 White; 318 Asian/Asian American and 45 Native American. 8. In Washington, D.C., for the 2003 school year according to the District of Columbia public school system, there were a total of 65,009 enrollees, with 12% of the student population identified as students of color: 75.9% African American; 9.4% Hispanic/Latino; 4.6% White; 9.6% Asian/Asian American; and 0.5% classified as others.

Cultural Context The Immigration Experience The immigration experience should be taken into consideration when working with culturally diverse children within the school system. It is often associated with low socioeconomic status, health and mental health barriers and thus high health disparities, and a stressful period of adjustment for the children and their families. This acculturation process often brings families into conflict with each other and with the school system. The implications that are referred to in the literature point to specific diagnostic categories that include depression and anxiety, conditions such as over involvement and/or enmeshment within the families, and cognitive functions such as language learning processes, which are often misdiagnosed as learning disabilities.

Acculturation Acculturation refers to changes individuals face while adapting to the host society. People are members of the culture where they are born and where they are acculturated. Enculturation is the process where they learn the values of their culture (Berry et al., 1992). Establishing and adapting to a different sociocultural environment is a stressful process for most individuals. Stress due to acculturation can be experienced differently by members of a family. It depends on attitudes

held about cultural values, level of receptivity by the host culture, and similarities and differences of worldviews and of perceptions of the environment. The adherence to cultural traditions and the perception of non-belonging have been recognized as stressors that can drive individuals to resist, reject, or criticize the host culture, leading to mistrust and rendering the process of acculturation very difficult (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987; Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989; Kealey, 1989; Seal, 1979; Vazquez, 2004b; Williams & Berry, 1991). When individuals are in jeopardy or feel threatened by the dominant culture, several of them may tend to minimize the stress experienced and cope in a dysfunctional manner that makes them more resistant to a healthy adaptation. However, many individuals may experience physical and emotional distress as a result. Conversely, those who show resilience to stressful acculturation will have learned to reduce their perceived stress in culturally consonant ways (Berry, 1997; Martin, 2005). The clinician treating families from diverse cultural backgrounds must understand the specific coping mechanisms that are acceptable to the family. Understanding the immigration experience is essential to developing a therapeutic relationship with families from diverse cultural backgrounds. It is also important to help immigrant individuals understand their experiences and their impact on fears and defense strategies. The effectiveness of interventions relies in part on the positive or hostile attitudes of the dominant society towards members of the acculturating groups (Berry, 1997). Children undergoing acculturation are usually confronted by two sets of values: the world of school and the world of family. Thus they live between two worlds/cultures, the old and the new. These worlds show language differences and different attitudes and behaviors that the child must reconcile to function adaptively in both. The function of the cross-cultural clinician within the school setting is to help the child come to terms with the two different worlds, which at times may appear contradictory, and to integrate the best components of each. If this integration does not occur, culturally diverse school children may develop negative self-esteem, cognitive dysfunctions, and emotional disorders such as anxiety, depression, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), conduct disorder, and other problems that need to be addressed fully.

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Early and Recent Culturally Competent Mental Health School-Based Interventions Cognizant of the need for culturally competent mental health assessment and treatment programs in public schools, the first author and his colleagues developed the following culturally competent, evidence-based mental health modalities. A decade before Vargas and Wiltis (1994) lamented the paucity of research driven by culturally sensitive treatment for Latino groups, the program of culturally competent assessment and treatment modalities had already begun in response to the growing mental health needs of Latino populations and their barriers to access services. Rogler et al. (1983) emphasized that Latinos seeking mental health services encountered several barriers at three different levels: access barriers because of geographic distance and inability to pay; assessment barriers in the form of biased assessment, because of language and culturally inappropriate instruments (Malgady et al., 1987); and treatment barriers in the form of cultural and language distance between the Latino client and the non-minority clinician and lack of culturally sensitive treatment modalities. The culturally competent program of mental health research undertaken at the Hispanic Research Center, Fordham University, has created valid assessment and treatment techniques that have been instrumental in addressing the mental health need of Latinos, especially children and adolescents, and thus reducing the health disparities for the diverse Latino groups (e.g., Costantino, 1982; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1986, 1988b, 1994; Malgady & Costantino, 1998; Malgady, Costantino, & Rogler, 1990a, b).

Cuento Therapy and TEMAS Narrative Therapy In the ensuing decades, only moderate progress has been made in the development of culturally competent assessment and treatment techniques. The Surgeon General’s publication entitled: Culture, race and ethnicity. A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon General (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001) reported the existence of several valid and effective treatment modalities for a variety of mental health disorders. However, it emphasized that clients

of color are not represented in those outcomes studies. There are serious questions about the effectiveness of these evidence-based treatments for minority populations (Bernal and Scharro´n del-Rı´o, 2003; Miranda, Bernal, Lau, Kohn, Hwang, & LaFromboise, 2005). The research program at the Hispanic Research Center and Sunset Park Mental Health Center developed culturally competent, evidence-based interventions for Latino children, adolescents, and their parents. Cuento therapy (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988b) for children and hero/heroine modeling therapy for adolescents (Malgady, Rogler, & Costantino, 1990a, b) were used. In our initial study of bicultural intervention with young children, we (Costantino, 1982; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1986) developed a storytelling modality using Puerto Rican cuentos of folktales as a cognitive/behavior modeling intervention. This modality was named cuento therapy. In this approach, the characters in folktales were posed as therapeutic peer models conveying the theme or moral of the stories. The content of such stories motivated children’s attention to the models, which is critical to the first stage of the modeling process. Second, the models were adapted to present attitudes, values, and behaviors that reflect adaptive responses to the designated targets of therapeutic intervention, such as acting out, anxiety symptoms, and negative self-concept. The folktales were adapted to bridge both Puerto Rican and European American cultural values and settings. Reinforcement of children’s imitation of the models through active therapeutic role playing facilitated social learning of adaptive responses, which were targeted in the stories’ themes. In this manner, the modality was rooted in the children’s own cultural heritage, presented in a format with which they could readily identify and imitate, and therapeutically aimed to have an impact on adjustment to mainstream cultural demands. The intervention was conducted with the children in dyad with their mothers in small group sessions led by bilingual Hispanic therapists. This was implemented as a preventive intervention because the children were presenting emotional and behavior problems in school and at home, but they did not satisfy diagnostic criteria for disorders classified by the third and revised edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM III-R; American Psychiatric Association, 1987). In addition, their uniformly low socioeconomic status and high rate of single-parent

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

household composition also characterized these children as representing a high-risk population. The effectiveness of the bicultural folktale modality was determined by comparing treatment outcomes with a second folktale condition in which the same stories were not adapted to bridge cultural conflict, and a mainstream (art/play) intervention. The evaluation of treatment outcomes indicated that the bicultural folktale intervention led to the greatest improvement in social judgment and reduction in anxiety symptomatology, which persisted at a one-year follow-up. A second, related cognitive/behavioral modeling intervention appropriate for adolescents was based on ‘‘heroic’’ adult role models (Costantino and Malgady, 1996; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988a; Malgady, Rogler, & Costantino, 1990b). It was named hero/heroine modeling psychotherapy. A major consideration in developing this modality was the frequency of young, single-parent households, indicating that Puerto Rican adolescents often lacked appropriate adult role models with whom they could identify, and therefore adaptive values and behaviors to imitate during the critical adolescent years. National figures indicate that 41% of Hispanic households are headed by females (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1991); estimates specific to Puerto Ricans in New York City are somewhat higher, about 44%; and our own samples drawn from New York City public schools in Hispanic communities had rates of female-headed households exceeding 60% (Costantino & Malgady, 1996). Consequently, Puerto Rican adolescents appeared to be suitable candidates for a modeling therapy that fulfilled their need for adaptive role models in a culturally sensitive way. We developed and evaluated a cuento/ narrative therapy using biographical stories of heroic Puerto Ricans in an effort to bridge the bicultural, intergenerational, and identity conflicts faced by Puerto Rican adolescents. This modality sought to enhance the relevance of therapy for adolescents by exposing them to successful male and female adult models in their own culture, fostering ethnic pride and identity as Puerto Ricans, and by modeling achievement–oriented behavior and adaptive coping with stress common to life in the urban Hispanic community. The content of the biographies embodied themes of cultural conflict and adaptive coping with stress. This intervention was also considered preventive because, although the adolescents were screened for behavior problems in school, they did not meet diagnostic criteria of the DSM III-R. Treatment

outcomes were assessed relative to an attention-control group participating in a school-based dropout prevention program. Evaluation of treatment effectiveness revealed that the culturally sensitive modeling intervention generally decreased anxiety symptomatology and increased ethnic identity. However, treatment interacted with household composition and participants’ gender. Consistent with the intention of the intervention, the role models promoted greater cultural identity in the absence of a male adult in the adolescents’ households, but only among male adolescents. Female adolescents had stronger Puerto Rican identities than males regardless of treatment, possibly because of stable maternal identification. Similarly, the role models promoted greater selfesteem among male and female adolescents from female-headed households; however, although females from intact families felt ‘‘more Puerto Rican,’’ their selfimage diminished in the process. Thus, the role models presented in treatment may have been perceived as idealized and aroused conflict concerning their real parents, so that parental identification led to lower self-esteem. This process may have operated only among females because the female role models presented often represented untraditional female sex roles. The interactions affecting treatment outcomes highlight the importance of adolescents’ social context in considering the mental health value of culturally sensitive behavioral interventions. This implicates the need to investigate both the integrity and quality of interfamilial relations as potential mediators or moderators of treatment outcomes. The introduction of cultural sensitivity into the treatment process is a promising approach to respond to the special mental health needs of Hispanic adolescents. However, further research is warranted that asks how culturally sensitive services can be implemented more effectively given that dynamic processes may intervene to enhance or impugn their effectiveness. One objective of this research program will be to investigate the dynamic interplay between a culturally sensitive narrative intervention and the familial context of male and female Hispanic adolescents, to make gender- and family-specific refinements in treatment protocols.

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy The effectiveness of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) in reducing anxiety in minority youngsters has also

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been shown when delivered in a group format (Rossello & Bernal, 1999; Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Rabian, & Serafini, 1999; Shortt, Barrett, & Fox, 2001; Miranda, Bernal, Lau et al, 2005). In addition, recent research at the San Juan campus of Carlos Albizu University has shown that CBT was effective. Cabiya, Orobitg, Sayers, Bayo´n, & De La Torre (2001) evaluated the effectiveness of a cognitive behavioral intervention that integrated the social cognitive model with youngsters who presented with ADHD, oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), and aggressive symptoms. One hundred and twenty-eight children (93 boys and 35 girls), ages 9–19 (mean 10.83, standard deviation 1.6) participated in the study. Forty-one youths (35 boys, 6 girls) were diagnosed with ADHD, 61 (43 boys, 18 girls) with ODD, and 65 (46 boys, 19 girls) with no diagnoses. Repeated measures analyses of variance were performed with each measure with diagnostic groups as the between-participants variable and pre- and post-treatment as the within-participant variable. The results showed significant differences within participants between the pre-and post-treatment in the scales of somatic complaints, anxiety, depression, social problems, attention problems, and aggressive conduct. Significant differences were found between the two diagnostic groups and the normal group, but there was no significant interaction effect between the diagnostic group and time of evaluation.

TEMAS Narrative Therapy The third study pursued several new directions in this program of research into culturally sensitive treatment outcomes. First, whereas in previous studies inclusion criteria were based on teacher ratings of school behavior, in the third study research participants were screened for symptomatology from the third and revised edition of the DSM III-R (American Psychiatric Association, 1987) using a standardized, structured, clinical interview. Second, the study included older children and young adolescents 9–13 years old, an age range not addressed in previous studies. Previous studies had also presented written and verbal modeling stimuli, whereas this study presented pictures, which were thought to be more effective in communicating with a more psychologically disturbed and educationally disadvantaged group. Fourth, this

study included diverse Hispanic groups, whereas previous studies focused exclusively on Puerto Ricans. The rationale for changing therapy format from verbal (Cuentos) to visual (TEMAS) stimuli was because the second modality was readily adaptable to culturally diverse groups, thus affording the clinician a culturally sensitive modality that could be administered to multicultural youths.

Child/Adolescent Trauma Treatment and Services (CATS) Study Background This fourth study is a continuation of the culturally competent treatment outcome research originally started at HRC and continued at the Sunset Park Family Health Center Network. This study is part of the Child and Adolescent Trauma Treatments and Services Consortium (CATS), the largest youth trauma research related to the September 11 World Trade Center disaster. Natural and/or terrorist-made disasters negatively affect children’s emotional and behavioral functioning. Long-lasting impairments such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, and disruptive disorder are most likely to occur unless treatment is offered (Chemtob, Nakashima, & Hamada, 2002; Galea, Ahern, Resnick, Kilpatrick, et al., 2002). The New York City Board of Education study (Hoven, Duarte, & Mandell, 2003) of the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center showed that as many as 75,000 children in New York City public schools had symptoms of PTSD after the event. Furthermore, a large percentage of children exhibited anxiety, depression, agoraphobia, separation anxiety, and conduct disorder. The fourth study, entitled Evidence-based Treatments for Postdisaster Trauma Symptoms in Latino Children, used the TEMAS narrative treatment that was first validated with Latino youngsters (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1994) relative to CBT (Cohen & Mannarino, 1998) in treating children affected by the September 11 terrorist attacks. This study is based on preliminary data collected at the Lutheran Medical Center Sunset Park Family Health Center as part of the CATS Consortium. The CATS multisided study was funded by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) and administered

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

by the New York State Office of Mental Health. The CATS Consortium, which comprises six study sites in New York City, was coordinated by the New York State Psychiatric Institute at Columbia University (Costantino, Guajardo, Perez, et al., 2004; Costantino, Kaloghiros, Perez et al., 2007; Costantino, Primavera, & Malgady, 2008).

Method The Sunset Park study compared the validity of the TEMAS narrative therapy with a cognitive behavioral approach, for traumatized schoolchildren. Seven hundred and forty-six fourth- and fifth-graders were screened with a brief screening instrument made of 18 items taken from the University of California, Los Angeles PTSD Reaction Index, the Manifest Anxiety Scale for Children, the Child Depression Inventory, and the World Trade Center Exposure questionnaire at two participating public schools in Brooklyn. Of those screened, 358 (48%) were negative and 388 (52%) were positive, who thus became eligible for baseline assessment. Of those positive screens, 34 (9%) refused assessment, whereas 354 (91%) underwent baseline assessment. Of these, 125 (35%) assessed negative, whereas 229 (65%) assessed positive. Of the 229 students who were positive for the targeted condition of PTSD, anxiety, depression, and conduct disorder, 210 were randomly assigned, 100 were assigned to CBT, and 110 to TEMAS. Each group underwent 18 treatment sessions.

Results Analyses focused on the main effects of gender and their potential interaction with treatment, CBT, and TEMAS as indicators of treatment processes and outcomes. The design for this study was a two-factor mixed design. The between factor was treatment group, which had two levels: the CBT group and the TEMAS group. The within factor was the assessment period, which had three levels: baseline, three months, and six months. Participants were measured on several outcome variables, three of which were targeted for analysis, total severity of PTSD, Child Depression Inventory total score, and Manifest Anxiety Scale for Children total score. The results of the fixed effects for the PTSD outcome measure revealed that the

level 2 intercept was significant (t(129) = 29.94, p < 0.001), indicating that the overall mean of PTSD (33.74) was significantly different from zero. The effect of the treatment group was not significant (t(129) = 0.48, p = 0.632), indicating that the CBT and TEMAS groups did not differ on their average PTSD baseline scores, and that both treatment modalities significantly contributed to the reduction of PTSD symptoms. In addition, the results for the level 1 slopes of the Child Depression Inventory indicated that the average slope ( 2.301) was significantly different from zero (t(129) = 3.432, p = 0.001). The effect of the treatment group was significant (t(129) = 3.641, p = 0.001), indicating the two groups did differ in their average slopes. The difference in slopes was 4.0123, indicating that the TEMAS group dropped significantly more in depression (8 points) than the CBT group over the three assessment periods. The results for the level 1 slopes of the Manifest Anxiety Scale for Children indicated that the average slope ( 3.720) was significantly different from zero (t(129) = 4.1983, p = 0.001). The effect of the treatment group was significant (t(129) = 2.561, p = 0.012), indicating that the two groups did differ in their average slopes. The difference in slopes was 3.736, indicating that the TEMAS group dropped significantly more in anxiety (7.47 points) than the CBT group over the three assessment periods.

Discussion These results indicated that both TEMAS and CBT were effective in reducing symptoms of PTSD among participating students, most of whom were Latino youth. However, only TEMAS showed a significant reduction in depressive and anxiety symptoms as measured by the Child Depression Inventory and Manifest Anxiety Scale for Children. This highlights that TEMAS may be the treatment of choice with Latino children and confirms it as a culturally competent and evidence-based modality (Bernal & Scharro´n del-Rı´o, 2001; Miranda et al., 2005). In addition, these findings show that TEMAS, which is delivered in a group format, may be more cost effective than CBT, which is delivered in an individual format. In addition to developing culturally competent, evidence-based treatment for Hispanic/Latino youngsters and their families, Costantino and his team

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also developed a culturally competent, evidence-based assessment technique for both minority and nonminority children, named the TEMAS Multicultural Test. A description of this test is given below, which is considered the first multicultural test in the U.S. and a valid projective-narrative test for both minority and non-minority school-age children (Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007; Dana, 1993, 2000; Flanagan & DiGiuseppe, 1999; Ritzler, 1993).

Cross-Cultural Validity of the TEMAS Multicultural Test Background The propriety of administering psychological tests standardized on non-minority, middle class, and English-speaking populations to examinees who are linguistically, culturally, and/or ethnically diverse has been a controversial issue for over five decades (Costantino & Malgady, 1996; Dana, 1993; Malgady, 1996; Olmedo, 1981; Padilla, 1979; Padilla & Medina, 1996). This controversy originally focused on intelligence testing of African Americans; however, similar allegations of bias toward Latinos have been made for personality testing and diagnostic evaluation. In the absence of empirical evidence to the contrary, the prevailing view is that standard psychological assessment procedures are considered unbiased (e.g., Lopez, 1988). Conversely, others have argued that clients’ variations in English language proficiency, cultural background, or ethnic profile pose potential sources of bias for standard assessment and diagnostic practices (e.g., Dana, 1993; Malgady, 1996; Malgady, Rogler, & Costantino, 1987). Moreover, Dana (1993, 1997) emphasizes that most personality tests are assumed to be genuine etic, or culture general and universal in their assessment. Consequently, the use of an etic orientation with multicultural groups has erroneously minimized cultural differences and hence generated inappropriate inferences using AngloEuropean personality constructs; this creates unfavorable psychological test results and unfair clinical dispositions (Costantino, 1992; Dana, 1993; Malgady, 1996). Dana (1993) further emphasizes that a correct etic orientation needs to be used to demonstrate the validity of multicultural constructs. Traditionally, projective stimuli have been ambiguous to bypass the ego defenses and allow more latent conflicts to be freely

expressed. However, TEMAS was developed according to more recent literature indicating that diminished ambiguity and increased structure facilitates greater verbal fluency and enables a more reliable and valid interpretation of the narrative, and thus a more valid understanding of the examinee’s personality functioning (Costantino, Flanagan, & Malgady, 2002; Epstein, 1966; Sobel, 1981). Several studies have documented that chromatic thematic apperception test stimuli enhanced verbal fluency and expression of different emotions, whereas achromatic stimuli reinforce sadness as an affective response (Murstein, 1963); in addition, chromatic stimuli appear to maintain children’s attention (Costantino, 1978). Consequently, TEMAS stimuli were developed in color.

Description of the TEMAS Multicultural Test Based on these considerations, the TEMAS test (which in English is an acronym for Tell-Me-a-Story, and in Spanish means ‘‘themes’’) was developed with culturally relevant stimuli for Puerto Rican, other Hispanic, Black, and White children and adolescents. There are parallel minority (African American and Hispanic) and non-minority (White) versions of stimuli (Costantino, 1987; Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988a). An Asian American version is in the process of being validated (Yang, Costantino, & Kuo 2003). The TEMAS pictures embody the following features: structured stimuli and diminished ambiguity to pull for specific cognitive, affective, and personality functions; chromatically attractive, ethnically/racially relevant, and contemporary stimuli to elicit diagnostically meaningful stories; representation of both negative and positive intra- and interpersonal functions in the form of conflicts that require problem-solving; and an objective scoring system of both thematic structure and content (Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007; Flanagan, Costantino, Cardalda, & Costantino, 2007). The presentation of culturally relevant and familiar projective test stimuli was first explored in Thompson’s (1949) Black Thematic Apperception Test, based on the assumption that similarity between stimulus and examinee facilitates identification with the characters in the pictures and therefore promotes greater verbal fluency and ability to reveal underlying feelings (Costantino & Malgady, 1981, 1983.)

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

Problem Solving: Cognitive, Affective and Personality Functions The presentation of problem solving in TEMAS pictures was based on the methodology of Sobel (1981) who proposed to assess interpersonal conflicts through problem solving and loosely on the methodology of moral dilemma stories (Kohlberg, 1976). Similarly, the TEMAS stimuli depict a split scene showing psychological conflicts in a problem-solving situation; the examinee must resolve the antithetical situations of the conflict (i.e., resolve the problem); and the examiner evaluates the adaptiveness to the solution of the problem. The conflicts depicted in TEMAS pictures were designed to provoke disclosure of specific personality functions that are prominent in personality theory and that are important diagnostic indicators of psychopathology. The nine personality functions are: Interpersonal Relations, Control of Aggression, Control of Anxiety/Depression, Achievement Motivation, Delay Gratification, Self-Concept of Competence, Self-Sexual Identity, Moral Judgment, and Reality Testing. Additionally, the test measures 18 cognitive functions, such as Reaction Time, Total Time, Verbal Fluency, Imagination, Recognition of Conflict, Omissions, and Transformations (the last two referring to selective inattention and distortions); and nine affective functions, such as, Happy, Sad, Angry, and Fearful.

‘‘1’’for most maladaptive resolution of the conflict/ problem, ‘‘2’’ for moderately maladaptive, ‘‘3’’ for moderately adaptive, and ‘‘4’’ for most adaptive; with ‘‘N’’ scoring if the designed personality function is not pulled.

Standardization TEMAS was standardized on a sample of 642 children (281 males and 361 females) from public schools in the New York City area. These children ranged in age from 5 to 13 years (mean 8.9 years, SD = 1.9). The total sample represented four racial/ethnic groups: Whites, Blacks, Puerto Ricans, and other Hispanics. Data on the socioeconomic status of the standardization sample indicated that these participants were from predominantly lower- and middle-income families (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988). The test appeared free of biases because none of the variables correlated high with age, gender, or socioeconomic status. However, several modest correlations with age dictated the formation of three age groups: 5–7 years old (n = 166); 8–10 years old (n = 324); and 11–13 years old (n = 152). Separate norms and T-scores were associated with each age group. Several studies have shown the multicultural and cross-cultural validity of the test with school-age children (Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007; Costantino & Malgady 1996b, 2000).

Scoring Cognitive functions are scored as they occur in the storytelling and story. For example, reaction time is scored in time elapsed between the handing of the card and the telling of the story, and total time is scored as the time lapsed after the reaction time and the completion of the story, which includes answers to the structured inquiries. Fluency is scored as the total number of words in the story. Affective functions, such as Happy, Sad, Angry, and Fearful, are scored as ‘‘1’’ when expressed in the story. Other cognitive functions such as Conflict or Sequencing are scored ‘‘blank’’ if they are recognized and resolved (Conflict) or verbalized as recognition of present, past, and future events (Sequencing); they are scored ‘‘1’’ if conflict is not recognized nor resolved, or ‘‘(l)’’ if conflict is recognized but not resolved. Sequencing is scored ‘‘1’’ if past and/or future events are not narrated. Personality functions are scored on a Likert scale of

Validity Early and subsequent studies showed that Hispanic and Black children are more fluent on TEMAS than on the Thematic Apperception Test (Costantino & Malgady, 1983; Costantino, Flanagan, & Malgady, 2002; Costantino, Malgady, & Vazquez, 1981). Other studies have shown that the test can be appropriately used with Black, Hispanic/Latino, and White children for clinical and school status (Costantino, Malgady, Colon-Malgady, & Bailey, 1992; Costantino, Malgady, Rogler, & Tsui, 1988) and that children with attentiondeficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) show significantly more omissions on TEMAS than non-clinical children (Costantino, Colon-Malgady, Malgady, & Perez, 1991). In addition, TEMAS has been shown to predict achievement motivation among Hispanic/ Latino youngsters (Cardalda, 1995).

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Reliability

Anxiety, depression, adjustment disorders, conduct disorders, and ADHD, exhibited by culturally diverse school-age children while struggling to negotiate between the demands of two worlds, are working diagnoses attributed by school mental-health professionals. The old world is represented by the family, with its own cultural heritage; and the new world is represented by the school, which has its rules and regulations. It is common that these two worlds conflict with one another. School mental-health professionals are faced with giving appropriate diagnoses to culturally diverse children. Hence, it is very important that school clinicians be trained in culturally competent assessment and treatment. There is a long history of assessment and treatment biases, which has labeled minority children as more psychopathological than their non-minority counterparts (e.g., Costantino, 1992; Costantino, Malgady, & Vazquez, 1981; Costantino, Rogler, & Costantino, 1987; Malgady & Costantino, 1998). To remove this bias, it is necessary to use culturally competent instruments and treatment that recognizes cultural differences.

psychosocial and family problems, 41% of girls and 18% of boys exhibit anxiety and school phobia, and 29% of girls and 13% of boys experience depression. School-based mental health programs seek to reduce barriers to the diagnosis and treatment of mental health disorders in children and adolescents. As schools are becoming predominantly culturally and linguistically diverse in their students, especially public schools in national metropolitan areas, it becomes necessary to deliver mental health services in a culturally competent manner. However, effective delivery of health services is confronted by racial and ethnic disparities in health care. The 2003 Institute of Medicine report (Smedley, Adrienne, & Alan, 2003) on unequal treatment emphasized that training health professionals in cultural competence may improve the quality of care and reduce health disparities between racial and ethnic minorities and Whites. In school settings, the answer to providing appropriate mental health services to culturally diverse students rests in part on more systematic training of school mental-health professionals in cross-cultural psychology. However, the effectiveness of cross-cultural school psychology, in turn, rests on further research to uncover cultural similarities and differences in psychological traits and behaviors among culturally diverse school-age children, and on continuing to develop and apply evidence-based culturally competent assessment and treatment modalities such as the TEMAS Multicultural Test (Costantino, Dana, & Malgady 2007), cuento therapy, and TEMAS narrative therapy (Bernal & Scharro´n del-Rı´o, 2001; Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1985; Costantino, Primavera, Meucci, & Costantino, 2008; Miranda et al., 2005) as presented in this chapter. These culturally competent treatment and assessment modalities embody original cultural values and adaptive themes from the American culture. In this manner, based on the principles of narrative psychology, they promote a new synthesis of bicultural symbols and meanings and thus foster adaptive personality development in youths who are in conflict between two cultures, the old and new world.

Conclusion

Acknowledgments

Mental health professionals are becoming increasingly aware of the needs of mental health services of school children. The 2004 SAMHSA study indicates that approximately 76% of school girls and boys have

We thank: the Hispanic Research Center team, especially our colleagues Robert G. Malgady Ph.D. and Lloyd Rogler Ph.D.; Elsa Cardalda Ph.D., former Clinical Director, Ph.D. Program, Carlos Albizu University, Puerto Rico; our administrative and clinical staff who have greatly contributed

The reliability of TEMAS was originally presented in terms of internal consistency, test–retest reliability, and interrater agreement. Original studies showed a moderate internal consistency, with coefficient alphas ranging from 0.45 to 0.72. test–retest reliability was low to moderate in the original studies, where only 8 of the 34 scoring categories showed significant correlations over an 18-week period; this may be have been due to significant changes in the children’s behavior over time (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1988a). However, recent studies have shown an interrater agreement ranging from 0.78 to 0.95 (Costantino, Dana, & Malgady, 2007).

Between Two Worlds/Cultures: Family- and School-related Problems

Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities

to the research reported in this chapter; and Erminia Costantino, American Multicultural Institute, for her technical assistance.

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Cohen, J. A., & Mannarino, A. P. (1998). Interventions for sexually abused children: Initial treatment outcome findings. Child Maltreatment, 3, 17–26. Costantino, G. (1978). TEMAS, a new thematic apperception test to measure ego functions and development in urban Black and Hispanic Children. Paper presented at the second annual Conference in Fantasy and the Imaging Process, Chicago, IL. Costantino, G. (1982). Cuentos folkloricos: A new therapy modality with Puerto Rican children. Research Bulletin, Hispanic Research Center, Fordham University, 5, 7–10. Costantino, G. (1987). TEMAS (tell-me-a-story) pictures. Los Angeles, CA: Western Psychological Services. Costantino, G. (1992). Overcoming bias in educational assessment of Hispanic students. In K. F. Geisinger (Ed.), Psychological testing of Hispanics (pp. 89–98). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Costantino, G, Bailey, J., & Jusino, S. (1999, July). School-based mental health programs in the US. Paper presented at 8th European Congress of Psychology, Rome, Italy. Costantino, G., Colon-Malgady G., Malgady, R., & Perez, A. (1991). Assessment of attention-deficit disorder using a thematic apperception technique. Journal of Personality Assessment, 57, 87–96. Costantino, G., Dana, R.H., & Malgady, R. (2007). TEMAS (Tell-me-astory) assessment in multicultural societies. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Costantino, G., & Flanagan, R. (2004). The role and functions of school psychologists in the US public schools. LINK Rivista Scientifica di Psicologia, 3, 44–62. Costantino, G., Flanagan, R. M., & Malgady, R. G. (2002). Narrative assessment: TAT, CAT and TEMAS. In L. A. Suzuki, J. G. Ponterotto, & P. J. Meller (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural assessment (pp. 217–236). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Costantino, G., Guajardo, J., Perez, M., Borges, M., & Costantino, E. (2004, August). CBT versus TEMAS narrative for children affected by 9/11 events. Presented at the 112th American Psychological Association Convention, Honolulu, Hawaii. Costantino, G., Kaloghiros, I., Perez, M., Primavera, L., Malgady, R., & Borges, M., et al. (2007, July). Evidence based treatments for post disaster symptoms in Latino children. Paper presented at the 2007 American Psychological Association, San Francsico, CA. Costantino, G., & Malgady, R. (1983). Verbal fluency of Hispanic, Black, and White children on the TAT and TEMAS. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 5, 199–206. Costantino, G., & Malgady, R. G. (1996a). Culturally sensitive treatment: Cuento and Hero/Heroine Modeling Therapies for Hispanic children and adolescents. In P. Jensen & E. Hibbs (Eds.), Psychosocial treatment research of child and adolescent disorders. Empirically based strategies for clinical practice (pp. 639–697). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Costantino, G., & Malgady, R. G. (1996b). Development of TEMAS, a Multicultural Thematic Apperception Test: Psychometric properties and clinical utility. In G. R. Sodowsky & J. Impara (Eds.), Multicultural assessment in counseling and clinical psychology (pp. 85–136). University of Nebraska-Lincoln, NE: Buros Institute of Mental Measurements. Costantino, G., & Malgady, R. G. (2000). Multicultural and crosscultural utility of the TEMAS (Tell-Me-A-Story). In R. H. Dana

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Handbook of multicultural assessment: Clinical psychological and educational applications (pp. 3–28). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Paternite, C. E. (2005). School-based mental health programs and services: Overview and introduction to the special issue. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 33, 657–663. Pew Hispanic Center. (2005, November). Chronicling Latinos’ diverse experiences in a changing America. A Pew Research Center Project. Washington, D.C. Ritzler, B. (1993). Review of TEMAS (Tell-me-a-story). Journal of Psycheducational Assessment, 11, 381–389. Robinson, D. N. (1976). An intellectual history of psychology. New York: Macmillan. Rogler, L. H. (2002). Ethnicities: Children of immigrants in America. In R. G. Rumbaut, & A. Portes (Eds.), Immigrant America: A portrait (pp. 157–186). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Rogler, L. H., Cooney, R. S., Costantino, G., Earley, B. F., Grossman, B., & Malgady, R. (1983). A conceptual framework for mental health research on Hispanic populations, monograph No. 10. Bronx, NY: Hispanic Research Center. Rogler, L. H., Malgady, R. G., Costantino, G., & Blumenthal, R. (1987). What does cultural sensitivity mean? The case of Hispanics. American Psychologist, 42, 565–560. Rossello, J., & Bernal, G. (1999). The efficacy of cognitive-behavioral and interpersonal treatments for depression in Puerto Rican adolescents. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67(5), 734–745. School and district profiles. Massachusetts Department of Education. Retrieved February 8, 2006 from http://profiles.doe.mass. edu/state.asp School Based Health Centers; National Census School year 2001– 2002. http://www.nasbhc.org/EQ/2001census/characteristics. pdf Seal, M. (1979). Cross-cultural psychology. Human behavior in global perspective. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole. Segall, M. H., Dasen, P. R., Berry, J. W., & Portinga, Y. H. (1990). Human behavior in global perspective: An introduction to crosscultural psychology. New York: Pergamon. Shortt, A. L., Barrett, P. M., & Fox, T. (2001). Evaluating the FRIENDS program: A cognitive behavioral group treatment for anxious children and their parents. Journal Clinical Child Psychology, 30, 525–535. Silverman, W. K., Kurtines, W. M., Ginsburg, G. S., Weems, C. F., Rabian, B., & Serafini, L. T. (1999). Contingency management, self-control, and education support in the treatment of childhood phobic disorders: A randomized clinical trial. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67, 675–687. Smedley, B. D., Adrienne Y. S., & Alan R. N. (2003). Unequal treatment: Confronting racial and ethnic disparities in health care. Committee on Understanding and Eliminating Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care, Institute of Medicine. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Retrieved February 8, 2006 from http://www.iom.edu/CMS/3740/4475.aspx Sobel, J. H. (1981). Projective methods of cognitive analysis. In T. Merluzzi, G. Glass, & M. Genest (Eds.), Cognitive assessment (pp. 127–148). New York, NY: Garfield Press. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) (2004). School mental health services in the United States, 2002–2003 http://www.mentalhealth.samhsa. gov/publications/allpubs/sma05-4068/

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Cross-cultural school psychology: an overview and examples of multicultural treatment and assessment modalities Sue D., & Sue D. W. (2003). Counseling the culturally diverse: Theory and practice (4th ed.). New York: Wiley-Interscience. Sue, D. W. (2001). Multidimensional facets of cultural competence. Counseling Psychologist, 29, 790–821. Sue, D. W. (2003). Overcoming our racism: The journey to liberation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Sue, D. W., Arredondo, P., & McDavis, R. J. (1992). Multicultural counseling competencies and standards: A call to the profession. Journal of Counseling and Development, 70(4), 477–486. Tharp, R. G. (1991). Cultural diversity and treatment of children. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59(6), 799–812. Thompson, C. E. (1949). The Thompson modification of the Thematic Apperception Test. Journal of Projective Techniques, 17, 469–478. U.S. Census Press Releases. (2005). US Census Bureau News, U.S. Department of Commerce. Facts for features back to school. Released June 1, 2005 at http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/ www/releases/archives/education/005157.html U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2001). Culture, race, and ethnicity. A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: US Department of Health and Human Services. Vargas, L. A., & Wiltis, D. J. (1994). Introduction of the new section: New directions in the treatment and assessment of ethnic minority children and adolescents. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 23(1), 2–4. Vazquez, C. I. (1991). A training program for Hispanic psychologists at New York University/Bellevue Hospital Center. In H. F. Myers, P. Wohlford, L. P. Guzman, & R. J. Echemendia (Eds.), Ethnic minority perspectives on clinical training and services in psychology (section III, chapter 20). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Vazquez, C. I. (2004a). Dominican families. In M. McGoldrick, N. G. Preto, J. K. Pearce, & J. Giordano (Eds.) (3rd ed.). Ethnicity and family therapy (pp. 216–328). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Vazquez, C. I. (2004b). Parenting with pride Latino style: How to help your child cherish your cultural values and succeed in today’s world. New York: Rayo, Harper Collins. Vazquez, C. I. (2005). Criando a su nin˜o con orgullo Latino: Como ayudar a su Nin˜o a triunfar en el mundo de hoy. New York: Rayo, Harper Collins. Washington District of Columbia public schools, just the facts. School year 2003. http://www.k12.dc.us/DCPS/offices/ facts1.html Williams, C. L., & Berry, J. W. (1991). Primary prevention of acculturative stress among refugees: The application of psychological theory and practice. American Psychologist, 46, 632–641. World Health Organization global burden of disease study. http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/organizations/bdu/GBDseries_files/ gbdsum6.pdf Yang, C., Costantino, G., & Kuo, L. (2003, July). Validity of Asian TEMAS in Taiwanese children. Paper presented at the 8th European Congress of Psychology, Vienna, Austria.

Suggested Resources Mental Health, Self Help & Psychology Information and Resources—www.mental-health-matters.com: Mental health

matters, information, and resources about mental health issues for consumers, professionals, students, and supporters. American Family Physician Cultural Competence—http://www. aafp.org/fpm/20001000/58cult.html: Understanding patients’ diverse cultures – their values, traditions, history, and institutions – is integral to eliminating health care disparities and providing high-quality patient care. Journal of Counseling and Development Multicultural Competence and Counselor Training A National Survey—http://www.counsel ing.org/publications/jcd/jcd_summer99.pdf. This article reports the results of a survey on practicing professional counselors’ perceptions of their multicultural competence. American Psychological Association APA—http://www.apa.org/ pi/oema/guide.html: Guidelines for providers of psychological services to ethnic, linguistic, and culturally diverse populations. Psychological service providers need a sociocultural framework to consider diversity of values, interactional styles, and cultural expectations in a systematic fashion. American Medical News Cultural Competency Critical in Elder Care— http://www.ama-assn.org/amednews/2001/08/06/hll20806.htm: The need to address disparities in treatment and diagnosis of Alzheimer’s and other age-related diseases increases as the percentage of minorities in the elderly population increases. National Academy Press Psychological Well-Being and Educational Achievement among Immigrant Youth—http://books.nap.edu/ books/0309065453/html/410.html: This chapter explores the social-psychological costs to those who migrate to other cultures. The Center for Health and Health Care in Schools Welcome to The Center for Health and Health Care in Schools—http://www. healthinschools.org/home.asp 2002 State Survey of SchoolBased Health Center Initiatives—http://www.healthinschools. org/sbhcs/survey02.htm Children Mental Health Needs and Schools Based Services—http://www.healthinschools.org/cfk/ mentfact.asp The National Assembly on School Based Health Care NASBHC RESOURCES QUICK FIND—http://www.nasbhc.org/nasbhc_ resources.htm: Advocacy http://www.nasbhc.org/quick_find_ resources.htm#BASICS Publications from The National Assembly. Changes in Health Care Financing and Organization—http://www. hcfo.net/links_npo.htm: Related Links: Other Robert Wood Johnson Foundation national program offices. School Psychology Resources Online—http://www.schoolpsychology.net/p_04.html: School Psychology Resources for Psychologists, Parents, and Educators. The University of Wisconsin Medical School Center for The Study of Cultural Diversity in Health Care—http://dev.med.wisc.edu/ cdh/plan.asp: CDH Mission and Strategic Plan. The University of Missouri – Columbia Center Descriptions— http://cmrtc.coe.missouri.edu/Description.htm: Center for Multicultural Research, Training, & Consultation. National Association of School Psychologists—http://www. nasponline.org/culturealcompetence/refrences.pdf: 4340 East West Highway, Suite 402, Bethesda, MD 20814 Telephone: (301) 657-0270; toll free: (866) 331-NASP. Suggested References on Cross-Cultural Competence in Education. Harvard Children’s Initiative—http://www.provost.harvard.edu/ childreninitiative/beyond/ann_bib/school/mental.htm: Beyond Harvard, related links, annotated bibliographies, school health.

Enhancing Cultural Competence in Schools and School Mental Health Programs Caroline S Clauss-Ehlers . Mark D Weist . W Henry Gregory . Robert Hull

In January, 2003, the Center for School Mental Health Assistance (CSMHA) sponsored a critical issues meeting focused on cultural competence in schools and school-based mental health (SBMH) programs. The CSMHA, at the University of Maryland, is one of two national centers providing leadership, training, technical assistance, and resources to advance mental health in schools in the United States (U.S.). The other center is at the University of California, Los Angeles. Both centers are funded by the Health Resources and Services Administration, with co-funding provided by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. Educators, policy makers, psychologists, medical personnel, family members, administrators and youth advocates attended the meeting and worked together to define cultural competence, consider its application to school mental health, and identify both barriers and solutions for culturally competent services. In the following, we review key themes and recommendations developed from the meeting. Couched in current literature on cultural competence, these thoughts highlight the imperative for cultural responsiveness in our schools and in the provision of school mental health (SMH) services (Clauss-Ehlers & Weist, 2004). The increasing diversity of the U.S. supports the need for a significant agenda to enhance cultural competence of staff and programs in public schools. According to U.S. Census data, people of color now constitute 25% of the total population. In fact, this percentage is expected to continue to increase as Census figures show the non-White population grew at a rate eleven times greater than that of the White population between 1980 and 2000 (Hobbs & Stoops, 2002). In some states such as California, New Mexico, and Hawaii, as well as the District of Columbia, people of color now comprise more than 50% of the total population.

Cultural Competence in Mental Health Within the area of mental health service provision, there has been a focus on cultural competence since the early 1970s, when the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) established the Minority Mental Health Research Center. Through that initiative, four separate research centers were funded to address four major racial/ethnic groups: African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Native Americans. In 1988, the NIMH Child and Adolescent Service System Program helped to further advance research in this area through the establishment of the Minority Initiative Resource Committee. The Initiative resulted in the publication of Towards a culturally competent system of care (Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989), one of the first publications to define cultural competence. Concerns about the ability of practitioners to incorporate culturally competent practice also prompted the American Psychological Association (APA) to develop guidelines about the provision of services to racial/ ethnic groups (American Psychological Association, 1993). These guidelines were revisited and updated to reflect current trends in the landmark APA publication entitled Guidelines on multicultural education, training, research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists (American Psychological Association, 2003). In 1999, the Office of the Surgeon General produced the first ever report on mental health services in the U.S., Mental health: A report of the Surgeon General. In a telling comment made by the Surgeon General in the preface, he stated: ‘‘Even more than other areas of health and medicine, the mental health field is plagued by disparities in the availability of and access to its services. These disparities are viewed readily through the lenses of racial and cultural diversity, age, and gender’’ (Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). The disparities were so great, in fact, that a supplemental report, Mental health: Culture, race, and ethnicity: A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon General, detailing the nature and extent of these disparities was issued in 2001. The report provided information on the need to reach underserved populations and new directions for research (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001) as well as federal support including the National Center for Cultural Competence to

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(> http://www.georgetown.edu/research/gucdc/nccc/) and the Office for Minority Health (> http://www. omhrc.gov) help guide practitioners in their efforts to provide more effective services for culturally diverse populations.

Cultural Competence in Education Immigration has strongly shaped the development of public schools in the U.S. Early on, the nation’s public schools were seen as a place where ‘‘Americanization’’ of immigrant children could take place. Immigrants had to learn English and to think of themselves as Americans rather than as members of distinct racial/ ethnic groups (Olneck, 1989). School districts across the country began to see efforts to ‘‘Americanize’’ in a different light as a result of the Great Depression and World War II. In fact, many school districts nationwide implemented programs in ‘‘intercultural education’’ by the early 1940s. The primary purpose of these programs was to foster acknowledgement of the contributions of diverse groups to U.S. life and history. The 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education furthered intercultural education when the Supreme Court opposed the ‘‘separate but equal’’ doctrine. This was followed ten years later by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that further protected individual and group rights (American Psychological Association, 2003). These historical events set the context for cultural competence in schools. Recently, the emphasis on cultural diversity in education has shifted to the importance of culturally competent practice. The Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP) of the U.S. Department of Education, which provides leadership and financial assistance to state and local special education programs, has been a leader in recognizing the importance of cultural competence in education. In 1994, OSEP developed a National Agenda that included seven target areas including one designed to value and address diversity. In an effort to implement more culturally competent education services for children with special education needs, some OSEP-funded projects organized activities to promote cultural understanding between families and teachers. Technical assistance and research centers such as the Center for Effective Collaboration and Practice (> http://cecp.air.org) and several federally-funded regional lab schools (> http://www.nwrel.org/national/

) provide resources and perform research on culturally competent practice both in special education and in general education classroom settings. Pat Guerra, program associate for the Southwest Educational Development Laboratory (SEDL; one of the regional lab schools), speaks to the need for cultural competence in education, stating: ‘‘The low academic achievement and high dropout rate of cultural and linguistic minorities in public schools in the U.S. are well documented. While the cause of these challenges for minority populations remains the source of much debate, a significant body of research points to the need for the inclusion of students’ culture in the instructional settings for these populations to succeed’’ (SEDLetter, 2000).

Defining Cultural Competence Given this history, it is important to define what is meant by cultural competence, which is viewed as an elusive term for many. In his writing, for instance, Sue (1998) talks about the ‘‘search for cultural competence.’’ Sue’s phrase certainly fits the myriad of attempts by scholars, educators, researchers, and practitioners to specify those characteristics that make up cultural competence. In this writing Sue’s (1998) definition of cultural competence is used which is defined as ‘‘the belief that people should not only appreciate and recognize other cultural groups but also be able to effectively work with them’’ (p. 440). This definition acknowledges that cultural competence refers not only to knowledge and awareness, but also to skill and application. Each individual is uniquely multicultural. Each individual has membership in many cultural groups that influence worldview and the process of interacting with others. Cultural group influences include race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, education, vocation, family structure (e.g., two parent, single-parent, blended), faith and religion, other institutional affiliations (e.g., social, political), class, leisure activities (e.g., sports, arts, music), and traumatic experiences (e.g., abuse, injury, illness, addictions and combat), among others. These group memberships combine in unique ways to create the individual’s cultural personality. In turn, each membership comes with a set of values and experiences that shape the individual’s worldview and thought processes. Each membership is also grounded in a set of assumptions about the

Enhancing cultural competence in schools and school mental health programs

nature of existence, humanity, and the change process. These assumptions consciously and unconsciously, overtly and covertly, influence the individual’s interactions with others including students and families. When the individual owns his or her ‘‘cultural personality’’ he or she becomes more self-aware and more capable of discerning which part of the crosscultural interaction dynamic reflects the self and which belongs to the client. Kagawa-Singer and Chung (1994) state that culturally competent care is achieved when the ‘‘therapist can effectively use the knowledge of his or her own culture and the client’s to negotiate mutually acceptable goals of therapy with the client/family’’ (p. 200). They further state that culturally based competent care involves working ‘‘in a manner which is culturally comprehensible and acceptable to the individuals and their families’’ (Kagawa-Singer & Chung, 1994). To pinpoint exact aspects of culturally competent care, meeting participants constructed a list of important characteristics and components of cultural competence. Characteristics fell under three general competency areas: knowledge (knowing about the community and family being served, recognizing the sociopolitical context of the client being served); awareness (of one’s own cultural values and biases, of the client’s worldview, and of nonverbal cues); and skill (ability to effectively engage in individual and cultural assessment, balance between clinical and cultural skill, ability to partner with client system, and ability to deliver services in the appropriate language). These three components fit with Sue and Sue’s (1990) view of a culturally skilled counselor as someone who is ‘‘aware of his/her own assumptions about human behavior. . .attempts to understand the worldview of his/her culturally different client [and is]. . .in the process of actively developing and practicing appropriate. . .skills’’ (p. 166). These same characteristics, developed for mental health practitioners, are relevant for educators.

Why Enhance the Focus on Cultural Competence in Schools? Three major reasons are presented to address the question of why schools should enhance their focus on cultural competence. First, the changing demographic profile of African Americans, Latino Americans, Asian and Pacific Islanders, and Native American youth require school-wide programs, sensitivity to diverse learning

styles, and linguistically relevant instruction for such groups of students in a culturally relevant educational environment. Second, mental health efforts within schools are growing progressively and have received significant federal support through the New Freedom initiative, that contains an explicit recommendation to ‘‘expand and improve school mental health programs’’ (see > www.mentalhealthcommission.gov). These school mental health programs assist in responding to the diverse needs of students of various racial/cultural backgrounds, many of whom experience elevated mental health concerns (e.g., for immigrant students, related to traumatic experiences in their country of origin or during the immigration process). Further, there is evidence that enhancing the cultural competence of mental health efforts increases their effectiveness (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). Third, focusing on cultural competence will enhance the potential of schools and school mental health programs to increase resources. The resultant enhanced potential for additional resources relates to a number of factors, including: a) better understanding of students and families served by the school, enabling the tailoring of educational and mental health programs, b) increased involvement and support from school and community stakeholders, resulting in broadened networks to connect to individuals and agencies that may have resources to offer, c) an enhanced connection to federal regulations such as those in the No Child Left Behind Act (described in more detail later), and d) enhanced face validity of grant applications as clear attention to the cultural background of students and families served is documented.

Barriers and Strategies to Address Cultural Competence in School Mental Health Given these potential benefits to enhance the cultural competence agenda for schools and school mental health programs, the question becomes, ‘‘Why is this agenda not developing?’’ Participants in the aforementioned critical issues meeting suggested a number of reasons that can roughly be grouped into categories focused on individual and school/program levels. These barriers and strategies to overcome them are presented below.

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Individual Barriers At the level of the individual, a number of factors commonly impede cultural competence. These include poor understanding of the concept, limited self-awareness of one’s own cultural background and the cultural background of others, absent or poor previous professional development, limited options for current training, ‘‘busyness’’ and associated disinterest in yet another topic that might increase job demands, and professional ‘‘aloofness’’ and pathologizing that may increase distance versus connection with youth and families.

School/Program Barriers At the level of the school/school mental health program there are also a number of impediments. These include biases and stereotyping of particular racial/ ethnic groups, limited time for and generally poor use of in-service professional development, limited ongoing supervision, limited resources for cultural competence initiatives, lack of leadership and role models that emphasize the importance of cultural competence, and other agendas (such as improving student behavior and academic performance) that may be viewed as competing versus complementary to a cultural competence enhancement agenda.

Course content was presented in the context of a format that combined lecture, discussion, and skillbuilding activities, components thought to help develop the tripartite model of cultural competence. It is important to note, however, that having only one course designated as the ‘‘diversity course’’ fails to adequately meet the goals of a truly cross-cultural training curriculum. Rather, training in the area of cross-cultural competence is most effective when it is infused throughout a course of study. In this sense, trainees are learning about the relevance of cross-cultural competence as it relates to various perspectives and areas of study. A comprehensive approach also demonstrates the value that the training institution places on graduating culturally competent trainees. To build on the foundation of pre-service professional development experiences to continue to promote culturally competent teaching and practice, ongoing professional development after graduation is necessary (Paternite & Johnston, 2005). Professional development opportunities that include mentoring, staff development days, guest speakers, roundtable discussions, supervision and attendance at professional conferences are ways that teachers and mental health professionals can continue to enhance cultural competence (Clauss-Ehlers, 2006).

Why a Cultural Competence Agenda in Schools? Strategies to Address Barriers A commitment to cultural competence in education and mental health promotion can be cultivated through professional development. To address this void, graduate schools of psychology and education can provide trainees with coursework that promotes the three aspects of cultural competence: knowledge, skills, and awareness (Clauss-Ehlers, 2006). The first author, for instance, has taught a course entitled Individual and Cultural Diversity. The purpose of this course is to provide students enrolled in a 5-year teacher education program with a comprehensive understanding of diversity and how it plays out in the classroom. The course looks at dimensions of diversity such as race and gender, but moves beyond these variables that are typically associated with diversity efforts to also examine factors such as ethnicity, language, sexual orientation, age, social class, cultural values, exceptionality, and bullying.

To move towards providing professional development, mentoring and supervision that promotes cultural competence requires a commitment by schools and school mental health program leaders. How is this commitment developed and maintained? Essentially, this becomes an issue of advocacy for the cultural competence agenda. A starting point for advocacy in schools is to organize and present information that will help frame the idea of cultural competence in a way that helps school leaders consider it an integral part of school functioning (Aponte & Bracco, 2000; HoganBruen, Clauss-Ehlers, Nelson, & Faenza, 2003). Organizing and/or highlighting demographic information is a good first step that supports this argument. For example, almost all school systems maintain data on the student body including percentages of different racial/ethnic groups, students receiving reduced/free lunches, students receiving special education services, among other

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variables. In addition, as mentioned, the No Child Left Behind Act mandates that data is collected by racial/ethnic and other groupings to track school performance for diverse groups of students. Such data collection processes often reveal differences in performance across subgroups. Despite these findings, analysis and action planning to increase supports to diverse groups in a way that reduces barriers to learning is often limited to school leaders. Broadening this analysis and action planning to include educators, school mental health staff, families, and youth will enhance the quality of planning, raise awareness of the importance of cultural competence, improve relationships and school climate, and improve academic outcomes for student subgroups (Clauss-Ehlers & Wibrowski, 2007). Within the mandates of the No Child Left Behind Act, each school and school system must analyze and report data on eight ‘‘cultural’’ groups. These are American Indian, Asian, African American, White, Hispanic, Economically Disadvantaged, Students with Disabilities and English Language Learners. These different groups must be assured equal achievement. The consequence of any of these groups not meeting certain expectations results in the entire school and or school system being designated as failing. As a result of this expectation, schools must examine how different each group is from others in terms of academic achievement and must provide remedies for the underachieving groups. These remedies must rise above the historical attempts at providing ‘‘good plans and good services’’ and now be evaluated in terms of adequate yearly progress by all students. Here, the definition of culturally competent education and service could be translated to address the question, ‘‘Do all children achieve?’’ One of the primary tenets of No Child Left Behind is that if performance deficits for any of the eight ‘‘cultural’’ groups are identified, then a redistribution of resources must occur, either by enhancing resources to enable improved performance for groups identified as not achieving, or families are permitted to move their children to a new school. One method to enhance resources to schools that are ‘‘failing’’ in these dimensions is to increase the proportion of ‘‘highly qualified staff ’’ (HQS). School systems have attempted to move HQS to failing schools by either providing incentives for HQS to work in these schools, to make it easier to transfer non-HQS to other schools, or to restrict the movement of HQS to other schools.

By defining how data should be analyzed and providing an expectation that all children achieve the No Child Left Behind Act has, to some extent, defined which ‘‘cultures’’ are essentially different and in need of assurance of equal treatment. It has also defined the measure of culturally competent education and treatment as those services that lead to equal achievement. Thus at the level of advocacy and policy influence, school and mental health leaders can site the provisions of the No Child Left Behind Act to justify why the school/ school district should focus on enhancing cultural competence in the midst of all the other mandates and pressures of education. That is, culturally competent efforts will assist the school/district in understanding and responding to the needs of different cultural groups, to enable effective supports to these groups, promoting equal academic achievement as mandated by the act. On a daily level, progress toward enhancing cultural competence in schools will require working closely with the school principal and administrative team (HoganBruen et al., 2003). Educators and school mental health staff invested in advancing the cultural competence agenda can prioritize relationship development with members of the school leadership team, and in individual interactions with them by: a) emphasizing the benefits of focusing on cultural competence (as above), b) offering ongoing assistance in analysis and action planning, and c) offering ongoing assistance in outreach activities to students, families and school staff representing the different cultural/ethnic groups of the school and surrounding community. Another significant agenda relates to relationship development with school board members and district leaders to convey the importance of focusing on cultural competence and to gain their support in moving forward. This brings us to an essential dimension of this agenda—actual outreach to and involvement of youth, families, and people from the surrounding community in school improvement planning and action (ClaussEhlers & Weist, 2004). This outreach and involvement can be framed as a genuine effort to understand the perspectives of diverse school and community members towards school climate improvement and strategies to help students succeed while also supporting their families. This relates to perhaps the most significant recommendation of critical issues meeting participants; that is, cultural competence reflects an honest and committed approach to attain genuine empathy for the diverse groups of people served by the school.

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Through such collaboration, the objective for educators and mental health professionals alike is to work toward what Aponte and Bracco (2000) call the development of ‘‘cultural competency with helping networks.’’ Cultural competency with helping networks refers to a network of contacts and relationships that are created between the school system and the surrounding community whose objective is to address a shared agenda. The culturally competent helping network may focus more intensively on specific problems within the school or in the community such as discipline, community violence, and substance abuse, than on the development of cultural competence per se. It is therefore appropriate to identify issues that can be effectively alleviated by culturally competent interventions. As a result, collaboration can focus on specific community issues while simultaneously addressing the role and impact of cultural influences on the issue at hand (Clauss-Ehlers, 2008). An important issue and caveat to this writing is that there is limited research literature that documents the empirical benefits of focusing on cultural competence in schools. Our recommendations are admittedly experience based and attempt to put forth a logic model of why this agenda should be of importance. From a scientific perspective there are many unanswered questions, including: (a) what are the best approaches to train staff in cultural competence?; (b) what is the most important content in such training?; (c) what are the qualitative (e.g., staff job satisfaction) and quantitative (e.g., changes in student achievement) outcomes from a strong focus on cultural competence?, and; (d) are there potential cost savings to such an agenda? These are but a few of the many questions that would benefit from systematic research.

Suggested Reading American Psychological Association. Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (1993). Guidelines for providers of psychological services to ethnic, linguistic, and culturally diverse populations. American Psychologist, 48, 45–48. American Psychological Association (2003). Guidelines on multicultural education, training, research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists. American Psychologist, 58(5), 377–402. Aponte, J. F., & Bracco, H. F. (2000). Community approaches with ethnic populations. In J. F. Aponte & J. Whol (Eds.), Psychological

intervention and cultural diversity (2nd ed.). (pp. 131–148). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Clauss-Ehlers, C. S. (2006). Diversity training for classroom teaching: A manual for students and educators. New York, NY: Springer. Clauss-Ehlers, C. S. (2008). Sociocultural factors, resilience, and coping: Support for a culturally sensitive measure of resilience. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 29(3), 197–212. Clauss-Ehlers, C. S., & Weist, M. D. (Eds.). (2004). Community planning to foster resilience in children. New York, NY: Kluwer Acaedmic. Clauss-Ehlers, C. S., & Wibrowski, C. (2007). Buillding resilience and social support: The effects of an educational opportunity fund academic program among first- and second-generation college students. Journal of College Student Development, 24(5), 574–584. Cross, T. L., Bazron, B. J., Dennis, K. W., & Isaacs, M. R. (1989). Towards a culturally competent system of care—Volume I. Washington, D.C.: CASSP Technical Assistance Center, Georgetown University Child Development Center. Hobbs, F., & Stoops, N. (2002). Demographic trends in the 20th century: Census 2000 Special Reports. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. HoganBruen, K., Clauss-Ehlers, C. S., Nelson, D., & Faenza, M. M. (2003). Effective advocacy for school-based mental health programs. In M. Weist, S. W. Evans, & N. Lever (Eds.). Handbook of school mental health: Advancing practice and research (pp. 45– 59). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Kagawa-Singer, M., & Chung, R. C. (1994). A paradigm for culturally based care in ethnic minority populations. Journal of Community Psychology, 22, 192–208. Olneck, M. (1989). Americanization and the education of immigrants, 1900–1925: An Analysis of symbolic action. American Journal of Education, 97, 398–423. Paternite, C. E., & Johnston, T. C. (2005). Rationale and strategies for central involvement of educators in effective school-based mental health programs. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 34 (1), 41–49. SEDLetter. (2000). A regional review. SEDLetter [electronic version], 12(2). Retrieved January 29, 2003, from: http://www.sedl.org/ pubs/sedletter/v12n02/3.html Sue, S. (1998). In search of cultural competence in psychotherapy and counseling. American Psychologist, 53, 440–448. Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (1990). Counseling the culturally different: Theory and practice (2nd ed.). New York: Wiley. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (1999). Mental health: A report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Mental Health Services, National Institutes of Health, National Institute of Mental Health. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2001). Mental health: Culture, race, and ethnicity- A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Mental Health Services, National Institutes of Health, National Institute of Mental Health.

Racial Disparities in School Services Charles R Ridley . M Karega Rausch . Russell J Skiba

A remarkably consistent identifier for disparities in educational and psychological services is race (Children’s Defense Fund, 1974; Dunn, 1968; Ridley, 2005; Skiba & Rausch, 2006). In fact, some scholars have argued that race is the central construct for understanding psychological and educational inequity (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Racial disparities have a long history and continue to be an issue in contemporary practice. Issues of racial inequity currently in the literature include diagnoses of pathology and psychological illness (Garcia Coll & Garrido, 2000), disproportionate and perhaps inappropriate psychological and educational services provided (Harry & Klingner, 2006; National Research Council [NRC], 2002), misunderstanding of the relationship between culture and patterns of thinking and behavior (Gay, 2000; Sheets, 2005), and frequent removal from school for disciplinary reasons without evidence of higher rates of misbehavior (Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002). Racial disparities in the diagnoses of psychological problems in the school setting have been raised as concerns because of their association with (a) decreased access to the general education curriculum (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Klingner et al., 2005), (b) services that may fail to meet student needs (Connor, 2006; Klingner et al., 2005), (c) disability labels that may stigmatize students (Connor, 2006; Hilliard, 2004; Losen & Orfield, 2002; Skrtic, 2003), (d) lower expectations for student performance (Klingner et al., 2005; Losen & Orfield, 2002),(e)physicalandpsychologicaldistance,separation, and arbitrary creation of differences between students (Ferri & Connor, 2006; Klingner et al., 2005), and (f) poor post-school outcomes (Blackorby & Wagner, 1996). The continued existence of a wide range of racial and ethnic disparities raises an important paradox. The inequity exists in educational and mental health systems populated by school mental health and educational providers who express a desire for more equitable outcomes for students of color. A central question thus becomes: How do systems continue to perpetuate racial inequity regardless of the positive intentions of the practitioners who define those systems?

Given this grounding, this chapter will provide a summary of historical disparities in school service delivery and dominant social science mental health models of practice and illustrate how schools and mental health service delivery systems are attempting to change in contemporary practice to better serve minority youth. We will argue that contemporary understandings of racial inequity, with a focus on causes, individual prejudices, and bigotry rather than on consequences and implications, may hinder the advancement of more equitable service delivery and associated outcomes. Finally, we will suggest appropriate steps for changing professional practice.

Historical Context Influencing the Present Early Educational Theory and Practice Early accounts of educational services provided by White political leaders for African American youth suggest that the purpose and practices of schooling for this population substantially differed as compared to that provided to White students. Such accounts date back to 1787 when the New York African Free School was established by the Manumission Society of New York (Rury, 2002). This school, specifically for the few children of ex-slaves living in New York, was established to provide an education in traditional Protestant morality. Due to perceived inappropriate behavior, such as playing music or dancing in their homes, it became a purpose of formal education to attempt to teach African Americans more ‘‘proper’’ behavior (Kaestle, 1983; Rury, 2002). This purpose was quite different than what was taught at many other schools at the time serving White students, where the focus was to reinforce or extend the values and behaviors taught by the family unit (Rury, 2002). Policy and popular support for publiceducation prior to the 1950s was consistent with the theory that the function of schooling was to reproduce existing social arrangements, not change them (Apple, 2004; Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Rury, 2002; Sleeter & Grant, 2003). Because racial differences reflected distinct, fixed, unalterable, and ‘‘natural’’ characteristics that were manifestations of behavioral, intellectual, temperamental, and moral inner realities (Smedley, 1999), reproducing the

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commonly accepted racial hierarchy was a ‘‘commonsense’’ notion of schooling. As Rury (2002) stated: " The purpose of schooling, in that case, was to prepare

each group for its inevitable social destination, and not to raise thorny questions about equality and fairness along the way. . ..If African Americans occupied a servile position in the social order, it was not the educational system’s task to change that. . . Differences attributed to race and gender were seen as biologically based, and thus taken to be God-given and not subject to human or institutional intervention (p. 168).

Continuance of Racial Inequity to the Present Not until the end of World War II and the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) was national attention paid to the inherent conflict between the values of equal opportunity and equal protection, and the clear differences in the quality of schooling along racial lines. As Brown and 1960s Civil Rights legislation put an end to the doctrine of ‘‘separate but equal,’’ the public began to grapple with the notion of how schools could exist where students of color attended segregated schools, schools with lower per pupil expenditures, teachers who were compensated less, inferior building infrastructures, and less access to community resources among other disparities (Irons, 2004; Rury, 2002). While the Brown decision provided a legal end to government sanctioned segregation in schools, other social and school policies and practices were created or re-organized having the effect of de jure segregation in U.S. schools (Irons, 2004; Rury, 2002). Movement by many White families out of urban areas to suburban locales (i.e., ‘‘White flight,’’ Rury, 2002) and the establishment of policies allowing White students to attend private segregated schools subsidized by public vouchers (Irons, 2004) provided the opportunity for White students to continue to attend all-White schools. Furthermore, the argument has been made that the establishment and increased use of ability grouping and academic tracking allowed for segregated education in ‘‘integrated’’ schools (Mickelson, 2001; Oakes, 1985). Persistent racial educational inequities remain to the present. For example, the increasingly racially diverse student population is being taught in schools that are segregated at levels not seen in over 30 years,

and by a teaching staff that is increasingly White (Frankenberg, Lee, & Orfield, 2003; Sleeter & Grant, 2003; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). Frankenberg et al. (2003) provide data illustrating that White students on average attend schools that are more than 80% White, and the proportion of Black students attending majority-White schools during the 1990s declined to rates lower than any year since 1968. In addition, the percentage of teachers of color has dropped considerably, while the percentage of the teaching force that is White has increased to approximately 85–90% (National Education Association, 2003; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000). Moreover, racial disparities continue to be evident in the percentage of students tracked in high and low ability programs (Mickelson, 2001; Oakes, 1985), dropout and high school graduation rates (Holzman, 2006), measures of academic achievement (Jencks & Philips, 1998), rates of out-of-school suspension and expulsion (Skiba & Rausch, 2006), access to highly qualified teachers (Darling-Hammond, 2004), and quality of school facilities (Kozol, 1992, 2005).

Early Mental Health Theory and Practice Attention to equitable mental health service systems has gained national attention only since the civil rights movement of the mid twentieth century (Dunn, 1968; Ferri & Connor, 2006; Ridley, 2005; Smith & Kozleski, 2005). Researchers have documented overt and covert forms of racial inequity in mental health service delivery, and reported that such inequities are evident in a variety of treatment settings, especially schools. Numerous studies since the 1950s have documented the existence of inequitable practices clearly based on race: " This research, an accumulation of more than a half

century of scholarly inquiry, yields a clear, unavoidable conclusion: Racism exists in mental health care delivery systems across the United States. . .Professionals cannot dismiss racism as an anomaly in the face of such an overwhelming body of literature attesting to its pervasiveness (Ridley, 2005, p. 7).

Evidence suggests that early models of mental health and therapy substantially contributed to racial inequity. Psychology has historically conceptualized mental health according to four models, each making its own contribution to pathologizing individuals of

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color: (a) the normality model; (b) the deficit model; (c) the medical model; and (d) the conformity model (see Ridley, 2005 for an in-depth discussion of each of these models). These models assumed a singular, universal, cross-culturally shared, and objective standard for mental health, and thus mental health was judged and interpreted by the same standards across cultures, races, backgrounds, and contexts. Those who did not meet this mental health standard were judged to be biologically, genetically, or culturally deficient. Because the focus of mental health practitioners was to diagnose and destroy intra-individual sources of illness, little attention was paid to external phenomena that may cause presenting problems, such as the stress of discrimination. To the degree that these assumptions were dominated by descriptions drawn from White, middle-class experience, the mental health status of people of color would often be considered deviant, deficient, and pathological. Uncritical use of these models with their embedded assumptions may well have contributed to higher rates of observed ‘‘mental illness’’ among African Americans.

The Intersection of Mental Health and Education Specific to schools, Lazerson (1983) argues that mental ability testing was a powerful impetus for the creation of special education programs and services in the early 1900s, and use of these programs and services had the effect of segregating large numbers of African American students from their peers later in the century. Early research using standardized tests identified a high proportion of African Americans and foreign born immigrants as ‘‘feeble-minded’’ and supported separate educational approaches or even institutional segregation as the only viable educational treatment (Goddard, 1912; Terman 1916). Such practices and their embedded assumptions led to the moving of proportionally large numbers of African American students into separate programs and schools, especially during the 1950s with the growth and racial diversification of the student body (Lazerson, 1983). Some authors contend that current racial inequities in special education systems have the effect of maintaining racial segregation in schools. Immediately following the Brown decision, when African Americans attended historically White schools in some areas of

the country for the first time, Lazerson suggests that separate special education programs and services allowed ‘‘. . .school systems to both incorporate large numbers of non-White pupils into the schools while simultaneously segregating them within the schools’’ (p. 40). Ferri and Connor (2006) suggest that, in the wake of the civil rights movement, separating students based on their perceived ability became more socially acceptable than sorting by race. Yet whatever the rationale for such sorting, the outcome is the same; special education identification and placement in separate classes and schools for disproportionate numbers of African American students has had the effect of continuing the separation of races in educational programming and experiences.

Continuance of Racial Inequity to the Present There is little convincing data that psychologists, therapists, counselors, teachers, and administrators actively use a diagnosis of psychopathology or referral to special education for the primary purpose of stigmatizing and segregating large numbers of students of color from their mainstream peers; rather, racially disparate outcomes often seem to be the product of a complex series of institutional and individual actions, no one of which is intended to discriminate, but which together result in a set of outcomes that are clearly discriminatory (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Ridley, 2005). Regardless of intent, however, psychological service providers (i.e. school psychologists, counselors, and therapists) are among those with the greatest influence on decisions concerning special education eligibility, and on subsequent educational plans to meet student needs (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Harry, Klingner, Sturges, & Moore, 2002; Mehan, Hartwick, & Meihls, 1986). Whether or not the outcome is the result of conscious decision-making or intention, the intransigent disproportionate diagnosis of African American students as needing special education services and placement in more restrictive settings remains a sign of continuing racial inequity in psychological services (Ferri & Connor, 2006; Hilliard, 2004; Smith & Kozleski, 2005). As far back as the 1960s, African American students have been diagnosed disproportionately with disabling conditions, and placed in more restrictive settings such as separate classrooms and schools compared to their

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peers (Dunn, 1968; National Research Council [NRC], 2002; U.S. Department of Education, 2006). African Americans are 2–3 times more likely to be found in more judgmental disability categories that are related to intellectual and behavioral capacity (i.e., mental retardation and emotional disability), and not disproportionately diagnosed with other, more objective conditions (i.e., hearing impairment, orthopedic impairment, visual impairment, deaf-blind) (NRC, 2002). Most areas of the country show marked Latino underrepresentation in special education (Perez, Skiba, & Chung, 2008), although some research has documented Latino overrepresentation in the disability categories of learning disability and speech-language impairment especially in areas of the country with large Latino populations (Smith & Kozleski, 2005). Recent fieldinitiated research from the Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP) has found that African American and Latino students with diagnosed disabilities attend segregated school settings at rates 2.5 and 1.8 times higher than their White peers. Even in school districts with relatively high rates of overall inclusion, minority students are between 2 and 3 times less likely to be in inclusive educational settings (Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger, Gallini, Simmons, & Feggins-Azziz, 2006; Smith & Kozleski, 2005). Such findings have prompted some to suggest that the benefits associated with inclusive practices have extended primarily to White middle-class students (Ferri & Connor, 2006; LeRoy & Kulik, 2001; Smith & Kozleski, 2005).

Attending to Common Assumptions A number of unsubstantiated assumptions are made regarding the factors that perpetuate disproportionality. First, the overlap of race and poverty has led to an assumption that the overrepresentation of African American students in special education is primarily a function of the difficult circumstances associated with economic disadvantage (MacMillan & Reschly, 1998). Multivariate analyses simultaneously testing the impact of both race and poverty on measured disproportionality have found poverty to make only a weak and inconsistent contribution to disproportionality; the effect of poverty is primarily to magnify pre-existing disparities due to race (Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger, Simmons, Feggins-Azziz, & Chung, 2005). Also, it is questionable that poverty is a causal variable for racial differences. Some have argued that because racially discriminatory social policies and

practices created the overlap of race and poverty, poverty alone cannot account for racial differences (Harry, Klingner, & Hart, 2005). Second, it is a widespread belief among educators that special education identification and placement is caused by inadequacies in a child’s home life (Skiba, Simmons, Ritter, Kohler, Henderson, & Wu, 2006), and poor parenting in particular (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Harry et al., 2005). Yet there is no evidence that African American families are more dysfunctional than other families. In their recent ethnographic study of racial disproportionality in special education, Harry and Klingner (2006) found that negative comments and perspectives about African American families were among the most common and pervasive of all the perspectives held by educators. Families of African American students were described as neglectful, incompetent, and dysfunctional, but such claims were often made without any firsthand knowledge of the actual circumstances of families. Moreover, even where less-than-optimal family arrangements were observed among some African American families in this study (e.g. single-parenting), the presence of compensatory cultural messages and resources (e.g. care-taking by extended family members) often helped mitigate potential negative effects. The researchers concluded: " The saddest part of these stories is that the family

strengths we were able to discover in just a few visits and conversations went unnoticed by school personnel. . . This lack of recognition, a recognition supplanted by disdain and disinterest, contributed directly to decisions that were not in the children’s interest. . .(Harry & Klinger, p. 90).

Finally, the 24th annual report to Congress on the implementation of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) (U.S. Department of Education, 2002) hypothesized that ‘‘it is possible that the differences in placement by race/ethnicity may reflect the disproportional representation of some minority groups in disability categories that are predominately served in more restrictive settings’’ (p. III-45). Stated differently, perhaps African American students are in more restrictive settings because they are diagnosed with disabilities (i.e., mental retardation and emotional disabilities) requiring more restrictive placements. Studies that have investigated racial differences in placement have found, however, that race makes an

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independent contribution to disparities in placement even after accounting for differences in category identification (LeRoy & Kulik, 2001/2004; Serwatka, Deering, & Grant, 1995; Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger et al., 2006). In a recent study specifically dedicated to testing the placement disproportionality by disability category hypothesis, Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger et al. (2006) found that African Americans more likely were in restrictive environments compared to other students with the same disability label. Further, African American disproportionality in placement was the most marked in disability categories that are primarily educated in more inclusive settings. Students identified with a Speech and Language (SL) or Learning Disability (LD) have among the highest likelihood of being in an inclusive setting compared to all other disability categories (SL, 87% inclusion; LD, 47% inclusion; U.S. Department of Education, 2006). Yet, it is precisely these categories that African Americans were found to have the highest rates of exclusion: African Americans were found to be 3.2 and 7.66 times more likely to be in a separate class placement for LD and SL respectively, compared to other students with the same disability label.

Summary Educational services offered to African American students in public educational systems were originally established in an attempt to change the behaviors, values, and practices of these students; the education was qualitatively different from schooling offered to other students that was intended to reinforce values and behaviors taught by the family unit. (Rury, 2002). Psychological models of mental health aided in disparate service delivery, through embedded assumptions and practices that predisposed people of color to be diagnosed with higher levels of observed ‘‘mental illness.’’ An example of racial inequity in school-based psychological services is the disproportionate representation of African American students in special education, and in particular their disproportionate rate of placement in more restrictive settings. Finally, while many school practitioners attribute such disparities to commonly held assumptions, such as poverty, dysfunctional family processes, or disabilities requiring more intensive services, available evidence has not supported these hypotheses as fully explaining racial disparities in school services.

Contemporary Models and Approaches The data presented in the previous sections paint a fairly bleak picture for students of color in public education. Are there contemporary psychological and educational models and practices that may create school contexts for greater racial equity?

Policy and Practice Attempts to Address Racial Inequity Recent federal policy reforms have begun to address racial educational inequities. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 provides a federal mandate requiring school systems to attend to racial differences in academic achievement as measured by standardized test scores. To be in compliance with federal law, states are required to monitor the educational progress of each racial group, and develop intervention plans when school systems do not show adequate yearly progress over time. Further, IDEA requires states to examine racial differences in special education identification, placement settings, and disciplinary actions. If significant disproportionality exists in the state or the local educational agencies, the state is required to review and revise policies, procedures, and practices used to identify and place students. Perhaps more importantly, the most recent re-authorization of IDEA in 2004 mandates states to require districts with significant disproportionality to reserve 15% of IDEA funding to provide coordinated early intervention services targeted toward overrepresented racial groups (Public Law 108–446, 2004). Also, there exists federal and state attempts to remediate racial disparities in special education by providing states and local school districts with technical assistance in their remediation planning and implementation (see e.g. Klingner et al., 2005; Skiba et al., 2004). Emerging theories from the field of multicultural education offer educational practitioners with alternative conceptualizations and methods that address educational inequities (Banks & Banks, 2004; Bennett, 2006; Gay, 2000; Klingner et al., 2005; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2001; Sleeter & Grant, 2003). For example, the theory of culturally relevant and responsive pedagogy (Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2001) posits that changes in teaching approaches, such as making the curriculum more relevant and accessible to the lived

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experiences of students of color may enhance the educational achievement of these student groups. Available research on effectiveness of federal policy and alternative teaching theories is limited, however, the limited findings are unclear.

Emerging Models of School-Based Mental Health Services An emerging model of mental health, the biopsychosocial model, may result in more equitable outcomes for people of color (Ridley, 2005). Unlike previous mental health models, the biopsychosocial model takes into account every major influence on human functioning, including physical health, interpersonal and social competence, and psychological and emotional well-being (Lewis, Sperry, & Carlson, 1993). Taylor (1990) describes this model as one that assumes ‘‘biological, psychological, and social factors are implicated in all stages of health and illness’’ (p. 40), and thus, rather than attributing presenting problems to intra-individual sources exclusively, psychologists and counselors using this model are required to attend to multiple sources of information and address presenting problems in a holistic, systemic, and contextual manner. Unlike the medical model in particular, the biopsychosocial model is intended to prevent or mitigate problems, and thus is a health promotion model (Engel, 1977; Ridley, 2005; Sperry, 1988). By taking a more comprehensive approach in understanding health and illness, the biopsychosocial model may reduce the potential for bias leading to the misinterpretation of the behaviors of people of color. More specific to school-based mental health practices, the emerging problem-solving preventative model of practice represents a shift from an emphasis on clinical diagnosis, identification and placement, to an understanding of how to improve the studentcontext fit for better student outcomes (Deno, 2002; Tilly, 2002). The problem-solving model represents a shift from a sole focus on intra-individual problems to a focus on how problems are a function of individual, school and community contexts. Importantly, this model not only addresses situations where the student-school fit is not optimal, but also is preventative in that it attempts to improve this fit for all students. It also places increased emphasis on (a) a thorough understanding of all of the elements of a presenting problem, (b) identifying and using student strengths,

(c) hypothesizing which variables (external and internal to the student) are likely contributing to the problem, (d) administering interventions, which often include changes to school contextual variables, designed to remediate the problem, and (e) measuring the treatment integrity and effectiveness of chosen interventions and modifying/revising intervention plans as necessary. While the problem-solving and biospychosocial models appears to hold some promise to provide more equitable service delivery, the legacy, structure, and tools associated with differential diagnosis may still lead to an emphasis on intra-individual deficits rather than systemic inadequacies. To the degree that such systemic inadequacies are stronger causes of student problems, intra-individual interventions will likely be ineffective and inappropriate. For example, Harry and Klingner (2006) found that weak teaching was among the strongest correlates of academic and social problems. They defined weak teaching as: " . . .classrooms in which teachers were often distraught

or angry; where rough reprimands, idle threats, and personal insults were common. . .instruction was frequently offered with no context. . .no attempt to connect to children’s previous learning or personal experience. . .rote instruction took the place of meaningful explanation and dialogue. . . . poorly planned lessons were at the heart of the problem (p. 56).

The authors hypothesize that such classroom contexts, found in large numbers in poor and Black neighborhoods, may relate to racial disproportionality: ‘‘When applied to special education placement. . .we have no way of knowing how referred children would have fared in more appropriate educational settings’’ (pp. 68–69). Yet, such systemic instructional inadequacies are rarely if ever the focus of intervention efforts.

Summary New educational and mental health theories and models offer hope of achieving equity in schools (Kaestle, 1983; Rury, 2002). Focusing on the student-context fit rather than exclusively on intra-student deficits and intra-student interventions clearly is a needed shift in practice. Nevertheless, practitioners may continue to overlook or minimize the impact of social, structural, and systemic forces unless strong incentives and support to do otherwise are put into place. There also

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is need to test the effectiveness of emerging theories and practices.

Key Issues In contemporary practice, we must assume that most psychologists, counselors, therapists, teachers and administrators generally support more equitable outcomes for students of color. Yet, paradoxically, these professionals co-exist in schools with marked racial disparities. An emerging body of literature has identified the phenomenon of the ‘‘well-intentioned’’ professional who perceives him/herself (and are perceived by others) as non-racist (King, 1991; Trepagnier, 2001). How is it that such systems continue to produce racial inequity, irregardless of the intentions and ‘‘nonracist’’ practices of educational practitioners?

Cultural Reproduction Theory One explanation of this paradox can be found in the theory of cultural reproductive systems and actions (Bowles & Gintis, 1976). Developed as an explanation of the perpetuation of social class hierarchies, the theoretical framework of cultural reproduction has been utilized by equity researchers to demonstrate how institutional and individual actions maintain a hierarchical status quo at the expense of less-privileged groups (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Mehan, 1992; Oakes, 1985). Cultural reproduction implies that individuals become a part of institutional patterns through consititutive actions (Mehan et al., 1986; Mehan, 1992) that can reproduce the status quo without being consciously aware of their contribution to inequity. While these systemic patterns of thought and behavior may not come to conscious awareness or mean to cause harm, they still have the specific effect of injuring members of racial/ethnic minority groups, and thus have been termed indirect or unintentional institutional racism (Feagin & Feagin, 1994). It is important to note, however, that cultural reproduction and institutional racism are not abstract structural entities devoid of human action and interaction: cultural reproduction and institutional racism have been and continue to be created and re-created by individuals within institutions, and hence are amenable to change by addressing the unintentional yet destructive perspectives and behaviors of the individuals who

make up those institutions (Arredondo & Rice, 2004; Harry & Klingner, 2006). Recent ethnographic investigations have found clear evidence of reproductive processes that may well contribute to inequitable outcomes in special education. In an ethnographic study focusing primarily on the contributions of school psychologists to special education assessment and decision-making, Harry et al. (2002) found that while psychological testing is often perceived as an objective procedure designed to reduce the influence of individual judgments, in fact, the process is often highly idiosyncratic, as psychologists choose tests or test batteries that are more likely to produce the results they, or the teachers making the referral, wish to see. Using Heller, Holtzman, and Messick’s (1982) conclusion that disproportionality could be viewed as a problem if there is evidence of inappropriate practice or bias at any phase of the process, Harry and Klingner (2006) tracked the opportunity to learn, special education eligibility decisionmaking process, and special education programming. They found a number of institutional constraints and constitutive actions that influence special education placement and programming for minority students, including poor teacher quality, large class size, arbitrary application of eligibility decision-making criteria, tardiness in placement processes, and special education programs that were themselves ineffective or overly restrictive. The authors argue that such findings suggest the need for increased attention to school-based risk as a contributing factor to inequity in special education.

Emerging Ideas for Remediation and Conclusions Although the need for cognitive simplicity may lead to preference of relatively linear hypotheses for explaining racial disparities, no single simple explanation fits the data on racial disparities in school services. Instead, disproportionality is a product of a number of social forces interacting in the lives of children and the schools that serve them. However, we have yet to devise a comprehensive plan to remediate the problem. Promising models are emerging that may provide a more culturally competent route for providing service in both special education and mental health services. Yet interventions based on those models have not been fully conceptualized, much less implemented or evaluated. Thus an important principle to bear in

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mind is that of local evaluation. It is incumbent upon local educators and mental health practitioners to assess the current degree of racial disparity in their systems, explicitly examine their assumptions and behaviors regarding inequity, design alternative programs or interventions, and evaluate the extent to which those interventions are in fact reducing educational inequity. Specific recommendations in each area follow. Assess current disparities. Published data in special education, school discipline, and mental health appear to indicate that racial disparities are so widespread in America as to constitute the norm. It is thus important for local practitioners to examine their own data critically, with an eye towards identifying potential problems leading to disproportionality. Such data is extremely helpful in knowing specific areas in need of attention, and can serve as baselines for progress monitoring. Examine all assumptions: There are clearly a variety of explanations one could apply to data that indicate inequalities in schooling and mental health. Each is based on a different set of assumptions and each leads to a different set of proposed interventions. For example, a psychologist who accepts arguments that differences in intelligence and achievement test scores are primarily genetic in origin (e.g., Herrnstein & Murray, 1994) likely will presume that racial disparities are natural and normal, and there is not much to be done about it. Educators who believe that racial differences are caused by socioeconomic differences likely will believe that disproportionality is due primarily to family or community issues, and to focus primarily on improving pre-school services, or learning to deal with the ‘‘culture of poverty’’ (see e.g., Payne, 2005). Finally, those who believe that our educational systems have traditionally discriminated against students of color and that some of those habit patterns may still be reproduced in our systems, may emphasize the role of institutional systems in creating disproportionality, and likely will focus on changing the nature of services being provided. It is critical that all hypotheses, especially those originating from communities of color, be equally represented and valued in our discussions of inequity. Some scholars have argued that alternative hypotheses and remediation efforts have been systematically devalued or ‘‘silenced’’ (Delpit, 1995), producing only a limited range of hypotheses for racial disparities in school services (King, 2005; Patton, 1998). If schools or

districts are to be effective in addressing racial disparity at the local level, their leadership must examine their underlying assumptions and explore a diversity of explanatory hypotheses for inequity. Such a process may lead to more effective intervention efforts. Evaluation. Evaluation can be difficult for school practitioners and often viewed as a task for which there is insufficient time. Failure to evaluate interventions, however, greatly increases risks of the continued replication of ineffective practice. All interventions meant to create more equitable conditions—whether changes in referral practices, multicultural education, or increased training for educators—should be evaluated to ensure that our best intentions are truly making a difference. One cannot assume that efforts to improve a system will change racial and ethnic disparities in particular, and thus it is critical to monitor the effect of intervention efforts on disproportionality. For example, a school district might develop a sophisticated intervention procedure (e.g., Response-to-Intervention (RTI)) to reduce special education referrals. But if it did so only by reducing the referrals for the majority of students (e.g., White students), such a project could increase disproportionality even while reducing overall referrals. Therefore, monitoring changes in disproportionality is paramount. It is of interest that we were able to find only one empirical investigation of an intervention on racial disproportionality in special education (Gravois & Rosenfield, 2006). These researchers reported that after two years of implementing Instructional Consultation Teams, not only were students in treatment group schools at a lower risk for special education evaluation and placement, but disproportionate rates of referral and placement were reduced in these schools as well. Current racial inequities in our mental health and education systems are not by any means new. They are the product of hundreds of years of oppression, discrimination, and segregation. Contemporary policy and practice reforms in mental health and education attempt to address these continuing and long-standing problems, but it remains to be tested if such attempts are indeed effective. Confronting racial disparities is uncomfortable and often an emotionally charged experience. But unless professionals are willing to work through their discomfort, it is almost certain that their efforts will fail to correct the inequities still embedded in our institutions.

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Suggested Reading Apple, M. W. (2004). Ideology and curriculum (3rd ed.). New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Arredondo, P., & Rice, T. M. (2004). Working from within: Contextual mental health and organizational competence. In T. B. Smith (Ed.), Practicing multiculturalism: Affirming diversity in counseling and psychology (pp. 76–96). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Banks, J. A., & Banks, C. A. (2004). The handbook of research on multicultural education (2nd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bennett, C. I. (2006). Comprehensive multicultural education: Theory and practice (6th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Blackorby, J., & Wagner, M. (1996). Longitudinal post school outcomes of youth with disabilities: Findings from the national longitudinal transition study. Exceptional Children, 62, 399–414. Bowles, S., & Gintis, H. (1976). Schooling in capitalist America. New York: Basic Books. Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). Children’s Defense Fund (1974). Children out of school in America. Washington, D.C.: Author, Washington Research Project. Connor, D. J. (2006). Michael’s story: ‘‘I get in so much trouble just by walking’’: Narrative knowing and life at the intersections of learning disability, race and class. Equity and Excellence in Education, 39, 154–165. Darling-Hammond, L. (2004). Inequity and the right to learn: Access to qualified teachers in California’s public schools. Teaches College Record, 106, 1936–1966. Delpit, L. (1995). Other people’s children: Cultural conflict in the classroom. New York: New Press. Deno, S. L. (2002). Problem solving as ‘‘best practice.’’ In A. Thomas & J. Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology IV: Vol. 1 (pp. 37–55). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Dunn, L. M. (1968). Special education for the mildly retarded: Is much of it justifiable? Exceptional Children, 35, 5–22. Engel, G. L. (1977). The need for a new medical model: A challenge for biomedicine. Science, 196, 129–136. Feagin, J., & Feagin, C. (1994). Social problems: A critical powerconflict perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ferri, B. A., & Connor, D. J. (2006). Reading resistance: Discourses of exclusion in desegregation and inclusion debates. New York: Peter Lang. Frankenberg, E., Lee, C. & Orfield, G. (2003). A multiracial society with segregated schools: Are we losing the dream? Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University. [online]. Retrieved February 1, 2006, from http://www.civilrightsproject. harvard.edu/research/reseg03/AreWeLosingtheDream.pdf Garcia Coll, C. & Garrido, M. (2000). Minorities in the U.S.: Sociocultural context for mental health and developmental psychopathology. In A. J. Sameroff, M. Lewis, & S. M. Miller (Eds.), Handbook of developmental psychopathology, (2nd ed.) (pp. 177–195). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Gay, G. (2000). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research and practice. New York: Teachers College Press. Goddard, H. H. (1912). The Kallikak family: A study in the heredity of feeble-mindedness. New York: MacMillan.

Gravois, T. A. & Rosenfield, S. A. (2006). Impact of instructional consultation teams on the disproportionate referral and placement of minority students in special education. Remedial and Special Education, 27, 42–52. Harry, B., & Klingner, J. (2006). Why are so many minority students in special education? Understanding race and disability in schools. New York: Teachers College Press. Harry, B., Klingner, J. K., & Hart, J. (2005). African American families under fire: Ethnographic views of family strengths. Remedial and Special Education, 26, 101–112. Harry, B., Klingner, J., Sturges, K. M., & Moore, R. F. (2002). Of rocks and soft places: Using qualitative methods to investigate disproportionality: In D. J. Losen & G. Orfield (Eds.), Racial inequality in special education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Heller, K. A., Holtzman, W. H., & Messick, S. (Eds.). (1982). Placing children in special education: A strategy for equity. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Herrnstein, R. J., & Murray, C. (1994). The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in American life. New York: Free Press. Hilliard III, A. G. (2004). No mystery: Closing the achievement gap between Africans and excellence. In T. Perry, C. Steele, & A. Hilliard III, Young, gifted, and Black: Promoting high achievement among African-American students. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Holzman, M. (2006). Public education and Black male students. Cambridge, MA: Schott Foundation for Public Education. Irons, P. (2004). Jim Crow’s children: The broken promise of the Brown decision. New York: Penguin. Jencks, M. & Philips, M. (Eds.) (1998). The Black-White test score gap. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. Kaestle, C. F. (1983). Pillars of the republic: Common schools and American society, 1780–1860. New York: Hill & Wang. King, J. E. (Ed.) (2005). Black education: A transformative research and action agenda for the new century. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates for the American Educational Research Association. King, J. E. (1991). Dysconscious racism: Ideology, identity, and the miseducation of teachers. The Journal of Negro Education, 60, 133–146. Klingner, J. K., Artiles, A. J., Kozleski, E., Harry, B., Zion, S., Tate, W., Duran, G. Z., & Riley, D. (2005). Addressing the disproportionate representation of culturally and linguistically diverse students in special education through culturally responsive educational systems. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 13, 1–43. Retrieved July 1, 2006, from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v13n38/ Kozol, J. (1992). Savage inequalities: Children in America’s schools. New York: Crown. Kozol, J. (2005). The shame of the nation: The restoration of apartheid schooling in America. New York: Crown Publishers. Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American children. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Ladson-Billings, G. (2001). Crossing over to Canaan: The journey of new teachers in diverse classrooms. San Francisco, CA: JosseyBass. Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Teachers College Record, 97, 47–68.

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Racial disparities in school services Lazerson, M. (1983). The origins of special education. In J. G. Chambers & W. T. Hartman (Eds.), Special education policies: Their history, implementation, and finance (pp. 15–47). Philadelphia: Temple University Press. LeRoy, B., & Kulik, N. (2001). The demography of inclusive education in Michigan: State and local district findings. Detroit, MI: Developmental Disabilities Institute. LeRoy, B., & Kulik, N. (2004). The demographics of inclusion: Final report materials for U.S. Department of Education Office of Special Education Programs Grant. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University. Lewis, J. A., Sperry, L., & Carlson, J. (1993). Health counseling. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing. Losen, D. J. & Orfield, G. (Eds.) (2002). Racial inequity in special education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. MacMillan, D. L., & Reschly, D. J., (1998). Overrepresentation of minority students: The case for greater specificity or reconsideration of variables examined. The Journal of Special Education, 26, 20–36. Mehan, H. (1992). Understanding inequality in schools: The contribution of interpretive studies. Sociology of Education, 65, 1–20. Mehan, H., Hartwick, A., & Meihls, J. L. (1986). Handicapping the handicapped: Decision making in students’ educational careers. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Mickelson, R. A. (2001). Subverting Swann: First and second generation segregation in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools. American Education Research Journal, 38, 215–252. National Education Association (2003). Status of the American public school teacher 2000–2001. Washington, D.C.: Author. National Research Council (NRC) (2002). Minority students in special and gifted education. M. S. Donovan and C. T. Cross (Eds.). Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Oakes, J. (1985). Keeping track: How schools structure inequality. New York: Vail-Ballou Press. Patton, J. M. (1998). The disproportionate representation of African Americans in special education: Looking behind the curtain for understanding and solutions. Journal of Special Education, 32 (1), 25–31. Payne, R. K. (2005). A framework for understanding poverty (4th Rev. ed.). Highlands, TX: aha! Process Inc. Perez, B., Skiba, R. J., & Chung, C. (2008). Latino students and disproportionality in special education. Bloomington, IN: Center for Evaluation and Education Policy. Public Law 108–446 (2004). The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. 118 STAT 2739. Ridley, C. R. (2005). Overcoming unintentional racism in counseling and therapy (2nd edn.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Rury, J. L. (2002). Education and social change: Themes in the history of American schooling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Serwatka, T. S., Deering, S., & Grant, P. (1995). Disproportionate representation of African Americans in emotionally handicapped classes. Journal of Black Studies, 25, 492–506. Sheets, R. H. (2005). Diversity pedagogy: Examining the role of culture in the teaching-learning process. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Skiba, R. J., Michael, R. S., Nardo, A. C. & Peterson, R. (2002). The color of discipline: Sources of racial and gender disproportionality in school punishment. Urban Review, 34, 317–342. Skiba, R. J., Poloni-Staudinger, L., Simmons, A. B., Feggins-Azziz, L. R., & Chung, C. G. (2005). Unproven links: Can poverty explain ethnic disproportionality in special education? Journal of Special Education, 39, 130–144. Skiba, R. J., & Rausch, M. K. (2006). Zero tolerance, suspension, and expulsion: Questions of equity and effectiveness. In C. M. Evertson & C. S. Weinstein (Eds.), Handbook of classroom management: Research, practice, and contemporary issues (pp. 1063–1089). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Skiba, R. J., Simmons, A., Ritter, S., Kohler, K., Henderson, M., & Wu, T. (2006). The context of minority disproportionality: Practitioner perspectives on special education referral. Teachers College Record, 108, 1424–1459. Skiba, R. J., Simmons, A. B., Ritter, S., Rausch, M. K., Feggins, L. R., Gallini, S., Edl, H., Mukherjee, A. (2004). Moving towards equity: Addressing disproportionality in special education in Indiana. Bloomington, IN: Center for Evaluation and Education Policy. Skiba, R. J., Poloni-Staudinger, L., Gallini, S., Simmons, A. B., & Feggins-Azziz, L. R. (2006). Disparate access: The disproportionality of African American students with disabilities across educational environments. Exceptional Children, 72, 411–424. Skrtic, T. M. (2003). An organizational analysis of the overrepresentation of poor and minority students in special education. Multiple Voices, 6(1), 41–57. Sleeter, C. E., & Grant, C. A. (2003). Making choices for multicultural education: Five approaches to race, class, and gender (4th ed.). New York: Jossey-Bass. Smedley, A. (1999). Race in North America: Origin and evolution of a worldview (2nd ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Smith, A. & Kozleski, E. B. (2005). Witnessing Brown: Pursuit of an equity agenda in American education. Remedial and Special Education, 26, 270–280. Sperry, L. (1988). Biopsychosocial therapy: An integrative approach for tailoring treatment. Individual Psychology, 44, 225–235. Taylor, S. E. (1990). Health psychology: The science and the field. American Psychologist, 45, 40–50. Terman, L. M. (1916). The measurement of intelligence. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Tilly III, W. D. (2002). Best practices in school psychology as a problem-solving enterprise. In A. Thomas & J. Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology IV, volume 1 (pp. 21–36). Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Trepaniger, B. (2001). Deconstructing categories: The exposure of silent racism. Symbolic Interaction, 24, 141–163. U.S. Bureau of the Census (2000). Census 2000 EEO data tool. [Online]. Retrieved August 1, 2006, from http://www.census. gov/eeo2000/index.html U.S. Department of Education, (2006). 26th annual report to Congress on the implementation of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, Volume 1. Washington, D.C.: Author. U.S. Department of Education, (2002). 24th annual report to Congress on the implementation of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Washington, D.C.: Author.

Looking into the Future: New Directions in Cross-Cultural School Psychology Beth Kleinman-Fleischer

Throughout the twentieth century, school psychology has developed and transformed with the evolution of the populations and intellectual philosophies in the United States (U.S.).1 In the twenty-first century, a growing theme within the field of school psychology is diversity. The U.S. Census Bureau (2000) projects that by 2050, 53.7% of school-age children and adolescents will be ‘‘minorities’’ (Brown, Shriberg, & Wang, 2007). The field of school psychology has gradually responded. A. H. Miranda and P. B. Gutter (2002) found that, within the four leading school psychology journals, the number of articles related to diversity grew proportionately from 1990 to 1999, compared with a study they cite by R. M. Wiese Rogers (1992) of journals from 1975 to 1990. Brown, Shriberg, and Wang (2007) also found that diversity-related articles increased from 2000 to 2003. Within the realm of diversity, English language learners (ELLs) are a growing population. The National Center for Education Statistics data (NCES, 2006) indicate that 18.8% of school-age children and adolescents speak a non-English language at home, and 5.3% of school-age children and adolescents have difficulty speaking English (Brown, Shriberg, & Wang, 2007). There has been much discussion within the field about how to best work with ELL populations, including how they fare and adapt to increased high-stakes testing. This increased testing has also compelled school psychologists to move beyond their traditional role of implementing psychological assessments, into a broader role of consultation, collaboration, and advocacy on many levels within the school system. Research methods within the field have also adapted to the country’s more diverse populations, leading some scholars to advocate that we move from being dominated by positivistic, 1

Although school psychology is an international field, it is difficult to compare the United States with other countries, as training and standards vary from country to country. Thus, for the sake of concision, this chapter will focus on school psychology in the United States.

quantitative-focused research to using more qualitative and mixed methods. A final issue within school psychology is training. With the percentage of students of color far outnumbering the percentage of school psychologists and teachers of color, it is imperative that training programs more actively recruit diverse faculty and students as well as increase their overall multicultural focus.

English Language Learners English language learners are a quickly growing population with whom school psychologists can expect to work more and more frequently (Baca, 2007). For example, data from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Civil Rights (2000), suggested a 72% increase in ELL students between 1992 and 2002 (Lopez & Truesdell, 2007). A concern within the field of school psychology is that ELL students achieve at a significantly lower level than mainstream students (Baca, 2007). One study found that in reading, over three-quarters of ELL students performed below level in third grade; in mathematics, over half performed below level in eighth grade (Zehler et al., 2003; as cited in Lopez, 2006). Compounding these statistics, there are not enough school staff, such as special education teachers and school psychologists, trained to work with ELL students (Baca, 2007). Lopez (2006) cites NCES (2002a) data for the 1999–2000 school year that indicated ‘‘41% of teachers in public schools taught ELL students; yet only 12.5% of those teachers had eight or more hours of training on how to instruct that population’’ (Lopez, p. 61). Within the field of school psychology, only approximately 10% of practitioners speak a second language (Rogers, 2005). Because of this lack of qualified instructors and funding deficits, the National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition and Language Instruction (2001) reports that ‘‘the number of ELL students who receive services in their native language has significantly decreased between 1992 and 2002’’ (Lopez, 2006, p. 60). Most students do not have access to bilingual programs, which would provide instruction in both English and their native language. Currently, most ELL students receive instruction in non-bilingual classrooms while receiving supplementary services in English as a second language (ESL) programs (Lopez, 2006).

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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In reaction to these statistics, some researchers have advocated the instructional consultation (IC) model, which Lopez (2006) defines as ‘‘the interaction between the learner, the task and the treatment’’ (p. 59). Silva (2005) found that instructional consultation teams (ICTs), which generally consist of school staff from multiple disciplines, were better able to lower ELL special education referrals and placements than pre-referral interventions teams (Lopez, 2006). Part of the potential for IC is that it not only treats the ELL student as an individual, but examines the entire system in which the student operates, including the way the student is being instructed and whether this instruction is a good fit for the student’s learning needs. To meet this goal, ICs meet with teachers to help them adapt their teaching for the ELL student, with regard to both the student’s conceptual framework as well as his or her cultural context (Lopez, 2006). Although IC has the potential to improve the learning of ELL students, there is still much research that needs to be done. According to Lopez (2006), little research has investigated the IC process with ELL students. There also needs to be further examination of the collaboration between the IC and teacher consultees, as well as research on the most effective instructional interventions for ELL students. Ingraham (2000) believes that more research is needed on ‘‘. . . power differentials associated with privilege or cultural/professional status, and the intersection of consultant, consultee(s), and client(s) individual and cultural variables’’ (Lopez & Truesdell, 2007, p. 91). With regard to their work with student clients, some researchers strongly advocate that instructional consultants are trained in second language and literacy learning and that they be prepared to use qualitative as well as quantitative and experimental research designs (Lopez & Truesdell, 2007). The issues of ELL students are compounded by the increase in high-stakes testing, resulting from the mandates of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) of 2001.

assessments in alignment with their own content standards and implement consequences for schools failing to make annual yearly progress (AYP) for two or more years in a row (Roach & Frank, 2007). The states determine the goals for their schools and all schools receiving Title I funds must exhibit AYP as defined by the state (Shriberg & Kruger, 2007). Under NCLB, all students,2 including ELLs, are assessed for AYP. Jones (2007) discusses concerns among educators that these tests are not an accurate measure of ELL students’ learning and can lead both teachers and students to increased frustration. Jones, citing the Center on Education Policy (2006) argues, ‘‘states and districts consider the NCLB requirement for ELL students one of the law’s greatest challenges because of the instructional time and resources that it consumes’’ (p. 80). As have teachers in other disciplines, ELL teachers have had to restructure their lessons to accommodate a kind of ‘‘one-size-fits all’’ test preparation (Jones, 2007). NCLB also ‘‘requires reading assessments using tests written in English for any student who has attended school in the U.S. (excluding Puerto Rico) for 3 or more consecutive years, with LEA discretion to use tests in another language for up to 2 additional years’’ (U.S. Department of Education; NCLB, no date, Stronger Accountability section, link number 5). This requirement contradicts research that suggests ‘‘it takes 7 to 10 years to obtain high levels of language proficiency in a second language’’ (Lopez & Truesdell, 2007, p. 85).

Other Issues with High-Stakes Testing

High-Stakes Testing and ELL Students

High-stakes testing affects all student populations, teachers, administrators, and other school personnel. Kruger, Wandle, and Struzziero (2007) discuss the stressors that high-stakes testing places upon public schools. Schools that do not make sufficient AYP can receive negative press attention and even compelled restructuring. High-stakes testing is also very expensive (e.g., costs of developing and administering the tests), and the federal government does not cover all of these expenses. Thus, money is taken from other areas that may better serve a given school’s population (Jones, 2007).

NCLB mandates that every year students in grades 3–8 (and at least one high-school grade) are assessed in reading and mathematics. States must develop these

2 States must have 95% participation from subgroups defined by race/ethnicity, disability, English proficiency, and other areas (Roach & Frank, 2007, p. 12).

High-Stakes Testing

Looking into the future: new directions in cross-cultural school psychology

Such systematic stressors filter down to teachers. Kruger, Wandle, and Struzziero (2007) cite studies suggesting that teachers are less likely to experience stress if they feel they have control over their teaching and curriculum. They claim that high-stakes testing removes this sense of autonomy from teaching, as some teachers are punished for low test scores and forced to link their curriculum with test content. As Roach and Frank (2007) describe it, ‘‘Under NCLB, monitoring and reporting the results of largescale assessments provide a technology for shaping and controlling educators’ behavior from the top down’’ (p. 18). All of this ultimately hurts students, as creativity and educational experiences not assessed on the state exams are neglected for ‘‘teaching to the test,’’ which some teachers believe makes their lessons more superficial and less engaging. Teachers have argued that these test-teaching approaches often focus on drilling and limit their abilities to adapt their teaching to students’ needs (Jones, 2007). Jones (2007) also cites studies suggesting that the poorest schools were most influenced by ‘‘teaching to the test.’’ As well as high-stakes testing affecting teachers’ abilities to teach, it also has a direct effect on students. Some states exert strong external pressures on students to perform well, relating test scores with graduation and grade promotion. Although not many studies have analyzed the relation between stress and highstakes testing for students, the research that has been done suggests that the stress these tests cause students is significant. Based on Hembree’s (1988) finding that students with lower academic ability were more likely to suffer from test anxiety, which causes poorer performance on achievement tests, it seems that students with disabilities are especially disadvantaged when taking high-stakes tests because they may already have high test anxiety and low academic skills, which highstakes tests serve to exacerbate (Kruger, Wandle, & Struzziero, 2007). In addition to the anxiety that high-stakes testing may provoke in students, researchers have suggested (although more definitive research is needed in this area) that testing may cause students to become more extrinsically than intrinsically motivated to succeed academically, eroding their love of learning (Jones, 2007). Although there are clearly negative effects of NCLB upon schools, teachers, and students, some positive aspects can be argued. The inclusion of all students in the testing provides a more public barometer with

which to account for the progress of ELL students, students who aren’t achieving, and students with disabilities. Although curriculum standardization has definite downsides, it can also be helpful for teachers to have clear standards with which to align their lessons (Elliott, 2007). Standardized testing is also efficient: it is a way to assess a school quickly and scientifically (Roach & Frank, 2007) (though arguments can be made about whether these tests truly measure what they should be measuring) and maintain accountability for teachers and schools.

The Role of School Psychologists in High-Stakes Testing At the time of this writing, a few months before the 2008 presidential election, it is difficult to predict the degree to which NCLB may be amended or even eliminated with the next administration. It is likely, however, that high-stakes testing will dominate the political landscape of education for the foreseeable future and will continue to be a significant means of assessment for schools, students, and teachers. Thus, it is imperative that school psychologists continue to play a key role in helping students, teachers, and the school at large in coping with the challenges presented by highstakes testing. School psychologists can work as leaders on the school-wide level, as consultants to teachers, and with individual students and their parents to help schools adapt to NCLB. On a systemic level, Kruger, Wandle, and Struzziero (2007) propose that school psychologists provide school-wide methods to cope with the stress of high-stakes testing. For instance, school psychologists can lead workshops in relaxation training, a technique that research has supported in reducing responses to stress, and can involve both teachers and students in the process. School psychologists can also reach out to inform parents about the stress associated with high-stakes testing and provide them with resources and strategies to use at home with their children (Kruger, Wandle, & Struzziero, 2007). Shriberg (2007) argues that school psychologists increase their leadership within the schools: " ‘‘While individual situations vary, school psychologists

who can combine their vision for role expansion and positive change with a commitment to data, advocacy, and interpersonal savvy within a complex educational

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structure have the opportunity to assume leadership in this current educational climate where test scores have been given tremendous prominence and importance’’ (p. 165).

If school psychologists feel that changes need to be made within the system, they must advocate for these in a way that appeals to key stakeholders. School psychologists also need to be alert to the potential for inappropriate referrals as a result of highstakes testing. In states that have graduation rates dependent upon passing standardized tests, but that also provide alternatives for students with disabilities, there is a pressure to over-diagnose students. Therefore, it is essential for school psychologists to have a deep understanding of how testing operates at the state level and potential repercussions at the school level. This issue of inappropriate referrals especially affects ELL students. Unlike special education students with Individualized Education Programs (IEP) or students with 504 plans, ELL students are not provided with exemptions or mandated accommodations under NCLB. Thus, school psychologists must especially monitor this population to ensure that referred students are truly struggling with a learning disability rather than language acquisition (Elliott, 2007). Instead of inappropriate referrals, Elliott (2007) recommends using the response to interventions (RtI) approach to insure appropriate help for ELL students. RtI is a way to ensure that effective instruction is matched with the student’s needs. Over a period, RtI examines how quickly and successfully the student learns. Decisions are made based upon data analysis (Elliott, 2007). School psychologists can also help students who are not granted accommodations under IEPs or 504 plans to see if their state might grant them accommodations for state and district testing (some states do allow this) or teach them how to manage the test without accommodations (Elliot, 2007), or both. School psychologists can help teachers create an encouraging classroom environment. Teachers can reduce competition, which has been linked to test anxiety, and instead promote cooperative learning (Kruger, Wandle, & Struzziero, 2007). School psychologists, who will need to be familiar with the instructional environment, can also help teachers educate their students about test-taking strategies (Elliott, 2007). Elliott (2007) recommends that such strategies be part of daily instruction. She suggests that school

counselors physically observe classroom instruction to gain a better sense of pedagogical weaknesses and to train teachers to monitor their own progress through data assessment. With their background in assessment, school psychologists can also assist teachers in understanding test data so as to apply it to their teaching (Roach & Frank, 2007). Beyond expanding their work with teachers, school psychologists can further develop their role in helping individual students cope with high-stakes testing. They can identify students who are particularly vulnerable to the stress of such testing and involve them in one of the many programs that have empirical support, many of which involve behavioral and cognitive behavioral (CB) techniques with students working in groups. School psychologists can also ensure that the students’ parents receive training in CB techniques so they can reinforce what their children are learning. Studies have shown that children whose parents also received CB training fared better in their struggles with anxiety than those whose parents did not (Kruger, Wandle, & Struzziero, 2007).

Future Research in High-stakes Testing Although some research has been completed that is relevant to our current high-stakes testing environment, with the significant role that NCLB plays for teachers, students, and the overall school culture, it is clear that much more is needed. According to Shriberg and Kruger (2007), ‘‘to date, despite geometric increases in articles on high stakes testing appearing in leading education journals during the last five years, this research has been largely absent from the school psychology literature’’ (p. 3). Other scholars acknowledge that further research is greatly needed to explore areas such as how increased testing has affected teacher hiring and attrition rates (Jones, 2007), the extent to which testing has helped or hindered instruction (Roach & Frank, 2007), how testing has affected students’ intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (Jones, 2007), and how accommodations affect high-stakes test performance (Elliot, 2007). Nichols (2007) suggests that some of the existing research on high-stakes testing has measurement weaknesses: it is difficult to assess the effects of such testing not only because testing policies can be quite

Looking into the future: new directions in cross-cultural school psychology

different between states, but also because individual states frequently vary their policies. Even if NCLB in its current form is revised by the next administration, it seems unlikely that high-stakes testing will decrease, as such assessments offer a relatively systematic, seemingly objective method of tracking school progress at both the federal and state levels. Thus, it seems probable that significantly more research will address the school psychologist’s role in high-stakes testing.

Mixed-Method Research Traditionally, school psychology research has focused on individual adjustments rather than contextual effects. Although this focus on individual learning has served school psychologists well in many ways, some scholars have argued that school psychology research models do not deal sufficiently with ecological and systematic variables, causing the field to move slowly in integrating multicultural issues (Bursztyn, 2007). According to Bursztyn (2007), as culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students continue to be overrepresented in terms of issues that include high dropout rates, high referral rates, and negative adjustment, they become more difficult for school psychologists to push into the background. The contextual realities of CLD students must be acknowledged for school psychologists to help them fully succeed. To adapt to an increasingly diverse population, Bursztyn (2007) argues that school psychology researchers need to amend their models. He claims that traditional empirical methods used by school psychology researchers have worked well for individuals but break down when used to study systems, which are what need to be studied in schools’ current multicultural contexts. School psychology research has generally operated under a positivistic framework, focusing on objectivity and aiming for a detached perspective. The research uses ‘‘objective’’ measurements such as behavior checklists and test scores, which, Burszytn (2007) argues, do not reveal the depth of the participants’ subjective experiences. This positivistic paradigm confines the research to a narrow perspective, focusing only on the areas consistent with the researchers’ worldviews without exploring alternative perspectives. Positivism

ignores the idea that individuals have their own subjective experiences, instead viewing subjectivity as biased. Bursztyn (2007) recommends that researchers become more comprehensive with their techniques. Although they should not abandon the more quantitative, positivistic approaches, it is useful to integrate more qualitative, subjective approaches such as ethnographic or case studies. Such studies can provide greater insight into the contextual experiences of research participants and provide a more nuanced perspective into diverse populations, while not sacrificing the precision that can be gained through quantitative data-driven studies. Powell, Mihalas, Onwuegbuzie, Suldo, and Daley (2008) argue that, although psychological research has been dominated by quantitative studies, school psychology practitioners have been using both qualitative and quantitative approaches for quite some time, as assessments call for integrating multiple data from standardized test scores to interviews. They explain: " ‘‘What most differentiates the mixed methods research

process from the monomethod research process is the fact that the former compels researchers not only to make decisions about the individual quantitative and qualitative components, but also to make decisions about how these components relate to each other . . .’’ (p. 294).

Mixed-method approaches are on the rise in several fields. In a recent study of 15 major electronic bibliographic databases across several fields including psychology and medicine, Collins, Onwuegbuzie, and Jiao (2007) found that most mixed-method articles were published during or after 2001 (Powell, Mihalas, Onwuegbuzie, Suldo, & Daley, 2008). Powell, et al. (2008) also found that 13.7% of the four major school psychology journals from 2001 through 2005 used mixed-method research of some kind, with a slightly upward trend. Of the overwhelming monomethod research published in these journals, most involved quantitative rather than qualitative studies. Powell et al. (2008) hypothesize that one reason for the dearth of qualitative studies may relate to school psychology programs placing little emphasis on qualitative research training. Powell et al. (2008) advocate more mixed-method research. They especially emphasize the need for qualitative research, because it provides benefits such

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as increased flexibility, the ability to address more complex questions, and ‘‘the opportunity to combine macro and micro levels of a study’’ (p. 306). Hitchcock, Sarkar, Nastasi, Burkholder, Varjas, & Jayasena (2006) demonstrate how a mixed-method approach can be used to generate culturally specific instruments. These authors used ethnographic and factor analytic methods to study students in Sri Lanka. They argue that researchers too frequently use a blanket approach to target populations, using instruments developed for a general population of American children and adolescents, rather than adapting to specific cultural groups. They advise school psychologists: " ‘‘When working in a multicultural setting, the qualita-

tive procedures can serve as models for service planning and identifying relevant cultural issues, and the development of a survey from this information can be used to quantify such information in the event a large enough sample warrants the additional effort. These skills can help school psychologists understand the idiosyncratic needs of a local culture, develop nuanced assessment skills and in turn develop highly targeted interventions’’ (p. 31).

Esquivel and Flanagan (2007) also promote the qualitative approach, focusing on narrative assessment as a way to gain insight about how children and adolescents perceive and make meaning of the world around them. They state, ‘‘Although scientific rigor and evidencebased practice are tenets critical to the profession, it is equally important to be aware of holistic ways of understanding and to be open to exploring the use of multiple methods within an integrative paradigm’’ (p. 278).

Training of School Psychologists As the U.S. becomes increasingly diverse, it is essential that school psychologists become aware of cultural differences and stressors unique to various groups, without neglecting within-group differences. Unfortunately, studies suggest that there are not enough school psychologists in practice who are adequately prepared to work with CLD populations (Lopez & Rogers, 2007). Although the U.S. Census Bureau (2002) projects that White student populations will decrease as

non-White student populations increase, this pattern has not occured for teachers (Rogers, 2005). In fact, according to the NCES (2002b), non-White public school teachers actually decreased from 1971 to 1996 (Rogers, 2005). According to Rogers (2005), 90% of public school teachers are White, whereas 40% of public school students are people of color. Within the field of school psychology, ‘‘the racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity among practicing (practitioners and faculty) school psychologists has not kept pace with the rapid demographic changes occurring in the United States’’ (Rogers, 2005, p. 997). Although the American Psychological Association (APA) (2002) and the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) (2000) have tried to address these concerns, calling for school psychology to increase coverage of multicultural issues and create more diverse field placements, there are several barriers, outlined by Lopez & Rogers (2007) that make it difficult for such programs to implement APA and NASP’s guidelines effectively. One obstacle is that the APA and NASP do not actually articulate how to translate these guidelines into practice. A second obstacle is that faculty themselves may not be sufficiently trained to teach their students about multicultural issues, as the emphasis on the CLD population is a more recent phenomenon. Third, CLD faculty members may leave their university jobs at an increased rate because of personal and institutional difficulties (Hendricks, 1997, as cited in Lopez & Rogers, 2007). Fourth, school psychology programs may have difficulties recruiting CLD students because of issues such as high tuition costs or a lack of writing skills by potential bilingual students. Such barriers are compounded by the fact that CLD students may feel uncomfortable with few CLD faculty as role models. Finally, field placements in diverse settings become a challenge because of the aforementioned lack of training that practicing school psychologists have received. The few bilingual school psychologists who are supervisors may experience burn out because they are in high demand to serve the needs of the bilingual population within a given school. To address these various issues, Lopez and Rogers (2007) suggest active recruitment strategies (e.g., financial support) to attract CLD students, increased bilingual training, and better retention of CLD faculty. Rogers (2005) calls for additional research to explore whether the multicultural training that does exist for

Looking into the future: new directions in cross-cultural school psychology

school psychology students has led to effective results in the field, which CLD recruitment techniques have been most effective, and the extent to which multicultural training is currently taking place in school psychology programs. For school psychologists who are already practicing, Lopez and Rogers (2007) suggest more thorough definitions of cross-cultural competencies for practitioners, increased bilingual school psychology training programs, and the creation of national and regional training centers focusing on diversity issues.

Conclusion It is clear that the field of cross-cultural school psychology is in flux. The national demographics of school psychologists themselves do not reflect the demographics of the populations they serve, and much of the research conducted in the field of school psychology, which often has a positivistic focus, is not necessarily the best fit for multicultural populations. There are not enough bilingual school psychologists and teachers to accommodate the growing number of ELL students, and the current high-stakes testing environment makes it especially important that vulnerable populations are provided with assistance. Yet there is reason for optimism. With an upward trend in diversity articles within school psychology journals (Brown, Shriberg, & Wang, 2007), and the APA (2002a) and NASP (2000) establishing guidelines with a focus on multicultural training, it seems that the field is, slowly but surely, working to accommodate the increasingly diverse populations it serves. Just as school psychology training programs must work to recruit CLD students and faculty, as well as to provide a multicultural curriculum, researchers must try to integrate more qualitative studies in their repertoire. School psychology practitioners are encouraged to expand their traditional roles to become leaders in their schools, collaborating with teachers, administrators, and other stakeholders to create an instructional environment that befits their diverse populations. School psychology plays a significant role in the educational landscape: it is essential for researchers and practitioners throughout the field to embrace the increasingly diverse population of the U.S.

References American Psychological Association. (2002). Guidelines and principles for accreditation of programs in professional psychology. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Baca, L. (2007). Bilingual special education commentary: The education of English Language Learners with special needs: The challenge for school psychologists. In G. B. Esquivel, E. C. Lopez & S. Nahari (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 659–664). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Brown, S. L., Shriberg, D., & Wang, A. (2007). Diversity research literature on the rise? A review of school psychology journals from 2000 to 2003. Psychology in the Schools, 44(6), 639–650. Bursztyn, A. M. (2007). Directions for future research: A research agenda for multicultural issues in education, assessment, and intervention. In G. B. Esquivel, E. C. Lopez, and S. Nahari (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 639–658). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Center on Education Policy. (2006). From the capital to the classroom: Year 4 of the no child left behind act. Retrieved March 30, 2006 from http://www.cep-dc.org/nclb/Year4/Press/ Collins, K. M. T., Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Jiao, Q. G. (2007). A mixed methods investigation of mixed methods sampling designs in social and health science research. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 1(4), 267–294. Elliott, J. (2007). Providing academic support for teachers and students in high stakes learning environments. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 87–101. Esquivel, G. B., & Flanagan, R. (2007). Narrative methods of personality assessment in school psychology. Psychology in the Schools, 44(3), 271–280. Hembree, R. (1988). Correlates, causes, effects and treatment of test anxiety. Review of Educational Research, 58(1), 47–77. Hendricks, F. M. (1997). Career experiences of Black women faculty at Research 1 universities. Dissertation Abstracts International, 57(12A). (UMI No. 9717161). Hitchcock, J., Sarkar, S., Nastasi, B., Burkholder, G., Varjas, K., & Jayasena, A. (2006). Validating culture- and gender-specific constructs: A mixed-method approach to advance assessment procedures in cross-cultural settings. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 22(2), 13–33. Ingraham (2000). Consultation through a multicultural lens: Multicultural and cross-cultural consultation in schools. School Psychology Review, 29, 320–343. Jones, B. D. (2007). The unintended outcomes of high-stakes testing. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 65–86. Kruger, L. J., Wandle, C., & Struzziero, J. (2007). Coping with the stress of high stakes testing. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 109–128. Lopez, E. C. (2006). Targeting English language learners, tasks and treatments in instructional consultation. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 22(2), 59–79. Lopez, E. C., & Rogers, M. R. (2007). Multicultural competencies and training in school psychology: Issues, approaches, and future directions. In G. B. Esquivel, E. C. Lopez, & S. Nahari (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 47–67). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

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Looking into the future: new directions in cross-cultural school psychology Lopez, E. C., & Truesdell, L. (2007). Multicultural issues in instructional consultation for English Language Learning Students. In G. B. Esquivel, E. C. Lopez & S. Nahari (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 71–98). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Miranda, A. H., & Gutter, P. B. (2002). Diversity research literature in school psychology: 1990–1999. Psychology in the Schools, 39, 597–604. National Association of School Psychologists. (2000). Standards for training and field placement programs in school psychology. Bethesda, MD: Author. National Center for Education Statistics (2002a). Schools and staffing survey, 1999–2000: Overview of the data for public, private, public charter, and Bureau of Indian Affairs elementary and secondary schools. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Education Statistics. National Center for Education Statistics (2002b). Schools and staffing survey, 1999–2000: Overview of the data for public, private, public charter, andBureau of Indian Affairs elementary and secondary schools. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education. National Center for Education Statistics. (2006). Number and percentage of children ages 5–17 who spoke a language other than English at home and who spoke English with difficulty by selected characteristics: 2004. Retrieved March 13, 2007 from http://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/2006/section1/tableXLS.asp? tableID = 530 National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition and Language Instruction (2001). Survey of the states’ limited English proficient students and available educational programs and services, 1999–2001 Summary report. Washington, D.C.: National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition and Language Instruction. Nichols, S. L. (2007). High-stakes testing: Does it increase achievement? Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 47–64. Powell, H., Mihalas, S., Onwuegbuzie, A. J., Suldo, S., & Daley, C. E. (2008). Mixed methods research in school psychology: A mixed

methods investigation of trends in the literature. Psychology in the Schools, 45(4), 291–309. Roach, A. T., & Frank, J. L. (2007). Large-scale assessment, rationality, and scientific management: The case of no child left behind. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 7–25. Rogers, M. (2005). Multicultural training in school psychology. In C. L. Frisby & C. R. Reynolds (Eds.), Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 993–1022). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Shriberg, D. (2007). The school psychologist as leader and change agent in a high-stakes era. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 151–166. Shriberg, D., & Kruger, L. J. (2007). Introduction and overview: High stakes testing. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 23(2), 1–6. U.S. Department of Education. NCLB. Retrieved August 31, 2008 from http://www.ed.gov/admins/lead/account/saa.html# regulations U.S. Census Bureau. (2000). Projections of the total resident population by 5 year age groups, race, and Hispanic origin with special age categories: Middle series, 2050 to 2070. Retrieved February 24, 2004 from http://www.census.gov/population/projections/ nation/summary/np-t4-g.pdf. U.S. Census Bureau. (2002). Projections of the resident population by race, Hispanic origin, and nativity: Middle series, 2050–2070. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Census Bureau. U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights. (2000). OCR elementary and secondary school survey. Retrieved July 6, 2005 from http:/205.207.175.84/ocr2000r/. Wiese Rogers, R. M. (1992). Racial/ethnic minority research in school psychology. Psychology in the Schools, 29, 267–272. Zehler, A. M., Fleischman, H. L., Hopstock, P. J., Stephenson, T. G., Pendzick, M. L., & Sapru, S. (2003). Descriptive study of services to LEP students and LEP students with disabilities (Vol. I). Research report. Submitted to the U.S. Department of Education, OELA. Arlington, VA: Development Associates.

Part II CrossPart II Cultural School Psychology Topics in Cross-Cultural School Psychology Topics in

AACAP American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) >

ABPsi >

Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi)

Academic Achievement in Minority Children Antonia Hernandez

The increase of immigration to the United States (U.S.) since the 1980s has resulted in a racial/ethnic heterogeneous group of children throughout the country. Since the 1980s, the Asian population has almost tripled, the Latino population has more than doubled, the Native American population has increased by 62%, and the African American population has increased 31%, while the non-ethnic population remained almost the same. (The terms African Americans and Blacks, and Native Americans and American Indians, will be used interchangeably throughout this entry). As a result of these changes, 40% of the current public school age population comprises students of color. This percentage is expected to increase rapidly in the upcoming years. For instance, it is expected that by the year 2020, more than two-thirds of the school-age population will be Hispanic, Asian American, African American, or Native American, with Hispanic youth accounting for more than 20% of the total. In 1993, the U.S. Census Bureau predicted that the minority population will account for 50% of the U.S. population by the year 2050. There are salient differences in educational achievement levels among children of color. For instance, African American and Hispanic youth are noted for high dropout rates, whereas Asian Americans are

more likely to have higher educational attainment levels. Academic achievement is influenced by several variables. On an individual level, variables such as gender, ethnicity, and family socioeconomic status have been regarded as the most prominent factors. Extraneous variables that influence school success include time spent doing homework, time spent watching television, participation in extracurricular and other structured after school programs, and employment status. An additional variable concerns language. Specifically, many children of color speak another language in the home other than English. It has been reported that the language spoken in the home is considered an important variable because of its influence on a child’s success in school. Students from non-English language backgrounds tend to have lower academic achievement and are nearly twice as likely to leave school before graduation compared with their English speaking peers. Although differences have been noted in the school performance of children of color, there is little consensus about the causes of these discrepancies. Several theories have been introduced throughout the literature to better understand differences in academic achievement. One theory states that differences in academic achievement relate to socialization practices in the family that lead youngsters from some racial/ethnic groups to develop more positive achievement-related attitudes and behaviors. Thus, several studies have noted that children from homes with high stress levels are more likely to be exposed to maladaptive behaviors that lead to violence, substance abuse, and academic underachievement. A second theoretical approach is that cultural values are different among racial/ethnic groups, especially those that concern the value of educational success. The work of the late Dr. John Ogbu postulates that diverse racial/ethnic groups have different perceived notions of discrimination within educational and occupational institutions. The main tenet of this theory states minority youth believe they will face a glass ceiling that will prohibit them from benefiting from the occupational and educational rewards of their hard work. Consequently, they exert minimal effort where academic work is concerned and some may develop an oppositional frame of reference because of their status in the mainstream society. Their perceptions are further influenced by the social context in which they arrived in the U.S. (for example, voluntary or involuntary). The theory states that those individuals in the involuntary groups marginalize themselves, reject schooling, and,

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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as a consequence, fail in the American school system. Ogpu argued that, to a certain extent, minority youth participate in their own oppressions and that such marginalized youth, not realizing that their behavior is to their own detriment, immobilize themselves from their social and academic strata. Finally, cultural discontinuity theory asserts that immigrants face disadvantages due to language, cultural, and social interactional conflicts between the home and the school. Various studies have noted that immigrant attainment increases with extended duration in the U.S. and higher levels of acculturation to American society. Theorists who take an ecological–cultural perspective assert that immigrant attainment is affected by the interaction of several variables such as motivation to immigrate, perceptions of opportunity, and labor market payoff for attainment. Furthermore, ethnicity and educational attainment vary in terms of academic achievement.

Racial/Ethnic Groups and Academic Performance Hispanic/Latino Youth Hispanics are a heterogeneous group with salient differences in socioeconomic status, age, country of origin, and the social context in which they immigrate to the U.S. The term Hispanic encompasses various ethnic groups that include Mexican American, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Central and South Americans. Traditional Hispanic families are hierarchical, with special authority given to the elderly, parents, males, and figures of authority. The U.S. Hispanic population has grown dramatically in recent years, now comprising 13.3% of the total U.S. population. Unfortunately, this increase is not evident in the proportional representation of Hispanics in educational attainment levels. In 2002, 59.3% of non-Hispanic Whites, aged 25 or older, had graduated high school or some college, compared with only 45.9% of Hispanic youth. Hispanics have the highest rates of high school dropout and are less likely to enroll in college. The Hispanic population is considered to be the most academically vulnerable group of people in the U.S. Forty-four percent of Hispanic students start kindergarten somewhat behind their peers, and by age 13 they are at least 1 year below expected grade level. More than 40% of Hispanics drop out before they complete high school.

Among Hispanic students, achievement levels in reading and mathematics climbed substantially throughout the 1970s and 1980s but stalled in the 1990s. Currently, only 14% of Hispanic fourth graders reach proficient or advanced levels. By the end of high school, a large portion of Hispanic students have mathematics and reading skills that are only at a level of White students of middle-school age. Consequently, neither college enrollment nor completion has increased for Hispanics in the past 20 years. Despite these findings, it is critical to note that there are some schools, districts, and even entire states where Hispanic students excel. For example, Hambrick middle school in Aldine, Texas, is composed of 71% of Hispanics of whom 85% come from impoverished homes. Hambrick’s students scored in the top fifth of all Texas middle schools in both reading and mathematics in 2000, 2001, and 2002. Additionally, disparities in academic achievement between Hispanics and Whites have been reduced in Pueblo, Colorado and achievement levels for all groups of youth have been heightened. Similarly, in Delaware the reading gains for Hispanics students have outpaced the entire nation for fourth-grade students. The literature shows that contributing factors to the above success rates were associated with: the school’s mission to develop appropriate developmental and academic guidelines for children at all grade levels; viewing state standards and assessments as valuable benchmark and leverage points; accepting the need for public accountability for ultimate results; viewing poverty and family problems as barriers that can be surmounted; and building systems that promote communication between educators, administrators, parents, and the students themselves to meet academic standards.

African American Youth African Americans differ in their geographical upbringing (for example, urban, suburban, rural), class, and income level. African Americans are descendants of Africans who were brought to the U.S. involuntarily between 1619 and 1808. After 1808 the importation of slaves to the U.S. became illegal. The thousands of slaves who were previously imported, however, remained slaves throughout the nation until slavery was abolished in 1865 through the passage of the thirteenth amendment in the U.S. constitution.

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Despite the end of slavery, American Blacks were economically and educationally behind their peers because of segregation and discrimination. Currently, a large proportion of African Americans live in poverty. In 2002, 22.7% of African Americans lived below the poverty level compared with 7.8% of non-Hispanic Whites. According to the U.S. Census, in 2002, 21% of Black families were poor compared with 6% of non-Hispanic White families. The average income of African Americans is still lower than that of Whites, and unemployment of Blacks, particularly of young men, remains higher than that of Whites. Today, African Americans constitute about 13% of the total U.S. population. In 2000, they composed 17% of the total public school enrollment, an increase of 2% since 1972. In 2003, 58.3% of all African American high-school graduates enrolled in college within 1 year (compared with 35.8% in 1982). For non-Hispanic Whites, the college participation rate in 2003 was 66.1%. Thus, the college enrollment gap was less than 8%. In the past three decades the percentages of African Americans with a high-school diploma increased by almost 40%. Many areas of the country have shown that African American students are excelling academically. For instance, in Centennial Place Elementary School in Atlanta, Georgia, the student population is 91% African American, 79% low income, and is in the top 10% of the entire state of Georgia in reading. In addition, the same school outperforms 88% of other Georgia schools on the state’s mathematics test. The literature shows that these success rates are attributed to several factors that stem from institutional to individual levels that enable academic achievement. For instance, such schools have clear goals and standards that dictate what students should learn at benchmark grade levels; they provide all students with challenging curricula that are aligned with such standards; they provide extra instruction to students when they need it; and such academic institutions are aware that good teaching matters more than anything else. Gender differences in academic achievement have been noted among African American youth. For instance, it has been reported that African American females attain higher rates of high school completion and are more likely to enroll in college than African American males. African American male students have reported lower levels of positive perception of the educational system and, consequently, are more likely to become disengaged from schools and have lower

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levels of academic achievement than their female counterparts. Resilient variables that have protected youth from academic underachievement include parental support, positive school and community experiences, educational aspirations, and motivation.

Asian American Youth Asian Americans are a diverse group of people where salient differences can be noted because they are foreign born, U.S. born, immigrant and/or refugee, multi-ethnic, and multiracial, transnational, and panethnic, and increasingly multi-generational. Asian Americans constitute only 4.4% of the total U.S. population. In 2003, the U.S. Census reported that Asian Americans had the highest proportion of college graduates. Among individuals 25 and over, 48.3% of Asian Americans had a bachelor’s degree compared with 29.7% of non-Hispanic Whites, 16.3% of Blacks, and 13.5% of Latinos. Several studies reported that Asian Americans were most likely to believe that doing poorly in school had negative repercussions, devoted relatively more time to their studies, were more likely to attribute success to hard work, and were more likely to report that their parents have high standards for school performance. In 2003, the Department of Education reported that the number of Asian American students taking advanced placement examinations in the twelfth grade increased by 36.4%. In addition, in 2002, 95% of Asian students aged 18–24 attained a high school diploma. The average SAT score, which is a college admissions test in the U.S., showed that in 1990 the median mathematics score for college admissions was 501 nationwide. The average score for Asians was 528. Asian American students have also been noted to acquire high grade point average (GPA) scores compared with other groups of people. The National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 found that Asians had the highest grade point average (3.24) compared with 2.96 for Whites, 2.74 for Hispanics, and 2.73 for Blacks. Recent statistics from the Digest of Education Statistics report the following patterns: the percentage of high school seniors who reported being in the college preparatory or academic track were 51% of Asians compared with 46% of Whites, 36% of Blacks, 31% of Hispanics, and 23% of Native Americans. The literature shows that variables such as parental involvement, time spent on task, and study habits

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among Asian American youth have enabled this group to excel academically at all grade levels. For instance, a study showed that 65% of Asian American parents with children in kindergarten through grade 12 were more likely to take their children to a library in the past month compared with 41% of White, 49% of Black, and 44% of Hispanics families. In addition, Asian American parents who were more involved in their children’s education knew what courses were relevant for the college of their choice compared with parents who were less involved. Asian American youth have also been noted to spend more time studying and working on homework assignments compared with other minority groups. Asian American youth also spend an average of 14 hours a week studying, whereas other groups spend 8–10 hours a week. Although Asian Americans have attained high levels of academic achievement, wide discrepancies have been noted among the diverse youth that comprise this category. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, college attainment among Vietnamese Americans and other Southeast Asian Americans remains under 20%. Cambodian Americans, Hmong Americans, and Laotian Americans have been noted to have lower levels of college attainment, amounting to 9.1, 7.4, and 7.6%, respectively. Moreover, subsequent generations, specifically post-second generations, attain lower levels of academic success. Many believe that this is a result of adhering to the dominant society’s values on education and the rejection of their parent’s cultural value of attaining education. Many Asian parents value education because they believe in it and respect it. Many Asian individuals place such value on education as a result of Confucianism, where scholars and educators are placed high in the social hierarchy. It cannot be assumed that all Asian Americans achieve academically and do not need support. Rather, it is important to assess each student individually and determine the type of support they may need.

Native American Youth Native Americans are heterogeneous and differentiated by their tribal adherence. The term ‘‘Native American’’ includes over 500 different groups and reflects their great diversity of geographic location, language, socioeconomic status, school experience, and retention of traditional spiritual and cultural practices. Although Native Americans differ from one another in customs

and values, they share a history of having lost their ancestral lands, forced education in boarding schools, systematic attempts to eradicate their language and religion, and restrictions on their traditional means of obtaining a livelihood. In addition, the term ‘‘Alaska Native’’ refers to the indigenous group of people of the Americas native to the state of Alaska. They include Inupiat, Yupik, Aleut, and several native people, such as Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Eyak, and other Northern Athabaskan peoples. In 1912, the Alaskan Native Brotherhood was founded, and in 1972 the U.S. Congress passed the Alaskan Native Claims Settlement Act which enabled the establishment of the 13 Alaska Native Regional corporations to administer land and financial claims. Native Americans and Alaska Natives are two indigenous groups of people native to the Americas who are distinguished by their legal treatment within the U.S. For instance, Alaska Natives were not issued titles of land under the Dawes Act. Instead, they were treated within the statute of the Alaska Native settlement act, which is a savings clause that preserved allotment applications. As of 2001, up to 300,000 acres are still pending determination of entitlement. Another difference is that Alaska Natives are allowed to harvest whales and other marine animals under the Marine Mammal Protection Act of 1972. Finally, Alaska Native tribal governments have no power to collect taxes for business done in tribal land because Alaska Natives (except Tsimshians) do not hold reservations; this was implemented by the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Alaska v. Native Village of Venetie Tribal Government in 1998. In 2000, the U.S. Census reported that about 4.3 million, or 1.5%, of the U.S. population, were Native American or Alaskan native. About 33% of Native Americans were under the age of 18, making a significant portion of this population relatively young. Approximately 30% of Native Americans live on reservations, although numbers have been decreasing because of limited available resources such as housing, educational opportunities, employment, and health care. Over 60% of Native Americans are of mixed heritage, having Black, White, and Hispanic backgrounds. The educational levels of Native Americans were below the national average in 2000. It was estimated that 29.2% of Native Americans who were 25 years or older graduated high school. In addition, 11.5% of Native Americans aged 25 or older had attained a bachelor level education. Native Americans have been

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noted for attaining fewer years of formal education compared with other racial groups. The literature has often associated this with American Indian children’s perception of teacher and peer acceptance to their cultural background. Native American children do relatively well during the first few years of schooling. However, research shows a pattern of decline and school dropout that develops in the primary grades. Many students begin their academic life happily and optimistically, but by fifth and sixth grade may begin to withdraw and become pessimistic, resistant, and indolent in the classroom owing to poor teacher–student relationships (i.e., the students belief that the teacher does not care about them), trouble at school (i.e., disagreements with school staff), value of the school system (i.e., the students belief that school is not important for their future goals), and a lack of American Indian culture within the educational system. S.D. Lemon, author of the book entitled ‘‘The education of Indian Children: Long Plains, Dakota Plains, Dakota Tipi Indians, Manitoba, 1965–1979,’’ observed that teachers associated American Indian children with negative attitudes such as lacking career aspirations and motivation, and displaying lower levels of school performance. Researchers have hypothesized that such beliefs may lead American Indian children to experience higher rates of rejection, depression, and anxiety. Although Native American students were more likely to drop out of school than White or Asian American students in 2003, they were less likely to have dropped out when compared with Hispanic youth. Furthermore, in 2003, Native American fourth- and eighth-grade students scored lower on the National Assessment of Educational Progress reading and mathematics assessments than White and Asian/Pacific Islander students. However, Native American fourth-grade students scored higher on these reading and mathematics assessments than their African American counterparts. In 2003, more Native American high school students took advanced placement tests than in previous years. It is estimated that 20% of Native Americans that graduate high school continue on to college. Native Americans in post-secondary institutions are becoming more representative and are acquiring moderate levels of post-secondary education. For instance, the enrollment of Native American students in degreegranting institutions has more than doubled in the past 25 years. In 2003, at least 42% of Native Americans 25 years and older had attended at least some college. The National Center for Education Statistics

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reported a major increase in college enrollment in 2000 for Native Americans. Several explanatory factors were noted. First, there has been an increase in graduation and college applications for Bureau of Indian Affairs schools. These schools are funded and operated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and are attended almost exclusively by Native Americans. There have also been changes in performance on criteria for college admissions for Native American youth. For instance, more Native Americans are taking the SATs, and their scores have increased compared with previous years. In 1976, for instance, the average combined mathematics and verbal SAT score was 808, whereas in 1995 it had increased to 850. The national average SAT score is 910. There has also been an exponential increase in Native American women going to college. For example, in 1976 only 37,600 Native American women enrolled in college compared with 74,400 in1994, an increase of 98%. For Native American males, the total college enrollment rate rose by 38% during the same years.

Influential Variables Socioeconomic Status Children of color are more likely to live in urban cities and attend the public school system. In the 1970s, the 20 largest urban cities in the U.S. comprised 38% of minorities; however, in 2000 the percentage of minorities in urban settings was 60%. In 2007, the National Center for Education Statistics reported that there were 47 million children in elementary and secondary public schools. It is estimated that 40% of students attending public schools are children of color. The limited availability of financial resources can have a detrimental effect on the academic success of children of color in educational institutions. In addition, demographic factors in the teaching profession have been noted as being primarily White Americans who are female, middle class, suburban and monolingual whereas their students are increasingly youth of color who are urban residents and multilingual. Without formal training about the role of the diversity in the classroom as well as active recruitment of teachers of color, the racial/cultural experience of students may not be understood. Compounding the effects of poor school conditions, low-income families may live in neighborhoods

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that are higher in crime and lower in public services compared with high-income neighborhoods. Families who struggle to provide the basic necessities for sustenance find it difficult to provide adequate food and health services for their children. Consequently, such financial constraints may inhibit parents to give their children educationally enriching experiences such as travel, summer camp, and music lessons, many of which cost additional fees. According to the 2004 U.S. Census Bureau, both the number of individuals in poverty and the poverty rate increased between 2003 and 2004. The official poverty rate in 2004 was 12.7%, an increase of 0.2% since 2003. In other words, 37 million people were in poverty, up 1.1 million from 2003. Approximately 24.7% of Blacks, 21.9% of Hispanics, 9.8% of Asians, and 24.4% of Native Americans live in poverty in the U.S. It is of great concern that a large proportion of U.S. children come from impoverished backgrounds. Despite the fact that many families of color strive for economic security, factors such as language barriers, lack of education, discrimination, and (for some) undocumented status result in higher rates of high school dropout, post-secondary enrollment, and college completion. Such actual and perceived barriers can contribute to higher levels of acculturative stress and decreased motivation to attain higher levels of education.

Parental Involvement Parental involvement has been correlated with students’ academic achievement. This correlation has been found to be fairly consistent regardless of demographic variables (for example, age, ethnicity, sex, or socioeconomic status) or measure of achievement (for example, achievement tests, grades, grade point average). In addition, parental support has been linked to college attendance and persistence. Parental involvement may occur in various ways including communication between parents and teachers, communication with children about school issues, number of hours parents volunteer in their children’s schools, parental involvement in school activities (for example, school conferences), attendance at meetings organized by the school, parental involvement in school-related activities, and parental expectations of their children’s educational attainment. Parental support is believed to motivate students to achieve, succeed, promote educational commitment, and educational aspirations.

Parents are the most salient influence in a child’s longterm educational plans. The parents’ ability to form accurate beliefs and expectations about their children’s performance is essential in structuring the home and educational environment so that students can excel in post-schooling endeavors. It has been reported that adolescent competence is higher among youngsters raised in authoritative homes where parents are responsive and set appropriate limits. Three components that categorize an authoritative home include parental acceptance or warmth, behavioral supervision or strictness, and psychological autonomy or democracy. For example, authoritative parents are not only warmer, firmer, and more democratic than other parents, they are also more involved in their children’s academic life, more likely to make joint decisions, and more likely to maintain an organized household with predictable routines. Parental authoritativeness contributes to a child’s psychosocial development which facilitates his or her school success. It has been suggested that better performance in school is just one of many possible manifestations of psychosocial competence. Although such influential characteristics are pertinent for the academic success of children of color, parents face several barriers to such involvement. For instance, some parents lack the ability to speak the English language and, as a result, feel they are unable to engage in school activities conducted in English. Other parents may come from different countries with different educational systems and thus not understand how the educational system works in the U.S. Consequently, the parent may not be able to provide as much academic support and advocacy. Parents may also feel their role is not to be involved, but rather to show respect for the teacher’s authority through noninvolvement. Furthermore, some parents may be faced with having to work two jobs and thus find it difficult to be involved in homework supervision and school activities. Academic institutions can develop programs that invite parents to be more involved in their children’s academic life. Educational institutions may hire teachers, counselors, and community liaisons of diverse backgrounds to communicate with parents who do not speak English. Report cards, letters to parents, and conferences can be tailored to a specific language to promote greater parental involvement. Moreover, for parents from countries where teachers were viewed as the authorities and parental participation was not necessarily

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encouraged, simply inviting parents to be involved in the life of the school can be helpful for families.

Educational Aspiration The level of aspiration, which is a measure of the level of performance an individual sets for him- or herself, is often based on experiences of personal success and failure. Academic achievement has been found to influence educational aspirations among all children. For instance, studies have shown that Mexican American students with higher grade point averages were more likely to succeed in high school and were less likely to drop out. Furthermore, students reported that parental expectations, grades, and acculturation were significant effects on their expectations. Various studies have shown that children of color, regardless of socioeconomic status and demographic characteristics, are cognizant that education is a means of socioeconomic advancement. Heightened educational aspirations reduced the likelihood of dropping out of high school among all racial/ethnic groups.

Suggestions In summary, several strategies are supported by the literature and suggest ways to enhance the academic achievement of children of color. It is widely known that the collaboration of schools, communities, and families is important for academic success. Efforts from state and district levels include the development and implementation of clear standards that form the basis of curriculum development and instructional practice to specify student’s competencies by subject and grade. Institutions can have accountability standards to promote and ensure high quality and good performance of all administrators and educators. Early childhood development and initiatives are important in ensuring that preschool programs will foster young children’s development of social and school readiness skills. In addition, education programs for parents can show them how to make a concrete commitment to their children’s academic success, promote their children’s cognitive and social development, gain knowledge in improving their home as a learning environment, and take advantage of school and community resources that support achievement. The school climate is another important conduit of achievement. Educational institutions can promote

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positive expectations that all students can achieve, demand that all students excel, and encourage preparation for higher education. They can also identify and develop student potential through individualized assessments and appropriate placements. Finally, recruitment, retention, and ongoing professional development of qualified teachers who are knowledgeable in their subjects and culturally sensitive to the needs of diverse student populations are necessary to promote culturally and academically relevant educational environments. See also: > Adolescent ethnic identity; > African American youth; > Asian/Asian American youth; > Cultural resilience; > Educational resilience; > Hispanic Americans; > Latino/Latina American youth; > Native American youth

Suggested Reading Davis-Kean, E. P. (2005). The influence of parent education and family income on child achievement: The indirect role of parental expectations and the home environment. Journal of Family Psychology, 19(2), 294–304. Lemon, S. D. (1979). The education of Indian Children: Long Plains, Dakota Plains, Dakota Tipi Indians, Manitoba, 1965–1979. Manitoba: Queen’s Printers. Meece, L. J., & Kurtz-Costes, B. (2001). Introduction: The schooling of ethnic minority children and youth. Educational Psychologist, 36(1), 1–7. Ogbu, U. J., & Simons, D. H. (1998). Voluntary and involuntary minorities: A cultural–ecological theory of school performance with some implications for education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 29(2), 155–188. Steinberg, L., Dornbusch, M. S., & Brown, B. B. (1992). Ethnic differences in adolescent achievement: An ecological perspective. American Psychologist, 47(6), 723–729. U.S. Census Bureau. (2003). Educational attainment in the U.S.: 2003. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Suggested Resources On-line Writing Lab—http://owl.english.purdue.edu/handouts/ esl/eslstudent.html: This website offers students who speak English as a second language an array of resources. Individuals will find general resources, on-line resources, and help with specific academic tasks. Ed.Gov—http://www.ed.gov/parents/academic/help/tools-forsuccess/index.html: This website presents publications for parents and teachers. Topics inform and educate parents on how they can be more involved in their child’s academic life. Topics for teachers offer suggestions on how to implement a culturally responsive curriculum.

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Access and utilization of health care

Access and Utilization of Health Care Nancy Bearss

The health care system in the United States (U.S.) has evolved over the past half century to be one of the most complex health care delivery systems in the world. It does not provide universal access to all Americans so its utilization is primarily income dependent. The U.S. government has chosen to let private insurance and private enterprise take the lead in the provision of health care with oversight and regulation by federal and state government. At the same time this country has developed the most sophisticated technology in the world for diagnosis, treatment, and ongoing medical care. There has been, essentially, no rationing of health care in this country, unlike other developed nations. This has led to a system that is indeed a paradox, where some people have access to the system that exceeds their medical need, and others have no access to health care, up to 52 million Americans according to recent estimates. In this country, unlike other nations, there is not one payer of health care, but several, and individual access and utilization of health care is dependent upon the payer. According to the latest U.S. census report, 55% of Americans were covered by employer-based private insurance. Employers contract with private health insurance companies to provide health care coverage to their employees. The cost of this coverage approaches 30% of the employee’s total wages and, over the past few years, employees have been asked to pay a percentage of this cost, known as co-pays, for medical services. In addition, many employers do not start coverage until the employee has been working for 6 months. Finally, employers vary in the range of services that they provide. Some will offer family coverage and some will limit coverage to specific medical services, hospital care only, for example. Individuals who are terminated from employment after a probationary period must be offered the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (COBRA), a continuation of their current health care coverage for 18 months. The employee bears the burden of the premium to sustain his/her health care coverage but cannot be terminated from their health care, in spite of termination of the

employment. Other than these instances, employer health care coverage has gone unregulated and employers have seen premiums increase steadily each year. Twenty-seven percent of the American population is covered by government insurance. This includes federal programs such as Medicare (for individuals over 65 years of age) or Medicaid (for individuals living below the poverty level), or individuals who are covered as federal government employees (military or veterans coverage). By far this health care coverage allows the easiest access and utilization of the health care system. In addition this coverage allows for the most oversight of quality and prevention. Three percent of Americans pay for their own health insurance. This is very costly, and the coverage ranges from catastrophic care only to full medical coverage. Finally, 15% of Americans are uninsured; these vulnerable citizens tend to use emergency rooms only in a medical crisis. Community health centers are available as a safety net for the uninsured, but the presence of these centers around the country is patchy and they are not supported to the level they need to meet this huge demand. They are especially scarce in rural areas. School-based health centers have evolved over the past two decades to serve some of these uninsured children. In summary, Americans have access and utilize health care based on their economic and employment status. See also: > Health insurance; > Medicaid; implications of medications/illness

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Suggested Reading Starfield, B. (2000). Is U.S. health really the best in the world? Journal of the American Medical Association, 284(4), 483–485. US Census Bureau. (2004). Income, poverty and health insurance coverage in the United States: 2003. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Suggested Resources The US Department of Labor—www.dol.gov/ebsa/consumer_info_ health.html: This website has consumer friendly versions of labor laws that protect people from losing health insurance, define the ability of employees to submit for health coverage and allow employers to understand their responsibility in providing health care coverage. It also has several links to other websites that review health benefits and labor implications.

Accountability The National Center for Health Statistics—www.nchs.gov: This national database covers the most recent information on health care utilization and access to care. The National Association of Community Health Centers—www. nachc.org: Community Health Centers are separately funded by private and public monies to provide health care to individuals who are uninsured or underinsured. This website has a regional list of these centers throughout the country. National Association of School Based Health Centers—www. nasbhc.org: The National Association of School Based Health Centers (NASBHC) links individuals to states that offer School Based Health Centers (SBHCs). SBHCs are a valuable resource in addressing medical needs of children and youth who may be uninsured or underinsured.

Accountability Julia Shaftel

Accountability in education is meant to insure that schools accomplish their educational mission. Accountability systems consist of four components: 1. Standards—descriptions of what children should know and be able to do. 2. Assessments—measures of how well children perform on the standards. 3. Goals—targets for improvement. 4. Incentives—rewards for good performance and sanctions for performance that does not meet goals. The notion of accountability comes from accounting, or keeping accurate records of business transactions. Because the concept is actually fairly new in education, schools, districts, and states are feeling their way with respect to the methods and procedures used to assure desired instructional outcomes. Each state creates curricular standards in major subject areas. Local school districts may also prepare standards. Subject-specific standards are promulgated by national educational groups representing those subjects. For example, the National Council of Teachers of English and the International Reading Association have jointly developed comprehensive standards for the English language arts for grades kindergarten through the grade 12 (K-12 includes children who are on average between the ages of 5 and 17). Of these 12 standards, Standard 9 addresses diversity in language

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use across cultures, ethnic groups, geographic regions, and social roles. Standard 10 focuses on the development of English language skills for students whose first language is not English, and recommends that the first language should be used to improve English skills. Large-scale achievement tests are widely used to evaluate how well students perform. High quality educational assessments are developed and administered by professionals with expertise in educational measurement. Portfolios and performance assessments can provide rich information about procedural and behavioral skills in authentic settings. Indirect methods such as rating scales completed by students, teachers, parents, and even peers may play a role. Other data, such as graduation and attendance rates, add to the overall picture of school performance. Assessments must be aligned with curricular standards to accurately measure student progress. In other words, test questions or samples of student work used for assessment must correspond to the curricular standards that students are expected to know. However, alignment of tests and standards present challenges. One of them is that instructional standards may be broadly stated while test questions must be specific. Another is that tests cannot cover the entire curriculum but instead contain only a small proportion of all of the possible questions that might be asked. Without alignment, however, test results do not demonstrate what students know and cannot be used to guide instruction and improve programs. Early references to accountability concepts appeared in ‘‘A Nation at Risk,’’ written in 1983 by the National Commission on Excellence in Education, that recommended educational standards in key academic subjects, achievement tests administered at majortransition points, and other diagnostic procedures to evaluate America’s schoolchildren. Accountability was included in the Improving America’s Schools Act (IASA) of 1994 with the requirement that schools assess the progress of students from low income economic backgrounds enrolled in Title I programs. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1997 made participation in district-wide and state-wide assessments obligatory for all students with disabilities. In 2001, IASA was reauthorized as No Child Left Behind (NCLB), that required states to prepare challenging educational standards in core academic content areas, and evaluate student progress for all groups of children, including students with disabilities, racial and ethnic minorities, and English language learners.

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NCLB calls for the assessment of all children in specified grades in critical subjects including reading, mathematics, and science, according to content and proficiency standards developed for those subjects by each state. Tests are designed to assess the achievement of student groups to identify and remedy poor educational opportunities at weak schools and reward high performing schools. The purpose of large-scale testing under NCLB is to promote better education for all students, particularly those groups at risk for lower educational attainment, such as minority and economically challenged students and English language learners. Children with disabilities must also be assessed, and alternate testing methods and test modifications are permitted for a small proportion of these students. Scores on these tests must be aggregated and made available to the public by groups defined on the basis of race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and disability. Recognizing the critical link between teacher quality and educational outcomes for children, NCLB also calls for high standards and qualifications for teachers. Scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress are used to compare results across the states, which use different standards and assessment methods. NCLB also provides sanctions for schools and districts that do not demonstrate adequate progress toward attainment of standards for all groups of students. Consequences for poor school performance include greater parental choice over school enrollment and free tutoring services for students. NCLB also requires that schools achieve adequate yearly progress, or AYP, to avoid sanctions. AYP is defined by the percentage of students who achieve proficient scores on state assessments. States initially had a great deal of leeway in determining baseline levels for the determination of AYP, but NCLB requires states to improve the proportion of children achieving proficiency each year until 2013–2014, when 100% of students must be proficient. AYP must be attained for all student subgroups, including minority students, English language learners, and students with disabilities. The size of reported subgroups must be large enough to protect the confidentiality of individual test scores, and for subgroup results to be stable and reliable. In any accountability system, statistical details, such as the minimum subgroup size, the setting of proficiency cut scores, and the size of confidence intervals to protect against measurement error, can have a tremendous impact on AYP and apparent school success. Ironically, states that initially set the most

ambitious achievement goals also had more schools failing to meet AYP and, therefore, being classified as needing improvement, with the consequent threat of sanctions and public disapproval. Conversely, in states with more modest progress goals, more schools met the goals, and states could tout these results as evidence of success. Tests used for educational assessment that have important consequences for individuals or schools are called high-stakes tests. The use of high-stakes tests must be carefully monitored for unwanted side effects. Narrowing of the curriculum to match test content, leaving less time for non-tested subjects such as music, history, and physical education, is a major risk when implementing accountability assessment. Inappropriate teaching outcomes may include excessive drill on practice test questions or the elimination of recess. Unethical practices such as alternative activities or field trips for low-achieving children on test days, or outright cheating, may be consequences of extreme pressure to do well on accountability assessments. Accountability assessment under NCLB is intended to evaluate entire schools, yet some states have carried accountability further by making sanctions and rewards available to individual students and teachers. Tests designed for assessing educational programs are not necessarily valid for other purposes, including decisions about individual students such as grade retention or high school graduation. Furthermore, high-stakes decisions should never rest on the outcome of a single test. One test cannot capture the breadth of a child’s knowledge and skills needed to make critical educational decisions. Even the most carefully constructed tests are imperfect, and no single test score is a sufficient indicator of a student’s knowledge in a subject area. The outcomes of decisions about individual students must be carefully evaluated before they are implemented. Grade retention produces generally negative outcomes, such as increased risk of dropping out of school. When the child bears the blame and takes the punishment for failing to do well, pressure to improve instruction for all students may be reduced because failures are attributed to students rather than to program deficiencies. Similarly, when teachers are rewarded for student progress, unanticipated outcomes may result. Excellent teachers may be tempted to transfer to high performing schools where they become eligible for financial rewards based on student performance, thus reducing the number of high quality teachers at low-achieving schools where they are greatly needed.

Accreditation

Educational accountability systems may have a greater negative impact on ethnic and language minority students, especially when those students are disproportionately enrolled in schools and districts with fewer instructional resources. These students may not have sufficient opportunity to learn from qualified teachers using excellent materials, to prepare adequately for statewide tests, or to receive remedial assistance when they struggle. The population of students learning English is growing rapidly, yet many schools and districts do not offer bilingual classes or services for students learning English as a second language, and few teachers are adequately prepared to instruct English language learners in content areas. Accountability assessments are not valid measures of content knowledge for students whose poor English proficiency inhibits their ability to comprehend and respond to test questions. While NCLB recognizes the special needs of English language learners, and calls for their improved educational attainment, no mention is made of bilingual education or consideration of literacy level in the first language. Accountability in education, with its framework of standards, assessments, goals, and incentives, is generally regarded as necessary and useful by the American public. However, educational accountability is a complex issue from a legislative as well as a statistical perspective. Just as educators must be held accountable for teaching and students for learning, legislators and the public must be held accountable for creating and maintaining fair and equitable educational systems. Unequal distribution of resources cannot help but result in unequal distribution of outcomes. To be valid measures of educational attainment for all students, including disadvantaged youth and other potentially vulnerable student groups, accountability programs must recognize and enhance both the students’ opportunity to learn as well as their performance on educational assessments. See also: > Collaborative and cooperative learning; > Education; > No Child Left Behind (NCLB); > Outcomes-based education

Suggested Reading Forrest, S. N. (2004). Implications of no child left behind on family literacy in a multicultural community. Clearing House, 78, 41–45. Hamilton, L., & Stecher, B. (2004). Responding effectively to testbased accountability. Phi Delta Kappan, 85, 578–583. Sirotnik, K. A. (2002). Promoting responsible accountability in schools and education. Phi Delta Kappan, 83, 662–673.

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Suggested Resources Mid-continent Research for Education and Learning Policy Briefs— http://www.mcrel.org/topics/policyBrief.asp: This website provides policy briefs that discuss national policy issues and their impact on state and local educators. National Association of School Psychologists Position Statements— http://www.nasponline.org/information/position_paper.html: This NASP website provides NASP position statements on a variety of school related issues.

Accreditation Thomas J Huberty

Training programs in School Psychology are approved by a state department of education to prepare students for professional roles as school psychologists and require that programs meet state guidelines for licensure. In the majority of states, a minimum of sixty graduate hours and completion of an internship are required. The majority of school psychology programs are housed within colleges or schools of education, most of which are approved to grant degrees in education by the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE). Accreditation is a voluntary process by which training programs seek recognition by an independent and non-governmental body that it is meeting the standards or expectations of highquality training in the respective field. In School Psychology, there are two accrediting/approval bodies: the American Psychological Association (APA) and the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP). There is also a distinction between accreditation and approval. Accreditation refers to the process of a program defining its philosophy, goals, objectives, and training model and comparing it to an accrediting body’s standards or guidelines for what a professional training program should contain. Approval indicates that the approving body has a more specific and defined set of requirements and expectations that programs must meet to be approved. The American Psychological Association accredits only doctoral programs in school psychology (Ph.D., PsyD, or Ed.D.). (Often, APA-accredited programs are incorrectly referred to as ‘‘APA-Approved’’ programs.)

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Although the majority of school psychologists do not possess doctoral degrees, APA does not review or accredit nondoctoral programs. APA considers the minimal level of training for a psychologist to be at the doctoral level. APA-accredited programs train students in foundations of psychology (individual differences and biological, social, and learning bases of behavior), as well as in methods and techniques of psychological practice and in research methods. APA also accredits predoctoral internships that meet its accrediting guidelines, although not all school psychology students complete APA-accredited internships. Completing both APA-accredited programs and internships is most advantageous for students who wish to become licensed for independent practice. Some states may require that doctoral level psychologists complete APAaccredited programs and/or APA-accredited internships. Conversely, NASP approves nondoctoral master’s and specialist level programs, as well as doctoral programs. NASP has a specific set of requirements that programs must meet to be given approval. Both APA and NASP specify that programs emphasize diversity and train students toward becoming culturally competent practitioners. Doctoral programs that are APAaccredited are considered to meet NASP approval status and are not required to submit separate applications apart from their nondoctoral programs. NASP also works in tandem with NCATE to approve nondoctoral programs in school psychology and the training requirements for both bodies are closely aligned. NASPapproved programs must submit a self-study and report specifying how they comply with training program requirements. Most programs are approved for tenyear periods, with interim reports due every five years. Completion of a NASP-approved program often facilitates licensure or certification as a school psychologist to work in the public schools. There may be slight variations in licensing requirements from state-to-state, and it is possible that a recent graduate might be given a provisional or temporary license to work in the schools while completing remaining requirements. Doctoral students who graduate from APA-accredited programs and complete an APA-accredited internship and complete required post-doctoral supervised experience are eligible to be licensed for independent practice as well as to work in the public schools. Students in nondoctoral programs must complete a 1,200 hour internship in a school setting and at least 600 hours of practicum prior to the internship. Graduates of doctoral programs must complete a 1,500 hour internship. Graduates of

NASP-approved programs are eligible to obtain the Nationally Certified School Psychologist (NCSP) credential, which includes passing the Praxis II examination in school psychology. Some programs may require that students take and/or pass this examination as a requirement for graduation. The NCSP is recognized by approximately thirty state departments of education as meeting requirements for initial issuance or renewal of certification or licensure as a school psychologist. See also: > American Psychological Association (APA); > Cross-cultural school psychology; > National Association of School Psychologists (NASP); > School roles in mental health

Suggested Reading National Association of School Psychologists (July 15, 2000). Standards for training and field placement programs in school psychology/Standards for the credentialing of school psychologists. Bethesda, MD: NASP.

Acculturation Antonia Hernandez

The process of acculturation refers to the changes that occur when a group of people experience ongoing contact with another group of people who differ in cultural values, behaviors, and attitudes. As a result of this sustained contact, changes in the original pattern of behavior may be noted among the non-dominant group of people. The process of acculturation has a psychological and social impact. Changes in behaviors, attitudes, values, and cultural identification are examples of the acculturation experience that transpire on an individual basis. The process of acculturative impact includes variability and changes in a group’s customs and economic and political life. Psychological changes are noted in individuals’ attitudes toward the acculturation process, their cultural identities, and social behaviors. The experiential process of adaptation has core psychological features that include skills that are necessary to successfully maneuver through the culturally enigmatic process.

Acculturation

Theoretical Models Two theoretical frameworks have dominated the study of this complex cultural phenomenon, the unidimensional and bi-dimensional perspectives. Initial research on immigration theorized that immigrants would be absorbed into mainstream society in a linear fashion. In other words, immigrants would lose their ethnic identities as they irremediably adhered and adopted values, behaviors, and attitudes of the host society. The unidimensional model postulates that acculturation occurs on a continuum that ranges from the immersion in the person’s culture of origin to the immersion in the dominant or host culture. A limitation of the unidimensional model is its failure to measure how an individual balances both cultures as he/she goes through the process of acculturation. In the 1970s a prominent researcher, John W. Berry, proposed a bidimensional process of acculturation that states individuals are able to maintain and link aspects of their culture of origin as they settle into mainstream society. For the bidimensional model, acculturation consists of two distinct independent dimensions: adherence to the dominant culture and maintenance of the culture of origin. A major strength in this model is that it captures the realities and challenges associated with the acculturation process. The two independent dimensions facilitate the measurement of the processes that take place when individuals come into direct and continuous contact with a different culture, as well as the changes that occur when individuals attempt to balance both their own cultural identity and the acquisition of novel values, attitudes and behaviors. Similarly, Jean Phinney introduced a bidimensional model of two independent dimensions at the core of people’s cultural identity. Following this framework, individuals may have distinct identities with reference to their cultures of origin and mainstream society. Two issues have been noted in this model: the nature and maintenance of an individual’s cultural heritage and identity, and the degree to which individuals seek to enmesh themselves within mainstream society. As these aspects of the acculturation process intersect with each other, the process can be broken down into four sectors: (a) Assimilation, where individuals adhere to cultural aspects of the dominant new society while maintaining little aspects of their own cultural legacy; (b) Separation, individuals maintain aspects of their culture of origin while rejecting any and all adherence to the dominant society’s cultural values; (c) Marginalization,

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individuals reject both cultural aspects of the dominant society and their culture of origin; 4)Integration, the last sector of this acculturation quadrant, where individuals maintain and adhere to cultural aspects of both the dominant society and their culture of origin.

Acculturation Factors Acculturation affects individuals on various levels of functioning- cognitive, behavioral, and affective. A prominent difficulty in specifying the various domains that are affected by this phenomenon is that it can be viewed as a process that can have an impact on individual or group levels. There is a dualistic effect in the process of acculturation as it affects the culture of a group and changes the psychology or behavior of the individual. The contextual factors that influence groups of people and individuals in this process are important because they directly affect how individuals adapt to a new culture. Individuals or groups of people may enter this process voluntarily or involuntarily. Some individuals or groups may physically relocate to a new environment or have their territories invaded or colonized by another group of people. The theory of acculturation emphasizes that the course of adaptation varies in individuals; similarly, the level of difficulty experienced throughout the process (acculturative stress), and finally the actual outcome experience of the acculturation process differ amongst groups and individuals. Demographic factors have been noted in the literature as being significant contributors to the acculturation process; age, gender, language, religion, socioeconomic status of the family, and others have often been identified as sources of variation that directly influence how individuals adapt to a new environment. Differences in cultural values, attitudes, and behaviors may contribute to psychological, behavioral, or social difficulties that affect the adaptation experience on an individual or group basis. Consequently, these differences may lead to conflicts as individuals try to adapt to a new environment. For instance, studies have shown that adolescent problem behavior and acculturation have often been linked to discrepancies in parent-child acculturation levels, that is, when parents maintain traditional values and acculturate at a slower pace than their adolescent children. Intergenerational acculturation gaps produce a clash in values and expectations between parents and teens that can result in increased family conflict, parentchild alienation, and youth maladjustment.

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Researchers have utilized markers of acculturation such as generation status and English language use, and have noted a link with a range of externalizing outcomes including conduct problems, juvenile arrests, alcohol and substance abuse, and early sexual activity. For example, it has been noted that acculturated Latino youth tend to display more psychological problems as they acquire and adhere to cultural values of the dominant society. On the other hand, studies have shown that more acculturated youth who utilize the English language at home tend to do better academically. Variable results have been presented throughout the literature in reference to individuals with differentiating levels of acculturation, making this a vital research area to further understand this complex cultural phenomenon.

The Case of Latino Youth and Values The Latino/Hispanic population in the U.S. has grown dramatically in recent years, now comprising 13.3% of the total U.S. population. Currently 50% of Latinos are under the age of 26. It is estimated that Latino youth will grow to nearly 29% of the total U.S. population by the year 2050. Latinos are a heterogeneous group and show salient differences in terms of their socioeconomic status, race, age, country of origin, and the social context in which they leave their country of origin and migrate to the U.S. The term Latino encompasses various ethnic groups primarily Mexican American, Central and South American, Cuban, and Puerto Rican. Traditional Latino families are hierarchical, with special preference given to the elderly, parents, males, and figures of authority. As a result of such formative cultural values in the Latino culture, the experiential process of acculturation undergone by most Latinos is important to address. For instance, familismo, a core cultural value across various Latino subgroups, carries the expectation that the family is the primary source of support, loyalty, and solidarity. Latinos are expected to identify with familistic orientation and comply with traditional cultural scripts. Another core value in the Latino culture is personalismo that stresses interdependent relations and a warm personal way of relating. Along the lines of personalismo, is the cultural concept of simpatı´a that emphasizes harmonious social relationships, and avoidance of interpersonal conflict. Finally, respeto promotes dignity and respect towards others, particularly to parents and figures of authority.

As a result, less acculturated family members may be more strongly invested in establishing and maintaining harmonious and respectful relationships and be less accepting of conflict. On the other hand, more acculturated individuals may adhere to European American approaches that value direct communication that may lead to more conflict. Different acculturative levels between parents and youth and subsequent differences in views and behaviors may, in turn, explain differences in family conflict such as parent-child conflict.

Measurement Scales Acculturation measures utilize sociocultural, behavioral and psychological characteristics to understand where individuals or groups of people stand in terms of their adaptation to the dominant society. Acculturation rating scales increase understanding of the impact of cultural variables on psychological adjustment. A prominent measure of acculturation for Mexican Americans is the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans II (ARSMA-II), developed by Israel Cuellar and colleagues. This scale has been designed to assess the acculturation of Mexican Americans from diverse socioeconomic, educational, and linguistic backgrounds. ARSMA-II measures acculturation through an orthogonal, multidimensional approach. This instrument identifies the four distinct acculturation strategies or outcomes mentioned earlierAssimilation, Separation, Integration, and Marginalization. A major limitation of ARSMA-II is that it restricts its utility only to Mexican Americans. Research is necessary to examine the current validity of this scale. It is one of the first measurement scales to lay the foundation for future researchers to improve and test innovative bidimensional measures, not only for Mexican Americans but for other groups of people as well. It is important to be cognizant of the various limitations that are posed by acculturation measurement scales. First, acculturation measures need to take into consideration the contextual factors surrounding the acculturation process. Many individuals may be voluntary or involuntary migrants and, as a result, the adaptation process is experienced differently by diverse individuals or groups of people. Second, the acculturation process is a developmental phenomenon that cannot be captured by a measurement scale alone and, as a consequence, may be lost in theory, due to the changes that occur throughout time. As a result, the

Achievement tests

influence of time and context should be at the forefront of measurement strategies since these are crucial components of the acculturation process. See also: > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Immigration

Suggested Reading Gonzales, N. A., Knight, G. P., Morgan-Lopez, A., Saenz, D., & Sirolli, A. (2002). Acculturation and the mental health of Latino youth: An integration and critique of the literature. In J. Contreras, A. Neal-Barnett, & K. Kerns (Eds.), Latino children and families in the United States: Current research and future directions (pp. 45–74). Westport, CT: Praeger. Nguyen, H. H. (2006). Acculturation in the United States. In D. L. Sam, & J. W. Berry (Eds.), Cambridge handbook of acculturation psychology (pp. 311–330). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Phinney, J. (2003). Ethnic identity and acculturation. In K. Chun, P. B., Organista, and G. Marin (Eds.), Acculturation: Advances in theory, measurement, and applied research (pp. 63–81). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association.

Achievement Tests James A Bovaird

Achievement tests, sometimes referred to as standardized tests, measure the degree to which skills taught within schools or training programs have been attained by an examinee. Attained skills can range from narrow definitions, such as spelling, to broad skills, such as graphical interpretation. The primary function of achievement tests is to measure current skill level in a well-defined domain, but achievement tests can be used to identify specific learning deficits, academic strengths and weaknesses, class-wide or school-wide achievement deficiencies, and appropriate instruction levels. They also can be used to evaluate the success of educational programs and group students according to skill level. Locally produced achievement tests are more appropriate for day-to-day instructional and grading decisions, while centrally produced evaluations are generally more appropriate for placement, guidance and counseling, selection, and public policy decisions. Curricular decisions are generally based on centrally

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produced measures and supplemented by local instruments. Use of achievement tests in the decision-making process is often referred to as high stakes testing. A distinction must be made between achievement tests and other well-known forms of testing like aptitude and ability tests. Aptitude tests focus on homogeneous segments of ability, making few assumptions about the specific prior learning experiences of the examinees and focusing instead on predicting future performance in school or training programs. While ability tests can also be used to identify future potential, they are used to estimate general cognitive ability, or intelligence, by assessing a broader assortment of skills than pure aptitude tests. In contrast, achievement tests measure current mastery of skills related to school and training programs. Thus, they measure the effects of standardized educational experiences to gauge present subject mastery. Despite the conceptual distinction between these types of tests, the information provided by each is very similar, often resulting in strong correlations between all three types of tests. The term standardized test actually refers to the use of uniform administration procedures, but its synonymous use with achievement testing is often perceived to imply the availability of normative data. While most locally produced classroom assessments given to students are a form of achievement test (usually criterion-related), all major standardized achievement tests are centrally produced for a large constituency by various testing companies or state agencies. They are designed to be marketed to a wide audience and include information that every student at the intended level has had the opportunity to learn. The wide marketing of centrally produced achievement tests also means that normative information is available. Such normative information provides meaningful comparisons with other students at the same educational level. If several tests are concurrently normed, or co-normed, on the same sample, test users can more effectively relate performances on all tests. Ideally, achievement tests should provide comparative information to relate an examinee’s performance to his or her peers (norm-referenced) along with an assessment of the extent to which the examinee has mastered the set of educational objectives aligned with the test (criterion-referenced). However, tests cannot logistically be both norm-referenced and criterionreferenced. Criterion-referencing requires test content that is closely tied to educational outcomes. As a result, when the focus of the test is broad, criterion-referenced

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tests require a large number of items to reliably assess a large number of objectives. Some test developers have attempted to match existing items from normreferenced tests to educational objectives, a process referred to as objective-referencing, but this practice is generally not recommended. Early achievement tests were comprised of individual tests on separate school subjects such as math and reading. These tests were expensive, time consuming, and required more training for teachers or test administrators. The individual test format was replaced by batteries of tests that could be administered together. Test batteries are comprehensively planned to provide integrated coverage, minimal duplication, and joint coverage of important material. Most modern achievement tests are multilevel batteries with separate subtests for different grades or levels and overlapping sections for examinees to enter and exit at grade-appropriate locations. The use of batteries also allows for co-norming of the multiple subtests so that the shared standardization sample better facilitates comparing performances on one test with performance on another. As students progress in age, presentation of testing materials shifts from a teacher-paced oral format to a student-paced entirely written format. There is an accompanying progressive shift in the nature of the material as well from specific analysis of sharply defined competencies at early levels to a broad survey of complex skills at higher levels. Achievement tests and portions of the larger multilevel batteries that are intended for elementary school students focus on the basic skills of operating with words and numbers, including word analysis and encoding skills, while assessments intended for secondary school and college levels shift the emphasis to knowledge of word meanings, reading continuous text, and specific curricular areas and course contents. As the curriculum begins to differentiate at these higher educational levels, less material is common to all students, thus there is less need for a uniform comprehensive assessment.

Major Group Batteries The most prevalent type of achievement testing occurs in the form of group administrations of centrally produced batteries where a large number of students complete the examination under highly structured testing conditions. Rather than emphasizing recall of facts, most modern group batteries measure informationacquiring and information-processing skills like reading

comprehension, written language, math, listening skills (elementary only), basic concepts (science, social studies, humanities), study and research skills, as well as providing a composite achievement score. While content is fairly consistent across the major test batteries, the various batteries differ by publisher and in the means by which achievement is assessed. The Iowa Test of Basic Skills (ITBS) is published by the Riverside Publishing Company. Originating in 1935, the ITBS is a measure of achievement for students in kindergarten through ninth grade. Its companion tests, the Test of Achievement and Proficiency (TAP) and the Iowa Test of Educational Development (ITED), are appropriate for ninth through twelfth grade students. The TAP contains a mixture of basic skills and content which is closer to the core of secondary education. Thus, the ITBS and the TAP collectively make up the Riverside Basic Skills Assessment Program. The ITED was developed after World War II to evaluate skills learned during military service, emphasizing general knowledge and the ability to read and understand material from various fields. The entire test is a good predictor of later academic performance, but its subtests are not effective diagnostic tools. The ITBS, TAP, and ITED were all conormed with the Cognitive Abilities Test (CogAT). The Psychological Corporation publishes both the Metropolitan Achievement Test (MAT) and the Stanford Achievement Series (SAT). The MAT began in 1930 as the curriculum assessment instrument for New York City. Co-normed with the Otis-Lennon School Ability Test (OLSAT), the MAT is appropriate for kindergarten through twelfth grade students and includes a survey battery, diagnostic batteries, and writing tests. The SAT series, not to be confused with SAT administered by the College Board, consists of the Stanford Early School Achievement Tests (SESAT) for kindergarten through first grade assessment, the Stanford Achievement Tests (SAchT) for first through ninth grade, and the Stanford Test of Academic Skills (TASK) for eight grade through the first year of college. There are also several group-administered achievement tests aimed toward the secondary school and college levels. The Tests of General Educational Development (GED) developed by the American Council on Education is administered for high school equivalency certification. It assesses writing skills (both in multiple choice and essay formats), social studies, science, reading, and mathematics, and its successful completion allows college applications, jobs, and promotions that ordinarily would require a high school

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diploma. In addition, the Cooperative Test Division of the Educational Testing Service (ETS) produces a series of tests designed for students who have completed a specific course. The College Level Examination Program (CLEP), also from ETS, seeks to provide a uniform nationwide procedure for evaluating experience claimed as equivalent to college courses in 35 areas. Other major centrally produced achievement tests include two tests published by McGraw-Hill, the California Achievement Tests (CAT) and the Comprehensive Tests of Basic Skills (CTBS); the Sequential Tests of Educational Progress (STEP-III), a companion to the School and College Ability Tests (SCAT-III); and the Science Research Associates Achievement Series.

Major Individual Batteries While group tests are frequently used to pursue institutional goals like administering a test to an entire group of students (i.e., class, school, or district) to monitor overall group achievement, individual batteries are often used to assess individual learning difficulties. They are administered one-on-one, typically in clinical or educational settings, for the purpose of diagnosing learning disabilities, providing documentation of impaired performance, and identifying specific skill deficits. Typically, a student’s performance on a group battery raises a flag. More precise estimates of ability and achievement are then obtained through individual tests where the examiner can observe clinical details and further hypothesize about the student’s cognitive capacities. A larger-than-expected discrepancy between cognitive ability scores and achievement test scores can be indicative of learning disabilities. Most batteries, both group and individual, are co-normed with an ability test to better allow for evaluating achievement implications as moderated by ability. For instance, a high ability test score combined with low achievement may indicate the need for an intervention, while a low ability test score would be consistent with low achievement and result in no intervention. The American Guidance Service publishes the Kaufman Test of Education Achievement (K-TEA) and the Peabody Individual Achievement Test (PIAT). The K-TEA provides a systematic method for qualitatively evaluating subtests errors. The K-TEA has both a brief version and a full version that are both applicable for students ages 6–18. The PIAT is a 60-minute individual assessment appropriate for students ages 5–18.

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The Woodcock-Johnson-III Tests of Achievement (WJIII), published by the Riverside Publishing Company, is appropriate for individuals of age 2 through adult. The WJ-III is unique in that it was co-normed with a cognitive ability test of the same name. The Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT), distributed by Psychological Assessment Resources, Inc. is appropriate for people ages 5–75 and is primarily used as a screening instrument. See also: > High stakes testing; > Intelligence/Intelligence Quotient (IQ); > Testing and measurement

Suggested Reading Gronlund, N. E. (2005). Assessment of student achievement (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Rudner, L. M., Conoley, J. C., & Plake, B. S. (Eds.) (1989). Understanding achievement tests: A guide for school administrators. Washington, D.C.: American Institute for Research.

Suggested Resources The Riverside Publishing Company—http://www.riverpub.com: This website provides products for assessment in various categories ranging from cognitive to early childhood to neuropsychological. National Council on Measurement in Education (NCME)—http:// www.ncme.org: This organization promotes scholarly efforts to advance scientific measurement in the field of education and improve instruments and procedures as well as disseminate knowledge in the field of scientific measurement in education.

ADHD >

Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD)

Adolescence Patricia M Raskin

Although there are many different models of adolescent development, most of them acknowledge the relative plasticity of human development across the life span,

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and the usefulness of the contextual view of development in adolescence. The biological and psychological growth spurts that occur between the approximate ages of 11 and 18 (although some children begin earlier, others later) are profound, characterized by more changes than any other stage of life except infancy. The development that occurs during adolescence has two substages: the changes from childhood to early adolescence, and from middle- to late-adolescence. The physical and psychological changes that occur in this period are often unsettling to the children themselves, their families and friends, and even the institutions with which they are affiliated. Although some of the characteristics that emerge during adolescence, such as the physical events of puberty and peak height velocity, have a strong genetic component, these physical changes are marginally correlated with behavior, if at all. Further, the correlations that do exist suggest that hormonal changes may serve primarily as an activating effect, increasing the likelihood of excitability and arousal for adolescents. The changes that occur tend to foreshadow adult appearance, identity, and values. Further, these changes are emergent, that is, they are often glimpses into the adult-in-becoming, rather than stable traits and characteristics per se. Adolescence is a time of trial and error, and those behaviors and attitudes that are identity-congruent can become the foundations of stability in adulthood.

The Role of Culture The existence of adolescence has been documented as a stage across cultures in a representative sample of preindustrial societies across the world. Further, all the societies studies shared: (1) the notion of a transitional period between childhood and adulthood, although the length of that period varied, (2) sex segregation, and (3) a distancing between boys and their families, making the peer group more important to boys than to girls.

Cognitive Development The most important change to occur in adolescent thought has to do with what Piaget called formal thought. This stage differs from earlier cognitive phases primarily in the degree that adolescents can

make use of abstractions. Piaget believed that this development occurs primarily because the information adolescents obtain about themselves and the world cannot be understood with the cognitive structures in place prior to adolescence without resorting to abstraction, a disequilibrating event demanding growth. Thus, adolescents are forced to broaden their thinking to help them understand the world around them. An alternative way of conceptualizing adolescent cognition is to consider the greater ability in cognition to be due to an increase in information-processing capacity. This approach emphasizes the greater knowledge and skill in handling information, which comes with age, rather than the more psychologically-based reasoning of Piaget. Vygotsky suggested that learning does not take place in a vacuum, but rather that mental functioning begins in and develops out of social interactions, and that these interactions frequently provide effective scaffolding for cognitive performance. It should be noted that few gender differences have been observed, and those that have can largely be accounted for by differential socialization.

Gender The role of gender cannot be ignored in adolescence. Initially because of the sex differences in the timing of the attainment of reproductive maturity and adult height, it is reasonable to consider the proposition that boys and girls experience adolescence quite differently. Many gender effects, however, interact with other important developmental tasks, and have more to do with how men and women are perceived and treated than about sex differences per se. An example of such a gender difference has to do with self-esteem. In one longitudinal study of 91 young adults, for instance, it was found that despite the general stability of self-esteem over time, young men were more likely to increase in self-esteem, while young women were more likely to experience a decrease in this trait. This finding was replicated in a much larger study (N = 1160), and the gender differences were found to be consistent across ethnicity The increase in men’s self-esteem has been associated with social norms, that is, the increase in boys’ self-esteem was associated with ambition and self-orientation, whereas an increase in girls’ self-esteem was associated with their ability to relate to others.

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The Development of the Self A critical developmental task of adolescence is the differentiation of the self. This component of adolescent growth is partly a function of the proliferation of social contexts to which adolescents are exposed. Adolescents describe themselves quite differently, depending on whom they are with, in what role. They suggest further, that adolescents can come to those views through two different conscious formulations: (1) the looking-glass self, that is, the sense of self worth is derived from how others feel about them, and (2) self-worth as originating from within, that is, valuing oneself first as a cue to others to value you. Another, not unrelated task, is the formation of identity, a sense of ‘‘who I am.’’ Now capable of abstract reasoning, during this period adolescents become aware of themselves in relation to society as a whole. They begin to explore, and, if successful in this task, make commitments to an occupational and ideological sense of self. The principal components of this quest are to develop a sense of sameness and unity, and to be seen as stable in this regard by others. There is considerable research on this task, much of which has been done using the identity status paradigm. In this conception, adolescents are theorized to move from Diffusion (no active decision-making, nor are there commitments to a specific occupation or ideology), or Foreclosure (a wholesale adoption of parental commitments, without exploration), through Moratorium (a period of active decision-making and doubt, with no firm commitments), to Achievement (a stable sense of identity and commitment to occupation and ideology). The successful resolution of this identity quest, according to Erikson, is identity synthesis. The unsuccessful quest results in identity confusion. There is some question, however, about whether the statuses are truly developmental, or are more reflective of character types.

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Ethnic identity is specifically about one’s awareness of and commitment to one’s ethnic origins and culture. Adolescents are especially sensitive to ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Ethnic identity development is comprised of three stages: unexamined, exploring, and achieved. Adolescents in the unexamined phase have little understanding of the meaning ethnicity has, and they adopt the prevailing cultural beliefs wholesale. Those who are actively exploring are beginning to look at what their cultural membership means in relation to the dominant culture, while those who have achieved an ethnic identity know something about their cultural history, have made commitments to their group membership and can articulate the role it plays in their lives. A strong ethnic identity can provide a buffer to discriminatory experiences, and serve as a foundation for the development of the coping skills necessary to maintain selfesteem and mental health in a dominant cultural climate that denigrates minority group membership. It has been suggested that cultural continuity may act as a holding environment in the midst of the uncertainty generated by adolescent processes. There appears to be an inverse relationship between strong ethnic identification and suicide, that is, strong cultural identification may provide a psychosocial buffer against suicide in adolescents, whereas minority ethnicity per se, however, has sometimes been identified as a risk factor for adolescent suicide. Surprisingly, these findings were reversed in a large study of Hawaiian adolescents. In this research, cultural identification put adolescents at greater risk than ethnicity alone. It is important to note that the study of attitudes about one’s own ethnicity has been of little interest to researchers of the dominant group, and little attention has been paid by those researchers to the psychological aspects of having an ethnic identity within a dominantly White culture. Because identities are embedded in systems of power, identity is a highly political issue, and individual identity is always being negotiated in relation to collective identity defined in part by the in-group.

Ethnic Identity Formation Ego Development Adolescents who grow up in families with cultural traditions that are different from the Eurocentric practices and values that are pervasive in the U.S., face a three-part developmental task. They must learn (1) the tenets of their own culture, (2) the culture reflected in U.S., institutions, and (3) how to be bicultural.

Another component of the development of the sense of self is associated with personal self-knowledge. A frame of reference for the organization of specific personality traits emerges in adolescence and becomes a source of individual differences in the adult personality.

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Specifically, ego development refers to a constellation of characteristics: impulse control, conscious preoccupations, and cognitive complexity, especially in intrapersonal and interpersonal spheres. From least mature to most mature, the stages are preconformist (presocial, impulsive, self-protective, ritualistic), conformist (two levels: conformist, self-aware; most adults fall into the conformist category) and postconformist levels of development that include the conscientious, individualistic, autonomous, and integrated stages. Research suggests that from about the age of 14, a range of ego levels can be ascertained in any age group. Further, there is evidence of some heritability of this trait, independent of cognitive function.

Moral Development Kohlberg found that children’s ideas about right and wrong develop in parallel ways to their cognitions and self-concepts, i.e., from simpler to more complex, layered perspectives. He defined six stages of moral development, subsumed into three global categories: (1) preconventional, in which moral values reside in external events rather than in persons and standards, (2) conventional: in this stage, moral values reside in performing good, maintaining the order, and meeting others’ expectations, and (3) the postconventional system of thought, in which values are derived from principles that can be applied irrespective of circumstances. Adolescents tend to move from stage 2 at about thirteen years of age and to stage 3 between 16 and 18 years of age. During college, adolescents are likely to move to stage 4. Gilligan argued that the theory and method had a male bias that failed to reflect women’s more relational values. There is little empirical support for her criticism, however.

Parental Relations Family experiences continue to be important factors in adolescent development, even though they undergo transformation during this phase. A secure attachment to parents helps give adolescents the confidence to explore outside the family, and is associated with their perceptions of competence during times of transition. Although social scientists have written about conflictual relations between parents and adolescents

since the beginning of the industrial revolution, there is no clear consensus of normative turbulence. What has been documented is evidence that with age, adolescents perceive themselves to become more emotionally and behaviorally independent of their parents. There is, however, evidence to suggest that even as this disengagement occurs, a transformation occurs that maintains continued closeness and warmth in the relationship. Although disengagement has been found to be evident in the amount of time teens spent with their families as they got older, much of this had to do with pulls from the outside, for example, time with friends, rather than affective disengagement. Although they found some evidence of this in early adolescence, by late adolescence, individuals tended to report more favorable (and less unilateral) interactions with parents. There is some evidence to suggest that the more often families eat together, the more health and well-being can be enhanced. This is probably one indicator of the degree to which the family values closeness.

The Role of Peers Much of adolescents’ time is spent with peers, mainly talking and hanging out. Interactions with friends are open, accepting, and uncritical. Indeed, peer socialization is more important at this stage, and potentially more conflicted than at any other stage. Although these relationships have been studied to some extent, the research tends to be limited to White, middle-class adolescents. Social acceptance matters to many teenagers. There is some evidence to suggest that those who are accepted are physically attractive, intelligent, and competent. They are perceived by others to be friendly, cooperative, helpful, and sensitive to the needs of others. Interpersonal understanding may be one of the most important characteristics. Social acceptance is not the same as popularity. In order to be popular, boys need to be athletic, girls need to be seen as having a good personality and being in the right crowd. Popularity, however, is also not the same as being dominant in the peer group (i.e., having high status). High status adolescents may not be as well liked as their more popular peers. In early adolescence, popular teens tend to be more able than their less popular peers to integrate and balance both their intra- and interpersonal needs, to control impulses, and to see multiple perspectives when there is conflict.

Adolescent ethnic identity

The Role of the School Because adolescence is a time of turning outward, schools play an important part in the social development of adolescents. In the United States, schoolwork accounted for an average of 25–30% of adolescent waking hours. Because of the variability in ethnic identity formation at this stage, students can respond quite differently from each other to discrimination. Good schools can develop and empower pupils, while bad ones can encourage mediocrity and worse. In general, the larger the school the lower the students’ average achievement. Poor performances in school either directly harm a student’s self-perceptions, or lead the student to not identify with academics to protect the sense of self-worth. This disidentification can lead to dropping out, and dropout rates are highest for Black and Hispanic students. For many African American and Hispanic students, school becomes an aspect of life to overcome, in part, because schools reflect the structural racism in American society. During adolescence, students become increasingly vulnerable to stereotype threat. The consequences of stereotype threat can include lower academic performance both for minority groups and for women.

Adolescent Health It is during adolescence that many positive health behaviors are consolidated; additionally, important health risk behaviors emerge during this period as well. Mortality rates increase in adolescence, not because of disease, but because of risky behavior. The leading cause of mortality in adolescence is unintentional injury. Suicide is the third leading cause of death. Perceived parent and family connectedness seems to serve as a buffer across all ethnicities, as does emotional well-being for all girls, and high grade point average for all boys. Cross ethnicity risk factors included prior suicide attempts, violence (both as victim and perpetrator), alcohol and drug use, and a history of treatment for mental health. The major causes of adolescent morbidity include substance abuse and dependence, reproductive health problems, and sexually transmitted diseases. Mental health problems also figure prominently during this phase of life. The increase in risk behavior has been associated with self-reports of appearing older than one’s peers, and can vary across ethnicity, gender, temperament, and socioeconomic status.

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See also: > Cross-cultural families; > Ego identity statuses; > Gender bias; > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Sociocultural factors; > Suicide

Suggested Reading Aronson, J. (2004). The threat of stereotype. Educational Leadership, 62(3), 14–19. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Phinney, J., Cantu, C. L., & Kurttz, D. A. (1997). Ethnic and American identity as predictors of self-esteem among African American, Latino, and White adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 26(2), 165–185.

Adolescent Ethnic Identity Annie I Lin . Derald Wing Sue

Adolescence is a tumultuous period of rapid but uneven biological, emotional, physical, and cognitive changes that create confusion and feelings of awkwardness in young people. It is also a time where identity issues become salient and important. Part of the adolescent turmoil is the inner conflict of values, beliefs, and self-concepts that are being clarified and negotiated during a precarious stage of life. Due to the intense selfconsciousness of this period, social reactions to the youngster may have an acute effect on self-esteem. Achieving a stable and positive identity and consequent feelings of self-worth are major challenges to adolescent development. Identity formation does not take place in a vacuum; it is determined by a unique combination of intrapersonal, interpersonal, and environmental factors and their interplay in the world of the adolescent individual. Although reaching a sense of personal identity is no small feat for any youth, the task is even more daunting for minority youngsters because of conflicting cultural messages, varying socio-political histories, and their salience to ethnicity and treatment in society. First, ethnic minority youths are exposed to a bicultural background composed of values and traditions from their own group and that of the larger society. Second, each ethnic group became part of mainstream culture for a wide array of reasons that included forced enslavement, political asylum, conquest, and

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economic reasons. Third, due to a distinct phenotype, virulent ethnic messages from the mainstream culture make ethnic identity issues central to the minority adolescent. Research has found the quest for ethnic identity meaning to be significantly more common for Asian American, African American, and Latino American groups than their White counterparts; it is rated as more important by all minority groups. Research has also demonstrated that ethnic pride is positively correlated with self-esteem. Therefore, a positively valued ethnic identity seems to be fundamentally related to achieving a clear, positive, and secure sense of self with important psychological implications for racial/ethnic minority groups.

Ethnic Identity Ethnic identity refers to an individual identification with a particular social group based on race, language, religion, or national origin in shaping values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. Developing an ethnic identity may bring an awareness of the self within a group, a sense of belonging, and respect and pride toward the group. Part of the quest for ethnic identity is acknowledging adolescent feelings toward their racial/ethnic heritage, appreciating the salience of ethnicity in shaping their lives, espousing a stance toward their ethnic group, and choosing the strength of ethnic identification. This developmental task may be compounded by other factors such as racism and negative racial stereotypes prevalent in the society, as they all contribute to the course and final outcome of the ethnic identity quest.

Ethnic Identity: The Familial Context Generally, it is through parents and significant others that children make their first identification with an ethnic group. Research reveals that African American parents generally socialize their children to be proud of their race, and to develop positive feelings and self-esteem toward their African American heritage. Parental sensitivity to cultural diversity through modeling or frank and honest discussions of race and racism have been found to foster positive adolescent ethnic identity. Some studies reveal that Eurocentric attitudes are less prevalent among young African American children whose parents teach them about their group’s history

and racial heritage. It would appear that parental involvement in the ethnic community and culture is associated with adolescents’ sense of ethnic identity.

Ethnic Identity: The Communal Context Success of ethnic socialization of a minority child hinges on the phenotypic distinctiveness of the ethnic minority group, the ethnic density of the adolescent neighborhood, as well as the support of the ethnic community. The phenotypic distinctiveness of the ethnic minority group may prevent mainstream assimilation, invoking the sharpening of phenotypic differences, thereby providing an incentive for an ethnic identity search. In addition, the substantial presence or absence of the adolescent’s ethnic community in his or her neighborhood could affect the retention or loss of ethnic ties. When the ethnic community has considerable presence in a neighborhood, it is easier for the adolescent to acquire cultural knowledge and find role models. Furthermore, if the ethnic community is able to provide significant group activities, it facilitates the attachment of the adolescent to the community. However, if the community lacks cohesiveness or a sense of mutual support the adolescent may not be able to identify with that ethnic group regardless of its presence in the youth’s neighborhood.

Ethnic Identity: The Societal Context Due to the powerful effects that media and education have on American minority youth, racism, and derisive racial stereotypes play a vital role in the ethnic identity development of the adolescent individual. Socializing agents, such as the media and public education, present Euro American values and models as the ideal at the expense of other cultural values. Value conflicts may occur for the minority youth if they are evaluated in American society according to a standard that is antagonistic to their cultural values. For example, Asian American youths may be taught by parents to value ‘‘restraint of strong feelings’’ while Western values promote spontaneity and expression of feelings. Consequently, these youths may feel conflicted about the differing values and beliefs between traditional Asian American and Euro American cultures. In addition to reconciling conflicting values, vilified group members

Adolescent ethnic identity

may need to deal with the disparagingly different images of their group in society. Regardless of how adolescents of color may choose to identify ethnically, they may be called upon to cope with direct or indirect experiences with racism and negative racial stereotypes at the individual, institutional, and cultural levels and their coping mechanisms may have significant implications for their ethnic identity development and self-worth.

Psychological Implications The process of ethnic identity formation seems to sequentially progress through a number of phases varying from lack of awareness of one’s racial/cultural heritage, to mixed feelings of self-deprecation, and finally some type of resolution, stabilization, and racial/ethnic pride. Racial/cultural identity models describe a process that begins with an unexamined ethnic identity. During the initial phase, there may be many negative feelings toward the self and one’s group as the adolescent of color internalizes the negative stereotypes of their ethnic group often rejecting their culture of origin. At this phase, minority adolescents may also experience feelings of inferiority, inadequacy, and anxiety as they try to assimilate into the mainstream society. Triggered by direct exposure to racism, lack of positive role models, and misinformation regarding the history of their cultural group, minority adolescents may begin to doubt their existing worldview and cultural frame of reference. At this point in time, adolescents of color may feel a sense of shame and confusion for holding denigrating attitudes toward their ethnic group in the past, and feeling resentment and anger toward Whites. They may begin to experience a heightened awareness of racism and to distance themselves from White society while intensely involved with their ethnic group. Attempts to integrate ethnic attitudes transmitted from family members and denigrating stereotypes originating from the dominant society are common during this stage. This developmental process is fraught with uncertainty and distress, a risky period where adolescents may become alienated from society if they could not attain a social sense of belonging. If minority adolescents manage to resolve the crucial issues that arose during the last phase, they may experience an ethnic commitment and a renewed sense of self as they reach a more integrated and stable ethnic

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identity. Adolescents of color will now hold positive attitudes toward their own group, other groups, as well as the dominant group. Once this ethnic identity is achieved, youth of color will exhibit a calmer demeanor in dealing with racism, confidence in one’s ethnic identity, adaptive participation in various cultural contexts, and higher self-esteem compared to previous phases. In facilitating the achievement of a committed and positive ethnic identity for adolescents of color, parents, teachers, and ethnic community members must all play a role in facilitating this process of identity formation.

Interventions Given the communal context of ethnic identity formation, it may be important to create community services that provide a forum for minority adolescents to experience a sense of belonging and validation. Particularly for the adolescent family, it may be crucial to encourage the development and maintenance of existing social support systems. Educating parents of means in resolving their own ethnic identity conflicts will enhance their effectiveness as cultural transmitters and role models for their children. Training, services, and opportunities provided by schools or other organizations for parents in clarifying their cultural misconceptions and alleviating their fears regarding the mainstream culture may be conducive to the identity formation of the adolescent. In school, programs that assess the ethnic identity development of minority children and generate opportunities to learn their native language and culture should be included in the academic curriculum. Additional training in equipping teachers of ethnic minority students to be cognizant of multicultural issues in classroom instruction and revisions of existing curriculum to incorporate a multicultural emphasis would also be helpful. See also: > Ethnicity; > Ethnic identity development; > Ethnic minority youth; > Minority identity development model

Suggested Reading Fuligni, A. J., Witkow, M., & Garcia, C. (2005). Ethnic identity and the academic adjustment of adolescents from Mexican, Chinese, and European backgrounds. Developmental Psychology, 41(5), 799–811.

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Lee, R. M. (2005). Resilience against discrimination: Ethnic identity and other-group orientation as protective factors for Korean Americans. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(1), 36–44. Shih, M., & Sanchez, D. T. (2005). Perspectives and research on the positive and negative implications of having multiple racial identities. Psychological Bulletin, 131(4), 569–591.

Adolescent Parents Yo Jackson

According to the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 900,000 teenagers become pregnant each year in the United States (U.S). Although the rate of teen pregnancy is declining, more than 4 out of 10 teenage girls in the U.S. become pregnant before reaching 20 years of age. Of these pregnancies, over half result in live births suggesting that close to half a million adolescents become parents before they reach adulthood. Of the children born to adolescent mothers, according to Royce and Balk, 30–50% involves a father younger than 20 years old, suggesting that the number of teen mothers is greater than the number of teen fathers. Given that adolescence is a significant and often difficult time of development, examination of the needs of teens who take on adult tasks, such as childrearing, is especially important. Receiving adequate prenatal care is often a problem and girls who become pregnant in adolescence tend to experience poor weight gain, anemia, and pregnancy-related hypertension. Whereas most adult mothers get prenatal care from the beginning of their pregnancy, younger adolescents are likely to get no prenatal care or only get care during the third trimester. As a result, teen mothers tend to have a higher infant mortality rate, experience more prenatal complications, and have babies with lower birth rates than children born to adult mothers. Adolescent parents, both mothers and fathers, also tend to experience less education, limited family support, and lower socioeconomic status than their peers. Moreover, the relationship between the teen mother and father tends to be conflictual and in some cases, marked by domestic violence. Even when the

relationship between the teen parents is positive, the majority of child-rearing responsibilities are left to the teen mother. Some teen mothers rely on their own parents to assist them in childcare, but the end result is often a teen that has to take on the role and responsibilities of a single parent. The data on teen fathers suggests that these teens also tend to come from low income families and are often the product of teen mothers. Most teen fathers do not live with their children although they tend to have semi-regular contact with them. Some research suggests a bleaker picture for fathers of children born to teen mothers indicating that at least 30% of these fathers are incarcerated at some point. As a result, teen mothers tend to have less parenting support and more stress than their peers. Although teen parents, especially mothers, tend to show a decline in their use of alcohol, cigarettes, and other drugs during pregnancy, the use of these kinds of substances tends to increase after the baby is born. Teen parents tend to be less knowledgeable about child development and posses limited parenting skills. Some research shows that teen parents tend to talk, smile, and touch their infants less than other mothers of equal socioeconomic status and are also less likely to be accepting and understanding of their infant’s behavior. Parents who are limited in their understanding of developmental expectations are at greater risk for using harsh and negative discipline practices than parents who comprehend developmental changes. This rejecting parenting style is associated with lower self-esteem, anxiety, and behavioral problems in children. A cycle can develop where the parent is rejecting toward the child and subsequently, the child withdraws from the parent, making the parent–child interaction less reinforcing and positive for both individuals. As a result, future positive contact becomes less and less likely. Research suggests that in addition to the risk for negative parent–child relationships, 33% of children born to adolescent parents drop out of school, 31% experience depression, and 25% become adolescent parents later in life. The research, however, is not consistent in its findings on factors related to good outcomes for teen parents. A 17-year follow-up in 1987 showed that the generally accepted negative outcomes for teen African American mothers were not found. More than two thirds of the teens had completed high school, were

Adolescent parents

employed, and did not depend on the government for income. Their children, however, demonstrated greater behavioral and emotional difficulties at school and home than children reared by adult mothers. According to East and Felice, a repeat pregnancy occurs in 35% of adolescent mothers with 17% of those girls delivering a second child within 2 years of the first child. The difficulty of rearing two or more children before reaching adulthood increases the stress on the teen and her partner, making it harder for both teens to complete school and demonstrate good parenting skills. The research also suggests that risk factors for repeat pregnancy include not returning to school within 6 months, being married or living with a male partner, and receiving childcare assistance from the adolescent’s mother. Not retuning to school and living at home and living with a male partner may give the adolescent the impression of living in an adult role without a complete grasp of what adult responsibilities entail. Frequently, second pregnancies are intentional and prevention efforts have been directed toward setting educational goals, treatment for postpartum difficulties and parenting skills, and helping the teen make a plan for the future. Efforts have also included increasing the teen’s knowledge of contraceptives; however, this has not met with universal success given that not all cultures in the U.S. share the same degree of prohibition against teen pregnancy. Having family support in general seems like a positive effort to promote good outcomes for teen parents, however, the literature is mixed in its endorsement for the role of family members assisting adolescent parents. Family support for the teen may limit the teen’s ability to take on adult roles when positive family assistance is provided. It is often difficult for parents of teen mothers to know what role to play as their teen moves into the parenting role. As the teen is simultaneously learning the sometimes challenging tasks of adolescent development, they are also taking on the role of adult parent and living in an environment where they may be viewed by their own parents as a child. It is no surprise that conflict might erupt in this context. Although it is helpful to reduce daily stress when teens receive assistance with childcare from their parents, they may not fully understand the responsibilities that come with taking care of a child, making the arrival of another child seem less stressful or undesirable. One clear benefit of family support for the teen parent, however, is that family support does tend to improve

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outcomes for the children of teen parents. Because parents can provide the teen with financial support, child-rearing information and much needed breaks, the child of a teenager is more likely to thrive then if reared with the teen parent alone. Teens that live at home, however, may benefit from greater economic stability, but ultimately their reliance on parents for childcare and financial assistance may limit the teen’s ability and willingness to live a more independent life. The picture for teen parents is not automatically bleak and some efforts have attempted to document factors related to positive outcomes for teen parents. Most research on outcomes for teen parents has explored not only the long-term outcome for the teen parent, but also the parent–child relationship and the outcomes for the child born to teen parents. On the whole, good outcomes for teen parents are defined as completion of high school or employment. In general, research shows that teens who complete school before becoming pregnant, who participate in programs for pregnant adolescents, who remain in school while pregnant, do not become pregnant again before adulthood, and those who feel a sense of control over their lives tend to demonstrate the best long-term outcomes. Teens who have friends and positive family relations with their own parents are also more likely to complete school and become gainfully employed. Programs targeting teen parents show some promise for buffering the negative effects of rearing a child during adolescence. For example, school-based programs provide multidisciplinary services designed to improve parenting skills while keeping the teen in school. Getting and keeping the teen in school is the focus to promote long-term success for the teen and the child. Teens are taught child development, appropriate child-rearing practices, and are given emotional support both during and after the pregnancy. Other non-school-based programs also have a multidisciplinary approach. These often include medical care and advocate a ‘‘life skills’’ focus for the teen parent. Teens are taught methods for applying and securing employment in addition to effective parenting techniques. The desire is to provide all medical and support services in one setting and on one day of the week so that medical visits can be timed with parenting classes and peer support group meetings. Thus far, research on programs that promote peer support only or role model programs that seek to provide support for both parent and child have yet to show

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long-term positive outcomes with regard to preventing future pregnancies, sustaining parenting skills, and improved child social/educational development. Regular home visits, however, do show some positive effects in terms of reducing future pregnancies, reducing dependence on government financial aid, and reducing risk for child abuse. Visits also appear to reduce antisocial behavior on the part of the adolescent mother as well as the risk for maladjustment for the children of adolescent parents. It may be that the personalized attention and support designed to meet the individual needs of each parent are more effective in helping teen parents meet their personal long-term goals for success. See also: > Adolescence; > Family therapy; > Pregnancy, Teaching about; > Sex education

Suggested Reading American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Adolescence (2005). Adolescent pregnancy: Current trends and issues. Pediatrics, 116, 281–286. American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Adolescence and Committee on Early Childhood, Adoption, and Dependent Care (2001). Care of adolescent parents and their children. Pediatrics, 107, 429–434. East, P. L., & Felice, M. E. (1996). Adolescent pregnancy and parenting: Findings from a racially diverse sample. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kirby, D. (2001). Emerging answers: Research findings on programs to reduce teen pregnancy (summary). Washington, D.C.: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.

Adoption/Adopted Children Liliana Lo´pez Levi

Adoption refers to a judicial proceeding in which a child establishes a new permanent family relationship bound to different parents than those who gave him or her birth. It is the legal process that some people follow to have children of their own, when biological means are not possible or not considered adequate. Adoption is an alternative way of building a family. It is important

because the family constitutes the fundamental and natural unit of society. When birth parents are unwilling or unable to provide a child with the basic requisites of life, adoption may occur, although this is not always the case. A child can be given up for adoption for several reasons: for example, if the birth parents are young and not prepared to raise a child; if they already have a family and cannot cope with another member; if one or both parents passed away; if severe personal or health problems make it impossible for the parents to take care of the child; or if a difficult situation in their country of origin such as war, hunger or disaster prevents appropriate care. The new adoptive parents acquire the right of custody and the obligation of support, parental care, guidance, and protection. They become responsible for ensuring the child receives healthcare and education in a loving environment and within the bounds of a family. Adoption establishes a lifelong commitment by everyone involved. Some children are adopted by their relatives, and others are adopted by people with no former relation to them. Adopting a child when not married can make the process more difficult but not impossible. There are many examples of single mothers or single fathers who have successfully adopted children. In some places adoption by homosexual couples is allowed, whereas in others it is a controversial matter. Adoption may also occur when someone remarries and the new spouse establishes legal bonds with the children of the former couple. Jurisdictional regulations can be traced back to ancient times. They can be found in the Code of Hammurabi and in Roman law. Here adoption was meant to ensure the continuity of a family and to guarantee inheritance in cases when there where no descendants. Nowadays, laws vary from one country to another, but there are also international standards that allow adoption from one country to another. When children are adopted by unrelated adults, the identity of the birth parents can be kept confidential, as well as information about the adoptive family. This has been considered positive in many places around the world because it helps avoid complex or problematic situations, and establishes a new independent life for all the people involved. However, in the United States (U.S.), open adoption, in which the birth parents and the adoptive parents meet with each other and even maintain a relationship, is becoming more accepted. In such

Adoption/adopted children

cases, the prospective adoptive parents and the birth mother are put into contact by doctors, lawyers, social workers, or some other mediator; sometimes they advertise to find one another. In this case, it is important to get legal advice from a lawyer who is familiar with the process to fulfill requirements of the state or country where the adoption will occur. Children can also be adopted through public or private agencies. In the U.S., the foster-care system places children under the care of a family, which may be able to subsequently adopt them. Fostering and adoption are considered to be in the best interests of the child. Their aim is to ensure the child’s physical and emotional wellbeing, guaranteed access to healthcare and education, and exposure to a loving environment. To find a new family for the child, agencies must check on the candidates for parenthood. They evaluate the reasons for adopting, health conditions, socioeconomic situation, habits, and values through a home visit to check where the child will live, among other things. Medical and psychological exams are performed, and sometimes the prospective adopting parents have to prove that they have no criminal past. Going through the assessment can be difficult and requires great patience and tolerance. The complicated paperwork, and other problems such as increased demand for adoption, the anxiety that prospective adoptive parents feel, and ignorance about the process and its implications, have encouraged black-market adoption. This refers to the selling of infants for a profit. Even if it constitutes a solution for some families, black-market adoption can lead to problems in the future. Legal arrangements were established in the best interest of the child and the adoptive parents. When the new family has solid legal bonds, the state is obliged to protect them. This is not the case with black-market adoption. A child can be adopted regardless of age, gender, ethnic group, health condition, or origin. It is easier to find a family for a baby, and becomes more difficult as the child ages; it is also easier if the child has no health problems. If a child does have a health problem, the new family should be chosen so that they can suitably deal with it. In the U.S., the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act supports families who adopt children with disabilities. In some places it is harder to adopt than others. Developed countries have a smaller birth rate, and there are fewer children in need of new families; birth

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control and abortion play important roles in these cases. Another factor that reduces the number of children for adoption is the decreasing stigma attached to single mothers and their children. On the other hand, infertility problems have increased and thus created a stronger demand for children. As a consequence of these realities, many couples choose to explore possibilities of adoption outside their own country. In developing countries, poverty is a frequent reason people give their babies up for adoption. In some countries, such as China, population policies do not encourage families to have more than one child. Some tragedies such as disasters or wars also produce helpless children, and external aid is required to handle the situation. All of the aforementioned promote international adoption. International adoption by American families has increased significantly in the past decade. When cross-cultural adoption takes place, the new family faces several challenges, which can be due to physical and language differences, among others. See also: > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Ethnic minority youth; > Family therapy

Suggested Reading Coughlin, A., & Abramowitz, C. (2004). Cross-cultural adoption: How to answer questions from family, friends and community. Washington, D.C.: LifeLine Press. Gilman, L. (1998). The adoption resource book: Everything you ought to know about creating an adoptive family (4th ed.). New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers.

Suggested Resources My Adoption Agency—http://www.myadoptionagencies.com/: This website provides information about services, location, contact methods, types of adoption, adoption financial aid, and many more subjects. Adoption.com—http://www.adoption.com/: This website provides information and resources for birthmothers, prospective and current adopting parents, professionals and agencies. It includes a feature that facilitates the reunion of birth families and adopted children. Adoption.org—http://www.adoption.org: This website has information on many issues related to adoption such as articles on fostering, international adoption, parenting issues, as well as forums and chats.

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Advanced placement

Advanced Placement Elizabeth Weiss-DeBoer . John S Carlson

Advanced placement (AP) courses are college-level courses taught with the same texts and at a similar speed to normal college courses. Like honors classes, AP courses implement curricula at a faster, more intensive pace than comparative high school classes. AP courses provide an excellent opportunity to prepare for the college experience. Increasing numbers of collegebound students use it for such experience.

College Preparation The benefits of being enrolled in AP coursework stretch beyond the college preparatory experience. The college admissions process is becoming more competitive each year. Factors such as coursework, grade point average (GPA), SAT scores, and AP test scores are becoming increasingly significant in determining a student’s acceptance into college. AP students benefit from an extra GPA point added to grades from their advanced courses. In addition, since AP courses follow a standard curriculum across the U.S. and end with national AP exams, AP courses are the prime and standardized index for student potential. Students who have attended AP courses are more likely to graduate from college, indicating a safer investment for the college. Furthermore, teaching AP courses is an indicator of the quality of the high school that the applicant attended. Many colleges consider high school quality and simply being from schools with AP courses can often have a mild boost in the probability of the applicants’ acceptance. Finally, if a student passes an AP exam, they are able to claim college credit for that course. If several AP courses are completed in this manner, it may serve to decrease the time until graduation. Thus, when comparing college-bound students with a heavy AP background to those of the ‘‘traditional’’ high school education, students from AP backgrounds may be considered more favorably for college acceptance.

Access The number of AP courses available to students has grown remarkably within the past 10 years, and the

number of students enrolled in AP courses has more than doubled since 2003. There has also been a general growth in the representation of minorities in AP classrooms but this growth has not been evenly distributed across economic strata. Compared to more impoverished areas (with schools that teach predominantly Latino or African American students), predominantly White upper-middle-class areas have both a greater number of schools with AP courses and a greater number of AP courses within these schools. From the college-bound Latino or African American student perspective, affirmative action policies helped to alleviate some of the socioeconomic status (SES) inequalities of applicants from uneven economic opportunity backgrounds. However, due to changing state and university policies, affirmative action is slowly being eliminated from many college admissions processes. Further, enrollment caps for incoming college freshman classes may only lower the prospects of talented students without access to AP courses. Mexican and African American youth are less likely to be enrolled in AP courses than their Asian and White peers. Unfortunately, research is lacking regarding specific differences in AP enrollment between students of various ethnic backgrounds. However, current research indicates that it is the economic, not ethnic, status that plays a role in determining the resources and connections that will assist a student into enrolling in AP courses. This small body of research stands in opposition to numerous other factors that suggest ethnicity plays an important role in AP enrollment. Despite criticism of ethnic and socioeconomic bias in standardized tests (i.e., Pre-SAT (PSAT) and SAT), some high schools use PSAT and SAT test scores as a cut off for enrollment in AP courses, often eliminating potentially successful students. Large schools, often found in urban areas with high minority attendance rates, are known to host a great diversity in AP courses, but generally have reduced rates of AP participation among their students. Magnet schools tend to reduce African American student AP participation and small or rural African American may not offer AP courses at all. Even when minority youth are in schools that have a high number of AP courses, there are still barriers to their enrollment into AP programs. Enrollment rates of minority students in math, science, and English AP courses are lower than that of White and Asian students. Furthermore, many students are placed in special education curricula for behavioral issues, even when they are capable of standard or more challenging coursework. Once placed in special

Advanced placement

education, few of these students are able to make a transition back to regular coursework as the two academic tracks are too dissimilar. These barriers must be addressed to increase the proportion of Latino and African American students enrolled in AP curricula. Past research also suggests that parental background and SES are positively correlated with a student’s academic achievement. Specifically, 75% of Black and Latino families are of low income status. This low income status reduces the likelihood of AP enrollment by 40%. Parents’ negative experiences with the education system may be carried across generations. This may explain why Latinos report lower confidence in math, science, and writing. Low parental academic achievement can also affect a student’s AP and college prospects, as there is reduced knowledge about college in the home. This may explain why parents with lower education backgrounds are generally less aggressive in pursuing AP status for their children (compared to more educated parents). In particular, Black and Latino students are less likely than their White and Asian peers to have a parent or guardian involved in their education to connect them to academic enabling resources. However, even with low socioeconomic status and parental background, minority students have been shown to succeed if they can gain access to educational resources. For example, one study found that access to educational resources had a significant impact on academic success above and beyond parents’ educational background. Another study found that successful Latino college students had used college preparatory coursework and other resources that influenced their view that college was an attainable goal. The gap between minority students and higher achievement will continue until interventions are formed. Parents, teachers, guidance counselors, and communities need to be involved in these intervention efforts. Schools come in as a critical target for these efforts. Race-matched role models and mentors in schools (e.g. race-matched AP instructors) have been shown to increase minority AP participation. Providing highly trained and culturally sensitive AP teachers may increase minority AP recruitment by creating an environment conducive to advanced learning. This is especially true given that some research shows minority students can discourage one another from academic success. Hiring Black AP instructors has been shown to significantly increase Black student participation.

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In addition, AP incentive programs that provide financial assistance to teachers and schools for the development of AP curricula and test fee assistance to students with financial need have been shown to significantly increase minority participation. Some programs have increased Black student participation by about 100%. Also, increasing the variety of AP courses increases the likelihood of a minority student enrolling in a course. Furthermore, when operating in larger schools, creating smaller schools within school programs that are separated from the larger school and smaller in size can increase minority AP enrollment. It is also preferable to require that schools remain flexible, allowing students to shift in and out of AP courses. Community involvement is another important intervention. For example, in Dallas, Texas, business and community leaders funded teacher training and student achievement incentive programs. Several federal grant programs also support intervention efforts. Finishing an AP class is positively correlated with passing an AP exam. Currently, the percentage of Latino and African American students who pass the exam is lower than that of Asian and White students. The reasons behind lower exam scores may be similar to the reasons behind reduced African American and Latino student AP enrollment. However, the benefits of being enrolled in AP courses are still present: Taking an AP course may not secure a passing test score or college credit, but passing the course is still an indicator of the student’s ability to handle college level work. Obtaining a higher education has been seen as the most salient factor when it comes to social and cultural flexibility. It has been shown that rigorous coursework, such as that provided by AP instruction, decreases the achievement gap for minority students. Furthermore, the environment within an AP classroom encourages behaviors that lead to academic achievement, forming a ‘‘culture of learning.’’ It would be beneficial to create a better system for minority AP education in that its success would create for easier transitions into the college environment for students, which would lead to their personal and future generations’ improved social mobility, education, and cultural empowerment. Such efforts may have the potential to break longstanding and cross-generational trends of poverty and low education. See also: > Assessment of culturally diverse students; > Education; > High schools; > Reform; > School, Size of ; > Under-representation

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Suggested Reading Camara, W. J., & Schmidt, A. E. (1999). Group differences in standardized testing and social stratification. College Board Report No. 99–105. Retrieved September 27, 2006 from http://www. collegeboard.com/research/pdf/rr9905_3916.pdf Contreras, F. E. (2005). Access, achievement, and social capital: Standardized exams and the Latino college-bound population. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 4(3), 197–214. Klopfenstein, K. (2004). Advanced placement: Do minorities have equal opportunity? Economics of Education Review, 23(2), 115–131. Solo´rzano, D. G., & Ornelas, A. (2002). A critical race analysis of Advanced Placement classes: A case of educational inequality. Journal of Latinos Education, 1(4), 215–229. Solorzano, D. G., & Ornelas, A. (2004). A critical race analysis of Latina/o and African American advanced placement enrollment in public high schools. High School Journal, Feb/Mar, 15–26.

Suggested Resources CollegeBoard—www.collegeboard.com/student/testing/ap/about. html: This national website offers information on AP and other resources involved in college preparation. United States Department of Education—http://www.ed.gov/ news/speeches/2004/03/03302004a.html: The United States Department of Education offers AP Incentive Program grants to eligible organizations to assist them in increasing the participation of low-income students in pre-AP and AP courses and tests.

African American Youth Michael A Lindsey . Von Nebbitt

African American youth comprise a large percentage of the African American population. There were 39.2 million African Americans, as of July 1, 2004, of which 32% were under the age of 18. In terms of the general population of 70.5 million Americans citizens, African American youth represented 16% (11.3 million). According to year 2003 statistics, the ten to nineteen-year-old group of African Americans constituted 14.7% of the total youth population, with an equal ratio of males to females. The majority of African Americans in the United States (U.S). are identified as non-Hispanic or nonCaribbean in their ethnic heritage, meaning that they were born as citizens of the U.S. and claim African

American as their race. Their values and customs mirror that of American citizens, generally, in the sense of traditional Western values such as a individualism and materialism. However, traditional African values such as a strong sense of community and familial connection (i.e., group versus individual success) still hold some vestige in the African American community. African Americans, while historically protected by their family and group-orientation (i.e., the prominence of the Black church in the African American community), still endure the negative, indirect consequences of slavery and its legacy of segregation and discrimination. As a result, African Americans face persistent challenges to historically maintaining strong institutions in their community that protect an essential subgroup, children and youth, from poor social, psychological, and behavioral outcomes. African American youth are overrepresented in the juvenile justice system, experience poor educational outcomes, and have high rates of physical and mental health problems among the total population of youth in the U.S.

Environmental and Contextual Challenges In 2000, law enforcement agencies made an estimated 2.4 million arrests of persons under the age of 18. Although African American youth constituted 16% of the youth population that year, they accounted for 55% of the arrests for violent crimes and 27% of property arrests. In 2000, 50% of the arrests for murder and 56% of the arrests for robbery involved African American youth. The Violent Crime Index arrest rate for African American youth (555) was nearly four times the rate for White youth (146) in 2000. For the Property Crime Index, African American youth arrests (1,885) were more than double the corresponding rate for White youth (958). Similarly, the drug offense and public disorder case rates for African American youth were nearly three times the rates for White youth. In addition to being arrested for violent crimes, African American males have the highest homicide victimization rate of any race or gender in the U.S. Of the 2,100 juvenile murder victims under 18 years of age in 1997, 47% were African American males. Official delinquency reports can potentially systematically underestimate the scope of juvenile crime. Official delinquency reports may reflect patterns of law enforcement and may not accurately reflect patterns of

African American youth

crime perpetration. Some researchers encourage the use of self-report and official delinquency data. While others found no difference in self-reported delinquent behavior among African American and White youth, a finding inconsistent with official delinquency reports. Once in the juvenile justice system, African American juvenile offenders are treated more punitively then nonminority offenders. When variables such as offense and prior records were considered, African American youth were more likely then non-African American youth to be processed in juvenile court and detained in juvenile justice facilities. In 1997, though 26% of juvenile arrested involved African American youth, they constituted 32% of adjudicated cases, 45% of cases involving detention, and 40% of the residential placement population. This differential treatment becomes more punitive the more African American youth penetrate the juvenile justice system, having a sort of cumulative effect. Consequently, a greater proportion of African American youth are being detained in juvenile correctional facilities. In contrast to higher arrest and adjudication rates, African American adolescents have later onset and lower prevalence of alcohol and other drug use than White and Hispanic adolescents. For example, being African American is associated with lower levels of drug use in sixth and ninth grade. Research in the mid to late 1990s examining patterns of drug use among Cuban American, African American, and non-Hispanic White school-aged students (grades 1–6) indicates that African Americans had the lowest rates of lifetime alcohol and cigarette use (32.4% and 11.6%, respectively). African American students (82.1%) were significantly less likely than White and Hispanic students (96.3% and 93.1%, respectively) to have had at least one drink of alcohol during their lifetime. African American students (77.7%) were also significantly less likely than White students (89.4%) to have ever used marijuana. White students (43.8%) were significantly more likely than African American students (5.7%) to have ever used cocaine (e.g. powder, crack, or freebase). African American students (11.7%) were significantly less likely than White students (61.4%) to have ever used other illegal drugs (e.g. LSD, PCP, ecstasy, mushrooms, speed, ice, and heroin). In grades 10, 11, and 12 African American students (27.8%) were significantly less likely than White students (38.7%) to have tried marijuana before age 13. Research examining patterns of drug use as African American students get older follows a consistent

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pattern. African American high school seniors reported lower lifetime and annual prevalence than White and Hispanic high school seniors for virtually all drugs. This can also be said for African American students in eighth and tenth grades. Not only do African American students have the lowest lifetime, annual, and 30-day prevalence rates for alcohol use, they also tend to have the lowest rates for daily drinking.

Education and Academic Achievement Since the early 1970s, African American youth have experienced a significant increase in educational attainment levels, particularly regarding the number of youth who graduate from high school. From 1972 to 2000, the percentages of African American young adults without a high school diploma declined by nearly 40%. African Americans were 17% of the public school enrollment in 2000, up by 2% age points from 1972. Despite these advancements, African American youth have higher dropout rates, lower high school completion, and poorer academic preference than their White counterparts. Dropout rates among 16- to 19-year-olds differ by race and ethnicity. Educational statistics over the past three decades (from 1972 to 2000) show that the status dropout rates for White youth (6.9%) have persisted at levels that are lower than the rates observed for African American (13.1%) youth. The event dropout rates for African American and White youth are 6.1% and 4.1%, respectively. Of those African American students who remain in school, their academic performance lags behind their White counterparts. Comparisons in mathematics and reading levels of African American and White children at various points between grades 1 and 12, revealed gaps in achievement at every grade studied between African American and White students on the same grade level. Even for children with similar levels of prior achievement one or two grades earlier, mathematics and reading scores of African Americans were generally lower than the corresponding scores of Whites. African American youth have made gains in completing high school. Their high school completion rate rose from 72.1% in 1972 to 83.2% in 1990. In 2000, the African American completion rate was 83.7%. In addition, the gap between African American and White completion rates narrowed in the 1970s and 1980s.

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However, like White rates, African American completion rates appear to have stabilized in recent years and the gap between the two racial/ethnic groups has thus also stabilized. The immediate college enrollment rate among African American high school graduates remained fairly constant from 1972 to 1983, and then increased from 1983 to 2000, from 38% to 55%. Since 1983, immediate college enrollment rates for African Americans have increased faster than those for Whites, reducing the gap between the two groups.

Sexual and Reproductive Health African American youth have an earlier onset of sexual activity. African American youth reported using condoms at a higher rate than Hispanic and White, 70%, 55.2% and 55%, respectively. However, African American youth reported being pregnant or having gotten someone pregnant at 1 or more times higher rate than Hispanic and White youth, 13.4%, 6.4%, and 4.3%, respectively. Of youth who reported being sexuality active in the last 3 months, African American youth reported that they used birth control pills to prevent pregnancy the least (21% White, 7.8% Hispanic, and 7.7% African American). Moreover, African American youth have a higher abortion ratio (number of abortions per 1,000 live births in the same age group per year) than Hispanic and White youth. In 2004, African American youth comprised 16% of the U.S. population ages 13–19; however, in that same year African American youth accounted for 61% of the reported cases of AIDS. In 2004, the rate of chlamydia among African American females was seven and a half times higher than the rate among non-Hispanic White females (1,722.3 and 226.6 per 100,000, respectively). The chlamydia rate among African American males was 11 times higher than that among non-Hispanic White males (645.2 and 57.3 per 100,000 respectively). From 2000 to 2004, gonorrhea rates decreased by 19.1% for African Americans from 778.1 to 629.6 cases per 100,000 in the population. In 2004, the gonorrhea rate among African Americans was 19 times higher than the rate for non-Hispanic Whites, down from 28 times greater in 2000. African Americans accounted for 41% of cases of primary and secondary syphilis in 2004. During 2003–2004, the rate of primary and secondary syphilis increased 17% among African Americans, reflecting a 22.2% increase in the number of cases among men (from 2,005 to 2,450) and a 1% increase among women

(from 805 to 813). The rates for chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis were not reported specifically for African American youth.

Mental Health A definitive statement about the mental health status of African American youth is not possible. Epidemiological data on depression, anxiety, and other mental health problems among African American youth are contradictory and inconclusive. More research is necessary to understand the breadth, depth, and scope of mental health among African American youth. Some current trends indicate that African American youth disproportionately experience mental health problems like depression, anxiety, and disruptive behavioral problems. Environment plays a key role in the expression of these mental health problems. African American youth who live in urban settings experience disproportionately more depression, anxiety, and behavioral problems because of environmental stressors like poverty, violence, and high rates of illegal drug activity. Mental health problems are also strongly linked to family characteristics among African American youth. Depression, anxiety, and aggressive/disruptive behavioral symptoms among African Americans are likely to be elevated when the head of the household has low socioeconomic status (SES), receives limited social support, and abuses illegal substances. Despite the mental health challenges experienced by African American youth, mental health services to combat the problems that may accompany their struggles have been inefficient, culturally insensitive, and fragmented. The result has been a lack of evidence-based mental health practice and an underutilization of mental health services by this group. Even when African American youth do engage in treatment, the majority of them average only two to three treatment sessions. This is especially true in community-based mental health service delivery to African American youth. Schools and communities, however, can partner to provide an array of services (i.e., expanded school mental health programs) to meet the growing mental health and educational needs of African American youth. School mental health programs can serve four important functions regarding the emotional and psychological needs of this population. They include: (1) reducing the impact of risk exposure; (2) reducing the negative chain reaction following risk exposure;

African American youth

(3) establishing and maintaining self-esteem and selfefficacy, and (4) opening up new opportunities. Among urban African American youth, for example, research indicates that expanded school mental health services improve academic performance, behavior, and attendance. Positive relationships with school personnel (i.e., teachers, mental health practitioners/ counselors) can have a positive effect on the mental health and well-being of African American youth who experience individual and family stressors that impact their educational and social performance.

Heterogeneity: Differences Among African American Youth Youth within the broad category of African Americans differ depending upon a number of factors. For example, the experiences of rural African American youth differ from the experiences of urban African American youth; African American youth from upper-income families may not face some of the challenges that African American youth from low-income families encounter. The African American youth population is not homogenous. Thus, it is important to understand the heterogeneity of this population as attempts are made to identify risk and protective factors influencing their academic achievement and psychological well-being. African American youth face many obstacles, yet they continue to overcome adversity through strong connections with family members, positive relationships with adults outside the family, and increased connectedness to historically powerful entities like the church and other community-based entities such as Big Brother, Big Sisters, or 100 Black Men of America, Inc. Despite the mounting evidence of risk and negative outcomes among African American youth, the triumphs of these youth in the face of seemingly insurmountable risks are noteworthy. Vulnerability and protective factors that increase or reduce risk are important to note regarding individual, family, and neighborhood/community factors that increase or reduce risk for this population.

Vulnerability and Protective Factors Researchers argue that salient protective and vulnerable factors and processes affect at-risk individuals as they operate on individual, family, and community levels.

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Protective factors are internal and external resources that modify or buffer the impact of risk factors. Vulnerability factors are internal characteristics that increase the likelihood that an individual will succumb to risk exposure. For example, being an adolescent male within an urban context is a vulnerability to increased involvement in illicit activities and being a female within this context is a vulnerability to increased mental health symptomology. It should be noted, protective factors and mechanisms are catalytic in that they may increase self-esteem and efficacy and may lead to the opening of new opportunities; they may also reduce the impact of risk factors and negative chain reactions associated with risk situations. Perhaps no area is as widely contrasted in terms of outcomes among African American youth than genderspecific outcomes. For example, research indicates that African American girls fare better in traditional educational settings than boys as indicated by grades and classroom decorum, and are likely to attend college at higher rates than boys. Several factors may explain these gender-specific differences, including the fact that youth who have a high degree of parental support and who experience school communities as caring have positive educational outcomes. School engagement and academic motivation have also been identified as positive influences on educational achievement among African American youth. Historically, African American boys have not been supported as well as girls in traditional educational environments and are often disengaged from schools and academic achievement. This reality for boys may be explicative of the disparate gender differences we see regarding school engagement and achievement outcomes for African American boys versus girls. Gender-specific differences have also been noted regarding mental health outcomes among African American youth. For example, similar to studies in the general population, African American girls are more often depressed than boys. Moreover, African American boys are more likely to exhibit more externalizing behaviors and these behaviors may account for their overrepresentation among school suspensions and their disproportionate involvement in the juvenile justice system. African American youth, however, may be protected from negative outcomes related to their mental and behavioral health. For example, research has found that protective influences against mental health and behavioral problems among African American youth

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include parental supervision (among girls) and parental encouragement (among boys). Moreover, research has also found that African American youth whose fathers were involved in their care, even if they are not physically in the home, have better behavioral outcomes in school. The majority of African American youth grow up in single parent, typically female-headed, families. Statistics indicate that 60–70% of African American families are headed by single mothers. Some research has indicated that children who grow up in single parent families are more likely to experience poverty and associated psychosocial stressors (i.e., increased access to drugs and delinquent peers) and are more likely to be involved in antisocial and delinquent behaviors. Because African American youth are disproportionately reared in single parent families, they are at increased risk for experiencing the ill affects and stressors associated with growing up in single parent families. These facts certainly paint a bleak picture regarding the outcomes of children reared in single parent families. However, these facts are oriented towards a deficit model regarding this family structure. At the other end of this continuum is the adaptation and coping-focused model, which tends to highlight the positive interactions that African American youth from single parent families enjoy with their family members, that is, kinship support. Among African American youth, kinship support has been associated with high scholastic self-concept, low levels of antisocial behavior, and low use of alcohol and drugs. In this family context, childrearing is traditionally seen as the collective responsibility of the extended family, thus single parents experience a wealth of support from family members and friends regarding childrearing responsibilities. Moreover, parental qualities such as warmth also protect children regarding child anxiety outcomes (i.e., sad, shy, withdrawn), whereas corporal punishment is predictive of acting-out behavior. Studies also suggest that support from extended family members may also decrease the negative impact of familial stressors (i.e., being reared in a single parent family) on child mental health (i.e., anxiety). Thus, development in a single parent family does not have to be pathological and successful parents in this situation often find ways to extenuate the positive aspects of this experience in interactions with their children—interactions that are typically encouraging, supportive, and exhibit some level of parental demandingness.

African American youth are more likely than other groups to live in low-income families and reside in neighborhoods characterized by high violence and drug exposure. Living in such contexts heightens their risk of maladaptive adjustment. For example, it was found that children exposed to chronic neighborhood violence were more anxious and fearful of being left alone, played more aggressively, had more difficulties concentrating, and experienced memory impairment. Similarly, it was found that inner-city adolescents exposed to higher levels of community violence endorsed more fears (e.g., fears of injury, the unknown, and danger) than those with lower exposure. Neighborhood or environmental influences place urban youth at particular risk of involvement in violent behaviors in several ways, including: diminished economic opportunity, high concentrations of poor residents, high levels of transiency, high levels of family disruption, low community participation, and socially disorganized neighborhoods. Families can serve as a moderating influence regarding the effects of neighborhoods and communities. Attachment to community and its impact on child outcomes was examined among a sample of African American caregivers and youth. It was found that the association between how well a parent knew his or her neighbors and the presence of child behavior problems differed depending on the degree of neighborhood economic impoverishment, such that children in poor neighborhoods had higher internalizing problems when their parents reported knowing many neighbors. Additionally, further studies indicate that when individuals from the community or local organizations (i.e., mentors, religious leaders) positively interact with youth, the risk of maladaptive adjustment to neighborhood-level risk is mitigated. Organizations such as Big Brothers, Big Sisters, or 100 Black Men of America, Inc. have instituted mentor and academic enrichment programs in low-income, African American communities that have made positive contributions to the lives of African American youth.

Resilience and African American Youth From a basic understanding, resilience entails maintaining functional competence in the face of risk. Resilience is broadly defined as the ability to achieve positive adaptations in the context of significant threats to

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development. Resilience can be further characterized by the interaction of biological, psychological, and environmental processes. Though the resilience framework provides an excellent lens through which to understand African American youth development, few social and behavioral scientists have written on its application to African American education and mental health. Hence, empirical studies that identify factors that lead to positive adaptations despite the presence of risk among African American youth are scarce in the professional literature. Of the limited resilience research conducted among African American adolescents, it has been found that a number of individual characteristics act as protective, compensatory, and vulnerability factors within high-risk situations. Resilient African American youth from highly stressed environments exhibit the following protective characteristics: (1) diverse, flexible social skills; (2) positive peer and adult interactions; (3) high cognitive skills; and (4) resourcefulness in new situations. Individual resiliency, however, in the African American community should be viewed in the context of major values that characterize the adaptive responses to the historical and social experiences of African Americans in the U.S. Included among these values is the importance of: (1) religion and the church and (2) flexible roles and the extended family network. The church has long been considered the central or most important institution in the African American community. When African Americans have been historically marginalized and disenfranchised in other contexts (i.e., employment, educational opportunities), they could always experience a sense of empowerment through religious expression and service to the community of fellow African American worshipers in church. Attending church on Sunday mornings has been very much a family ritual in many African American families, and the church has shaped the values and belief systems of many African American families. Even among those African Americans who do not attend church, their current or historical religious perspectives shape their views on marriage, abortion, adoption, and childrearing practices. In terms of service to youth and building on the strengths of African American youth and their families, the church often provides opportunities for African American youth to receive spiritual and moral encouragement, academic enrichment via tutoring and mentoring programs often offered through the church, and access to positive adults and role models whom youth can look to for guidance and support.

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A strong family and social network in which family members and other adults (i.e., neighbors, family friends) are positively connected to each other can serve to build the strength of children and families. African Americans have historically been a group that values family ties and connections to a large network of family and fictive kin. Such ties and connectivity serve to foster family resiliency by improving parents’ general disposition, decreasing feelings of being overwhelmed by parenting tasks, and providing additional tangible and intangible information resources. Studies on family resiliency also indicate that high levels of community support in African American families has been linked to greater levels of social interaction in children, higher levels of academic achievement, and overall enhanced social and emotional well-being. See also: > Community interventions with diverse youth; > Cultural resilience; > Mentoring diverse youth; > Resilience building prevention programs

Suggested Reading Clauss-Ehlers, C. S. (2004). Re-inventing resilience: A model of ‘‘culturally-focused resilient adaptation.’’ In C. S. Clauss-Ehlers, & M. D. Weist, (Eds.), Community planning to foster resilience in children (pp. 143–159). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Gibbs, J. T. & Huang, L. N. (2003). Children of color: Psychological interventions with culturally diverse youth. New York: Jossey-Bass. Hrabowski, F. A., Maton, K. I., Greene, M. L., & Greif, G. L. (2002). Overcoming the odds: Raising academically successful African American young women. New York: Oxford University Press. Hrabowski, F. A., Maton K. I., & Greif, G. L. (1998). Beating the odds: Raising academically successful African American males. New York: Oxford University Press. LaGrange, R. D. (2004). Building strengths in inner city African American children: The task and promise of schools. In C. S. Clauss-Ehlers, & M. D. Weist, (Eds.), Community planning to foster resilience in children (pp. 83–97). New York: Kluwer Academic/ Plenum Publishers.

Suggested Resources Center for Disease Control (CDC)—http://www.cdc.gov: The CDC is the principal agency in the U.S. government for protecting the health and safety of all Americans and for providing essential human services. National Center for Educational Statistics (2005)—http://nces.ed. gov/pubs2002/digest2001: The purpose of the Digest of Education Statistics is to provide a compilation of statistical information covering the broad field of American education from pre-kindergarten through graduate school.

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Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (2003) Statistical Briefing Book (OJJDP/SBB)—http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.org/ ojstatbb/population/overview.html: The OJJDP/SBB provides access to online information via OJJDP’s website to learn more about juvenile crime and victimization and about youth involved in the juvenile justice system. 100 Black Men of America, Inc.—http://www.100blackmen.org/: This is an organization of professional African American men committed to the intellectual development of youth and the economic empowerment of the African American community based on the following precepts: respect for family, spirituality, justice, and integrity. 100 Black Men has chapters throughout the U.S. and offers mentoring and educational enrichment programs for African American youth.

Clubs are examples of this type of program that offers a variety of activities and programs for teens who have specific interests, needs, or talents. The extended day model promotes programs often run by schools designed to increase student academic success. These programs serve students of any age and often focus on those in the grades subject to high-stakes testing. These programs may also use a range of strategies including remediation and enrichment. The extracurricular model encompasses a wide range of activities, lessons, team sports, and clubs that bring young people together with adult teachers and coaches.

After-School Programs

After-School Programs for Elementary and Middle School Students

Jo-Anne Manswell Butty . Charlynn Small . Velma LaPoint . Cheryl Danzy

After-school programs for children occur during afterschool hours and exist in schools and community centers serving students from one school or different schools. There are three types of after-school arrangements: daycare, after-school, and extended school day programs. They can also be classified into four program types: (a) school-age childcare, (b) youth development, (c) educational after-school programs, and (d) extracurricular activities. Further, schoolbased after-school programs are usually administered by: schools, community- based organizations, and community (university)/school partnerships.

After-School Program Models There are four major after-school models. The schoolage childcare model emerged during the 1980s, growing out of the childcare movement designed to meet the needs of working families. School-age childcare programs typically provide a range of activities, so allowing children a fair amount of choice from day to day. The positive youth development model evolved from adolescent prevention programs during the 1980s. Recognizing that the deficit-oriented model of drug abuse or pregnancy prevention had limited effectiveness, advocates of this approach work with young people to build on their assets and engage them in their communities. Boys’ and Girls’

Most after-school programs target children at the elementary school level. Research reveals that the vast majority of children enrolled in these programs are third grade or younger. Once children enter middle school, they are much less likely to participate in afterschool programs and their participation drops even further when they enter high school. However, middle school programs have become increasingly common over the past decade because of the new No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation that requires all students to master several academic benchmarks as they face key transitions from elementary to middle school and middle school to high school. Children in urban environments, especially low-income children of color, are placed at increased risk for failing to meet these benchmarks because they may face major challenges involving their families, schools, communities, and the larger society. After-school programs can provide an avenue for helping urban students successfully navigate across key developmental, social, emotional, and academic challenges. Of course, such programs must be appropriate to the age and development of the children, as well as challenging, culturally relevant, and connected to the children’s daily lives.

After-School Programs and Extended Learning Extended learning after-school programs are mostly an extension of the school day and often sponsor tutoring, homework help, and academic support

After-school programs

for low-performing students. The goal of these school-sponsored programs is increased student performance, with the assumption that more time in such a program will result in better outcomes for students. For many students, especially underachieving students, ‘‘more school’’ is sometimes not the answer. Thus the goal of many of these academically oriented programs is to engage community partners and achieve desired goals by providing a wider variety or more focused after-school activities and opportunities for the development of the whole child.

After-School Programs and TwentyFirst Century Skills Over the past decade, school districts have seen extended after-school programs move from a smattering of academic support activities to a central function of the school system. However, a gap still exists between the knowledge and skills most children learn in school and the knowledge and skills required for the twentyfirst century. Students need to learn academic content through real world examples, applications, and experiences both inside and outside the school. Well-designed after-school programs can fill this gap. Despite increased federal funding for twenty-first century community learning centers, disparities in access and quality persist. Programs in affluent or middle class neighborhoods are more likely to have computer labs, playing fields, direct instruction in the arts, enrichment activities, and sports, and are more likely to provide snacks or meals than programs in poorer neighborhoods.

After-School Programs and Urban Communities After-school activities have the potential to counteract the effects of a range of factors that contribute to urban children’s lack of opportunities and underachievement. Resiliency and asset-based research allows us to understand the factors that help promote engagement in learning for all students. Included in these factors is a sense of oneself as a competent learner and appreciation of the knowledge and assets students bring from home/community to the classroom. In particular, quality after-school programs are thought to buffer children against negative outcomes by offering them (a) supervised, constructive activities and positive

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enhancement of critical skills; (b) an organized program for reinforcing the school curriculum and cultivating strengths; (c) more time for academic instruction; and (d) a safe harbor during peak hours for violent juvenile crime and victimization. Race, class, and ethnicity remain powerful predictors of school achievement. Despite several decades of educational reforms, the achievement gap persists. After-school programs are a promising strategy for providing marginalized young people with (a) learning opportunities and experiences that are available to most middle and upper-class students; (b) experiences that broaden their horizons, build on their interests and skills, and facilitate positive relationships withadults and peers; and (c) links to classroom expectations.

Effective After-School Programs Evidence suggests that effective after-school programs should include proper staff training, a well-developed infrastructure, and buy-in from family members. For older students there should be student buy-in and involvement in program development. The research also highlights the following features of positive developmental settings: (a) physical and psychological safety; (b) appropriate structure; (c) supportive relationships; (d) opportunities to belong; (e) positive social norms; (f) opportunities for skill building; and (g) integration of family, school, and community partnerships.

Effects of After-School Programs Studies show that after-school program participation is associated with higher grades and test scores, especially for low-income students. After-school programs have been linked with greater engagement in learning, improved attitudes toward school, higher expectations for school achievement, better work habits, and higher attendance rates. Research also suggests that participation in after-school programs yields a variety of social and emotional benefits for youngsters, such as improved self-esteem.

After-School Programs and Group Differences Many parts of the United States have experienced a sudden, rapid growth of different immigrant

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populations. Often these youths are challenged by cultural adaptation that can affect development, but bring a wealth of assets with them. In recent years there has been a proliferation of school-based programs aimed at various multicultural groups. In addition to an emphasis on activities that focus on high academic achievement, multicultural educators believe it is essential for youth to be provided with different experiences aimed at addressing some of their challenges and including the requisite opportunities that allow continued commitments to their community cultures and values. In addition to school-sponsored after-school programs, there has been an increase in developmental research comparing different types of activities. This includes a growing number of programs specifically designed to address the needs of multicultural elementary and middle school youth. For example, the Escuelitas (Spanish for ‘little school’) is a comprehensive, culturally informed after-school program that targets Mexican American girls from third through eighth grades, to proactively address teen pregnancy prevention and other community problems. This is done by providing girls with multiple opportunities to learn about their culture and by facilitating their knowledge of how community shapes their lives as Mexican American girls. Conversely, in response to a large population of immigrant youth (mostly Latino), a rural after-school mentorship program was created with the aim of fostering a more bicultural identity, as well as empowering students to find academic success. National survey results of after-school programs found 56% of responding programs enroll youth from more than one language group, and one in four serves English Language Learners (ELL). Very few program directors reported having enough bilingual staff to work with these youths in their home languages and even fewer staff who are trained effectively serve youths who speak little English. Half the programs that enroll a significant number of ELLs do not have any staff who speak the home languages of the participants and their families.

positive attitudes, and behaviors. When properly designed, after-school programs can have strong positive effects on children’s academic, social, and emotional lives. This is especially true for students whose personal circumstances put them at higher risk of school failure and for those ethnic and cultural groups who may be new immigrants. See also: > Community approaches to improving child success; > Community schools; > Urban schools

Suggested Reading Mendez-Negrete, J., & Saldana, L. P. (2006). Can a culturally informed after-school curriculum make a difference in teen pregnancy prevention? Preliminary evidence in the case of San Antonio’s Escuelitas. Families in Society, 87(1), 95–104. Miller, B. M. (2003). Critical hours: After-school programs and educational success. Retrieved January 30, 2005, from http:// www.nmefdn.org/uimages/documents/critical_Hours.pdf. U.S. Department of Education (2003). When schools stay open late: The National Evaluation of the 21st century community learning centers program. Washington, D.C.

Suggested Resources National After-School Association—http://www.naaweb.org/: The National After-School Association is dedicated to the development, education, and care of children and youths during their out-of-school hours. Federal After-School website—www.afterschool.gov: This government sponsored website aims to connect after-school providers to Federal resources that support children and youth during out-of-school hours. It also provides useful information on running a program and activity ideas.

Aggressiveness Holli E Sink

Conclusion Effective after-school programs of all arrangements and program types must strive to meet the needs of all young people to experience success and competence, and to develop healthy relationships with adults and peers, together with a rich variety of skills,

Aggression is used to describe a myriad of different behaviors, thus a concise definition of this broad term has been constantly debated. In general, aggressiveness describes acts that are destructive, hostile, or harmful. Aggressiveness may refer to overt acts (e.g., physically fighting or verbally threatening) or more indirect acts

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(e.g., spreading rumors or purposely excluding others). To understand aggression better, research has focused on various types of aggression and different motivations for aggressive acts. For example, the distinction between proactive (purposeful actions to gain a desirable goal) and reactive (defensive reactions to situations perceived as hostile) aggression has been important in understanding underlying motivations that lead to aggression. Bullying (i.e., repetitive, proactively aggressive acts targeted at weaker individuals or groups) is a prevalent concern, especially in schools, that dominates much of the current research on aggression. It has traditionally been thought that males are generally more aggressive than females. However, more current research suggests that females may be less physically aggressive than males, but tend to aggress in a relationally oriented way when they are aggressive. Society’s main concern is focused on physical aggression. Acts such as the Columbine High School shootings and the September 11th terrorist attacks illustrate the particularly detrimental impact physical aggression can have on individual victims, families, schools, and communities. Aggressive behavior is one of the most frequently cited symptoms that cause children and adolescents to be referred to mental health institutions and is one of the most common behaviors encountered by those working within the juvenile justice system. Individuals who persistently behave aggressively not only adversely affect their victims and communities, but aggressors themselves are more likely to have negative outcomes. Aggressive children are more likely to be rejected by peers compared to children who are not aggressive. Additionally, aggressiveness in childhood may lead to later delinquency, violence, and drug abuse. When young children are consistently aggressive, they are commonly diagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder, and if aggressive behavior persists in later childhood, a diagnosis of Conduct Disorder may follow. Patterns of severe aggressive behavior in adulthood are usually associated with the diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Research suggests several common predictors that are likely to lead to aggression, including domestic abuse, poor parenting, and exposure to violence. Domestic violence, one of the most common predictors of aggression, serves as a model for children to resolve conflicts through aggressive acts, particularly in interpersonal relationships. Similarly, harsh and rejecting parenting, poor parental supervision, abusive, and neglectful parenting, separations from parents and exposure to violence via

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television, video games, or friends are also common predictors of aggressive behavior. Research suggests that when children experience inappropriate responses from their parents, they are more likely to have difficulty regulating their own emotions, often leading to problems with aggression inhibition. On a positive note, research suggests that healthy parental attachment, consistent discipline, high parental involvement, close parental monitoring, and minimal exposure to violence all decrease the likelihood that children will be aggressive. Research has consistently shown that aggressiveness is stable over time. That is, children who are described as aggressive at young ages are more likely to be aggressive and violent in adolescence and later into adulthood. Thus, it is imperative to intervene with aggressive children early in childhood at the first signs of persistent aggressive behavior. For interventions to be most effective, they should involve many systems (i.e., home, school, and community) and should strive to teach aggressive children alternative ways to behave by replacing aggressive behavior with prosocial behavior. Evidence suggests that the school environment is very influential in children’s behavior. Therefore, rewarding prosocial behavior school wide is often an effective way to reduce the likelihood of aggressive acts. Similarly, social skills training is particularly effective when used alongside other prevention or early intervention strategies. Teaching appropriate social skills can increase the likelihood of aggressive children establishing trusting relationships, thus lowering the likelihood of victimizing others. When teaching appropriate social skills, it is crucial to teach skills that are culturally appropriate, as the relevance of these skills may vary greatly depending on the community. See also: > Bullying; > Community violence; > Conduct disorders; > Early intervention; > School violence; > Social skills

Suggested Reading Chang, L., Schwartz, D., Dodge, K. A., & McBride-Chang, C. (2003). Harsh parenting in relation to child emotion regulation and aggression. Journal Family Psychology, 17(4), 598–606. Crenshaw, D. A., & Mordock, J. B. (2005). Understanding and treating the aggression of children: Fawns in gorilla suits. New York: Jason Aronson. Crick, N. R., & Grotpeter, J. K. (1995). Relational aggression, gender, and social-psychological adjustment. Child Development, 66(3), 710–722.

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Suggested Resources The Center for Disease Control’s Division of Violence Prevention— http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/dvp/dvp.htm: This website includes information and statistics regarding violence and various resources related to violence in general, including youth violence. National Youth Violence Prevention Resource Center—www. safeyouth.org: This website provides resources for professionals, parents, and youth striving to prevent youth violence. Illinois Center for Violence Prevention—http://www.icvp.org/ index.htm: The Illinois Center for Violence Prevention is a statewide nonprofit group that seeks to prevent violence across the life span. Stop Bullying Now!—http://stopbullyingnow.hrsa.gov/index.asp? area¼main: This website summarizes the concept of bullying and offers ways for children and adults to deal with bullying. It also offers creative ideas that teachers can use in the classroom.

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) Natasha K Segool . John S Carlson

The American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) is a nonprofit organization dedicated to the promotion of positive mental health among children and adolescents. Founded in 1953, AACAP is composed of child and adolescent psychiatrists and other physicians who work to promote the comprehensive evaluation and treatment of psychiatric disorders in children and adolescents through research, training, advocacy, prevention, and collaborative efforts. According to Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General, approximately 21% of children and adolescents meet diagnostic criteria for a mental health disorder; however, more than two thirds of these children do not receive specialized treatment. Among those children who do receive treatment, the use of psychotropic medications among children and adolescents under the age of 20 has increased significantly over the past decade, with approximately 6% of healthinsured youth reporting the use of psychotropic medication in 1996. Stimulant and antidepressant medications were the most commonly prescribed psychotropic medications among minors. In 2004 and

2006, respectively, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued black box warning labels for antidepressant and stimulant medications due to concerns that antidepressants may be associated with increased suicidality and stimulants may be associated with increased cardiovascular risks among children and adolescents. However, in both cases, the AACAP recommended the continued use of these medication treatments along with careful monitoring. There are numerous barriers that limit access to adequate mental health services for children and adolescents who are experiencing psychological distress. The most prominent barrier is the shortage of trained professionals to treat emotional, behavioral, and developmental disorders in American youth. One of AACAP’s current legislative priorities is the Child Health Care Crisis Relief Act, H.R. 1106/S.537, which is designed to address the shortage of child mental health professionals by creating funding incentives to encourage the recruitment of professionals to the fields of child psychology and psychiatry. Cultural, ethnic, racial, and social factors also influence whether or not people seek help for mental health concerns, who they seek help from, the types of social supports they have, the stigma attached to mental illness, and how they experience symptoms of mental illness. With respect to race and ethnicity, minority populations are less likely to seek treatment than Whites and are more likely to seek informal sources of support such as clergy, family, and friends before seeking professional help for mental health concerns. This difference may be related to greater fears of treatment and mistrust of mental health professionals in minority populations. Furthermore, a disproportionate number of minority children live in poverty in the U.S., and poverty is associated with poorer mental health. Additionally, children who are uninsured or who have private insurance are significantly less likely to receive mental health services than publicly insured children. This indicates that although public insurance such as Medicaid offers important access to care for some children living in poverty, many children do not access care due to limitations in private sector service provision or financial barriers. Schools and primary care physicians are frequently the first to detect and provide initial treatments to children with mental health needs and they function as a gateway to specialty care services. The public school system is the primary mental health service provider for nearly half of all children who have serious

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emotional disturbances that receive treatment. Only one in five children ever accesses specialty services such as psychological or psychiatric services. In recognition of this large gap in service provision, child and adolescent psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, and primary care physicians must work to develop a greater understanding of the sociocultural factors associated with lower rates of mental health service utilization. By developing greater cultural sensitivity, mental health professionals will be able to better recognize and support the mental health needs of children and adolescents living in diverse cultural, family, and community settings. See also: > Access and utilization of health care; > Psychotropics; > School roles in mental health; > School-Community Mental Health Centers

Suggested Reading Burns, B. J., Costello, E. J., Angold, A., Tweed, D., Stangl, D., Farmer, E. M., & Erkanli, A. (1995). Children’s mental health service use across service sectors. Health Affairs (Project Hope), 14, 147–159. Kataoka, S. H., Zhang, L., & Wells, K. B. (2002). Unmet need for mental health care among U.S. children: Variation by ethnicity and insurance status. American Journal of Psychiatry, 159, 1548–1555. Thomas, C. R., & Holzer, C. E., (2006). The continuing shortage of child and adolescent psychiatrists. Journal of the American Academy of Child Adolescent Psychiatry, 45, 1023–1031. Zito, J. M., Safer, D. J., dosReis, S., Gardner, J. F., Magder, L., Soeken, K., et al. (2003). Psychotropic practice patterns for youth: A 10-year perspective. Archives of Pediatric & Adolescent Medicine, 157, 17–25.

Suggested Resources The American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry— http://www.aacap.org U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1999) Mental Health—http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/mentahealth/ home.html: A Report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Mental Health Services. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2001) Mental Health—http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/mentalhealth/ cre/: Culture, Race, and Ethnicity–A Supplement to Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Mental Health Services.

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American Psychiatric Association (APA) Joseph B Layde The principal professional organization of United States (U.S.) psychiatrists is the American Psychiatric Association, which somewhat confusingly goes by the same initials (APA) as the American Psychological Association, a professional organization of psychologists. Psychiatrists are medical doctors who, after medical school, have completed residency training in the specialty of psychiatry. Over 35,000 U.S. and international physicians are members of the American Psychiatric Association, which traces its history to 1844, when it was founded as the Association of Medical Superintendents of American Institutions for the Insane. The organization’s name was changed in 1892 to the American Medico-Psychological Association; its present name was adopted in 1922. The provision of excellent mental health care for psychiatrically ill children and adults is the paramount goal of the American Psychiatric Association. The association works to ensure effective, humane treatment for those with mental illnesses, mental retaration, and substance abuse problems by educating the public about mental disorders, encouraging excellence in the education of psychiatrists and other physicians, and advocating public policy changes to ensure the availability of effective treatments to all patients who could benefit from them. The American Psychiatric Association also promotes research into the causes and treatments of mental disorders and represents the professional interests of psychiatrists. The organization publishes, among many documents, Practice Guidelines for a variety of disorders, and the Principles of Medical Ethics with Annotations Especially Applicable to Psychiatry, which includes procedures for handling complaints of unethical behavior by psychiatrists. The annual spring meeting of the American Psychiatric Association brings together thousands of psychiatrists from around the U.S. and the world; scientific reports on the diagnosis and treatment of mental illness are the main focus of that meeting. The American Psychiatric Association’s annual fall meeting, the Institute on Psychiatric Services, places more emphasis on public and community psychiatry, with

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particular attention paid to improving the day-to-day social lives of patients. The publishing arm of the American Psychiatric Association, American Psychiatric Publishing, Inc. (APPI), publishes seven professional journals, including the premier journal of U.S. general psychiatry, American Journal of Psychiatry, the multidisciplinary journal Psychiatric Services, and the journal of university departments of psychiatry, Academic Psychiatry. APPI is also a leading U.S. publisher of books on psychiatry and mental health, and publishes the bestselling Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) for the American Psychiatric Association. The DSM, currently in its 4th edition, Text Revised (DSM-IV-TR), is the authoritative classification guide for psychiatric illnesses, and is widely used in fields beyond psychiatry, including psychology, social work, and the law. An affiliated corporation of the American Psychiatric Association, known as the American Psychiatric Institute for Research and Education (APIRE), was founded in 1988 to consolidate efforts to encourage scientific research as a basis for psychiatric practice, and public policy on mental health. The philanthropic and educational arm of the American Psychiatric Association is the American Psychiatric Foundation (APF), which funds educational programs, fellowships, grants, and awards devoted to improving public education about mental illness. Seventy-six district and state branches provide local professional organizations for psychiatrists in the U.S. Puerto Rico, and Canada. Each district branch elects representatives to the Assembly of the American Psychiatric Association, that meets twice annually to discuss mental health policy, governmental relations and legislation relating to mental health, standards of psychiatric practice, and other areas of interest. Councils, committees, and task forces constitute the so-called ‘‘components’’ of the organization, that have an annual meeting in September. The Board of Trustees of the American Psychiatric Association comprises the chief officers of the organization, trustees elected out of seven geographical areas of the U.S., Puerto Rico, and Canada and at large, as well as representatives of psychiatric residents—‘‘members-in-training’’—and psychiatrists who have recently completed residency training—‘‘early career psychiatrists.’’ The American Psychiatric Association provides referrals for children and adults to psychiatrists

throughout the U.S. and Canada through its district branches and through a central Answer Center, which can be reached toll-free by telephone 1–888–35PSYCH (1–888–357–7924) from the U.S. and Canada, and þ1–703–907–7300, from outside the U.S. and Canada. See also: > American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP); > American Psychological Association (APA); > Cultural psychiatry

Suggested Reading American Psychiatric Association (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders, (4th ed.). Text revision. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association.

Suggested Resources American Psychiatric Association—www.psych.org: This is the website of the APA and provides detailed information about the APA and membership, updated news, guidelines, and research. HealthyMinds.org—www.healthyminds.org: This APA supported website focuses on mental health issues of interest to the general public.

American Psychological Association (APA) Julia Shaftel

The American Psychological Association (APA) is the largest association of psychologists worldwide. The mission of the APA is to advance psychology as a science and profession for the promotion of health, education, and human welfare. The APA supports psychological research, maintains high educational and ethical standards for psychologists, and seeks to increase psychological knowledge through professional meetings and publications. Recent issues of the Monitor on Psychology, the monthly APA

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newsletter, contained articles focusing on Asian and Hispanic psychology and mental health. Multicultural concerns and issues are frequently highlighted in APA publications. There are 53 divisions within the APA, each devoted to a branch of psychological research and training. Division 16, School Psychology, features publications, scholarships, grants, conferences, and educational opportunities for school psychology students, trainers, and practitioners. Division 16 publishes School Psychology Quarterly, a peer-reviewed journal of school psychological research. Division 45 is the Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues, which encourages research and promotes public welfare through the application of psychology to ethnic minority concerns. Division 45 publishes the journal Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. Many branches of the APA seek to serve the public through psychology. The Public Interest Directorate addresses the advancement of human welfare and the fundamental problems of human justice for all segments of society. Program areas highlight women; disabilities; minority groups; aging; children, youth, and families; and lesbian, bisexual, and gay concerns, among other topics. Recent publications have addressed anti-semitism, HIV/AIDS and women of color, and the psychological aspects of international conflict. In addition, the Public Interest Directorate supports projects, publications, and scholarships to increase psychological knowledge about public interest issues. The Valuing Diversity project is an example of such an effort. This project has compiled two databases of professional research and model programs to assist communities to address diversity issues. The Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) within the Public Interest Directorate provides scholarships and awards and promotes research and grantfunded activities involving ethnic minority group issues, such as disparities in health care and the response to Hurricane Katrina. This office also seeks to improve the training of psychologists with respect to multicultural issues and diversity. In 2002, the OEMA published the Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists, that seeks to provide psychologists with resources for addressing multiculturalism and diversity in psychology training, research, and practice.

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Children, Youth and Families (CYF) is a section of the Public Interest Directorate that promotes the development and dissemination of knowledge, policy analysis, advocacy, and public information about a range of education and children’s mental health issues. Among numerous topics addressed by policy statements on the CYF website are violence in video games, bullying, children with disabilities, children’s mental health, school dropout prevention, and homelessness. The APA’s Education Directorate is the center that addresses educational issues of all kinds. The mission of the Directorate includes enhancing the quality of teaching and of learning outcomes, increasing financial and public policy support for education, and serving the needs of our multicultural society. The Education Directorate oversees seven programs, including the Center for Psychology in Schools and Education (CPSE). This program connects the activities of the APA with federal agencies and professional societies toward improving the education and development of children and adolescents. Topics recently addressed by the CPSE include the needs of gifted children, teaching practices, and zero tolerance policies for violations of school rules. See also: > American Psychological Association (APA): Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) and Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA); > Counseling; > National Association of School Psychologists (NASP); > School psychologist

Suggested Reading Opipari-Arrigan, L., Stark, L., & Drotar, D. (2006). Benchmarks for work performance of pediatric psychologists. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 31(6), 630–642.

Suggested Resources American Psychological Association—www.apa.org: This is the official Webpage of the APA. Here can be found a variety of resources, departments, and information on the Office of Ethnic and Minority Affairs, the Center for Psychology in Schools and Education, and guidelines for psychologists. For example, on the Kids and the Media webpage at http://www.apa.org/topics/ topickidsmedia.html are book reviews, articles in the popular press and scientific journals, and APA resources about children and media such as TV and video games. Some of the many other APA website topics include anxiety, depression, sleep, learning and memory, race, stress, and testing issues.

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American Psychological Association (APA) Minority Fellowship Program (MFP) Jacqueline A Conley

The Program The American Psychological Association (APA) Minority Fellowship Program (MFP) began in 1973 under the auspices of Dalamas Taylor. The program was developed as a training program for doctoral students and postdoctoral trainees who were ethnic and racial minority researchers. Since 2005, over 1072 Fellows have received support through the MFP. Financial support for this program is federally funded. Today, program supporters/sponsors include: the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), National Institute Neurological Disorders and Strokes (NINDS), and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA).

Objectives of the Program The overall objectives of the MFP are to increase the knowledge of mental health issues of ethnic minority groups and to improve treatment modalities delivered to diverse groups. This undertaking is achieved through collaborative efforts with doctoral students and postdoctoral trainees and experts in particular areas along with funding support by various federal agencies.

Fellowships The MFP has two categories for fellowships: Psychology and Neuroscience. Each fellowship has basic eligibility criteria and applicants can only apply for one fellowship program at a time. Listed below are the fellowships offered through the MFP. The Mental Health and Substance Abuse Services (MHSAS) Predoctoral Fellowship is geared to those pursuing doctoral degrees in clinical, counseling, and

school psychology, or other mental health services areas. Potential fellows should have a particular interest in mental health and substance abuse research, delivery of services, and policy. The MHSAS Postdoctoral Fellowship is geared to those who are early career doctoral recipients and are interested in developing a career in mental health services research. The Mental Health Research Fellowship (MHR) is geared to those pursuing careers in research psychology related to ethnic minority mental health. The HIV/AIDS Fellowship is geared to those pursuing careers as research psychologists specializing in HIV/AIDS. This fellowship requires the submission of a specific application. The Substance Abuse Research Fellowship (SAR) is geared to those pursuing careers as research psychologists specializing in substance abuse. This fellowship requires the submission of a specific application. The Diversity Program in Neuroscience Fellowship is geared to those pursuing careers in neuroscience. Both predoctoral and postdoctoral fellowships are offered. The doctoral fellowship is opened to students in psychology or any life science discipline related to neuroscience.

Deadlines and Awards The application deadline for all the fellowship programs is January 15th of the year in which support is being sought. The awards are announced in April.

Selection Criteria The basic requirements are considered during the selection process:

     

Commitment to ethnic minority mental health and substance abuse services Knowledge of ethnic minority psychology or mental health services issues Fit between career goals and training environment selected Potential to become a culturally competent mental health service provider demonstrated through accomplishments and goals Scholarship/grades Letters of recommendation

American psychological association (APA): office of ethnic minority affairs (OEMA) and committee on ethnic minority affairs (CEMA)

Stipends The stipends are issued by the MFP and vary yearly based on the amount set by the federal funding agency. Stipends are provided for up to 3 years; however, stipend support for 3 years is provisional and must be renewed each year. Reappointment is contingent upon the satisfactory academic progress of the fellow and continued support from the federal funding agency. APA/MFP contact: 750 First Street, NE Washington, D.C. 20002-4242 Phone: (202) 336-6127 Fax: (202) 336-6012 See also: > Education funding; > Rewards

Suggested Resources American Psychological Association: Fellowships—http://www. apa.org/pi/wpo/fellows.html: This APA website offers a directory of selected scholarships, fellowships, and financial aid information for women and ethnic minorities. American Psychological Association—http://www.apa.org: This is the official homepage for the APA. This site provides information for psychologists, students, and the public regarding issues in the field of psychology.

American Psychological Association (APA): Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) and Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA) Dinelia Rosa

The American Psychological Association’s (APA) Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) was created to increase the scientific understanding of how culture pertains to psychology, and how ethnicity influences

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behavior. Among the most salient tasks of OEMA are efforts to increase and enhance the delivery of appropriate psychological services to ethnic minority communities and to encourage all psychologists to develop some minimal level of multicultural competence. It also seeks to promote both greater inclusion of ethnic minorities in organized psychology and the development of public policies that support the concerns of ethnic minority psychologists and their communities. The OEMA also promotes recruitment, retention, and training opportunities for members of ethnic minorities in psychology. Some of the specific programs administered by OEMA are the Diversity Project 2000 and Beyond; Committee on Ethnic Minority Recruitment and Retention (CEMRRAT) Implementation Grant Fund for the APA 5-Year Plan for Ethnic Minority Recruitment, Retention and Training, and the Psychology in Ethnic Minority Serving Institutions (PEMSI) initiative. The OEMA is actively involved in publications, special projects, and grants in an effort to reach its goals. OEMA also administers federally funded projects related to school violence prevention, health disparities, and the integration of mental health into public primary healthcare settings. In addition, OEMA operates a Psychology and Racism project and a job bank service. Finally, the office provides administrative support for the APA’s Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA); Commission on Ethnic Minority Recruitment, Retention, and Training in Psychology Task Force (CEMRRAT2 TF); Textbook Initiative Work Group (TIWG); and the Council of National Psychological Associations for the Advancement of Ethnic Minority Interests (CNPAAEMI). The APA Committee of Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA) was established by the Executive Committee of the Society for Industrial-Organizational Psychology (SIOP) and is administered by OEMA. It began with general concerns related to industrial and organizational aspects of concern to ethnic minorities (Native American/Alaskan Native, Asian/Pacific American, African/Caribbean American, and Latino/Hispanic American). Among the goals of CEMA is to increase the scientific understanding of those aspects of I-O psychology that pertain to culture and ethnicity; increasing educational, training, job, and career opportunities for ethnic minority persons in I-O psychology; and promoting the development of culturally sensitive models for the delivery of services in I-O psychology.

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CEMA has evolved into a more inclusive agency, and now its vision is to enhance ethnically diverse and multicultural environments in such a way that all APA members will see themselves as more competent and empowered to achieve their own and collective goals. CEMA is also committed to disseminate its mission throughout APA to such an extent that its values and goals will reach the larger community. CEMA has promoted the integration of a multicultural psychology and is a contributor, together with other divisions and committees, to the APA Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists approved in 2002 as APA policy by the Council of Representatives. These fundamental guidelines were implemented to promote and ensure cultural sensitivity and competence throughout activities included in the profession of psychology. See also: > American Psychological Association (APA); > Cross-cultural psychology; > Ethnicity

Suggested Resources APA—Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs—http://www.apa.org/pi/ oema/homepage.html: This is the official homepage of OEMA and offers access to publications as well as information about projects and programs. APA Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists—http:// www.apa.org/pi/multiculturalguidelines/formats.html: An APA report.

American School Health Association (ASHA) Susan F Wooley

ASHA was founded as the American Association of School Physicians on October 27, 1927 at the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Cincinnati. The charter members represented 29 states and Canada. Interest in the Association grew so rapidly that in 1936, the American Association of School Physicians opened its membership to all professionals interested in promoting school health. The organization officially became ASHA.

The American School Health Association (ASHA) unites the many professionals working in schools who are committed to safeguarding the health of schoolaged children and youth. ASHA is a multidisciplinary organization of administrators, counselors, health educators, physical educators, psychologists, school health coordinators, school nurses, school physicians, and social workers. Its mission is to protect and promote the health and well-being of children and youth through coordinated school health programs as a foundation for school success. To accomplish its mission and provide national leadership, ASHA has adopted five goals: 1. Interdisciplinary Collaboration. Promote interdisciplinary collaboration among all who work to protect and improve the health, safety, and wellbeing of children, youth, families, and communities. 2. Professional Development. Provide professional development opportunities for all those associated with school health programs. 3. Advocacy. Provide advocacy for building and strengthening effective school health programs. 4. Research. Encourage quality research to strengthen school health programs. 5. Resources. To fulfill these initiatives, ASHA must acquire human, fiscal, and material resources. Vehicles used to accomplish these goals include the peer-reviewed, indexed Journal of School Health; an annual conference with over 100 professional sessions; books and monographs related to the work of school health professionals; a members-only listserv where participants can share new findings and resources plus get assistance with issues; continuing education contact hours available through both conference attendance and self-study options; advocacy on behalf of issues related to the health and welfare of students and school staff; grant-funded special projects; and a website. The Journal of School Health’s ten issues per year are available both in print and on-line versions. ASHA’s commitment to interdisciplinary collaboration extends to how it does business. Grant-funded and other projects involve relevant groups; other interested groups hold meetings and trainings in conjunction with the annual conference; and ASHA has formal liaisons with many coalitions and organizations. ASHA’s more than 2,000 members live in every state in the U.S. and in over 50 other countries. More than half of members practice in kindergarten through

Anxiety

grade 12 schools or advise and oversee health education or health services programs in schools or state agencies charged with managing school health programs. Members have the option of joining Sections, that are discipline specific (i.e., mental health professionals, physicians, nurses, health educators, and school health coordinators), and Councils, that focus on cross-disciplinary issues of interest. Available councils include Administrative Support for School Health; Alcohol, Tobacco, and Other Drugs; Early Childhood Health Education and Services; Food and Nutrition; Health Behaviors; Indigenous Health; Injury and Violence Prevention; International Health; Physical Education and Physical Activities; Research; School Health Instruction and Curriculum; and Sexual and Reproductive Health. See also: > Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP); > School-Community Mental Health Centers; > School roles in mental health

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or dangerous situations. However, persistent and excessive anxiety can lead to negative outcomes with regard to youths’ interpersonal relationships, social competence, and school adjustment if left untreated. Resistance to going to school, an inability to concentrate, difficulty with friends, and sleep problems on an ongoing basis are potential indicators of anxiety. Beginning at a very young age, children begin to experience feelings of anxiety around strangers or during separation from primary caregivers. When children are a bit older, anxiety can result from thinking about imaginary creatures such as monsters or real-life creatures such as cats and dogs. Besides feeling anxious about academic performance, school-age children may experience anxiety through interactions with teachers and peers. This, in turn, may result in low self-esteem, teasing, or bullying from others, and social alienation.

Types of Anxiety Suggested Reading O’Rourke, T. W. (2005). Promoting school health: An expanded program. Journal of School Health, 75(3), 112–114.

Suggested Resources www.ashaweb.org: This is the site of ASHA

Anxiety

Anxiety becomes a disorder when a high degree of distress and worry start to interfere with a child’s ability to function in daily life, which includes functioning in family, school, or social settings. Anxiety disorders are among the most common forms of mental problems in children and adolescents. Between the ages of 9 and 17, approximately 13% of youngsters experience some kind of anxiety disorder. The lifetime prevalence for anxiety disorders, as a group, is about 25%. In addition, about 50% of children and adolescents with anxiety disorders are often diagnosed with a second anxiety disorder or with other forms of mental disorder, such as depression. Several types of anxiety disorders can have an effect on children and adolescents.

Ya-Ting Tina Yang

Generalized Anxiety Disorder Anxiety is a stress-related response that is often characterized by worry, concern, fear, and nervousness. The state of anxiety was once considered to be normal in the developmental process. It is not uncommon for children and adolescents to experience feelings of anxiety in situations such as the first day of school, the first date, giving presentations, or taking exams. Such mild, brief anxiety may actually help the individual stay alert and focused on tasks as well as face challenging

Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) is characterized by constant, intense worry and stress about upcoming events and occurrences that can lead to the presentation of physical symptoms such as restlessness, fatigue, difficulty concentrating, muscle tension, or sleep disturbance. Youngsters with GAD may worry about their academic performance, sports activities, natural disasters, their future, the safety of family members, and their own health. Even when a child is not being judged and

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has always performed well in the past, he or she still ruminates and worries excessively. Owing to this anxiety, this type of child may be a perfectionist or unsure of him- or herself. The child may redo tasks if he or she perceives flaws or imperfections in assignments. This child may need constant approval and reassurance from others.

Separation Anxiety Disorder Separation anxiety is common and considered normal among infants and toddlers; however, it not as appropriate for older children or adolescents. The hallmark sign of separation anxiety disorder is that the child exhibits great upset when faced with the possibility that he or she may be separated from the caregiver. Youngsters with separation anxiety disorder often fear for the safety of their parents. They worry that their family members may get into accidents or die. As a result, they have difficulties leaving their parents to attend school, fear being alone, and withdraw from social activities that take them away from their parents. Fear of separation can lead to dizziness, nausea, or palpitations.

Social Anxiety Disorder Social anxiety disorder is characterized by a persistent and intense fear of social situations with the worry that the individual will be embarrassed or humiliated publicly. Situations such as having to write, speak, or perform in front of class or in public can elevate anxiety. Children and adolescents with social anxiety disorder are overly self-conscious, fear looking foolish, and are afraid of making mistakes or responding with the wrong answer. As a result, they may fall behind in school and even avoid going to school or attending social events completely. Youngsters who feel anxious in these situations are not often able to articulate their fears and as result may exhibit psychosomatic symptoms such as palpitations, tremors, sweating, diarrhea, blushing, and muscle tension.

Panic Disorder Panic disorder is characterized by repeated and unexpected ‘‘panic attacks’’ with no apparent reason.

Panic attacks are marked by periods of intense fear that last from minutes to hours. They are characterized by symptoms that include heart palpitations, shortness of breath, sweating, trembling, and/or a feeling of imminent death. Children and adolescents with panic disorder often feel anxious most of the time, including the time between each panic attack.

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Children and adolescents with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) are trapped in thought and/or behavioral patterns that occur repeatedly and of which they have no control. Children with OCD may engage in repeated hand washing and counting rituals and demonstrate the need to have things arranged in a specific way. The repetitive thoughts or behaviors are difficult to end even when the child or adolescent recognizes them to be senseless and distressing.

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder The onset of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can occur after the child or adolescent witnesses or experiences a stressful event, such as physical or sexual abuse, a shooting, gang violence, earthquake, or tornado. Children and adolescents with PTSD may reexperience the trauma through continual flashbacks and nightmares, coupled with constant fear and anxiety. As a result, they may have sleeping problems in addition to having difficulty concentrating, being irritable and/or overly sensitive, and having an inflated startle response. With PTSD, youngsters’ interest and participation in their usual activities are remarkably diminished and they may emotionally alienate or detach themselves from others.

Specific Phobias Specific phobias are characterized by intense unrealistic fears towards exposure to a specific object or situation. Some of the common childhood phobias include: the dark, animals, injections, blood, storms, heights, water, elevators, driving, flying, tunnels, and closets. Children, unlike adults, may not be able to articulate their fears; in turn, they may avoid the situation or they may have tantrums, crying, clinging, fidgeting, headaches, and stomachaches.

Arab American children

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Cultural Aspects of Anxiety

Suggested Resources

Issues such as differing cultural values and adjustment to a new country may contribute to higher levels of anxiety. For example, those who speak fluent English may have lower levels of anxiety than those who are not fluent in English when living in a predominantly English-speaking culture. Acculturation may also contribute to anxiety as the child or adolescent and his or her family try to adjust to the new host culture while maintaining ties to the culture of origin.

Anxiety Disorders Association of America—http://www.adaa.org/: The Anxiety Disorders Association of America (ADAA) is a national, nonprofit organization composed of professionals with goals of improving lives of individuals who suffer from anxiety disorders by promoting the prevention, treatment, and cure; raising professional and public awareness; supporting research in finding out causes and treatment; and speaking on behalf of people with anxiety disorders in legislating, media, and medical/scientific community settings.

School Refusal

APA

Anxiety in children can lead to school avoidance or school refusal. Regardless of the form of anxiety experienced, children sometimes have trouble going to school on a regular basis or struggle staying in school once present. This is especially common among school-age children between the ages of 5 and 6 and between 10 and 11, who are often in a transition phase from one school to another. At this point the child may experience separation anxiety, be fearful of making friends or being bullied, or have concerns about their academic performance. The child may feel anxious not only when separated from caregivers, but also riding on a bus, eating in a cafeteria, or interacting with other children or teachers. If school refusal that results from anxiety is overlooked, it can have a negative impact on children’s self-esteem, interpersonal skills, coping skills, and education. Caregivers and teachers are encouraged to seek out professional assistance regarding appropriate treatment options if they suspect a child’s or adolescent’s anxieties are more than just a temporary maladjustment. See also: attacks

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Ethnic minority youth;

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Panic disorder/

Suggested Reading Bernstein, G. A., Borchardt, C. M., & Perwein, A. R. (1996). Anxiety disorders in children and adolescents: A review of the past 10 years. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 35(9), 1110–1119. Glover, S. H., Pumariega, A. J., Holzer III, C. E., Wise, B. K., & Rodriguez, M. (1999). Anxiety symptomatology in MexicanAmerican adolescents. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 8(1), 47–57.

American Psychiatric Association (APA); > American Psychological Association (APA)

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Arab American Children Karen L Haboush

Figures from the 2000 U.S. Census suggest the number of Arab Americans is at least 1.2 million, reflecting a 40% increase between the 1990 and 2000 Census. Many Arab American groups estimate the number of Americans with Arab ancestry is closer to 3.5 million. School psychologists may work with these children as 25% of the Arab American population is under 25 years of age. The 2000 Census identified Arabs as those individuals whose ancestry originates in Arabic speaking countries, even though not all individuals from these countries consider themselves Arab. Arabs emigrate from 22 countries in the Middle East (including Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Yemen, United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait) as well as from North Africa (Morocco, Tunisia, Algiers, Sudan, and Libya). Palestinian Arabs reside within various Middle Eastern countries including Lebanon, Israel, and Syria. Considerable variability exists regarding the economic, political, ethnic, and religious composition of each of these countries, making generalizations regarding Arabs, and hence Arab Americans, difficult.

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Nevertheless, most Arabs possess a shared heritage, that includes Arabic as their native language and upholds the central importance of religion and family as traditional values. Upon immigrating to the U.S., variability among families increases depending upon the degree of acculturation to either Western or Arab culture. Immigration of Arabs to the U.S. has occurred in several waves, beginning prior to 1900 when many of the poor came looking for better economic conditions. A second wave occurred after World War II and the creation of Israel. Beginning in 1975 with the Lebanese Civil War and following subsequent wars in Arab countries (i.e., Gulf War, Iraq-Iran War), immigration has increased to the U.S. The largest percentage of Arab Americans are Lebanese followed by Egyptians and Syrians, and most Arab Americans are second and third generation. Compared to other U.S. immigrants, levels of education and family income tend to be higher for Arabs, which may allow them to culturally assimilate more fully. Nevertheless, 22% of Arab American children under 18 years of age live in poverty. Because more recent immigrants have emigrated in response to wars, these children and their families may arrive with symptoms of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), have lower levels of education, fewer economic resources, and remain less acculturated. Iraqis and Moroccans make up the largest group of recent arrivals. When working with Arab American children, degree of acculturation to either Western or Eastern/Arab culture can influence the acceptability of school psychology interventions. Upon emigrating, Arab American youngsters may undergo a process of alternately accepting and rejecting aspects of their traditional (Arab) and new (Western) cultures. Although many Arab American children eventually embrace features of both cultures, the degree to which a child identifies more strongly with Arab or Western culture is determined by many factors, including country of ancestry, religion, education level, and economic and community status following emigration. Arab American children are most concentrated in ethnic communities in California, Ohio, New York, New Jersey, and Michigan. Generally speaking, Arab Muslims may have more difficulty acculturating than Arab Christians since the latter tend to be more identified with the West and are less visible targets of bias owing to Western dress. Indeed, following September 11, 2001, incidents of bias against Arab American

and/or Muslim children have been documented with increasing frequency in schools. Two central features of Arab culture involve the dominant role of religion and the family. School psychology practice with Arab American children will be most successful if the influence of acculturation upon these two variables is assessed.

Religion Religion occupies a central role in Arab culture and its importance cannot be underestimated. Arab American children may identify more strongly with their religion rather than their country of ancestry. The two predominant religions are Christianity and Islam, but Arab countries vary considerably in terms of number of members of each religious group who comprise their population. Although the majority of Arab countries are predominantly Muslim, the largest percentage of Arab Americans are Christians of Lebanese ancestry (often, Maronites). Other Christian groups include various Orthodox sects as well as Catholics and Presbyterians. The proportion of Muslims among recent Arab American immigrants has increased. Included among the Muslim groups are the Sunni, Shi’ite, Druze, and Alawai. Longstanding historical divisions have existed among Arab Christians and Muslims as well as among the subgroups that comprise each faith. Intermarriage between Christians and Muslims, as well as between the different subgroups that comprise each faith (i.e., Sunni and Sh’ite, Catholic and Orthodox) is rare. Because religion is so important for both Christians and Muslims, acceptability of psychological interventions is enhanced when religious values are considered. Such assessment also aids the establishment of effective working alliances with Arab American children. Children who are more identified with traditional Arab culture may be more likely to accept religious, rather than psychological, explanations for problems. In turn, they may maintain an external, rather than internal, locus of control, reflecting beliefs that Allah, rather than personal responsibility, determines behavior. Therefore, counseling interventions should consider a level of personal initiative that is consistent with the child’s beliefs about his or her own locus of control. Religious values should also guide the steps taken by school psychologists to

Arab American children

establish effective working relationships. For example, a Muslim girl may avoid prolonged eye contact with unfamiliar males. Discussion of sexual matters is generally not encouraged. Statements made by school psychologists reflecting knowledge of religious beliefs often help solidify the working alliance with more traditional Arab American children.

Family Arab culture is considered collectivist in that the collective good is more highly valued than personal independence and autonomy. The extended family is the central collectivist unit. Arab American children, whether Christian or Muslim, are raised to look inside the family for solutions and guidance rather than looking outside. Personal autonomy and separateness are not valued in the same way as in Western culture. Thus, depending upon level of acculturation, school psychologists must ensure their interventions are tailored so as not to threaten family stability. Traditional Arab families are patriarchal. The number of Arab American households headed by women is much lower than it is for the U.S. population as a whole. Although the role of mothers is important, and has been strengthened under Islam, fathers maintain considerable authority. Brothers may even have authority over female siblings. In some ethnic communities, gender segregation occurs among children, especially those attending Muslim schools. Sexuality reflects the patriarchal aspects of Arab culture in that males are accorded more sexual freedom. Divorce, homosexuality, domestic violence, and premarital sex are not openly discussed. Because of the central importance of family, Arab American children who disclose sexual abuse may risk being perceived as shaming the family. In line with a strong collectivist emphasis, Arab American children are raised with the expectation that they should maintain family honor. As a result, child-rearing practices, while often loving and affectionate, also involve a good deal of shaming. The idea of giving children personal choice, which is common in Western culture, is less common in traditional families. Shaming is not intended to harm children, but rather, to uphold the importance of maintaining family honor.

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Education Education is highly valued for both boys and girls. Reflecting this value, U.S. Census figures show that Arab Americans tend to be more highly educated at the high school, college, and postgraduate levels than some other groups. In part, education for boys is viewed as contributing to the family’s financial security whereas education for girls, in more traditional families, enhances desirability as a marriage partner. For Muslims, the Quar’n emphasizes the importance of religious education. In Arab culture, parents award teachers a good deal of authority, in line with the high degree of respect that is typically shown to authority figures. Consistent with many Arab governments that do not allow for dissenting opinions, as well as the strong collectivist emphasis, education stresses rote memorization of facts rather than critical inquiry. Thus, recently emigrated Arab American children may be unaccustomed to the more active, questioning role that American schools afford students. Likewise, Arab American parents may be less accustomed to advocating for their children in school systems. More traditional parents may be less likely to adopt the kind of active teaching role that many American parents embrace as a cultural norm. English is a second language for many Arab American children. Census figures reveal that while English is spoken in three out of four Arab American homes, a second language is spoken by 69% of the population over 5 years of age. Arabic, which is written from right to left, tends to be a very expressive language. Special education is still developing in many Arab countries, and while laws exist that require inclusion, the practice is unevenly implemented. As a result, children with disabilities have sometimes been kept at home due to concerns about preserving family honor. Upon emigrating to the U.S., more traditional and/or recently emigrated families may not understand the school’s attempts to include their children. Among traditional families, explanations for disabilities often involve religious and/or medical explanations, rather than psychological ones. In such families, psychological problems are viewed as those that should be solved within the family or by religious leaders rather than outside professionals. Emotions tend not to be openly expressed in more traditional families and counseling approaches that emphasize

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short-term, solution-oriented approaches, rather than insight into one’s feelings, may at least initially be a better fit with the more traditional family. Moreover, as a result, Arab American children may present with more somatic concerns. The emphasis on not openly expressing emotions is consistent with cultural values that emphasize family honor and cohesiveness. Islam also encourages kindness to those with disabilities.

Suggested Resources

Assessment

ASD

Many of the most widely used psychological tests for assessing intelligence and social-emotional functioning have been translated into Arabic. Many Arab countries do not emphasize punctuality and speed and recently emigrated Arab American children may be unaccustomed to the emphasis on speed that often characterizes intelligence and achievement tests. School psychologists using translators should be aware that because of its greater emotional expressiveness, responses to personality tests given in Arabic sometimes appear more disturbed. On scales assessing mood disorders, depression is often expressed in the form of somatic complaints. Because Islam forbids suicide, children may deny suicidal ideation if directly questioned. An alternative approach involves asking if they had ever wished Allah might ease their suffering by ending their life. Because of religious prohibitions pertaining to the creation of images, asking Muslim children to complete drawings as part of a psychological assessment should be avoided. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Ethnic minority youth

Suggested Reading Dwairy, M., & Van Sickle, T. D. (1996). Western psychotherapy in traditional Arabic societies. Clinical Psychology Review, 16, 231–249. Haboush, K. L. (2005). Lebanese and Syrian families. In M. McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & N. Garcia-Preto (Eds.), Ethnicity and family therapy (3rd ed.) (pp. 468–486). New York: Guilford Press. Nassar-McMillan, S., & Hakim-Larson, J. (2003). Counseling considerations among Arab Americans. Journal of Counseling and Development, 81, 150–160.

http://www.aafscny.org: This website describes the Arab American Family Support Center in NY. http://www.aaiusa.org: This website has information on Arab American demographics. Information on the development of psychological services in Arab countries—http://www.ArabPsyNet.com

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Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD)

ASHA >

American School Health Association (ASHA)

Asian/Asian American Youth Kevin Nadal . Derald Wing Sue

Introduction Asian Americans are the fastest growing racial/ethnic minority group in the United States (U.S.). As a group, they have multiplied eightfold from 1.4 million in 1970 to 11.9 million in 2000, and are projected to increase to 20 million by 2020. Although they are only 3.6% of the U.S. population, their numbers increased 72% between 1990 and 2000, outpacing every other racial/ethnic group in the country. Moreover, Asian Americans account for one-third of all immigrant arrivals since the 1970s. As a result, the number of Asian immigrant youths in the U.S. has increased significantly. The term ‘‘Asian American’’ refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including

Asian/Asian American youth

over 40 distinct ethnicities, that include Filipino, Asian Indian, Vietnamese, Chinese, Japanese, Pakistani, Korean, Hmong, Bangladeshi, and Cambodian. While Pacific Islanders are separated from Asian Americans in the U.S. Census, they are sometimes lumped into this category when discussing multicultural issues. According to the 2000 U.S. Census the largest ethnic group within the Asian American population is Chinese American, with 2.9 million individuals in the U.S. (or 23% of the entire Asian American population). This is followed by Filipino Americans (2.4 million or 19.9%), Asian Indians (1.9 million or 16%), Korean Americans (1.2 million or 10.3%), Vietnamese Americans (1.2 million or 10.3%), and Japanese Americans (1.1 million individuals or 9.6%). Finally there are ‘‘Other Asians’’ (1.2 million or 10.3%) that include groups such as Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Laotians, and Cambodians.

Heterogeneity of Asian Americans When discussing Asian Americans, it is important to recognize the heterogeneity of the population. First, there are hundreds of languages within the Asian American racial group, including Tagalog, Hindi, Cantonese, Mandarin, Vietnamese, Japanese, and Farsi. Secondly, there are over 20 major religions within the Asian American racial group, ranging from Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Catholicism, Taoism, and Confucianism. Thirdly, there are many physical differences between the major Asian subgroups. For example, while East Asians (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, and Korean) may have a lighter peach skin tone and smaller eyes, Filipino Americans and Southeast Asians (e.g., Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian) may hold a light to dark brown skin tone, and South Asians (e.g., Asian Indians, Pakistanis) may have a dark brown skin tone and larger eyes. Because of this heterogeneity, it is common for Asian Americans to identify in terms of their ethnicity (e.g., ‘‘Indian,’’ ‘‘Filipino,’’ ‘‘Korean’’), instead of the broader racial category of Asian or Asian American.

Asian American History and Demographics The first Asians who arrived in the U.S. were a small group of Filipino Americans who landed in Moro Bay, California in 1587, which is 30 years earlier than the

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Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. However, the first Asians to arrive in large numbers were the Chinese who settled on the West Coast in the middle of the 1840s. They are credited with building the transcontinental railroads in the U.S., while undergoing very poor living conditions and facing blatant racial discrimination from Whites. The Japanese arrived shortly after in the late 1800s and also worked as laborers in railroads, canneries, and mining, among other locations. To limit the number of incoming Asian immigrants, the U.S. government enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the 1924 Immigration Act, which limited (and later forbade) the number of Chinese immigrants. It was not until the 1965 Immigration Act, in which quotas were no longer based on race, that Asian immigration began to increase again. Currently, tens of thousands of Asians immigrate to the U.S. on an annual basis. Most Asians that immigrated post-1965 include professionals of various careers, including doctors, nurses, and engineers. These Asians immigrated for better employment opportunities and a better future for their children. Finally, approximately 2 million Southeast Asian refugees have arrived in the U.S. since 1975. These refugees come primarily from Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos. While other Asian immigrants have had time to prepare for their move to the U.S., refugees often escape their homecountriesfrompersecution and other tragic conditions, arriving without education, money, or resources. Currently, most Asians who immigrate are educated and oftentimes come to join other family members who have already settled the U.S. Additionally, because Filipinos and Asian Indians are the fastest growing Asian immigrant groups, the majority of Asian Americans have changed from predominantly East Asian American to a fair distribution among Asian subgroups. The children of Asian immigrants are often defined in three ways. First-generation Asian American youth consist of Asians who immigrated to the U.S. in their late adolescence (i.e., one who immigrates from the Philippines when he/she is 18 years old or later). This generation is said to have maintained much of the values from their country of origin and oftentimes has difficulty becoming accustomed to the new values in the U.S. Second-generation Asian Americans are individuals who are U.S. born and have foreign-born parents (i.e., one who was born in the U.S. and whose parents were born in India). These individuals oftentimes are taught the cultural values, language, and customs of their parents’ home countries, while

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learning the values and norms of being American in the U.S. The 1.5 generation consists of foreign-born Asians arriving in the U.S. prior to age 13 (i.e., one who was born in China and immigrated at 12 years old). Because they spent their childhood in their home country, they were able to develop much of their values, beliefs, and personality before immigrating to the U.S.; however, because they immigrated during adolescence, they still have the ability to further develop their identities. According to the 2000 U.S. Census approximately 25% of the Asian American population is under age 17, 10% between the ages of 17 and 24, and 65% over the age of 24. Among members of the second generation (American born with at least one foreign-born parent), the average age is even lower for new immigrant groups. For example, the 0–17 age cohort accounts for 70–89% of all second-generation Asian Indians, Koreans, Vietnamese, and other Asians. Census data also reveal that Asian American children tend to do better in school compared to the general U.S. population, regardless of their immigrant status, language usage, and family situation. This academic achievement leads Asian Americans to gain admission into colleges and universities in very high numbers. However, it is important to recognize the within-group differences between Asian American ethnic groups with regard to education. For example, Southeast Asians, Pacific Islanders, and Filipino Americans often exhibit higher rates of high school drop outs and college attendance than East Asians (Chinese, Japanese, Korean) and Asian Indians. Moreover, previous studies have shown that generational differences affect educational achievement: the longer the time that an Asian American is in the U.S., the lower the risk that she/he will drop out of school.

Acculturation Acculturation can be defined as the systematic process where one cultural group comes into contact with another group and experiences changes in attitudes, values, and beliefs as they adhere to the values of the dominant society. For Asian Americans, the process of acculturation is unique to immigration status and experiences. Asian American youth who immigrate to the U.S. (i.e., first generation and 1.5 generation) experience a change in cultural values, beliefs, habits,

and language upon arrival. While they have learned certain cultural norms and standards in their home country, they must adjust to dominant cultural norms and standards in the U.S. For example, a 15-year-old Vietnamese adolescent who comes to the U.S. must acculturate by adopting cultural norms that might not be common in Vietnam (e.g., speaking English, communicating loudly and directly). On the other hand, second-generation Asian Americans may experience the process of acculturation differently. Although these individuals were born in the U.S., their foreign-born parents may teach them certain cultural values, beliefs, and habits that they as children maintain in their homes. When the Asian American child attends school for the first time, he/she must learn to adjust to the dominant American cultural norms and standards that may not be practiced at home. For example, a 6-year-old second-generation Japanese American child might enter school and have difficulty maintaining eye contact with her teachers because her parents taught her that children should not make eye contact with her authority figures or elders. To be successful in school, this child will have to acculturate to the American standards, where it is appropriate and respectful to maintain eye contact with authority figures. When these Asian American youth discover conflict between their Asian and American values, they oftentimes experience acculturative stress. For example, while a Korean American may be taught Asian values of being respectful of his/her parents and not arguing with elders, his/her American values might teach her to be vocal, individualistic, and to always speak whatever is on her mind. This conflict of wanting to please and respect the authority of her parents while also wanting to express his/her opinions may cause stress in the individual’s life. Asian American youths are also often pressured by family members to adhere to strong Asian cultural values over American values. Moreover, many Asian American youth are taught to be proficient in their respective native languages to preserve their culture, ancestral history, and ethnic identity in the U.S. As a result of balancing both their Asian and American identities, many Asian American youth develop a bicultural identity. Bicultural Asian Americans are able to acquire and adjust to the cultural norms and values of the dominant American society, while also maintaining a strong connection with their ethnic/cultural group.

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Asian American Racial/Cultural Identity When living in the U.S., Asian Americans and other people of color may develop a racial/cultural identity as they struggle to understand themselves within their own ethnic culture, the dominant culture, and the oppression that exists between the two cultures. Through understanding an Asian American’s racial/ cultural identity, one can discover this individual’s attitudes and beliefs about his/her own racial/cultural group, the dominant group, and other people of color. One racial identity model presented by Atkinson and colleagues, the Racial/Cultural Identity Development model, maintains that people of color may undergo five stages of racial/cultural identity development: conformity, dissonance, resistance and immersion, introspection, and integration. The first stage of development is conformity, in which the individual maintains a preference for the dominant cultural values, while rejecting their own Asian group membership and values. For example, a Pakistani American who refuses to speak with his/her parents in his/her native language in public settings shows that he/she is embarrassed of his/her language and would rather speak English, the dominant language. Moreover, an Asian American who chooses to identify as ‘‘American’’ instead of ‘‘Asian’’ or ‘‘Pakistani’’ is an example of someone who is trying to distance herself from her ethnic roots. The second stage of development is dissonance, which is identified as the individual’s conflict when he/she encounters information or experiences that are inconsistent with beliefs, attitudes, and values held by the dominant culture. For example, when an Asian American in the conformity stage believes that all Asians are reserved, unsociable, and inarticulate encounters an Asian American leader who breaks these stereotypes, the individual may experience conflict. Additionally, recognition of the privilege and oppression of the dominant group leads to dissonance, particularly when Asian Americans experience discrimination based on their race/ethnicity. The third stage of development is resistance and immersion, which is categorized by the complete endorsement of ethnic cultural views and rejection of the dominant culture. An Asian American at this stage may only associate with other Asian Americans and people of color, while contending that Whites cannot be trusted. In the fourth stage, introspection, the

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individual realizes the psychological distress and fatigue due to the intense feelings of the resistance and immersion stage. The individual may also be dissatisfied with rigid group views and the pressure to conform to those views. For example, an Asian American in the introspection stage may realize that it is pointless to be angry at all White people and may find conflict when he/she encounters a White person who is genuine and racially conscious. The final stage of this model is integrative awareness (considered to be the optimal level of development), which is when the Asian American can appreciate his/her own cultural heritage and that of the dominant culture. Conflicts that are related to rigid views of either culture are resolved and he/she can now see the positive and negative aspects of both cultures. During this stage, the individual is committed to eliminate all forms of oppression and has a strong sense of self. When discussing racial/cultural identity with Asian Americans, it is important to understand that many variables might influence their experiences. First, it is likely that the experiences of foreign-born Asian Americans will differ from American-born Asian Americans. When foreign-born Asians immigrate to the U.S., they come from a country where they are of the dominant culture but experience discrimination in the U.S., where they are of the minority group. This may also cause internal discord because many Asian immigrants choose to move to the U.S. for opportunity and freedom, yet are discriminated in the country where they chose to settle. In addition to generational differences, other factors may affect an Asian American’s racial/cultural identity development in the U.S. Exposure to members of their own racial/cultural group and other people of color may influence their racial/cultural identity. For example, if Asian American adolescents are born and/ or raised in a geographic area where there are many Asian Americans, they may have an easier time identifying with their Asian racial groups. Moreover, if Asian American adolescents are born and/or raised in a predominantly White geographic area, they may be more likely to conform to White cultural values and reject Asian American values. Experiences with racism and discrimination may also have an impact on racial/cultural identity development. The more that an Asian American is racially discriminated against, the more aware he/she may be of racial dynamics between groups. For example, if a

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Cambodian American adolescent is consistently insulted by White peers, with messages that he/she is a foreigner and needs to speak better English, he/she may advance more easily between the conformity and dissonance stages than another Asian American who does not experience these racially charged statements. At the same time, if a Taiwanese American adolescent is raised in a neighborhood where he/she does not receive blatant discrimination (or where he/she is not aware of it), it may be more difficult for the individual to move from the conformity to dissonance stages because he/she may not recognize the salience of race in his/her life. Different Asian ethnic groups may experience different forms of racial discrimination and stereotyping which might also influence their racial/cultural identity. For example, an Asian Indian may receive different stereotypes (such as being a terrorist or unclean) than a Southeast Asian, who might receive stereotypes such as being a criminal or uncivilized. As a result, the different stereotypes that these individuals face may influence how they perceive the dominant culture and how they behave accordingly.

Asian/Asian American Values When discussing Asian and Asian American values, it is important to recognize that because of the heterogeneity of the group, it becomes impossible to identify values that apply to all Asian ethnic groups. While there may be many similar cultural values (which may stem from basic Confucian, Taoist, Hindi, or Buddhist values), each Asian ethnic group may understand each value differently and may apply different meanings to these values, based on the history, traditions, and uniqueness of each ethnic culture. Moreover, when applying these values to Asian Americans, it is essential to understand that the relevance of these values will apply to an individual’s level of acculturation and racial/ethnic identity development. Given this, various Asian values are highlighted to understand the differences between Asian American values and Western/European American values. One of the most overarching values for Asian Americans is maintaining harmonious relationships. Simply stated, Asian Americans are taught to be collective and group-oriented, instead of competitive and individual-oriented. This may take several forms for an individual. First, the notion of familialism refers to the sense that Asian Americans are expected to put the

needs of their families before themselves. Decisions must be made with the consent and consideration of one’s family. Additionally, everything that an Asian American individual does or is should be a representation of his/her family. The idea of loss of face includes the notion that Asian Americans should avoid bringing shame to the family at all costs. The fulfillment of obligation is also a key component in understanding the need to maintain harmonious relationships. Asian Americans are expected to be obligated to their family members above all others and to maintain family ties, regardless of the situation. Another value also taught within the Asian American family is the withholding of expressing true emotions and feelings towards others. Many Asian Americans are taught that it is inappropriate to express true feelings to other people, oftentimes leading to indirect communication within Asian American families. Because it is disrespectful and inappropriate for Asian Americans to express their true feelings towards others, many Asian Americans may choose an indirect communication (i.e., finding a ‘‘middle person’’ to explain perspectives to others, behaving passive aggressively to express emotion). This is also related to the Asian value of respecting elders and authority. In Asian American families, the authority figure always has the control and jurisdiction in decision-making and rules; younger Asian Americans are expected to adhere to authority figures and elders. Simply stated, not only is it inappropriate to express emotions to others, but it is especially inappropriate to argue with or express emotions to authority figures. Another value that is often important to Asian Americans can be described as reserve, reticence, deference, and humility. Asian Americans are taught that it is better to be quiet and peaceful, instead of being loud and boisterous. It is not appropriate for Asian Americans to be direct in their communication, nor is it appropriate for Asian Americans to be competitive or aggressive with others. As a result of this, Asian Americans are often taught to ‘‘not make waves,’’ which essentially means to be obedient and respectful towards others. A final set of Asian American values includes academic and occupational achievement. Many Asian Americans are taught that education is one of the most important values, over other values such as recreation or leadership. Because many Asian American parents immigrated for a better life for their children, they have certain expectations for their children to accomplish the

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‘‘American dream.’’ Getting an education and obtaining a prestigious career allows for an Asian American to bring pride and status to his/her family, while fulfilling obligations to the family as well. With these values of academic and occupational achievement come several other values, including self-control and self-discipline. Many Asian Americans will be able to use self-control and self-discipline to manage their emotions and behaviors, to achieve academically. Oftentimes, these Asian Americans might use shame and guilt to push themselves to achieve the highest educational and occupational accomplishments. The potential of bringing shame to the family and the guilt and pressure to bring status to the family are both reasons for wanting to excel academically. As a result, Asian Americans may suppress negative emotions and do whatever is necessary to achieve. When discussing these Asian American values, it is important to understand the impact that both acculturation and ethnic identity will have on their retention or application. For example, when discussing reserve, reticence, deference, and humility, it is important to recognize that a more acculturated Asian American may see the value in being loud, direct, and competitive to succeed in the U.S. Moreover, an Asian American with a higher status of ethnic identity might see that by being reserved and reticent, that she/he is perpetuating stereotypes of Asian Americans and allowing for them to be viewed the invisible and/or submissive minority. Another example might include how an Asian American reacts to the value of withholding the expression of true feelings and emotions towards others. A more acculturated Asian American (who values direct communication) might see the detriment of not expressing her/his emotions to others; by not expressing feelings, an acculturated Asian American might recognize that she/he is suppressing emotions that are likely to be hurtful in the long run. At the same time, an Asian American with a higher level of ethnic identity might recognize that it is important to express her/his true feelings particularly when combating stereotypes and speaking up to authority figures. Because Asian Americans are viewed as passive and submissive, an Asian American with a higher level of ethnic identity might make more direct attempts at being more assertive and aggressive. At the same time, it is important to understand that some of these values are conflicting. For example, while Asian Americans are taught to be collective/cooperative, they are also taught to achieve academically. So while

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they may be expected to be collective in the home and with their family, when they go to school they may learn it is more important to be competitive to succeed. While their families teach them to be reserved and humble, their schools teach them to be vocal and direct.

Model Minority Myth The Model Minority Myth contends that Asian Americans are well-educated, successful, and law-abiding citizens in the U.S. While some may view this myth as positive, this notion can be negative in many ways. First, the Model Minority Myth encourages the stereotyping of Asian Americans as quiet, submissive individuals who will not speak out, complain, or protest against group norms. In doing so, Asian Americans are often overlooked and made invisible because they are seen as passive and nonthreatening. For example, because Asian Americans as a group might be successful in college, Asian Americans may be overlooked for scholarships, outreach, and retention programs, when in fact Southeast Asians and Filipino Americans have low rates of college retention and graduation. Moreover, because of the Model Minority Myth, college administrators oftentimes neglect to provide services for Asian Americans because they are viewed as not having problems and/or not experiencing the same types of stressors as other racial/ethnic minority groups. Another negative aspect of the model minority myth is that it causes tension with other people of color (i.e., African Americans, Latino/Hispanic Americans, and Native Americans) who are stereotyped as the opposite of the model minority (e.g., non-educated/unintelligent, criminal). Oftentimes, people of color are compared to Asian Americans and taught to be more like them. The message is that if Asian Americans can immigrate into the U.S. and become successful, then other racial/ethnic minority groups can too. This leads to tension and resentment between Asian Americans and other racial/ ethnic groups, which oftentimes takes the form of intragroup conflict and hostility. People of color may foster resentment towards Asian Americans because Asian Americans are being stereotyped as being ‘‘good minorities.’’ Consequently, Asian Americans may foster resentment towards the Model Minority Myth, because it leads to other people of color and Whites failing to acknowledge the experiences of Asian Americans as a racial/ethnic minority group.

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Contemporary Experiences of Asian American Ethnic Groups Given the fact that Asian Americans may vary in physical appearance, languages, religious orientations, and cultural values, there may be myriad experiences that Asian American youth undergo. While Asian American adolescents may have similar experiences (e.g., balancing the bicultural identity of being Asian and American, overcoming the Model Minority Myth), there are many between-ethnic group differences. Through understanding both these common and unique experiences, one can gain a thorough awareness of an Asian American individual’s holistic identity. Southeast Asian Americans are often the children of refugees or refugees themselves. They or their parents come to the U.S. without education and with little resources. As a result, their experience in the U.S. is one which is not of the Model Minority. They are often from working class families and have a lower per household income than other Asian American groups. Moreover, compared to other Asian American ethnicities, they have higher high school drop out rates and lower rates of college admissions. Many Southeast Asians face a unique acculturative stress, which arises from conflict and alienation both at home and at school, as well as adjustment due to their refugee experience. As a result, there has been a significant rise in Southeast Asian gangs and criminal activity among these youth, which has led to a greater need for resources and social supports for this community. While Filipino Americans have a longer history in the U.S., a majority of the youth are children of professionals that immigrated post-1965. Unlike other Asian ethnic groups, it has been found that second-generation Filipino Americans achieve less academically than both Filipino American immigrants and other second-generation Asian Americans. Moreover, Filipino Americans are oftentimes mistaken for other racial/ethnic groups, including Hispanic/Latino, potentially as a result of distinct physical differences and 350 years of Spanish colonization. This may lead to potential identity confusion and acculturative stress. As a result, many times Filipino adolescents will identify with Hispanic/Latinos and African Americans as a way of recognizing their unique experience as an ethnic group. Asian Indian and other South Asian Americans also have a unique experience in the U.S. Because they are more physically different than other Asian Americans, it sometimes becomes necessary to justify

their experience as Asian American. Moreover, Asian Indians are oftentimes grouped with Arab Americans, leading to being stereotyped as terrorists, which other Asian Americans do not have to face. Consequently, Asian Indian Americans may experience additional identity stress in that they have to justify that they are Asian but also that they are not Arab. There are several generational differences within the Chinese American group. Second-generation Chinese American youth must balance the expectations of doing well in school while dealing with the pressures from home. Concurrently, there has been a rise in Chineseimmigrant youth who have arrived in the U.S. by virtue of family reunification. These Chinese immigrant youth have difficulty adjusting to school and tend to come from urban/working class backgrounds. Japanese Americans are the only Asian American group who have a noticeable third generation (grandparents immigrated to U.S. and parents were born in the U.S.). Because of a longer history in the U.S., it is important to notice that Japanese American youth may speak English more proficiently than most Asian groups. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; > Ethnic minority youth

Suggested Reading Lee, J., & Zhou, M. (Eds.) (2004). Asian American youth: Culture, identity, and ethnicity. New York: Routledge. Uba, L. (1994). Asian Americans: Personality, patterns, identity, and mental health. New York: Guilford Press.

Suggested Resources Asian American Studies Center Online—http://www.sscnet.ucla. edu/aasc/: This website offers information on Asian American studies, ranging from census reports, new research studies, and journal articles.

Asperger’s Syndrome, PDD Yvette Frumkin Feis

Asperger’s syndrome is one of several disorders belonging to the more general category called Pervasive Developmental Disorder or PDD. Asperger’s syndrome

Asperger’s syndrome, PDD

is characterized by severe impairment in social interaction along with restricted and repetitive patterns of behavior, interests, and activities. First described by Hans Asperger in 1944, the disorder usually involves specific patterns in language, cognition, and movement. Language is characterized by stilted and repetitive speech and emotionless expression, while vocabulary and grammar may be very good. Cognition functions may show concrete thinking and limited common sense within the context of intellectual potential that reflects the full spectrum, although many children with Asperger’s syndrome are advanced in verbal abilities and lagging in nonverbal abilities. Obsessions with particular or idiosyncratic topics such as dates, history, music, or sports result in a wealth of information about a slender subject area. Individuals with Asperger’s syndrome may have a great memory for trivia and may talk repeatedly on the topic without awareness that it may be of little interest to others. Nonverbal learning disabilities are not uncommon. Unusual patterns of movement are frequent. Odd forms of self-stimulatory behaviors are performed. Movements may appear awkward or clumsy. Reciprocal interactions may be inept. Due to the lack of shared interest, poor social skills, and awkwardness in speech and movement, children with Asperger’s are often isolated or taunted. Tantrums, sleep disturbance, or aggressive behavior may result from social and communication problems. Specific diagnostic criteria for Asperger’s syndrome are outlined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV): A. Qualitative impairment in social interaction, as manifested by at least two of the following: 1. Marked impairments in the use of multiple nonverbal behaviors such as eye-to-eye gaze, facial expression, body postures, and gestures to regulate social interaction 2. Failure to develop peer relationships appropriate to developmental level 3. A lack of spontaneous seeking to share enjoyment, interests, or achievements with other people (e.g., by a lack of showing, bringing, or pointing out objects of interest to other people) 4. Lack of social or emotional reciprocity B. Restricted repetitive and stereotyped patterns of behavior, interests, and activities, as manifested by at least one of the following:

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1. Encompassing preoccupation with one or more stereotyped and restricted patterns of interest that is abnormal either in intensity or focus 2. Apparently inflexible adherence to specific, nonfunctional routines or rituals 3. Stereotyped and repetitive motor mannerisms (e.g., hand or finger flapping or twisting, or complex whole-body movements) 4. Persistent preoccupation with parts of objects C. The disturbance causes clinically significant impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning D. There is no clinically significant general delay in language (e.g., single words used by age 2 years, communicative phrases used by age 3 years) E. There is no clinically significant delay in cognitive development or in the development of ageappropriate self-help skills, adaptive behavior (other than social interaction), and curiosity about the environment in childhood F. Criteria are not met for another specific Pervasive Developmental Disorder or Schizophrenia The prevalence of Asperger’s syndrome is not known. The course of the disorder is usually continuous and lifelong. The diagnosis for Asperger’s syndrome is made through observation of behavior, parent report, and language and cognitive testing. While there are no blood or genetic tests that are able to positively diagnose this condition, these tests are employed to rule out other disorders. All PDDs are characterized by severe and pervasive impairment in several areas of development, reciprocal social interaction, communications, or the presence of stereotypic behaviors, interests, or activities. Besides Asperger’s syndrome, disorders in the category of PDD include Autistic Disorder, Rett’s Disorder, Childhood Disintegrative Disorder, and Pervasive Developmental Disorder-Not Otherwise Specified. The latter disorder is used when symptoms do not meet the criteria for classification into one of the other disorders or when symptoms are not severe enough to warrant diagnosis of one of the other disorders. The word pervasive may be misleading in this category name as many children who meet the criteria for inclusion have very specific areas of difficulty, may have normal or better intellectual abilities, and may even excel in some areas. The cause of PDD is unknown. Much research has been conducted in an attempt to uncover causal

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relationships. More is known about what is not related to PDD than what is. Parental attitude is not related, and no parental behaviors have been found to cause PDD. Stress is not a causal agent. However, PDD is four times more prevalent in boys than in girls. Specific medical conditions are frequently associated. Hypersensitive hearing, sound sensitivities, or ability to tune out sounds are often found with individuals with PDD. Mild motor problems, clumsiness, and toe walking are frequently noted. Mental retardation, chromosomal abnormalities, congenital infections, and structural abnormalities of the central nervous system are sometimes concurrent with PDD. Interventions include positive behavior management techniques, structured routines, and school inclusion programs that emphasize appropriate social and communication skills. Occupational therapy is recommended for movement disorders. Different types of medications are useful to treat different associated symptoms such as anxiety or hyperactivity. For the best success, intervention programs must be customized to the individual child’s needs and ability levels, rather than the diagnostic category. Asperger’s children often need more support than first appears necessary. While some may cope well in a mainstream class with additional support, others may need the greater structure of a special education class. See also: > Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD); > Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA); > Special education

Assessment of Culturally Diverse Children Lisa A Suzuki . Lan Ngo . John Kugler

Appropriately assessing culturally diverse children involves not only examining abilities and behaviors but also integrating relevant information regarding the examinee’s historical, economic, and social context. In the past, terms such as ‘‘cultural deprivation,’’ and ‘‘cultural disadvantage’’ have been used as reasons for substandard performance by members of racial and ethnic minority groups on various ability measures. However, numerous researchers note that these tests reflect information deemed important by the dominant, majority culture. Historically, tests have been based upon a deficit model indicating that any performance that deviated from the cultural mainstream was viewed as deficient. This does not take into account that culture is a complex construct that influences what an individual values, as well as one’s worldview, language, problem solving abilities, and more, all of which have clear implications for assessment. The following focuses on culture as it potentially influences numerous aspects of the assessment process including: (a) general testing issues (e.g., test development), (b) forms of assessment, (c) areas of assessment (e.g., cognitive abilities, personality and socio-emotional characteristics), and (d) factors to be considered in the psycho-educational evaluation of children.

Suggested Reading American Psychiatric Association (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.), text revision. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association. Attwood, T. (1998). Asperger’s syndrome: A guide for parents and professionals. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Moore, S. T. (Ed.). (2002). Asperger Syndrome and the elementary school experience: Practical solutions for academic and social difficulties. Shawnee Mission, KS: Autism Asperger Publishing Company.

Suggested Resources Camp Make Believe—http://www.campmakebelievekids.com/ AspergerSyndrome.htm: This website provides resources and programs to assist professionals, parents, and children with Asperger’s syndrome, attention deficit disorder (ADD), attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), autism, and other social challenges.

General Testing Issues The use of various measures has been challenged based on concerns of item and test bias, and issues regarding the validity of measures developed in one cultural context and applied to children from diverse backgrounds. For example, criticisms related to the use of particular aptitude (i.e., intelligence) tests within racial/ethnic minority groups have resulted in court cases and legal bans on the use of such measures in certain educational settings. Allegations of discriminatory assessment practices escalated in the late 1960s and 1970s following the civil rights movement that drew attention to the tracking of students and placement into special education programs based upon group and individually administered intelligence tests.

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Specific concerns pertained to the overrepresentation of racial and ethnic minority students in non-academic vocational and special education programs for the educable mentally retarded. The more visible cases included: Diana v. State Board of Education (1970), Covarrubias v. San Diego Unified School District (1971), Guadalupe v. Tempe Elementary School District (1972), and Larry P. v. Riles (1972, 1979). These cases ended in victory for plaintiffs from the African American, Mexican American, and American Indian communities and brought attention to the disparities in education related to race and ethnic background. To understand these challenges to the use of various measures the reader should be familiar with the following terms:

Cultural Loading All tests are culturally loaded to some extent. That is, they reflect artifacts (e.g., knowledge, values) of the culture(s) in which they were developed. Even tests that do not require verbal administration or answers (i.e., nonverbal measures) are considered culturally reduced but not culture free.

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selection bias and over-interpretation. Selection bias refers to situations where the results of testing have a differential effect upon inclusion of students in special programs (e.g., gifted programs, special education, job placement). Over-interpretation occurs when broad judgments are made about a child based upon one indicator (e.g., test performance) while other potential indicators of ability (e.g., adaptive behavior) are ignored. As noted earlier it is critical that a multilevel and multi-factorial assessment be the evaluation of choice.

Item Bias Experts may be brought in to review the content of test items to determine if they are biased with respect to particular racial and/or ethnic groups. Criticisms have been raised regarding this practice given that often there is no formal criteria provided to expert panels to be used in their evaluation process and bias cannot be ‘‘eyeballed.’’ Studies have revealed that items experts identified as ‘‘unfair’’ with respect to culture were not the ones that differentiated group scores. Examination of item passing rates for different racial and ethnic groups on measures of intelligence have often yielded no evidence related to cultural bias.

Test Bias Test bias refers to systematic error resulting in differences in test scores based upon group (e.g., racial and ethnic) membership. These differences are a result of test characteristics rather than ‘‘true’’ differences with respect to the construct being measured. Test bias has been examined with respect to differences in means (average scores) on particular measures, differential predictive validity, and differential construct validity between groups. It should be noted that average score differences between racial and ethnic groups on a particular measure are not necessarily indicative of test bias. Disparities may be reflective of important group differences that are relevant (e.g., score differences related to socioeconomic statuses). Predictive validity refers to whether an instrument is an equally good predictor of particular outcomes (e.g., achievement) for different racial/ethnic groups. In this context, construct validity refers to whether measures have the same factor structures for different racial and ethnic groups. Bias can be introduced into the assessment process based upon how the scores are used as in the cases of

Norming The most popular instruments used in assessment are generally based upon national norms. This means that racial and ethnic minority group members are included in the same proportion as they are in the overall national census. This practice is generally assumed to be appropriate, however, when actual numbers are identified the inclusion of particular groups may be miniscule in comparison to the dominant White majority. For example, the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—IV (2003), the most popular individualized intelligence test in the United States (U.S) has norms based upon the 2000 U.S. Census. The total number of children included in the standardization sample was 2,200. The technical manual reports percentages of inclusion for different racial and ethnic minority groups in relation to 11 age groupings. The actual numbers were approximately 1,420 White, 343 African American, 335 Hispanic, 92 Asian, and 28 Other. The creation of special norms

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based upon racial and ethnic group membership can be useful in certain instances given that test scores can be interpreted from multiple perspectives (e.g., national norms, regional norms, local norms).

Forms of Assessment A number of forms of evaluation have evolved to assess the performance of children related to cognitive abilities (aptitude and achievement), personality, and socio-emotional functioning. In this section we address five primary methods used in the assessment of children (i.e., interview, observation, quantitative instruments, projective instruments, and alternative forms) and provide a brief discussion of potential cultural implications for each.

Interview The information obtained in the clinical interview forms the backbone of the assessment process when evaluating all children. This practice involves not only the child or youth but parents and other involved stakeholders (e.g., extended family members). A thorough interview is especially important in assessing children from diverse cultural backgrounds. For example, when assessing recent immigrants or refugees, educational and health records may not be available, therefore, information obtained from the interview in terms of a detailed psychosocial history may fill in important gaps. In addition, areas such as psychological mindedness (e.g., the examinee and/or families understanding of the problem as psychological and/or emotional), acculturation, child’s strengths and weaknesses, socioeconomic status, cultural norms of behavior, and community resources should be considered.

Observation Observing a child provides critical information in the assessment process. An astute evaluator can obtain information by observing their behavioral presentation (e.g., dress, eye contact, attitude), affect and mood (e.g., reactivity, intensity), speech and language (e.g., level of verbal output, prosody—rate and rhythm of speech, fluency, reading comprehension and writing), thought processes and content (e.g., perceptual disturbances), and cognitive functioning (e.g., memory,

calculation). All of these observational areas are influenced by culture. It is critical that the evaluator be sensitive to potential cultural differences when interpreting and drawing conclusions based upon observed behavior. Observations conducted in a culturally sensitive manner may prove very useful in examining potential socio-emotional issues pertaining to a particular child. For example, a child’s dress and level of eye contact may be determined by cultural norms. A lack of eye contact is often seen as a sign of respect in Asian cultures but may be interpreted as inattention or dishonesty in a Western context. It is important to note that cultural norms influence verbal and nonverbal behavior. For instance children may be judged to be passive and nonassertive in the classroom, however, several cultures emphasize showing respect by not questioning those in authority (i.e., teachers). It should be noted that observations may include behavioral checklists and/or rating scales.

Quantitative Instruments The majority of instruments used in evaluating children in the schools yield numerical scores that are quantified based upon national and regional norms. Examples of these measures include most grade level performance tests and those used for accountability (i.e., high stakes testing). These tests have been identified as the ‘‘gatekeepers’’ to higher education given that one’s performance is often linked to future opportunities in educational settings (e.g., Stanford Achievement Tests, SAT, Graduate Record Examination, Law School Admissions Test). The use of quantitative instruments has produced the greatest number of challenges in the assessment of culturally diverse children. As noted earlier in relation to court cases arising from usage of intelligence tests (e.g., tracking children into special education and vocational programs), society’s focus on test scores has posed numerous problems for members of diverse communities. Different cultures reinforce particular forms of ability and only select areas are considered in the traditional assessment process.

Projective Instruments Projective tests involve the presentation of ambiguous stimuli (e.g., pictures, inkblots, incomplete sentences)

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in which theoretically the test taker projects (e.g., organizes) aspects of him/herself (e.g., personality, values, beliefs) to make meaning of what he or she sees. Popular measures in this area include the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), Children’s Apperception Test (CAT), and the Tell-Me-A-Story Test (TEMAS). For each of these measures the child is presented with a picture depicting a particular scene and asked to tell a story including how the story begins (what happened before the picture) and then what happens. The stories are analyzed for themes that are then interpreted in conjunction with other data obtained about the child’s background. The TEMAS is a multicultural TAT in which the pictures are designed to pull for culturally relevant themes. The TAT also includes an objective scoring method. In each of the narrative assessment tools cultural factors should be considered in the interpretation of the relevant themes. Drawing tests like the House-Tree-Person, Human Figure Drawing, and Kinetic Family ask the child to draw pictures reflecting their inner life. Children draw before they learn to write so their pictures represent a very primitive and elemental form of communication. Cultures apply different conventions in portraying reality that in turn may have an impact on drawing test results. For example, even the use of color in the drawings can have different meanings. The color red in the Chinese culture is a symbol of good luck in comparison to the association with more negative themes (e.g., anger, blood) in Western culture. In assessing culturally diverse children, drawings should be used as stimuli for discussion allowing the individual to elaborate on the meaning of various aspects of the drawing.

Alternative Forms of Assessment There are a number of alternative forms of assessment that can be used to complement more formal measures. These include portfolio assessment (i.e., evaluation based upon a collection of work), authentic assessment (i.e., test questions resemble complex tasks undertaken outside of the school environment) and curriculum-based assessment (i.e., assessments that are linked to local curriculum and instruction). In each of these forms, information is gleaned from assessing particular aspects of the child’s educational experiences. These alternative measures may be used to supplement other forms of assessment.

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Issues that Influence Assessment There are a number of cultural variables that can potentially have an impact on the assessment process. These include: acculturation, socioeconomic status, educational background, and language.

Acculturation Acculturation refers to change in the behavior, attitudes, values, and beliefs of a group based upon contact with another culture. One model of acculturation is one-dimensional and assumes changes in the direction of the dominant culture. A second, bidirectional model suggests that individuals must deal with varying degrees of adapting to and integrating into the dominant culture while maintaining aspects of their original culture. Competent assessment practices are dependent in part on understanding the individual’s degree of acculturation.

Socioeconomic Status Socioeconomic status (SES) has an impact on the measurement of psychological phenomena. Poverty increases risk factors such as perinatal disease, malnutrition, lead poisoning, limited health care, substandard housing, family disorganization, low self-esteem, low expectations, premature termination of future goals, and other environmental barriers to future success. For example, it is well documented that students from high SES families perform better on achievement tests than students from low SES families. This observation can be attributed to the lack of resources available to students from low SES backgrounds stemming from a combination of low levels of parental education, low-status parental occupation, large family size and the absence of one parent. Students from low SES families are at greater risk for low achievement, while high SES is linked to greater social support and fewer school and behavior problems. SES also affects the risk factors associated with psychopathologies among children. Stressful events, poverty, a paucity of social support, and other conditions associated with low SES have been identified as risk factors for behavioral or emotional (e.g., depression) problems in child development.

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Assessment of culturally diverse children

Educational Background Measures of aptitude and achievement assess what a child has learned. Differences in instruction (e.g., school curriculum, classroom instruction, and number of years of schooling) and educational resources between various communities and countries may contribute to discrepancies in test results between various racial and ethnic groups. In addition, emphasis on different academic abilities in various cultural groups may have an impact on the results of achievement tests. Cultures reinforce particular ability areas. A reliance upon tests as measures of achievement, ability, and accountability have been emphasized more in Western cultures. Not all cultures emphasize individual competition, test-taking skills, speed, and obtaining one right answer. Some cultures value group harmony, cooperative engagement, and understanding that there may be multiple answers to abstract tasks and perseverance.

successfully completing these tasks often involves using language as part of problem solving

Equivalence In educational settings as diverse as U.S. schools, it is important to have reliable and valid assessment instruments that can be used across various cultures and languages. When translating and adapting instruments for use in other cultures and languages, investigators must strive to keep the new version as similar as possible to the source language version while maintaining cultural relevance. However, the cultural equivalence of such tests is questionable, and subsequently, the meaning of the outcomes and scores on these tests are unclear. The following forms of equivalence should be taken into consideration during the assessment process with individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds.

 Language The variety of languages used by diverse students can pose a host of challenges in assessment. For example, over 200 languages are spoken in the public schools in Chicago. According to the U.S. Census, an estimated 18% of children between the ages of 5 and 17 speak a language other than English at home. Given the multitude of languages spoken by a diverse student population, formal testing, especially in the areas of achievement and aptitude have become a focus of debate. Researchers have suggested that children should always be tested in their native language except in instances where they have been primarily educated in an English based school system. Asking a child if they can be tested in English is not appropriate since they may answer affirmatively given the differential power dynamic between their position and that of the evaluator. It should also be noted that children tend to pick up aspects of social language more quickly, therefore, they may appear proficient on the playground or in situations when conversing with peers. Their ability to understand academic language required in the testing situation may not be at the same level. Children may also engage in code switching in which they express more emotionally laden content in their native language even when speaking English. Although nonverbal measures reduce the effects of culture and language,



  

 

Functional equivalence: the degree to which test scores have the same meaning across different cultures Conceptual equivalence: the extent to which cultural groups are equally familiar with the content of test items and consequently attach the same meanings to these test items Linguistic equivalence: whether the language used in tests has been equalized so as to uphold the same meaning across different cultural groups Psychometric equivalence: the degree to which a test measures the same things at the same levels across different cultures Testing condition equivalence: whether testing as a means of assessing ability and testing procedures are equally familiar and acceptable to differing cultural groups Contextual equivalence: whether the cognitive ability to be assessed is evaluated similarly in the various environments in which the person functions Sampling equivalence: determination that representative samples of each racial or ethnic group are comparable at the test development, validation, and interpretation phases

There are various ways in which equivalence can be undermined in the assessment process. Attaining linguistic equivalence is particularly difficult due to the numerous sources of error that can occur in translations.

Assessment of culturally diverse children



 





Literal translations: Problems occur when items are translated too literally, resulting in nonsensical phrases, poorly constructed sentences, or the loss of original meaning Mistranslations: Imprecise translations can occur when the original purpose or meaning of the original items are not understood by the translators Altering items: Slightly altering an item may be necessary to provide the most acceptable wording for respondents as idioms used in one culture may not have direct translations Generating new items: Although generating new items may be important in translating a test, the final measure may no longer be comparable to the original version and should be considered a different test. Deleting words, items, or scales: Part of an item, the entire item, or an entire scale may not be applicable to a new culture, and thus, may need to be replaced or removed. However, in some cases, removal can create scoring problems and the established validity of the original measure may no longer apply.

Trained bilingual evaluators are helpful in the translation process. There should be a pilot phase for a newly translated measure, in which the instrument is administered to a group representing the target population and a discussion of the assessment items is held with pilot participants. Once pilot data is collected, statistical procedures could be applied to a larger norm sample and the results analyzed to establish validity and reliability. Equivalence is often examined through statistical analyses of measures and selection procedures.

The Process of Assessment The process of assessment includes the determination of whether an evaluation is needed, selection of particular measures (quantitative and qualitative), the administration of selected instruments and procedures, interpreting results, and formulating the written report. It should be noted that the testing process itself is based upon an interaction between the evaluator and the evaluated. Thus, testing is a social situation and the attitudes of both parties can have an impact on the results. An evaluator may possess technical expertise in the administration of particular measures but lack

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the sensitivity and cultural knowledge necessary to establish rapport and gain the trust of the examinee. Prior to engaging in the assessment process the evaluator should familiarize themselves with the cultures existing in the community that they serve. Knowing the culture in which a child resides can help in the identification of salient questions to be asked during the interview and potential sources of support in the process (e.g., translators, interpreters).

Pre-referral Data Gathering Professionals should gather information from parents and guardians prior to making a decision to refer for testing. Information regarding health, education, and past services may be helpful in deciding whether an evaluation is appropriate. For example, if the child has recently immigrated and just entered the American school system then allowing them time to adjust to their new environment is crucial and other support services may be accessed to help in this process. Time may not be needed if educational records or reports from guardians indicate that the child had special services in their homeland. Parents may be considered the ‘‘cultural experts’’ given their close association with the child. Professionals and other ‘‘trusted members’’ (e.g., parent leaders) from the community can also serve as ‘‘cultural brokers’’ to assist the examiner in gaining an understanding of the cultural context in which the child and their family reside. Based upon the gathered information, if a problem is identified an informed decision can be made about whether an evaluation is needed. Conducting observations of the child in the classroom setting also provides important information to understand their current educational context.

Selecting Instruments When an evaluation is deemed necessary then appropriate instruments should be selected based upon the identified problem. The cultural relevance of the measures should also be considered. It is critical that the evaluator obtain up-to-date information about the cultural implications of using the chosen instruments. They should be cognizant of the scoring patterns (if any) for racial and ethnic minority groups and their

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inclusion in the norming and standardization procedures used in the test development process. These issues are often addressed in the technical manuals provided for standardized measures. Some of the specific questions to be addressed include: How were cultural factors integrated in the development of the test? Was the measure normed on a representative sample including members of various racial and ethnic minority groups?

Making Recommendations Recommendations should be made with respect to the strengths and weaknesses of the child’s performance with attention to the child’s background and observations during testing. Consideration of the influence of cultural factors should be noted whenever relevant.

Communicating Results Administering Tests The evaluator should explain the purposes of the test to the child and family and provide a brief description of what the testing will entail. Establishing rapport with the child is critical prior to formal testing. When administering the test the evaluator should be vigilant in observing behavior and insuring that the child understands the various tasks being presented. This is clearly more easily accomplished in an individual setting than a group testing situation. Problem solving strategies and motivation play a major role in successful performance. Examiners may engage in ‘‘testing the limits’’ procedures to gain important information regarding the child’s abilities. These procedures may include extending time limits, allowing usage of paper and pencil for math items, repeating items or parts of items in an orally administered test, and interviewing the child about the reasoning behind their response. Examiners should also be aware of how their own behavior may effect the testing situation. For example, where the evaluator sits in relation to the child may have an impact on the results. When testing American Indian children, examiners should sit to the side of the child or diagonally across to avoid staring directly at them while they are tested.

Interpreting Results and Writing the Report The written report should reflect an integration of all of the data obtained during the evaluation. Any deviations in administration should be noted along with impressions by the evaluator regarding the child’s performance on the tests. Background information should be noted whenever relevant to assist the reader in understanding the results in a culturally sensitive context.

When sharing the results of the testing with parents(s)/ guardian(s) opportunities should be provided for additional exchanges of information. The parents may recall information about relevant history that is spurred by the findings of the evaluation. The assessment of culturally diverse children is a complex process involving multiple sources of information (e.g., parent, child, cultural brokers), different types of measures (e.g., quantitative, qualitative) and multiple areas (e.g., personality, aptitude). Tests can be used as effective markers of a child’s strengths and weaknesses, and can facilitate understanding of their progress. No test has been created that is not influenced by culture. The evaluator should never lose sight of the primary purpose of assessment, that is, to obtain a true estimate of the psychological constructs being addressed for that particular child. Assessment is a dynamic process and tests measure only samples of behavior at one point in time that can be influenced by cultural as well as situational factors. See also: > Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), Multicultural Applications; > Racial/ethnic group differences; > TEMAS (Tell-Me-A-Story) Multicultural Thematic Apperception Test

Suggested Reading Suzuki, L. A., Ponterotto, J. G., & Meller, P. J. (2001). Handbook of multicultural assessment: Clinical, psychological and educational applications, (2nd ed.) San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. Suzuki, L. A., & Kugler, J. (2001). Multicultural assessment. In E. R. Welfel, & R. E. Ingersoll (Eds.), The mental health desk reference (pp. 279–285), New York: John Wiley & Sons. Takushi, R., & Uomoto, J. M. (2001). The clinical interview from a multicultural perspective. In L. A. Suzuki, J. G. Ponterotto, & P. J Meller (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural assessment: Clinical, psychological, and educational applications (pp. 47–66). San Diego, CA: Jossey Bass.

Attendance Van Widenfelt, B. M., Treffers, P. D., de Beurs, E., Siebelink, B. M., & Koudijs, E. (2005). Translation and cross-cultural adaptation of assessment instruments used in psychological research with children and families. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 82(2), 135–147. Valencia, R. R., & Suzuki, L. A. (2001). Intelligence testing and minority students: Foundations, performance factors, and assessment issues. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi)

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Jones, Dr. Na’im Akbar, Dr. Linda James Meyers, Dr. Thomas Parham, and Dr. Maisha Bennett. Dr. Reginald Jones published the first book on Black psychology in 1972. Dr. Thomas Parham developed a therapeutic approach and interventions to work with African Americans. In addition, Dr. Parham was instrumental in the development of the American Counseling Association’s Multicultural Competencies. The future vision of ABPsi is to continue with its critical work that focuses on African psychology, to provide forums for new and senior professionals, to provide and disseminate information to Black communities, and to be a voice for multicultural issues.

Jacqueline A Conley

The Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi) is an organization that serves Black psychologists and the larger Black community. It was established in 1968 by a small group of Black psychologists from across the United States (U.S.). Its mission is to seek liberation of the African mind, to empower the African character, and to illuminate the African spirit. To achieve its goals, ABPsi hopes to promote and advance the profession of African psychology, influence and affect social change, and develop programs to assist with problem solving in Black communities and other ethnic groups. The ABPsi’s continued growth demonstrates the importance of providing mentorship and a medium for communication among students in the field of psychology. As a result, the Student Circle was launched in 1993. The Student Circle provides opportunities for psychology students in the association to serve in leadership roles and obtain mentorship. The ABPsi has three media to communicate and disseminate information to its members and the professional community: The Journal of Black Psychology, the PsychDiscourse, and annual conventions. The Journal of Black Psychology is a peer-reviewed journal which contains scholarly research that advances the field of psychology as well as African psychology. The Psych Discourse is a monthly newsletter that provides current information relevant to the association and the field of psychology. Finally, the association hosts an annual convention where professionals and students come together for a meeting of the minds and dissemination of research. The ABPsi has over 1400 members in various chapters across the U.S. and abroad. ABPsi has had many prominent psychologists as leaders. Some of the most notable past presidents include: Dr. Reginald

See also: > American Psychological Association (APA); > American Psychological Association (APA): Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) and Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA); > American Psychological Association (APA) Minority Fellowship Program (MFP)

Suggested Resources Psychdiscourse—http://www.PsychDiscourse.net: PsychDiscourse is the official news journal of The Association of Black Psychologists. Association of Black Psychologists—www.abpsi.org: This website provides a list of Black psychologists by state for consumers seeking professional services. Membership applications, job postings, and other valuable information can also be found.

Attendance Jo-Anne Manswell Butty . Velma LaPoint . Cheryl Danzy . Charlynn Small

School attendance is an integral part of students’ school success from preschool through grade 12. It has been used in research and practice as one indicator of school engagement. Several academic interventions have been used to increase student engagement and, in turn, promote school attendance. When students are actively engaged in the learning process, they are motivated to attend school regularly. Some educators acknowledge challenges to student attendance and may want to only teach students who have consistent

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and excellent attendance. This response, however, is oversimplified and consequential—students cannot afford to forsake themselves and educators cannot afford to let them. Policies and laws governing student attendance exist at the state and district level with varying kinds of penalties to students and parents or family members entrusted with students’ education and care. In extreme cases, students, parents, and/or family members may be found to be in violation of truancy laws and become involved in the juvenile and/or criminal system. Different students are engaged in schooling at different rates and components. Student attendance rates are generally higher in private schools than public schools and in suburban schools than urban schools, although older suburban schools may have profiles similar to older urban school systems. Research suggests that some students may be more engaged, for example, in co-curricular schooling activities but less engaged in academic programming, or vice versa. Studies have also suggested that some groups of students of color show different rates of school engagement or attendance. This suggests that educational interventions geared toward students, based on their interests and ethnicity may be more effective in improving student engagement and, thus, student attendance. If these programs are not implemented, some students may be less engaged in schools and receive less critical basic and higher level skills that are needed not only in school, but in other school-to-career transitions and settingscollege, training programs, and/or the workplace. Some studies suggest that students may not attend school for several reasons because they (a) may want to avoid educational subjects they dislike or find difficult; (b) are bored or unchallenged by schoolwork; (c) need and/or would rather earn money by working; (d) have family and peer challenges, language differences, and other social problems; and/or (e) are fearful of being victimized by school crime and violence. Many of these reasons were presented from students primarily at urban, low-income elementary and secondary schools which are disproportionately students of color. Many school districts are developing new and/ or revising current attendance policies to promote student attendance where they: (a) use student attendance rates and/or participation in courses as a part of students’ final grade where points are deducted for absenteeism; (b) deny course credit to students after excessive absenteeism; (c) use incentives to reward high and/or improved attendance to individual students and student groups (e.g., homerooms, specific

classes); (d) implement improved attendance monitoring systems; and (e) implement specific interventions for students and families with family problems (e.g., telephone and personal interviews, counseling, referrals to human service agencies). Promoting school attendance involves concerted efforts among all stakeholders—students, educators, parents and family members as well as community members. Many school districts and individual schools have successfully maintained high attendance rates among students, using culturally responsive strategies for an increasingly culturally diverse student body, by improving and sustaining high quality (a) pedagogy, classroom climate, and teacher effectiveness with smaller learning communities; (b) support systems during key student transitions from elementary to middle and high school; (c) school-to-career theme-based groupings in middle and high schools; and (d) parent, family, and community engagement to reinforce educational goals, objectives, and standards. See also:

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Student motivation; > Truancy

Suggested Reading Epstein, J. L., & Sheldon, S. B. (2002). Present and accounted for: Improving student attendance through family and community involvement. The Journal of Educational Research, 95(5), 308–318. National Center for Education Statistics. (2002). Indicator 17: Students’ absence from school. In The condition of education, 2002. Washington, D.C.: Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved July 6, 2006, from http:// nces.ed.gov/pubs2002/2002025_3.pdf. Railsback, J. (2004). Increasing student attendance: Strategies from research and practice. Portland, OR: Northwestern Regional Educational Laboratory.

Attention Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Courtney B Ferrell

Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) was first described in 1845 by Dr. Heinrich Hoffman in a collection of poems entitled ‘‘The Story of Fidgety Philip.’’ Since that time, ADHD has been known by several other names including Minimal brain

Attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)

dysfunction, Hyperkinetic disorder, and Attention deficit disorder (ADD). The most current term, ADHD refers to a neurodevelopmental disorder (The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, DSMIV-TR) that is defined by the three subtypes of (1) Predominately Inattentive, (2) Predominately Hyperactive-Impulsive, and (3) Combined Type. ADHD is a highly prevalent disorder. It is estimated that between 3–7% of children within the United States (U.S.) (DSM-IV-TR) and 4% of adults suffer from ADHD. According to parental report data from the 2002 CDC annual National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), approximately 4 million children within the U.S. who are under the age of 18, have been diagnosed with ADHD. Essentially, in a classroom of 25–35 children at least one child will have ADHD. ADHD is 3–10 times more common in boys than in girls. However, these numbers may be inflated as several studies have brought into question the possibility that ADHD is underdiagnosed in girls. Questions of this nature have arisen given that the symptoms of ADHD in girls tend to be less severe than those for boys and thus draw less attention from parents and teachers. In addition, it appears that girls more often exhibit symptoms of the inattentive subtype than boys, which can sometimes be more difficult to diagnose than the other two subtypes. Although it is well documented that ADHD is a highly prevalent disorder, very little is known regarding the differences in prevalence, diagnosis, and treatment of this disorder in children from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. According to the results of the NHIS, a survey of approximately 40,000 households, 7% of children ages 6–11 were reported by there parents as having an ADHD diagnosis. Of this 7%, the majority of children were White (4%), followed by African American children (2%), and Hispanic children (1%). However the differences in prevalence rates may be due to factors other than race or ethnicity, such as economic status. In addition, several studies have indicated that there are ethnic and racial differences in treatment rates for ADHD. Specifically, White children are 4:1 more times likely to receive treatment for their ADHD symptoms in comparison to African American children.

Etiology Given the complexity of ADHD and the likelihood that there are numerous factors contributing to the development of the disorder; the exact cause of ADHD is

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not known. However, genetics, environmental risk factors, and psychosocial adversity all have been implicated in the development of this disorder. Increasing evidence exists that suggests a strong genetic component involved with the development of ADHD. Family studies and twin studies have shown that there is a 2–8% increased risk for ADHD in parents and siblings of children with ADHD. Children who have at least one parent diagnosed with ADHD are at an increased risk for developing the disorder themselves. Given these findings, studies are now underway to examine which specific genes are involved with the transmission of ADHD. In addition to genetic factors there are several theories that suggest ADHD is caused by an imbalance in certain chemicals in the brain that regulate and control executive functioning (e.g., behaviors such as attention, planning, and impulsivity). Specifically, it is hypothesized that people with ADHD have an inefficiency in dopamine levels. Essentially, their dopamine transporter levels are high, which causes the removal of dopamine from the brain prior to gaining the full effect of this neurotransmitter, hence resulting in symptoms of inattention, impulsivity or hyperactivity. Environmental risk factors have also been shown to be associated with ADHD including diet, low birth weight, maternal smoking during pregnancy, exposure to alcohol or cigarettes, and lead contamination. Pregnancy and delivery complications such as eclampsia and poor maternal health have also been implicated in the development of ADHD. Furthermore, family environment factors such as (1) severe marital discord, (2) low social class, (3) large family size, (4) paternal criminality, (5) maternal mental disorder, and (6) foster placement have also been associated with ADHD symptoms.

Psychopathology The core symptoms of ADHD are inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity. Given that children normally display these behaviors, it can be difficult to differentiate between what is considered normal behavior from more problematic behavior that is indicative of ADHD. According to the DSM-IV-TR for one to receive the diagnosis of ADHD, the symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity must be at levels that are maladaptive or inconsistent with developmental level. Additionally, there must be noticeable

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functional impairment across the domains in which one is involved (e.g., school, home, outside activities). Children who are inattentive often have a hard time keeping focused on the task at hand. However, it may appear that these same children will have no difficulty paying attention when doing a task that they enjoy. Difficulty arises when conscious effort and attention to complete a task are necessary (e.g., homework). Specific symptoms of inattention may manifest as (1) failing to pay close attention to details or making careless mistakes, (2) difficulty with sustained attention, (3) appearing not to listen when spoken to directly, (4) difficulty following through with instructions, (5) difficulty with organization, (6) avoiding activities that require sustained mental effort (e.g., school work), (7) often losing items necessary for the completion of a task, (8) easily distractible, and (9) often forgetful. Hyperactive children seem to always be constantly in motion. Sitting still during structured activities such as eating at the dinner table or school lessons are often difficult. Symptoms of hyperactivity may be (1) frequent fidgeting, (2) excessive running or climbing at times when it is inappropriate, (3) not remaining seated when asked to do so, (4) difficulty engaging in quiet activities, (5) appearing constantly ‘‘on the go,’’ or (6) excessive talking. Children who are impulsive often fail to think before they act. Their impulsivity often leads to blurting out inappropriate comments or grabbing toys from others because of difficulties waiting their turn. Impulsive symptoms are commonly evidenced as (1) frequently blurting out responses to questions before they have been completed, (2) difficulty awaiting turn, or (3) often interrupting while others are talking. The overall symptom profile of ADHD leads to many complications throughout daily rituals. Areas of impairment often associated with ADHD include both academic and social difficulties. For example, 20–30% of children with ADHD also have a learning disability. In general, children with ADHD irrespective of having a learning disability are at higher risk for academic failure than children without ADHD. These children also experience greater levels of stress, selfblame, and social isolation in comparison to their classmates. In addition, given their hyperactive and impulsive behavior, children with ADHD often have difficulties with peer relationships and are more often exposed to family conflict. These children also

experience physical impairments with coordination, making them more prone to accidents.

Assessment and Diagnosis The diagnosis of ADHD should be made by a professional with training specifically in ADHD. Psychiatrists, psychologists, developmental/behavioral pediatricians, and behavioral neurologists are the most common professionals who make ADHD diagnoses. A thorough ADHD exam often involves multiple assessments. Initially, a clinical interview covering the DSM-IV ADHD diagnostic criteria is administered with the parent(s) and the child, followed by the assessment of other mental health disorders that are known to have similar symptoms to ADHD, such as depression and anxiety. Rating scales of the child’s behavior are then provided to parents, teachers, pediatricians, and children themselves. Computerized tests of attention are usually given to provide an objective measure of the child’s ability to attend to a sustained task. In addition to the above assessment measures, some children are also administered an intelligence test to rule out the presence of a learning disability.

Treatment Options There are several options available for the treatment of ADHD. Among these options is the use of medication and behavioral/educational interventions. Currently, the most effective treatment option is a combination of medication and behavioral intervention. For many years the first line agent for treatment of ADHD has been stimulant drugs. These drugs are believed to work by enhancing the neurotransmission of dopamine and neuroepinephrine in the brain. Stimulant medications include methylphenidate (e.g., Ritalin, Concerta) and amphetamines (e.g., Adderall). Although stimulant medication has been found to be largely effective, there are several side effects to consider. Specifically, children who take stimulant medication have reported loss of appetite, headaches, insomnia, mood problems, and tics. Non-stimulant medications such as atomoxetine (e.g., Strattera) are also used to treat ADHD, although the efficacy of these medications has not been as good as that of stimulant medication. Psychosocial treatments have been used alone and in conjunction with medication. Typical psychosocial

Authentic assessment

interventions involve contingency management of behavior. Specifically, the aim is to modify the child’s physical and social environment through positive reinforcement and punishment to manage ADHD symptoms. Parent training that focuses on teaching parents how to manage their children’s disruptive behavior has also been found to be effective in the management of ADHD symptoms. See also: > Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT); Impulsive behavior; > Neuropsychological assessment

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Suggested Reading Barkley, R. A. (2000). Taking charge of ADHD. New York: Guilford Press. Wender, P. A. (2000). ADHD attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder in children and adults. Oxford: Oxford Press.

Suggested Resources NIMH (National Institute of Mental Health)—http://www.nimh.nih. gov/healthinformation/adhdmenu.cfm: NIMH is a federal agency under the United States (U.S.) Department of Health and Human Services. It is the lead federal agency for research on mental and behavioral disorders. CHADD (Children and Adults with Attention Deficit Disorder)— http://www.chadd.org/: CHADD is a national and international nonprofit organization dedicated to providing education for those with ADHD.

Authentic Assessment Lisa M Beck . Thomas Hatch

Authentic assessments emerged in the 1980s as alternatives to traditional methods of assessing students’ performance in schools. Authentic assessments are designed to encourage students to perform tasks that they might encounter in the ‘‘real world’’; they encourage students to produce knowledge and engage in disciplined inquiry that requires them to use their prior knowledge, gain an in-depth understanding of the problem being addressed, and employ a variety of different skills and intelligences. They are often

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designed to give students multiple opportunities to revise and improve upon their work and to be active participants in the evaluation of their performance, progress, and learning. Authentic assessments take many forms and can be implemented in a variety of ways. Portfolio construction, journals, debates, labs, and research projects are just a small sample of the large number of authentic assessment activities teachers can use to learn about their students. Correspondingly, teachers can construct tasks that reflect what they think their students need to know and what they need to be able to do to be productive and successful adults. Unlike standardized tests, the primary goal of authentic assessment is not assessment alone. The goal is to construct learning situations that incorporate and integrate a wide variety of cognitive and social skills that are meaningful and connected to the students’ prior knowledge, backgrounds, and school and community contexts. Authentic assessments can also be used to promote substantive conversations and enable teachers to evaluate students as they engage in tasks. As a result, proponents argue that in authentic assessment activities, students assume more responsibility for their learning, have numerous opportunities to demonstrate their skills and knowledge, and can continue to learn and develop while being evaluated. Authentic assessments of students provide data that teachers can use to reflect on, evaluate, and construct curricula, as well as to demonstrate students’ learning to parents and colleagues.

An Alternative to Traditional Assessment The most widespread form of student assessment in the United States (U.S.) is standardized, normreferenced, multiple-choice tests. Despite their prevalence, there is mounting concern by many in the field of education that these tests are inappropriate and ineffective in assessing student learning. One of the biggest concerns about standardized tests is that they do not assess the knowledge and skills that students will need to succeed in the workplace. Thus, while norm-referenced, standardized tests often ask students to recall information or use skills in ways that are only relevant in school, authentic assessments are designed to give students experience with meaningful tasks that

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simulate those they may encounter in the future. Both process and product are evaluated and, in many cases, there is no one ‘‘right’’ way to complete an authentic assessment activity. Ideally, students are required to use higher-level and lower-level thinking skills as they are constructing and integrating knowledge, and to apply what they are learning in a variety of situations. Many argue that authentic assessments can provide teachers with a wider array of information about their students than traditional tests. As a result, in many school settings, teachers employ both standardized and authentic assessments to gain the most accurate and complete picture of their students’ learning. Using authentic assessments in conjunction with tests can also reinforce the concept that learning is continuous, complex, and dynamic, and should not be simplified to the memorization and reproduction of facts.

Implementation To implement authentic assessment in their classrooms, teachers must first determine what skills and information they want their students to learn and apply. The standards for the assessment should be clearly defined and reflect knowledge that will help students succeed in the workplace. Teachers can then use the standards and their understanding of their students to determine what model/s would be most appropriate and meaningful. For example, teachers of young children might find that observation, portfolios, and group projects are the best methods for assessing their students authentically. Teachers of older students might find that debates, oral presentations, scientific experiments, and research projects hold the most promise for assessing student learning. In addition to considering the ages, backgrounds, and prior knowledge of their students, teachers can also consider the context of the classroom, school, and community in which they work. A debate might be more meaningful if it reflected issues that were relevant to the students in that community. Once the authentic assessment task is determined, the next step is to define the criteria for evaluation, outline the standards and expectations for the task, and share this information with the students. One way to do this is to create rubrics that provide detailed descriptions of each criteria outlined. The information can then be used to plan curricula, evaluate students, and reflect on their performances.

Each step in the authentic assessment model can allow for direct observation of students’ performances. As students are expected to self-evaluate in many authentic assessments, teachers may want to include them in the construction of evaluation procedures and goals. The authentic assessment task may culminate with students sharing what they have learned in a performance, piece of art, debate, oral presentation, portfolio, or another form that can be observed by students, parents, and/or other members of the community.

Challenges of Implementation Although there are some researchers, educators, and policymakers who argue that authentic assessment is a more comprehensive, appropriate, and effective way to measure student learning, there are many challenges in its widespread use. First, teachers may not have the time, energy, or motivation to design and implement authentic assessments in their classrooms. Second, policy makers and administrators in the U.S. continue to need and want the kind of succinct scores provided by standardized tests. Third, the time already devoted to established standardized tests leave little time and opportunity for experimentation and development of suitable alternatives. Finally, part of the difficulty in implementing authentic assessments may come from the fact that authentic assessment requires administrators, policymakers, teachers, and parents to shift their thinking away from the traditional view of measuring student performance. Critics of authentic assessments point out that they can be costly and time-consuming to develop and implement. Considerable work needs to be done so that authentic assessments can be employed reliably across a variety of different contexts. See also: > Assessment of culturally diverse children; > Multiple intelligences; > Portfolios

Suggested Reading Darling-Hammond, L., Ancess J., & Falk, B. (1995). Authentic assessment in action: Studies of schools and students at work. New York: Teachers College Press. Fischer, C. F. & King, R. M. (1995). Authentic assessment: A guide to implementation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press.

Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) Newmann, F. M. & Archbald, D. A. (1992). The nature of authentic academic achievement. In A. R. Tom (Ed.), Toward a new science of educational testing and assessment (pp. 71–83). Albany: State University of New York Press. Wiggins, G. (1993). Educative assessment: Designing assessments to inform and improve student performance. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) Jennifer Nyeste

Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) is a term that groups together five specific disorders under one umbrella: autistic disorder or autism, childhood disintegrative disorder (CDD), Asperger’s syndrome, Rett’s syndrome, and pervasive developmental disorder-not otherwise specified (PDD-NOS). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) defines autism as a pervasive developmental disorder marked by social and communication impairments along with a restricted repertoire of activities and interests. Though the term ASD appears to be focused on autism, the spectrum aspect of ASD implies that it is not a single condition, but rather a disorder that results in individuals presenting a wide range of abilities and disabilities. Individuals with ASD vary in areas of development from severe problems to above average abilities. Individuals with autism often have impairments in communication, impairments in social skills, and restricted and repetitive behavioral patterns or range of interests. Approximately 50% of children diagnosed with autism do not talk to communicate. The 50% that can verbally communicate are said to often repeat what they hear someone else say. This process is often referred to as echolalia. Children with autism also have problems with social interactions. They appear to live in their own world and typically do not initiate social situations. Individuals with autism also demonstrate stereotypic behaviors, meaning they do things in rigid patterns and often demonstrate disruptive behavior if their routines are violated. Approximately 75% of those diagnosed with autism also have mental retardation, and thus only 25% of the autistic population has

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a normal level of intelligence. This range of cognitive ability has led to the now common terms of low functioning autism vs. high functioning autism, identifying those with mental retardation as low functioning, and those without mental retardation as high functioning. About 5% of autistic individuals fall into a highly functional category of the autistic spectrum. This small percent of individuals are recognized as autistic savants, those who have specific talents or abilities such as superior memorization skills, outstanding art and music capabilities, and can perform remarkable calendar and mathematical calculations. Individuals with Childhood Disintegrative Disorder (CDD) differ than those diagnosed with autism in that individuals with CDD are not diagnosed until age 5 or 6, much later the average age of 3, when those with autism are diagnosed. CDD is much rarer than autism. Individuals with CDD developmentally regress, losing already acquired language and social skills until eventually, their behaviors become similar to those with autism. The most striking characteristic of the syndrome is an intense interest in very specific subjects. For example, individuals can be obsessed with clocks; refrigerators; and train, or plane and bus schedules. The key to the diagnosis is that obsessive behavior significantly impairs social functioning. Asperger’s syndrome is unique in that communication is not delayed, however, the social use of language is a challenge for individuals with Asperger’s, as they often cannot interpret concepts or read others’ feelings or emotions. Children with Asperger’s do demonstrate many of the same behaviors as those with autism, such as repetitive behaviors and preoccupation with rigid routines. However, those with Asperger’s have normal intelligence as there is no significant delay in cognitive development. Rett’s syndrome is sometimes misdiagnosed as autism. It is characterized by poor motor and social skills. Those diagnosed with Rett’s develop normally through about 5 months after birth. Between 5 and 48 months, however, a child will begin to lose acquired skills and begin deceleration of head growth. Individuals diagnosed with Rett’s syndrome often have better social skills than those with autism, however, most children with Rett’s have mental retardation more severe than those with autism. PDD-NOS is a diagnosis that is made when children do not display more than one problem in areas of communication, social behaviors, or when the problems exist but are mild. The DSM-IV does not define

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common characteristics for PDD-NOS as this disorder shares a combination of traits with autism, CDD, Asperger’s and Rett’s. Regardless of the specific diagnosis, individuals diagnosed with ASD face severe deficits in basic areas of functioning, making it a challenge for parents, educators, and other professionals to meet the needs of these children in an educational and social context. ASDs are lifelong. Due to the range of both diagnoses and severities, the development of special education programs for these students will also range.

Identification In 1943, Dr. Leo Kanner of Johns Hopkins Medical School first described autism after observing a group of children and the nature of their communication skills. This was right around the same time that Hans Asperger, and Austrian pediatrician, described a similar condition later called Asperger’s syndrome. Even with all the research that succeeded Dr. Kanner and Dr. Asperger, ASD still remains a rather mysterious disability. Until recently, children were not diagnosed with autism until the age of 5, but now it is possible to diagnose children before the age of 3 with the help of new diagnostic testing and research that looks at children’s language, motor skills, and social interactions at very early ages. Still, only 50% of children with ASD are said to be diagnosed before kindergarten. Of course, as aforementioned, since some of the specific disorders under ASD have different symptoms that occur at different stages of development, a child can go undiagnosed until age 5 or 6, or be diagnosed as early as 5 months. For example, CDD is a regressive disorder, and thus, the child will appear to develop normally until age 5 or 6 making identification impossible until the onset of such symptoms occurs. A child with Rett’s can begin to regress as early as 5 months. While early identification of ASD can help parents and educators put together interventions and plans to help the child educationally, socially, and behaviorally, it is important to note that there are no cures for ASD. There are treatments for ASD, though it is determined on an individual basis with the help of health professionals, families, and teachers. Treatment options can range anywhere from special instructional and

behavioral therapy, dietary intervention, and medication prescriptions to a combination of all the above.

Prevalence and Causes While there is no specific number on record, and different research yields slightly different numbers, it has been estimated that the prevalence of ASDs have increased from 4 to 5 cases per 10,000 individuals in the 1960s to 5 to 31 cases per 10,000 individuals in the 1990s. These numbers come from epidemiological studies and the data collected by states about enrollment in special education programs. Some explanations of such an increase in prevalence include the improvement of diagnostic methods, the use of the broader category of ASD rather than exclusively autism, as well as the idea that there has simply been an increase in the disorders. These possibilities are debatable, as there is not much evidence supporting any one over the other. However, many experts and parents believe that the condition is simply growing in numbers, but cannot explain why this may be. This is where the causes of ASDs become another debatable mystery. As in the prevalence case concerning ASD, the causes are not clearly definable either. There are a number of suggestions out there by experts, though no precise causes exist. Most experts believe that ASDs have a genetic basis. Some believe that it is a lifelong neurological disorder, and/or that at least some forms of autism are caused by injury to the brain stem or frontal lobe. People speculate that environmental toxins, gastrointestinal anomalies, and ingredients in certain vaccines are possible causes, but again, there is little evidence to such speculations.

Education In 1990, the United States (U.S.) Congress added autism as a disability category to the Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA). In 1991, approximately 5,500 students were educated in the U.S. under this category of IDEA. Ten years later, this number grew dramatically to serve approximately 65,500 students specifically with autism. This dramatic increase in numbers has consequently established a need for educational programs in schools as well as the need for skilled and competent educators. There is a continuous controversy regarding what type of programs are most

Autism spectrum disorders (ASD)

effective. One major factor concerns the debate over the least restrictive environment (LRE) provision in the 1997 Reauthorized Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). This provision generally stipulates that learners with disabilities are entitled to educational services in maximally normalized settings that offer the same access to the general education curriculum as their developmentally typical peers. A controversy associated with ASD and education is that not all are convinced that every student with ASD should be included in general education classes. However, research shows that many students with ASD perform well and should be integrated into general education classrooms. Since the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act of 2001, the law now holds states, districts, schools, principles, and teachers accountable for both the performance of their general education and special education students. This puts even more pressure on educators to improve the academic performance of their students. One very important component that exists to accomplish the goals of NCLB is the idea of multidisciplinary teams of professionals (i.e., teachers, administrators, school counselors, school nurse, child study team) working together to identify the needs of each child with disabilities, including those with ASD. See also: > Asperger’s Syndrome, PDD; > Inclusion; > Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA); > Learning disabilities; > Mental retardation; > Special education

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Suggested Reading Iovannone, R., Dunlap, G., Huber, H., & Kincaid, D. (2003). Effective educational practices for students with autism spectrum disorders. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental Disabilities, 18(3), 150–165. Simpson, R. L., de Boer-Ott, S. R., & Smith-Myles, B. (2003). Inclusion of learners with autism spectrum disorders in general education settings. Top Language Disorder, 23(2), 116–133. Yell, ML., Drasgow, E., & Lowrey, KA. (2005). No Child Left Behind and students with autism spectrum disorders. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental Disabilities, 20(3), 130–139.

Suggested Resources National Institute of Mental Health Website—http://www.nimh. nih.gov/publicat/autism.cfm: This website offers information on Autism Spectrum Disorders, including symptoms, causes and treatments, statistics, and information on support services and coping groups. National Autism Association—http://www.nationalautismassocia tion.org: The National Autism Association is an organization whose mission is to educate and empower families affected by autism and other neurological disorders. They advocate on behalf of those who cannot fight for their own rights, while ra ising public and professional awareness.

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B.I.T.C.H. Black Intelligence Test of Cultural Homogeneity (B.I.T.C.H.) >

Bicultural Efficacy Lourdes India Ivory

Bicultural Efficacy, Bicultural Competence, and Culture The term bicultural efficacy has been defined and explained by LaFromboise et al. as an important dimension in the development of bicultural competence. Bicultural efficacy is an individual’s belief or confidence in his or her ability to live effectively and satisfactorily within two cultural groups without having to compromise his or her own sense of cultural identity. Bicultural efficacy is considered a crucial factor in acquiring and developing bicultural skills and is directly related to one’s ability to develop bicultural competence. Moreover, bicultural efficacy is also defined as an individual’s perceived expectation regarding his or her ability to handle the challenges of living within two cultures (without negative psychological outcomes) or having to compromise his or her personal and cultural identity. As self-efficacy has been positively associated with performance, bicultural efficacy has also been positively associated with bicultural competence. Bicultural competence is considered an important aspect of interacting within two cultures. It is relevant for both majority and minority persons who attempt to acquire competence in a bicultural and/or multicultural setting. In addition, the development of cultural efficacy is considered a vital factor in assisting individuals to become more effective within bicultural and/or multicultural settings. LaFromboise et al. state specifically that bicultural efficacy can determine an individual’s ability to acquire ‘‘a range of culturally or situationally appropriate behaviors or roles in a second culture’’; to perform efficiently within one’s role; to communicate skillfully (both verbally and nonverbally); to uphold roles and

affiliations within one’s culture of origin; and to handle and manage acculturation stress. The manner in which culture has been defined is important when discussing bicultural competence and bicultural efficacy. A commonly agreed upon definition of culture has not been established. Nevertheless, there exist many theoretical explanations that concern the meaning, influence, and significance of culture. Culture, as defined in the literature, includes, among other factors, the acquisition of a specific set of beliefs, values, norms, morals, customs, institutions, individual dynamics, life histories, and overall experiences. Culture is also presented as involving the process whereby knowledge, skills, and attitudes are acquired and transmitted from generation to generation. Language transmission is also considered a relevant component of culture. Furthermore, culture is viewed as a learned behavior and as a construct distinct from ‘‘race’’ and ‘‘ethnicity.’’ The behavioral model of culture addresses what is required to become biculturally competent. There is, however, no universal standard used to measure bicultural competence. Nonetheless, bicultural competence includes social skills, personality development, and the ability to manage effectively the challenges of living within two distinct cultures. Both culture and/or a form of culture can be found among ethnic and racial groups. Subcultures can also exist within cultures. In regard to a bicultural existence, the effective management of living within two cultures can influence the development of bicultural efficacy. Bicultural competence and bicultural efficacy are positively associated.

Models of Second-Culture Acquisition, Bicultural Competence, and Bicultural Efficacy Five models of second-culture acquisition and how they relate to the development of bicultural competence are reviewed and discussed by LaFromboise et al. These five models are: assimilation, acculturation, alternation, multicultural, and fusion. The alternation model of second-culture acquisition is identified as the one model that most effectively promotes bicultural competence and bicultural efficacy. In the assimilation model, the individual is expected to engage in a process whereby he or she gives up his/ her own cultural identity/heritage and fully engages in the new host culture which is usually the dominant

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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culture. It is postulated that an individual is motivated to assimilate because of his or her desire to be accepted by the target culture. The acculturation model, unlike the assimilation model, involves a process where the individual seeks competence in the majority culture without completely giving up his or her identification with the culture of origin. The process of acculturation has also been presented as a process that is involuntary—that is, an individual may forcibly learn a new culture for survival reasons. In the multicultural model, cultures can be distinctly maintained while individuals from a particular culture interact with other cultures in addressing national or economic needs. The individual can positively identify with his/her own culture while simultaneously acquiring a positive identity in constructively engaging in mainstream society. The fusion model of secondculture acquisition indicates that cultures sharing an economic, political, or geographic domain will fuse together with the end result being that of a new culture emerging from the fusion of the different cultures. The alternation model of second-culture acquisition—presented as the most effective model in promoting bicultural competence and bicultural efficacy—postulates that an individual is capable of being both knowledgeable about his or her own culture of origin and that of the secondly acquired culture. Moreover, the individual is able to comprehend what is required concerning two different cultures and can alter his or her behavior when deemed appropriate and/or necessary. This model includes the assumption that an individual can experience a sense of belonging in two distinct cultures without surrendering his or her own sense of cultural identity. According to this model, an individual is capable of possessing ‘‘dual modes of social behavior’’ and of being able to select appropriately the particular mode of social behavior required in a given situation or setting. He or she can be expected to interact positively and competently within two cultures, possess bicultural efficacy, and view both cultures as positive and meaningful. In this model, the individual, him- or herself, determines how and to what extent he or she will interact with his or her own culture and/or the second culture. The alternation model of second-culture acquisition is considered the most effective model for acquiring bicultural competence and the development of bicultural efficacy since it includes both positive identification and affiliation with one’s own culture of origin and with the secondly acquired culture.

The extent to which one acquires bicultural efficacy is related to an individual’s perception concerning his or her bicultural competence. An individual is expected to be influenced positively in acquiring bicultural competence when he or she possesses bicultural efficacy. Furthermore, one’s ability to acquire bicultural competence is contingent upon, but not limited to, one’s stage of ethnic identity development, individual personality, personal identity, affective processes, ego strength, selfconfidence, and perception of self-sufficiency. LaFromboise et al. maintain that bicultural competence involves an awareness of and knowledge about the cultural beliefs and values of the culture of origin and the secondly acquired culture; positive attitudes toward both cultural groups; the acquisition of bicultural efficacy; the development of communication skills—having communication ability—verbal and nonverbal—in one’s culture of origin and the secondly acquired culture; the ability to acquire a role repertoire (range of culturally or situationally appropriate behaviors or roles); and, groundedness—the ability to establish a support system in both the culture of origin and the secondly acquired culture. The acquisition of bicultural competence fosters the development of bicultural efficacy. Conversely, bicultural efficacy is a critical factor in the development of bicultural competence.

Overall Outcomes Regarding Bicultural Competence and Bicultural Efficacy Biculturalism is believed to foster both a sense of efficacy when functioning within societal institutions as well as a positive view of and identification with one’s own culture of origin. Henceforth, psychological wellbeing is associated with bicultural competence. Bicultural individuals are reported to have enhanced physical and psychological health and to persevere in spite of bicultural challenges. The performance of those who are biculturally competent is expected to be better vocationally and academically than that of those who remain monocultural. Bicultural individuals are able to engage in what has been termed cultural frame switching; that is, having the ability to move from one culture to another given various factors such as one’s interpretation of a situation and cultural cues. Furthermore, religion and spirituality are other factors that can have an impact upon and influence bicultural competence and bicultural efficacy. For some

Biculturalism

individuals, religious faith serves as a lens through which culture is viewed, evaluated, interpreted, accepted, rejected, and so on. That is, many view religious faith as an integral and vital part of their lives and, as such, a determining factor regarding the acquisition and transmission of personal and religious beliefs, values, roles, behavior, customs, traditions, style of communication, and so forth. Skills training interventions for acquiring bicultural competence have been viewed as an effective and necessary modality for preparing individuals to interact appropriately within different cultural settings. Helping individuals develop bicultural competence (inclusive of bicultural efficacy) can reduce intergenerational culture value conflicts and acculturative stress. Developing skills necessary to manage and negotiate both one’s own culture of origin and other cultures can enhance bicultural competence, a component needed to acquire, develop, and maintain bicultural efficacy. See also: > Acculturation; identity development

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Suggested Reading Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 697. LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L. K., & Gerton, J. (1995). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. In N. R. Goldberger, & J. B. Veroff, (Eds.), The culture and psychology reader (pp. 489–535). New York, NY: New York University Press. Szapocznik, J., Rio, A., Perez-Vidal, A., Kurtines, W., Hervis O., & Santisteban, D. (1986). Bicultural effectiveness training (BET): An experimental test of an intervention modality for families experiencing intergenerational/intercultural conflict. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 8(4), 303–330.

Biculturalism Teresa LaFromboise

In 1967, the Supreme Court overturned the remaining state laws against interracial marriage.1 The consequences of this significant decision can be seen in 1

Loving v. State of Virginia.

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the over 1 million Americans born in the 1970s and 1980s who are of more than one racial heritage. The birth rate of multiracial babies is over 25 times higher than that of any other racial category. Approximately 70% of African Americans are multiracial, as are most Latinos, Filipinos, American Indians, and Native Hawaiians. In the 2000 census, 6.8 million people reported their heritage as being of two or more races. Most definitions of biculturalism refer to psychological duality associated with simultaneously learning the rules of behavior, expectations, values, and developing a sense of security and personal identity in more than one culture. A bicultural person may be seen as possessing two cultural identities as a result of socialization within two cultures concurrently. There is also a developing understanding that being an American and a person of color in the United States (U.S.) today are not mutually exclusive. Many individuals participate at different levels as members of two cultural groups, particularly as the world becomes more global through the use of evolving technologies. Racial identity can be situational, without necessarily reflecting ambivalence about either heritage. The environments in which one socializes can have a significant impact on identity, as identity is drawn from an interactional process within social environments in which the self is reflected by others. A person may have overlapping or distinct identities in each of these environments. For children, many of these racial identity development processes are negotiated through parents, but when these children reach young adulthood, they may have to re-negotiate their identity with unfamiliar individuals who have a different history of race relations. Additionally, one’s private identity may be different from the public identity that is assumed or validated by others. Bicultural persons are often found to be confident, secure, well-adjusted, open to different worldviews and socially tolerant. Bicultural individuals are able to demonstrate behavioral and cognitive flexibility in diverse settings, act as cultural brokers among people of different backgrounds, and hold membership in various cultural groups without necessarily feeling marginalized. Bicultural individuals are often quite independent and self-reliant, as they must endure extended periods of social isolation from their primary group for the purposes of education, training, and work. Alternatively, a dual identity may negatively affect normal ethnic socialization, as individuals have the

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added pressure of deciding whether to choose a singular ethnic identity or develop biculturally. One psychological threat is marginalization, feeling as if one is between two cultures, but does not fully belong to either one. The person may feel cut off from both groups, and suffer from self-hatred, low self-esteem, and feelings of inferiority, as well as being predisposed to mental health problems. Biculturalism can be understood as a strategy for coping with discriminatory practices in society. It provides a psychological safety net where the individual can withdraw when necessary to receive nurturance and support from the family following periods of time in an environment that may be unwelcoming. Often, this support revalidates the person’s self-esteem and provides a basis for maintaining ties to their ethnic culture(s). Thus, biculturalism offers both external group support and internal coping resources. Bicultural individuals acquire a level of bicultural competence through involvement in both cultures, including observations, interactions, reflection, and training. Bicultural competence has been operationalized to include individuals who posses: (1) a sense of belonging in both cultures without compromising one’s sense of cultural identity, (2) dual modes of social behavior that are suitably used in different situations, (3) the ability to alternate behaviors based on the culture in which one is immersed, (4) the ability to uphold a positive relationship with both cultures without feeling pressure to choose between them, and (5) the ability to assign equal status to both cultures, even if she/he does value or prefer them equally.

Ways of Becoming Bicultural Bicultural involvement refers to the process of adaptations to environmental changes, which may be of natural or cultural origin. An individual may become bicultural by being born with more than one cultural or ethnic heritage. Children with parents from dissimilar cultures have a greater chance of being socialized to the cultural practices, standards, and values of more than one culture. Little literature exists that focuses on the emotional and psychological welfare of multiheritage children. The ‘‘one-drop rule’’ is often maintained by many people, regardless of the overall cultural/ ethnic background of an individual. This conception may result in a form of discrimination, as a bicultural,

multi-heritage person will be perceived as a member of one culture, but not as belonging to both cultures. However, the dominant perspective supports the position that multiethnic people not only have positive relations with both White people and people of color, but they also have good relations with mixed race and minority peers. A second way that individuals become bicultural is through immigration. Individuals are socialized to the norms and values of their country of origin, and then must adapt to their new surroundings. First generation individuals typically come to the U.S. during their adult lives, and therefore may find less pressure to conform to the norms of the majority society when they are seen as having more stable ethnic identities. There are also increasingly more established ethnic enclaves in certain areas of the country, so some first generation immigrants are able to resist the pressure to acculturate to American culture. Of course, the process of adaptation may be influenced by the discrepancy between the immigrant’s former and current life. A third manner of becoming bicultural lies in being of the ‘‘one-and-a-half ’’ generation: individuals who immigrate as children. These children are likely to have more exposure to the host culture than their parents though academic involvement, peer socialization, and media use. Thus, these children often take on roles as translators and cultural brokers. This generation of children may experience great pressure for enculturation in the primary culture as a result of parental fear of a dilution of cultural awareness and ethnic pride. The fourth method of becoming bicultural is when children are born to immigrant parents. These children are usually expected to maintain the beliefs and values of the parents’ country of origin, and are often taught the language of this country, a skill that can serve as another link to their ethnic heritage. However, at the same time, they are expected to become ‘‘American.’’ To adapt to these dual roles, children of immigrants or refugees develop competence in both cultures, often serving as a bridge between parent culture and that of the majority group. The fifth way of becoming bicultural is as a third or later generation. Often, these individuals are more loyal to their ethnic heritage than they are knowledgeable of many of the cultural dimensions, such as language and history. Language is often learned formally during school at a later age rather than informally in the family from birth.

Bilingual education programs: maintenance, transitional, and dual language

This type of individual tends to maintain biculturalism by choice, seeing it as a benefit and source of pride. Many times, even though a third or later generation individual may have no familiarity with his/her ethnic culture, she/he is still perceived as a person of color and treated as such by others with certain stereotypes in mind. The final way of becoming bicultural is through adoption and foster care. Adoption experts vary in their opinions about this type of adoption. Some believe that children should always be placed with at least one parent of the same race or culture so the child can develop a strong racial or cultural identity. For example, the Indian Child Welfare act was created in 1978 to re-establish tribal authority over the adoption of American Indian children and strengthen American Indian families and culture. The National Association of Black Social Workers asserts that only African American parents can properly teach their children how to handle racism. Other experts believe that race should not be considered when searching for a loving family that can meet the needs of a particular child.

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Suggested Reading Gaskin, P. F. (Ed.) (1999). What are you? Voices of mixed-race young people. New York: Henry Holt Company. Harris, D. R., & Sim, J. J. (2002). Who is multiracial? Assessing the complexity of lived race. American Socialogical Review, 67, 614. Rockquemore, K. A., & Brunsma, D. L. (2002). Beyond Black: Biracial identity in America. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.

Bilingual Education Programs: Maintenance, Transitional, and Dual Language Kathy Escamilla

Introduction Strategies for Coping Bicultural involvement may be a strategy for coping with discrimination in society, as one learns two distinct behavioral repertoires, a process which is seen as adaptive for minority individuals. People use different strategies depending on the nature of the situation. Three strategies that are used to attempt to cope with cultural diversity—separation, assimilation, and acculturation—assume that the process of secondculture acquisition is linear, where individuals either disconnect themselves from their culture of origin and immerse themselves in the second culture or they completely separate themselves from contact with the second culture. The strategy of alternation assumes that it is possible to alternate between two different cultures without having to choose one culture over another. The greater the range of culturally appropriate behaviors or roles that one is able to develop (termed ‘‘role repertoire’’), the higher the level of bicultural competence an individual possesses. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Ethnic minority youth

Over the past three decades, the number of culturally and linguistically diverse students in United States (U.S.) schools has grown at a rapid rate. Culturally and linguistically diverse students (also called English Language Learners and hereafter referred to as CLD) are those students who speak a language other than English and who bring diverse cultural heritages to their classrooms. The group of CLD students in the U.S. is ethnically and linguistically diverse. In 2000, federally funded bilingual and English as a Second Language (ESL) programs served 198 different language groups. The vast majority (about 67%) of these students were born in the U.S. and are therefore U.S. citizens. In urban areas, this population is the fastest growing of all school-aged populations. The linguistic repertoires of CLD students vary widely. Some enter school speaking no English while others are functional in English but lack reading and writing skills in English. Still others have varying levels of proficiency in both their native language and English. While the diversity of this population has been well documented, it is equally important to note that there are heavy concentrations of students speaking one of several languages. For example, 75% of all CLD students

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speak Spanish as a primary language. Further, 85% of all of the linguistic diversity is accounted for by five language groups (Spanish—75%; Vietnamese—4%; Hmong, Cantonese, Korean, Laotian, and Navajo— 2% each language). The above numbers are important as a means of discussing instructional program models to serve this population. Over the past 30 years, in the midst of a large and growing research base that supports bilingual program models as the most effective instructional approaches for CLD students, the actual number of CLD children receiving bilingual education has dropped sharply. This reduction may be attributed to three varied but connected forces. First, voter initiated referendums in three states with large CLD populations (California 1998; Arizona 2000; Massachusetts 2002) have eliminated most bilingual education programs in these states. Next, policy makers have incorrectly concluded that the diversity of the CLD population (i.e., too many different languages) means that bilingual education is not feasible. Finally, as a result of the federal mandate of No Child Left Behind (2002), many administrators and teachers are faced with new high stakes testing mandates and accountability requirements that can only be met in English. As a result, many have opted out of bilingual education programs. The earlier result is that currently only about 10% of the CLD children in the U.S. are in bilingual education programs. The vast majority of CLD students are in English medium programs. English medium programs for CLD students focus on teaching English but do not make formal use of a student’s native language in instruction. Bilingual education programs, on the other hand, are educational programs that utilize a student’s native language as a medium of instruction, and at the same time, teach English as a secnd language. There are many different types of bilingual education programs. They include Transitional Bilingual Education (early exit and late exit), Maintenance Bilingual Education (also called Developmental or Enrichment), and Dual Language Programs (also called Two-Way Immersion, or Two-Way programs). Following is a discussion about the various types of bilingual programs. It should be restated that bilingual programs are only available for about 10% of the CLD population nationally and that 95% of all bilingual education programs in the U.S. are early-exit transitional programs.

Each of the types of bilingual education programs will be discussed via the theoretical foundations of the program, its goals, advantages and disadvantages, and research support for the approach.

Transitional Bilingual Programs Transitional Bilingual Education Programs (TBE) use a student’s native language as a medium of instruction for all or part of the school day for a temporary period. TBE programs use students’ native languages as a medium of instruction while simultaneously teaching English as a second language. The main purpose of a TBE program is to use a student’s native language as a bridge to English. The main goal of a TBE program is transition to and ultimate proficiency in English, not the development of bilingualism or biliteracy. Transitional Bilingual Programs are further divided into early-exit TBE and late-exit TBE. Early-exit TBE programs last from 2 to 3 years, while late-exit programs can last from 5 to 6 years. TBE programs begin by having the majority of the school day conducted in students’ native language, with daily instruction in ESL. Overtime, less of the students’ native language is used and the amount of English instruction increases. Again, it is expected that students will exit from these programs into all English programs in a short period of time. The rationale for TBE programs is that a student’s native language is a resource that can be utilized to help students learn English. The theoretical framework is that of language transfer, meaning what is Sample Language Allocation Plan: Grade

Spanish/% Time

English/% Time

Late-Exit Transitional Bilingual Program K 80% 20% 1 75% 25% 2 50% 50% 3 25% 75% 4 20% 80% 5 0 100% Early-Exit Transitional Bilingual Program K 75% 25% 1 50% 50% 2 25% 75% 3 20% 80% 4 0% 100% 5 0 100%

Bilingual education programs: maintenance, transitional, and dual language

known and learned in one language can positively transfer to another language. The following visuals illustrate an example of language allocation plans in a late-exit program, and an early-exit program where Spanish is the native language and English is the second language. In this model, the transition is complete by fifth grade. In early-exit models, the transition is generally complete by the end of third grade. The advantages of TBE are that at least for a short period of time, students are learning content (e.g., reading/writing, math, and science) while they are learning English, and thereby not getting behind in subject matter content while they are learning English as a second language. Further, a seminal study conducted by Ramı´rez et al. (1991) compared early-exit TBE to late-exit TBE, to English immersion programs, and found that the most effective educational program option was the late-exit TBE, the next most effective was early-exit TBE and the least effective was English immersion. These study results have been further supported by at least four research syntheses. While TBE has some advantages for CLD children, these programs also have some disadvantages. Criticism of these programs include that most are early exit in nature and therefore do not allow children enough time to learn English well before they are transferred out and thrown into all English classrooms. Further, the model assumes that children enter a particular school in kindergarten and that there is little or no mobility. CLD students, in reality are highly mobile, and many CLD children enter U.S. schools in second, third, or fourth grades or later. The model has been criticized for segregating children linguistically within a school, and thereby stigmatizing and marginalizing children who do not speak English. While the model as a linguistic model has theoretical merit, it does not specifically address cultural issues and many have argued that these cultural issues are as important as linguistic issues in building effective instructional programs for CLD students. Finally, TBE programs have been criticized as viewing students’ native languages as problems to be remediated rather than as linguistic resources to be valued and developed. In this model, native languages are used as temporary bridges to English and therefore viewed simply as a vehicle to encourage English acquisition rather than of value in their own right. Unfortunately, while students in TBE programs generally learn English, they frequently lose their native language in the process and the ultimate outcome is subtractive bilingualism.

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Maintenance Bilingual Programs (Developmental or Enrichment) Maintenance Bilingual Programs (MBE also known as developmental or enrichment) share some components with TBE programs; however, they also differ in some significant ways. MBE programs also use student’s native languages and English in school curricula beginning in kindergarten. MBE programs, however, place less emphasis on transitioning students to all English classrooms, or exiting students from programs. Students in MBE programs receive content area instruction in both languages for as many grades as the school system can provide. The vast majority of MBE programs in the U.S. are kindergarten to fifth grade or kindergarten to sixth grade programs with no continuation in middle and high school. The following

Sample Language Allocation Plan Grade

Spanish/% Time

Maintenance Bilingual Program K 80% 1 75% 2 50% 3 50% 4 50% 5 50%

English/% Time 20% 25% 50% 50% 50% 50%

graphic illustrates the difference in language allocation between TBE and MBE programs. Ideally, MBE programs include a curriculum infused with a multicultural curriculum perspective and equal amounts of native language and English use for kindergarten through twelth grade, with continuing opportunities at the university level. Realistically, however, such programs are not only uncommon in number, but also limited to elementary grades. Research on MBE programs has established their efficacy when compared to other programs models (TBE, English immersion, pull-out ESL). These studies have established that MBE programs produce high academic achievement in both the native language and English after 4–6 years of MBE schooling. In contrast to TBE programs, the goals of MBE programs are for students to become bilingual and biliterate and academically competent in two languages. Biculturalism is also a goal for these programs. The advantage to these programs is that they view

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Bilingual education programs: maintenance, transitional, and dual language

language as a resource rather than a problem and view each language as legitimate in its own right. The disadvantages of MBE are similar to TBE in that the programs assume a stable population and the CLD population is highly mobile. MBE programs that are one way in nature (e.g., Spanish to English) also run the risk of linguistic segregation within schools. Further, MBE programs became the center of a political controversy in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s when some writers and researchers raised concern that native language maintenance was not the task of the federal government. MBE programs, however, also became sources of great pride and dramatic improvement in achievement in some programs such as the Navajo bilingual schools and the Yupiak and Inuit bilingual programs in Alaska. Again, it should be noted that fewer than 5% of all bilingual education programs in the U.S. are MBE.

Dual Language Programs (Two-Way Immersion, Two-Way Bilingual) Many MBE programs have evolved into dual language programs. These dual language programs have the same goals as MBE programs (bilingualism, biliteracy, biculturalism). However instead of being structured for CLD students alone, they have added students who are monolingual in English and who wish to develop bilingual proficiencies. There are several different language allocation models for dual language programs. The example included later is known as a 90/10 model where the program begins by providing 90% of the instruction in a student’s native language. For Spanish speaking (or other CLD groups), this is

Spanish and for native English speakers this is English. As students progress through the grade levels, the amount of instruction in the second language is increased until a 50/50 allocation of both languages is achieved. Other programs begin with a 50/50 language allocation from the beginning of the program. Dual language programs are unique in that they are the only bilingual program options that require linguistic integration (50% of the students in the program must be non-English speakers and 50% must be native English speakers). They are also unique in that they are governed by a set of standards for implementation that has been created by the Center for Applied Linguistics. The vast majority of public school dual language programs in the U.S. are Spanish/English programs. However, there are private dual language programs in the U.S. that offer a variety of languages including French, Chinese, and Korean. Dual language programs were first implemented in San Diego, California in 1975 and have grown in popularity nationally. However, less than 1% of all U.S. bilingual programs are dual language in nature. The advantage of dual language programs is that they encourage integration of language and ethnic groups rather than segregation. They provide status and validation to minority languages in the U.S. They encourage cross-cultural friendships among students and cross-cultural collaboration among parents. They expand the concepts of language as a resource. Dual language programs have become increasingly popular during the early years of the twenty-first century and preliminary research on their efficacy has been positive and has suggested that this option may be the most effective for increasing the academic achievement and English acquisition of the large and growing number of

Sample Language Allocation Grade

Spanish Native Language Group Spanish

Plan: Dual Language Program 90/10 Model K 90% 1 80% 2 75% 3 50% 4 50% 5 50%

Native English Language Group

English 10% 20% 25% 50% 50% 50%

English 90% 80% 75% 50% 50% 50%

Spanish 10% 20% 25% 50% 50% 50%

Bilingual school psychologists

CLD student in the U.S. Current research views these programs as ‘‘best practice’’ for CLD students and as an opportunity for monolingual English speakers to study a second language during the early years of elementary school. Ideally, dual language programs would provide opportunities for students to participate in them from kindergarten through high school and then on to higher education. In reality, however, dual language schools are primarily kindergarten through grade 5 schools with a few middle and high school programs nationally. Disadvantages of dual language programs are much the same as for other bilingual program options. The program models assume that all students will begin the program in kindergarten and remain through the end of the program. Further, there is a shortage of bilingual teachers and dual language programs frequently struggle to find highly qualified teachers who have high levels of proficiency in two languages. Finally, in districts that are highly influenced by CDL students, the implementation of a dual language program may mean that bilingual teachers who are needed to teach CLD students are reassigned to teach monolingual English students thereby depriving CLD students of the most qualified teachers. Despite these advantages, Dual Language Programs are still considered to be the best programs for CDL students. See also: > Bicultural efficacy; > Bilingualism; > English as a Second Language Instruction (ESL); > Language needs in the multicultural classroom

Suggested Reading August, D., & Shanahan, T. (2006). Developing literacy in secondlanguage learners: Report of the national literacy panel on language-minority children and youth. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Ovando, C., & Collier, V., (1998). Bilingual and ESL classrooms: Teaching in multicultural contexts. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Ramirez, D., Yuen, S., Ramy, D., & Pasta, D. (1991). Final report: National longitudinal study of structured-English immersion strategy, early-exit and late exit transitional bilingual education programs for language-minority children. San Mateo, CA: Aguirre International. Slavin, R., & Cheung, A. (2003). Effective reading programs for English language learners: A best-evidence synthesis. Washington, D.C.: Center for Research on the Education of Students Place At Risk (CRESPAR).

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Bilingual School Psychologists Elizabeth D Palacios . Rebecca S Martı´nez . Charles R Ridley

As demographics continue to change in our nation’s schools, so do the expectations and responsibilities of school psychologists. Since the 1980s, the prediction has been that the number of people of color would increase dramatically. Between 1980 and 1992 the percentages of population increase for ethnic groups were as follows: Asian and Pacific Islanders 123.5%; Latinos 65.3%; Native American/Eskimo/Aleut 30.7%; African American 16.4%; and non-Latino White 5.5%. These changes have had a dramatic impact on our nation’s schools and agencies who serve children and adolescents. Children of color now make up 36% of the nation’s youth population with an expected increase to 48% by 2020. In stark contrast, in 1999 school psychologists were 92.04% White, 3.13% Latino, 2.14% African American, 0.93% Asian/American/Pacific Islander, 0.40% Native American/Alaskan Native, and 1.36% Other (Unspecified). In response to this disparity of representation in the field of school psychology, training programs began to incorporate cross-cultural issues into their curricula. In the area of research and publications on cultural issues from 1990 to 1999, there was a slight increase in the amount of publications focused on this theme (i.e., from 9% to 10.8%). However, the success of addressing cultural issues in training programs is still debatable. In one study, nearly 70% of the respondents believed that their training was inadequate with respect to knowledge in bilingual psychoeducational assessment. At least 80% of the respondents perceived that their level of training was less than adequate in areas such as second-language acquisition and its relationship to assessment, bilingual and psychoeducational assessment, and how to interpret the results of bilingual psychoeducational assessments.

Cross-Cultural Competence School psychologists who serve ethnically, culturally, and linguistically diverse students are bound by professional ethics and federal law to be competent, fair,

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nondiscriminatory, and knowledgeable. Cross-cultural competency begins with a professional’s self-awareness of biases, assumptions, and values. This promotes an understanding of the worldview of others. Finally, culturally competent school psychologists apply their cultural knowledge base to effectively serve the needs of diverse students. Effectively teaching cross-cultural competence in school psychology training programs has been a major challenge. Well-meaning trainees learn about cultural trends, issues, facts, and figures and believe that they are well equipped to serve minority students. It is not until the trainee experiences self-awareness, identifies biases and stereotypes, and explores the journeys of others from other cultures that true transformation occurs. To add to the complexity of developing cross-cultural competence is the matter of language. As children acculturate, language is sometimes maintained in the family.

Spanish-Speaking Populations With the 2000 Census, Latinos/as emerged as the largest racial minority in the U.S. representing 12.5% of the U.S. population. Not only are school psychologists expected to be competent in assessment, prevention, intervention, consultation, and counseling, but also in their knowledge of language acquisition. Many students are going to school with little or no skill in the English language. These students have been identified as second-language learners (SLL), English-language learners (ELL), culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD), bilingual, and limited English proficient (LEP). The federal definition describes the LEP student as having difficulty in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding the English language. Difficulties with the English language may preclude academic success if academic instruction is primarily in English. To complicate the problem, state definitions vary in the methodology and criteria for qualifying as an LEP student; thus posing additional challenges for the school psychologist.

Definition of a Bilingual School Psychologist The assessment of bilingual students has been the topic of much controversy for many years and continues to be a source of contention. Since the case of Diana v. California (1970), school psychologists have been warned about discounting linguistic differences and

cultural influence. In Diana’s case, she was labeled as mentally retarded after receiving an IQ score of 30. After being reassessed with the same instrument by a bilingual psychologist in both Spanish and English, she received a higher score by 50 points and no longer met the criteria of mental retardation. As a result, the competence of the bilingual psychologist in this case prevented the student from being mistakenly recommended for special education. Although the overrepresentation of minority children in special education has been carefully researched and addressed, not much has changed in education. The National Research Council conducted a recent review, Minority Students in Special and Gifted Education (2002), and concluded that after three decades, the overrepresentation of minorities in special education still exists. Furthermore, there is another side of the problem in assessing bilingual students. Students who have special needs may be overlooked because their academic difficulties are attributed to being a non-native English speaker. Competent bilingual school psychologists make sound assessments by investigating students’ language difficulties from their emotional and intellectual capacities. A Bilingual School Psychologist refers to an individual who is licensed to practice school psychology as a profession and demonstrates competency in a second language other than English. The psychologist facilitates the transference of students’ knowledge obtained in the primary/native language to be utilized in the second language (English). Some school psychology graduate programs in states like Texas, Arizona, New Mexico, and New York offer additional courses to students who wish to attain a specialization in bilingual school psychology. Students must be proficient in a second language and must demonstrate the proficiency through oral and written examinations to be recognized as a bilingual school psychologist. Through the additional courses (in most cases 6 h), the student engages in coursework emphasizing bilingual and multicultural issues. The student also is placed in bilingual internship sites with bilingual supervisors. This additional training prepares the bilingual school psychologist to be competent not only linguistically, but cross-culturally as well. The advantages of becoming a bilingual school psychologist are abundant. One visible advantage is skill in assessing students’ capacities in both English and their native language. With children of immigrants, many factors may have an impact on the results of assessments. One factor is the children’s level of acculturation. Their migration experiences, level of support, parents’ level of education and

Bilingual verbal ability tests (BVAT)

socioeconomic status, and reason for migration are all part of the acculturation process and how the student sees him/herself. Another factor is the level of development of their primary language. When students immigrate to an English-speaking environment, they may begin to lose their primary language as they acquire their secondary language thus placing the student in an academic limbo and affecting the outcome of an assessment whether it is administered in English, their native language, or both. Recent studies provide support for children continuing to develop their primary language at home while learning English at school. In addition to the ability to assess in two languages, school psychologists are also encouraged to address cultural differences. These include differences in communication styles, family roles, physical space, values, belief system, and cultural mores and incorporate these considerations in their assessments and interventions.

Interpreters The Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEA), the Protection of Pupil Rights Act (PPRA), and the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) of 1974 provide protection and guidelines for administering evaluations, obtaining informed consent, and providing written notice in the language of the student and parents (unless it clearly is not feasible). While bilingual school psychologists are still quite a small but growing portion of the professional field, the number of culturally and linguistically diverse school-age children continues to grow. Interpreters can be used to help meet this challenge. The problem with using interpreters is that many states do not have consistent minimum requirements. At the least, interpreters should be equally fluent in English and the native language of the student/parent. It is preferred that they have at minimum a high school diploma with communication skills that are appropriate for the tasks at hand. However, the problem of interpreters becoming emotionally involved, changing the content of the conversation, or breeching confidentiality is always a risk. When members of the National Association of School Psychologists were asked about assessing language minority students, 85% of the respondents agreed that the practice of using a bilingual school psychologist to administer tests in both English and the child’s native language is usually or always acceptable.

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When asked about having an interpreter translate traditional tests from English to another language during the testing session, 56% of the respondents rated this as never or rarely acceptable. When it comes to best practice methods in working with linguistically diverse children, there is no complete agreement among school psychologists. The need is clear for training and increasing the number of bilingual school psychologists. See also: > Culturally competent assessment of Englishlanguage learners; > Interpreters

Suggested Reading Bainter, T. R., & Tollefson, N. (2003). Intellectual assessment of language minority students: What do school psychologists believe are acceptable practices? Psychological School, 40(6), 599–603. Fagan, T. K., & Wise, P. S. (2000). School psychology: Past, present, and future (2nd ed.) Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists. Gibbs, J. T., & Huang, L. N. (2003). Children of color: Psychological interventions with culturally diverse youth. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Miranda, A. H. (2002). Best practices in increasing cross-cultural competence. In A. Thomas, & J. Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology IV (pp. 353–362). Washington, D.C.: National Association of School Psychologists. Rhodes, R. L., Ochoa, S. H., & Ortiz, S. O. (2005). Assessing culturally and linguistically diverse students: A practical guide. New York: Guilford Press. Rueda, R., & Windmueller, M. P. (2006). English language learners, LD, and overrepresentation: A multiple-level analysis. Journal of Learning and Disability, 39(2), 99–108.

Suggested Resources National Association of School Psychologists: http://www.nasponline.org/index.html

Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests (BVAT) Justin M Walker . Robyn Hess

As the population of children who speak another language other than English continues to grow in the United States (U.S.) the practices of educational

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Bilingual verbal ability tests (BVAT)

professionals and their use of assessment tools must also strive to meet the needs of the populations they serve. To counteract the disproportionality of minority students placed in special education, assessment approaches must reflect best practice in providing nonbiased, culturally sensitive measures of linguistic ability. Since federal legislation mandates that children be evaluated in their native language, traditional assessment measures may not be meeting the needs of school psychologists working with second language learners. The Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests (BVAT#) by Mun˜oz-Sandoval, Cummins, Alvarado, and Ruef is one attempt at providing a measure of a student’s language skills in both English and in his or her native language. Based on components of the Woodcock– Johnson—Revised Tests of Cognitive Ability (WJ-R COG), students are first asked to complete test items in English. The questions that were answered incorrectly are then repeated in the student’s home language. Administration is relatively brief and can be completed in approximately 30 minutes with very few materials. All the test items are drawn in color. The first test is Picture Vocabulary where students name familiar and unfamiliar objects. Test 2 is Oral Vocabulary where students provide synonyms and antonyms for selected items. Finally, in Test 3, Verbal Analogies, students verbally complete a word relationship. For example, ‘‘Hat is to head as mitten is to ____.’’ The BVAT assures that dialectal variations are considered and items that cannot be translated are left out when administering in the student’s native language. The resulting composite score is the individual’s bilingual verbal ability (BVA) and includes all the items the learner was able to respond to correctly, both in English and in his or her home language. In addition, a measure of cognitive academic language proficiency is provided. This number is used to determine an individual’s level of English proficiency. Because the BVAT is standardized and norm referenced, percentile ranks, standard scores, and age and grade equivalents are provided. All scoring is accomplished through the use of a computer program, which, in addition to calculating scores, generates interpretive information for each of the reported areas. The actual test administration can be carried out by untrained persons. However, the BVAT manual does strongly recommend that the administrator of the test be a native speaker of the target language. However, when this is not possible, the legal and ethical considerations in using an interpreter as well as

the importance of adequate training are recognized and the BVAT Comprehensive Manual dedicates an entire chapter to the training and monitoring of ancillary examiners. The BVAT has been translated by trained bilingual assessment professionals. The BVAT itself was standardized as part of the normative process of the WJ-R COG. The standardization sample consisted of 5,602 subjects age 5 and above. The authors have established reliability (high 1980s to mid 1990s) and concurrent validity with other language proficiency instruments and cognitive ability measures. Although not representative of all language learners, the BVAT has moved culturally competent assessment in the right direction by providing professionals with a tool that is more appropriate for second language students than many of the traditional measures of cognitive ability and vocabulary. The BVAT clearly helps professionals distinguish the differences between a student’s verbal ability and English language proficiency. Although no single test score should ever be used to make decisions, such information can provide deeper insight of abilities and may fuel recommendations for placements and services to be provided. See also: Johnson

>

Nondiscriminatory testing;

>

Woodcock-

Suggested Reading Cummings, J. (1984). Bilingualism and special education: Issues in assessment and pedagogy. San Diego, CA: College Hill Press. Mun˜oz-Sandoval, A. F., Cummins, J., Alvarado, C. G., & Ruef, M. L. (1998). Bilingual verbal ability tests: Comprehensive manual. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing. Paredes Scribner, A. (2002). Best assessment and intervention practices with second language learners. In A. Thomas, & J. Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology IV. (pp. 1485–1500) Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists.

Suggested Resources Riverside Publishing Company—http://www.riverpub.com/: This website provides products, services, events, and training related to assessment issues. National Association of School Psychologists—http://www.nasponline.org/information/pospaper_assess.html: This website presents a position paper on assessment practices.

Bilingualism

Bilingualism Elizabeth D Pen˜a . Lisa M Bedore Bilingualism occurs when there is a practical need to use more than one language. In the United States (U.S.), children may learn a second language when they enter the educational system at either preschool or kindergarten. There is a great deal of variability in how well children perform in each language. This variability is based on when and how children become bilingual, the amount of time exposed to each language, and the kinds of language needs for each situation.

Types of Bilinguals Timing in the acquisition of the first and second language can influence proficiency in each of the languages. Simultaneous bilinguals are those who are exposed to two languages from birth. Simultaneous bilinguals may grow up in families in which one parent or caregiver speaks one language to the children, whereas the other parent or caregiver speaks a different language, or where a parent uses both languages interchangeably. If exposure to two languages begins before the age of 2 years, a child may be considered a simultaneous bilingual. Sequential bilinguals are those who learn a second language after beginning to learn their first language. Some sequential bilinguals begin acquisition of the second language relatively early—in preschool or by school age. These bilinguals are considered early sequential bilinguals. When sequential bilinguals begin learning a second language after adolescence, they are considered late sequential bilinguals. Most school-age U.S. bilinguals are early sequential bilinguals. Children become bilingual because their families elect for them to or because their circumstances dictate the need to acquire two languages. Some families establish rules such as designating one parent as the person to whom the child should speak Spanish, and the other parent as the person to whom the child should speak English. Alternatively, they may select certain days for using Filipino and other days for using German. Other families use their languages interchangeably, guided by the context of language use. Thus, all family members might use Spanish with grandparents and English with friends from work or school. However, they elect to use the two languages as a family; thus, these children become bilingual because their families choose

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bilingualism. These children are referred to as elective bilinguals. Other examples of elective bilinguals include those who select and enroll in courses in a second language (e.g., in middle school or high school) with the goal of becoming bilingual. Some people combine taking second-language courses and travel to another country to become bilingual. Circumstantial bilinguals are those who become bilingual because they need to meet the demands of two languages. For example, some children and their families become bilingual because they emigrate to another country where their home language is not spoken. To function in the community and school, they must learn the language of the host country. In the U.S., much of the bilingual population comprises circumstantial bilinguals. Bilingualism through the lifespan is variable, depending on the everyday demands to communicate in each language. For children, this variability comes into play in the different demands of home and school. Children learn the vocabulary, grammar, and interaction style consistent with the situations in which they need to speak each language. For example, it is not unusual for children to be familiar with vocabulary related to home demands in the home language and vocabulary related to school demands in English. There may not be a functional need for children to know school-related vocabulary in the home language and vice versa. In terms of communication style, children may learn to use language at home related to the expectations in those contexts. Similarly, the ways in which children are expected to interact, ask questions, and respond may be different from the way they learn to do so at home, and so most children will learn to meet those demands. The U.S. system of schooling emphasizes learning English as rapidly as possible. Even with bilingual education, most bilingual children eventually replace their home language with English. If they maintain the home language, it is typically for social and familiar interaction rather than for schooling and academic purposes. Thus, children who at kindergarten were dominant in the home language are typically dominant in English by middle to high school.

Mutual Linguistic Influences Bilinguals are able to master the linguistic rules of each of their two languages and to keep them separate. However, bilinguals’ languages may influence each

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other in terms of the phonological, lexical-semantic, syntactic, and discourse systems. At the phonological level, for example, children may pronounce sounds in the second or school language using the sounds from the first or home language. Sounds that are similar to each other across languages (such as the Spanish /t/, which has an earlier voice onset time compared with the English /t/) may be sounds that children change in the target language. In addition, sounds that are distinct sounds in one language may be difficult to pronounce if their home language does not distinguish between those sounds. For example, in English we distinguish between the /r/ and /l/ sounds, which are produced in the same general area in the mouth. On the other hand, in Japanese, /r/ and /l/ fall in the same category. English speaking learners of Spanish may struggle with the Spanish /r/ even though they produce the tap as an allophone of the English /t/ (as in the word ‘‘butter’’). In terms of word use, children may not know all words for concepts they know in both languages. Thus, they may insert or borrow a word from the other language to express themselves. These insertions are called ‘‘borrowings’’ or ‘‘code switches.’’ For syntax, children in the process of becoming bilingual may use the home language rules of word order rather than those of the target language. Balanced bilinguals—those who have equal exposure to both languages—also evidence influences of one language on another. Although many of these influences in more stable bilinguals are not errors per se, there may be over- or underuse of some forms that vary somewhat from what is pragmatically expected. For example, in languages where dropping the pronoun (such as Italian or Spanish) is permitted, Italian–English bilinguals may be less likely to delete it in Italian because it is not permissible in English. Many young, bilingual, school-age children are still in the process of becoming bilingual. This process takes longer in some domains of language than in others. Children may demonstrate a great deal of vocabulary knowledge and comprehension early in second language learning, but continue to have stronger performance in their first language in syntax, for example. Content that is contextually supported is mastered earlier in a second language than more complex, decontextualized content. Therefore, children may show faster learning of English for some school subjects than others. This rate of learning depends on previous experience with the subject, its complexity, and whether it can be supported by visual demonstrations that help the child understand the ideas.

Bilinguals are thought to share concepts between their two languages. There are links between the conceptual idea or representation and the word in each language. When a word is used more in one language than in another, the link may be stronger in that language than the other. Thus, bilinguals most typically have mixed dominance. This dominance shifts over time and in response to contact with each of the two languages. Based on these different linguistic profiles, there are several implications for testing bilinguals.

Assessment of Bilinguals Bilingual assessment, whether for language, cognition, performance, or other domain, can be complicated. There are few standardized tests designed to be used with bilinguals. Thus, the procedures used for assessment in a bilingual’s two languages need to be considered carefully. Assessment of bilinguals is not as straightforward as testing in both languages and comparing the two scores. Nor should bilinguals be tested in only one—albeit the stronger—language. Assessment of bilinguals is best completed broadly, considering performance in both languages in an integrated way. If a typically developing bilingual child is tested in each of their two languages, often they will demonstrate typical performance in each language, but in the lower range. However, if examiners look at what kinds of things bilingual children know in each of the languages, they are likely to find that they were able to answer questions correctly in the home language but not the school language, while responding to questions in the school language but not the home language. These patterns of results demonstrate the problem with testing in both languages and simply comparing a total score in each. Each score is likely to underestimate the whole of what the individual child knows. Like testing in two languages and comparing the two, an examiner should not merely test in the so-called dominant language. As in the above example, children may not have encoded all their concepts in the stronger language. Bilingual children very often know concepts in the weaker language that they do not know how to express well in the stronger language. Therefore, this strategy can also underestimate a child’s ability or performance. A bilingual or conceptual approach to bilingual assessment is to test in both languages in an integrated manner. How this testing occurs depends on what is

Biracial

being tested; it may be best to test in each language independently and then integrate the findings, or to test bilingually. When testing each language independently, children may be reluctant to code switch out of the school language and into the home language, even if they know the correct response in the home language. However, children will often switch to the school language while being tested in the home language. Thus, it is useful to test in the home language initially, followed by the second language. If a child then code switches, the language of response can be noted, and responses scored as correct or incorrect regardless of the language used to respond. Another approach is to test in one language first and then return to the items missed, testing them in the other language. This approach may be more efficient than complete testing in both languages, but going back only to missed items could inadvertently signal to the child that those items were answered incorrectly. Waiting a few days between testing each language is a possible solution. However, the bilingual testing is conducted, an integrated approach will optimally represent the underlying concepts that a bilingual child knows. See also: > Bilingual education programs: Maintenance, Transitional, and Dual language; > Code switching; > Culturally competent assessment of English language learners; > Language deficits

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representation of children born to couples of interracial relationships. Nearly 7 million (2.4%) of Americans described themselves as multiracial in the 2000 Bureau of the Census. According to the 2000 Census, Biracial children (under 18 years of age) made up 4% of society. Census officials claim the number of interracial couples more than quadrupled between 1970 and 1995. While this group of individuals has unique qualities and strengths, they also encounter potential problems that need to be further explored and addressed. Individuals of mixed heritage usually identity themselves as ‘‘multiracial.’’ Multiracial individuals include those who comprise three or more races as a result of their ancestors’ interracial marriages over the generations. Mixed heritage includes not only race but ethnicity and culture as well. Biracial individuals strictly refer to those whose parents are each of a different race. There are numerous issues confronting Biracial individuals. To understand and support the challenges Biracial individuals encounter, the following topics will be examined: a historical perspective of Biracial children and their families, the societal myths about interracial families, the problems experienced by Biracial children including identity development, the attitudes, and experiences of parents of Biracial children, the strengths and attributes of multiracial families, and finally the implications for educators who work with Biracial children.

Suggested Reading Bialystock, E. (2001). Bilingualism in development: Language, literacy, and cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goldstein, B. (2004). Bilingual language development and disorders in Spanish-English speakers. Baltimore, MD: Brookes. Kroll, J. F., & De Groot, A. M. B. (Eds.) (2005). Handbook of bilingualism: Psycholinguistic approaches. New York: Oxford University Press.

Biracial Mary Cipriani-Price . Ben K Lim . Donna J Alberici

Families with mixed cultural and ethnic backgrounds are more common than ever before. The new face of America is that of a multicultural society with increased

History of Challenges Encountered by Biracial Individuals There are significant issues facing Biracial individuals. Although considerable attention has been given to ethnic diversity, very little attention has been given to the Biracial population. This group has remained misunderstood and marginalized by the sociopolitical forces of oppression and racism as well as those who simply do not understand this distinct group. In the United States (U.S.) today, there are more and more people who find that they do not fit into one racial category; however, society continues to struggle with tensions and prejudices in blending color lines. This issue is not the only one for the U.S. as racial classification has been debated worldwide throughout history. This can be seen in a social phenomenon commonly known as ‘‘passing,’’ which was a result of not wanting to be labeled as a ‘‘minority’’ in the social

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community of the Biracial individual. Some of the ‘‘blurred racial lines’’ of famous individuals are interesting to examine. For example, Alessandro de Medici, a major sixteenth century Italian Renaissance figure, had an African heritage that was rarely mentioned. Alessandro, the first duke of Florence, was patron to some of the leading artists of his era and his remains are buried in a famous tomb fashioned by Michelangelo. It could be argued that he was the first Biracial head of state in the modern western world. He was born in 1510 to a Black serving woman in the Medici household. Historians today believe that Alessandro was fathered by Pope Clement VII, who was Cardinal Giulio de Medici at the time of Alessandro’s birth. Another example of ‘‘passing’’ was Queen Charlotte, wife of the English King George III (1738–1820). Charlotte was a descendent to a Black branch of the Portuguese Royal House and passed as a member of the British Royal Family despite having an ‘‘unmistakable African appearance.’’ Actor Peter Ustinov, who through his father is a member of the Old Russian nobility, possessed the heritage of the Ethiopian Royal Family through his mother. His Swiss maternal grandfather wed an Ethiopian princess to insure his loyalty to the Emperor of Ethiopia, while working there as a military engineer. There are also many prominent American families, in the south and throughout the country, that have ‘‘passed’’ and have ‘‘blurred racial lines.’’ In societies dominated by classification systems that until recently did not recognize Biracial individuals, there have been a lot of stigmas attached to having more than one racial identity. As such, Biracial individuals and especially children in comparison to peers with same race parents, encounter increased challenges with isolation, discrimination, and acceptance in the community. Historically, the U.S. has been a nation demarcated by color, race, and ethnic polarities. There have been numerous conflicts surrounding racial equality. The 1954 Supreme Court decision (Brown v. the Board of Education) declared the permissive or mandatory segregation that existed in 21 states unconstitutional, and that was a giant step toward complete desegregation of public schools. In 1967, the Supreme Court (Loving v. Virginia) ruled laws forbidding interracial marriages as unconstitutional. One component of the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s involved the protest that U.S. citizens had to categorize themselves as either White or Black. During this period, most Biracial individuals were considered and identified as Black. The existence

of Biracial individuals in the U.S. is not new, and these political struggles have produced a greater acceptance of interracial marriages and their offspring. In the mid 1990s, U.S. citizens who categorized themselves as Biracial sought to have slots designating their Biracial status placed on official documents and voting ballots. Without the Biracial status, Biracial individuals felt they had little identity and were invisible to the nation. By the year 2000, the Federal Office of Management and Budget allowed residents for the first time to identify two or more racial designations. In 2003, schools were mandated to do the same and amend all forms reflecting racial categories; a change that affected more than 2 million students. The mainstream U.S. culture and institutions have reflected the beliefs, norms, and values established by White European Americans who have controlled the economic, educational, social, and political power. Historically, people of color were not part of this mainstream and thus seen as ‘‘less than’’ the majority of this country’s citizens.

Myths about Interracial Individuals and their Families Today’s society continues to endorse myths pertaining to interracial families that affect Biracial individuals. One such myth states that children bearing the physical attributes of a particular race should be raised exclusively within that racial identity, regardless of the children’s experience of connectedness to that race. This has the potential to alienate the children from their other heritage and possibly cause ambivalence toward that race as well as a sense of fractured loyalty to the parent of the other ethnicity. Many interracial families began to challenge the myth, ‘‘Society will define your child as Black, and so you should raise him as Black.’’ This means that children will be seen as the society labels them regardless of their identification with that label. Some countries have developed names for people of mixed heritages. In the U.S., there is the example of Creole, who is descended from French, Spanish and sometimes African Caribbean ancestry and they live primarily in the south, such as New Orleans, Louisiana. However, as a country that is multicultural, there are not enough accepted terms to cover most Biracial children thus leaving them without identity and prone to the myths that govern society.

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Inaccurate perceptions, fueled by insensitivity and bias, foster other societal about mixed family ethnic groups. Many hate crimes against Biracial children and interracial families are based primarily on the perception that the purity of a single race is compromised and that Biracial individuals are inferior to single-race individuals. Interracial families and multiracial children have been perceived to be a threat to existing races and thus a threat to society. Other stereotypes include the beliefs that interracial partners marry to ‘‘get back’’ at a racist community or to gain wealth and status, that interracial marriages always have higher divorce rates than other marriages, that Biracial children have more social and psychological problems than other children, and that Biracial children receive negative comments from other children while monorace children do not. Many of these myths are still accepted by our society and sometimes unknowingly perpetuated by professionals who work with Biracial individuals.

Biracial Children The experiences of Biracial children are unique in many ways. There are varieties of unique issues for Biracial children to navigate as they face numerous social and psychological obstacles. For example, Biracial children may experience a sense of being ‘‘different’’ in physical appearance. Often, Biracial children are approached by people who question whether they are ‘‘mixed’’ or even more bluntly ask, ‘‘What are you?’’ For instance, Biracial children can have blond hair, White skin and blue eyes, along with all other kinds of skin, hair and eye color types; physical features differ widely. These questions may bring up feelings of inferiority. However, more importantly, if their physical appearance resembles that of a particular racial or ethnic group then these children are at risk of being seen as belonging to that group rather than for whom they are most identified. While the obvious definition of a Biracial child includes any child of mixed parentage such as Hispanic/White, Black/White, and Asian/Black, there is a need for the child to have an identity. Children who are born to White parents of mixed European ethnic groups often choose one parent’s ethnic origin over the other as their ethnic identity. In many patriarchal cultures, Biracial children are expected to choose the race of their fathers. Ethnic identity reflects a pride in a

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heritage that has strong emotional overtones even though the ethnic identity may not be displayed in their everyday behavior. Children of interracial couples have been expected to choose one race over the other because races were and are considered to be mutually exclusive. Since racial characteristics are usually based on physical appearance, it was possible for Biracial children to classify themselves as one race but be seen by others as another. On top of all that, Biracial children are still often questioned about their identity. When facing issues of racism, Biracial children may experience discrimination from both ethnic groups, not only within their community, but also from their extended families. Like most children, Biracial children want to be accepted and belong as Americans, with common values of freedom, and equality for all. Every citizen acquires this from birth, but many multicultural persons and communities of color do not feel that they belong, nor are they accepted by the dominant culture. They feel this way, even more so when an extended family member is rejecting of the child’s biracial characteristics. Children may not feel like they do not have ‘‘enough’’ of anything. Some psychological problems that they face are feelings of rejection by extended family, by Anglos for not being White, as well as rejected by other persons of color for ‘‘not wanting to be part of a minority.’’ Biracial children both want and need their extended family, peers, and teachers to recognize them as members of more than one ethnic or racial group without discrimination. Often times, there is a lack of trust by Biracial children and their parents toward the dominant culture and the school system. Some parents may tell their children to deny or hold back certain information if it goes against the mainstream. For example, children may be told to say that their ethnicity is Spanish, if they perceive it to be bad to be Mexican. In such instance, their parents may have good intentions to protect their children by preparing them to overcome any odds that they may encounter in the world but it has bad repercussions. These Biracial children may have feelings of guilt or embarrassment about their family. They may feel abnormal about themselves, and deny part of their identity. On the other hand, some parents of Biracial children may assure them that they are ‘‘good enough’’ as they are, yet they are advised to behave and perform better than they normally might to survive the subtle discrimination from a culturally different society.

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Lastly, children of mixed heritage may experience harassment from both White and minority students in school. This harassment can be especially difficult during the middle and high school years. Developmentally, this is the time when children begin to individuate from their family of origin to explore their individual identity. They experience an increased need for membership within a peer group. Cultural competency for these Biracial children may mean teaching them to function effectively within the dominant cultures and at the same time, helping them to maintain a positive identity along with a secure sense of self as members of a unique group of people.

Biracial Identity Development Children’s identity development is dependent on having a secure sense of who they are, where they come from, and how their families and communities support their identity. The process of developmental transitions for Biracial children can be more complicated than those of single-race children. Biracial children have parents who come from two different races and/or ethnicities. Interracial marriages with marked cultural differences may experience severe marital stress. In such environments where the family unit is divided by differing ethnic traditions, potential pressure may be placed on children to understand and adapt to conflicting roles. Children of a dual heritage may have identity problems related to feelings of uncertainty surrounding their ethnicity. It is not uncommon that they struggle to be accepted not only by their communities, but also by their extended family members. One of the most important tasks for children between 6 and 11 years of age is their development of self-concept. During the elementary school years, children begin to formulate sets of self-concepts through interrelationships with peers, teachers, and significant adults as well as the environment in which they live. From ages 11 through 18, the critical developmental task for children is the search for identity and moving through the turbulence of role confusion. There is little research on identity development of Biracial children; however, the limited studies do indicate that adolescent Biracial children experience confusion about their identity. This age group has strong developmental needs for belonging to their peers and they also need successful role models of Biracial adults that have

negotiated through this process. In a society, where the identity of Biracial individuals has not been given sufficient attention, this can be a difficult task. This period of identity development is challenging for all children, but even more so for Biracial children who must grapple with their dual race/ethnicity rather than develop an identity from one race/ethnicity. As such, Biracial children have the unique tasks of understanding the impact of their dual ethnicity on their social status while coming to terms with cultural realities and the psychology of difference. Biracial children, in the midst of their identity formation, remain especially vulnerable as they continue to struggle in a culture that is still partially closed to them as persons of color and biethnic heritage. Mainstream society must be vigilant not to deny Biracial individuals an identity that reflects who they truly are; otherwise, they could be rendered invisible. Often these children perceive themselves as marginalized between two cultures. Achieving a strong sense of identity is an important psychological task for children as they base their identity on their social contexts, including their gender, class, ethnic, and racial membership(s). It is known that their psychological development suffers when a solid identity does not form. There are potential ramifications in not developing a strong sense of self. It is important to note that Biracial children who are not successful with formulating a solid sense of self and cannot embrace one or both cultures may encounter problems academically, develop poor social skills, and experience social isolation. They may develop negative attitudes about adults, struggle with depression, experience psychosomatic disorders, and suffer through interfamilial conflicts. Often, Biracial children can be negatively affected by feeling the pressure to assume a single cultural identity, while, at the same time, they may feel guilty toward the parent with whom they do not identify. They might also deny aspects of themselves while in the presence of one ethnic group; feeling the need to be loyal to that ethnic group even if the denied aspects are not who they fully are. It is helpful for interracial parents to help their children to develop an identity that is based on the collective heritage of both parents. This is more than the development of dual identity. It is a rich collection of equal, varied, and different parts that make up each parents’ family of origin. Thus, children may struggle as they attempt to

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merge their dual heritage without abandoning their ethnic or racial legacy.

Parents of Biracial Children One of the significant issues for interracial families is the transmission of cultural heritage from parent to child. Biracial children are particularly vulnerable to the multicultural issues their parents may struggle with such as how their relatives perceive and treat them and societal discrimination. This process may be worse for the development of their children especially since having to gain extended family approval or community acceptance is not a struggle most other children who are born into one race deal with. Studies have indicated that the greater the difference in cultural backgrounds, the more difficult it will be to adjust to marriage. Interracial couples are, at first, attracted to the differences in the backgrounds of each other. However, under marital stress, such differences may exacerbate their stress levels and act as barriers and threats to the harmony of the family unit. Within the context of unresolved conflicts that involve invisible loyalties to separate ethnic groups, children may be triangulated into the dynamic of parental discord. Children have an innate need for a secure environment for successful growth and development. A home environment in which parents have a mutual respect and care for one another provides much needed stability for children. Multiracial couples need to agree on child-rearing practices, and how they will communicate to their children their dual ethnicity. Interracial couples have different ways in which they transmit their cultural heritage to their children. Some parents may believe that race is not an issue and they emphasize the common humanity of all races. Others may favor one racial identity over the other depending on the social environment. Many mixed marriage parents seem to socialize their children to have a dual identity focusing on a strong influence from both parents’ heritage. Many parents report that they want their Biracial children to develop an identity that reflects their dual heritage. It is important to note that irrespective of the views of the parents, Biracial children may have a difficult time incorporating their different races into one identity, whereas their other non-Biracial peers do not have to worry about this developmental task.

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Strengths and Responsibilities of Interracial Families There are inherent strengths in interracial families that are often overlooked by those who look to monorace families in setting the standard for family health. Top on the list is the intrinsic value of living in an increasingly culturally diverse U.S. as well as increasing diversity as on a global level. Mixed ethnic families challenge the inherent ethnocentricity of people to accept the common humanity of all races. Multiracial family groups continue to teach others the quality of resilience that helps them continue to cope in the face of social isolation, shame, and marginalization by members of their community. They continue to discover ways to be interdependent, find meaning from stressful events, and demonstrate an optimism that connects them as a family group and gives them a sense of cohesion and strength. In recent decades, society has begun to acknowledge the extraordinary contributions of Biracial individuals. These individuals have overcome social and cultural challenges. As adults, they developed pride in coming from a Biracial background because they have an understanding on how to live successfully in multiple worlds. Because of supportive family members who exposed them to both cultural heritages, they developed a comfort level in moving back and forth between cultures. As Biracial individuals, they went through the difficult process of struggling with how to define themselves. However, having successfully navigated through such internal conflicts surrounding identity confusion, they emerged with an intrinsic sense of pride in knowing both worlds and having successfully lived in both. Bilingual individuals have experienced the richness as described by Maya Angelou, who wrote about the challenge of living in several worlds and communicating effectively in them. As our multicultural society grows, it is important not to overlook Biracial individuals and especially children. Creating environments that support children to develop a solid identity is important. As some studies have shown, Biracial children who grow up incorporating a ‘‘Biracial’’ identity are better adjusted than Biracial children who grow up with an identity that is derived solely from one of the parents. Parents and educators play an important role in this development and can foster ways to support the

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belief and experience that the American society is richer because of our increasing diversity. Parents can teach their Biracial children to preserve the richness of the customs and languages of both cultures, and creatively model appropriate behavior on how to treat those who are different. Parents can teach their children to exhibit patience with those who ask them questions about being Biracial. In a world that is still marked by racial boundaries and tensions, parents can seek to build bridges by teaching their children about both of their cultures and to embrace all other cultures of their children’s friends. Ultimately, Biracial families are the convincing evidence that races can coexist not just in the same household but in the same neighborhood as well.

the year to understand each student’s family, ethnic heritage, parental concerns and terms used when making reference to their children’s ethnicity are important. By doing so, school systems are better equipped to serve their Biracial students specifically and to the entire student body in general. Biracial children who are raised in a nurturing environment with involved parents, are expected to thrive and be successful. It is also important for educators to continue to support these children while they attend school; since the social context of Biracial children is vital to their positive development. Educators who value diversity and offer a diverse curriculum will not only help Biracial children but children of all races and ethnicities.

Implications for Schools

Conclusion

The number of multiracial and multiethnic children in our nation’s schools continues to increase. This is dramatically changing the face of our schools. With the increase in Biracial and biethnic children in schools, the school system is certainly the most pivotal and challenging environment for multicultural nation building. Efforts should be made to ensure that school books and class discussions pertain to the contributions of all people, including those of mixed racial and ethnic backgrounds, who have composed the rich history of this nation. Schools need to examine and work to change what historically has been a single-race approach to diversity. Curriculums need to be revised in light of the needs of the changing kaleidoscope of diversity. Ways to celebrate multiracial and multiethnic children, their families, their histories and their traditions and festivities need to be encouraged. Teachers, counselors, and administrators should explore different resources to better their understanding about interracial children and how to support their needs and development. To improve their cultural awareness and competency, it is recommended that educators meet with interracial families, visit biethnic organizations, stay current in literature reviews, and attend multicultural training conferences. To foster better understanding of parental views and opinions, educators not only need to be informed of the issues Biracial children encounter on a daily basis, they must also understand each child’s family context and unique perspective of their Biracial experience. Scheduling parent teacher conferences early in

The factors that determine the ability to develop a cohesive and fulfilling identity include qualities such as resilience, positive attitudes, and prosocial behaviors. The process of developing an identity is complex for Biracial and multiracial youth. Many characteristics that influence the process include the need for Biracial individuals to select a personal and family identity. This identity represents a number of issues such as their own attitudes about their racial and ethnic status, their family’s acknowledgement of their own cultures, society’s historical trend to separate those of different races, and the effects of racism. Communities, institutions, and those in the helping fields can challenge all people to value our common humanity and emulate the unique attributes and contributions of Biracial children and their interracial families. For educators and counselors, there must be an ongoing process to learn about and respect the beliefs, concerns, and attitudes of Biracial and multiracial individuals and their families. School personnel and mental health professionals are in an ideal position to promote greater understanding and cultivate meaningful support. Through collaborative efforts, Biracial individuals will have the opportunity to develop solid identities and the positive self-concepts necessary to foster success in school and the community. See also: > Acculturation; > Adolescent ethnic identity; > Cross-cultural school psychology; > Cultural diversity; > Cultural resilience; > Discrimination; > Stereotyping

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Suggested Reading Kaeser, G., & Gillespie, P. (1997). Of many colors: Portraits of multiracial families. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. Kendal, B., & Halebian, C. (1997). Trevor’s story: Growing up biracial. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications. Thomas, V., Karis, T. A., & Wetchler, J. L. (Eds.) (2003). Clinical issues with interracial couples: Theories and research. New York: Haworth Press.

Suggested Resources Culture, Race, and Ethnicity: A Report of the Surgeon General— www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/mentalhealth/cre: A link to multiple sources of information on working with culture, race, and ethnicity

Biracial/Multiracial Identity Development Beth Kleinman-Fleischer

Introduction Multiracial individuals often struggle in terms of their identity as they face societal pressures to choose a single race rather than embrace their multiple backgrounds. They may also feel marginalized by the racial group(s) to which one or both of their parents belong. Some scholars have developed models to trace the identity development of biracial/multiracial individuals.

Poston’s Biracial Identity Development Model In 1990, W.S. Carlos Poston claimed that biracial identity development had not been given adequate attention. He viewed previous identity development models (e.g., Cross’s model of identity development for African Americans, Morten and Atkinson’s Minority Identity Development Model, and Stonequists’s Marginal Person Model) as flawed when applied to biracial individuals.

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In response, Poston developed his own tentative biracial identity development model, noting that the model was based on the limited research that had been conducted on biracial individuals as well as information provided by support groups for them. In Poston’s model, the biracial individual moves through various stages, each of which incorporates changes in reference group orientation (RGO) attitudes (i.e., how the biracial individual feels towards his or her racial groups). The first stage of Poston’s model is ‘‘Personal Identity.’’ At this stage, the biracial individual is generally young and his or her RGO attitudes are less developed than his or her personal identity. In other words, the individual’s sense of individual identity is better formed than his or her racial/ethnic identity. Poston cited 1987 research by Phinney and Rotherham in which they found that young children’s early understandings of their own race and ethnicity are not always constant. Sometimes they may even demonstrate a lack of racial/ ethnic awareness altogether. A biracial child’s sense of self relates to issues such as self-esteem learned from within the family. The second stage is ‘‘Choice of Group Categorization.’’ Poston described this as a time of potential ‘‘crisis’’ and ‘‘alienation’’ for the biracial individual because he or she feels societal pressures to choose a racial identity and thus may make a choice, even if it is an uncomfortable one. In terms of which identity the biracial individual selects, Poston cited research conducted in 1980 by Hall that states the individual will choose the race based on ‘‘status factors’’ (i.e., the racial make-up of the individual’s neighborhood), ‘‘social support factors’’ (i.e., acceptance from family and cultural groups), and ‘‘personal factors’’ (i.e., cultural knowledge, physical appearance). Because the general age group of the individuals in this stage is still relatively young, the individual lacks the cognitive development and understanding of multiple cultures that would enable him/her to embrace a multiracial identity. Instead, the race of one of the parents is most likely to be chosen. This stage (along with the third stage, Enmeshment/Denial) is where biracial individuals encounter the greatest difficulty in terms of adjustment and identity confusion, as they struggle against feelings of having betrayed the parent whose race they did not select. In the third stage, ‘‘Enmeshment/Denial,’’ the biracial individual feels a great sense of confusion and guilt. On the one hand, the individual still feels compelled to choose the race of one parent. The individual

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may even feel embarrassed about having a parent of the ‘‘other’’ race and wish to hide this parent from peers who represent the more ‘‘acceptable’’ race. Yet the individual simultaneously feels guilty for being disloyal to one of his or her parents and his or her own biracial background. Poston suggested that many biracial adolescents may be in this stage and will remain there until they are able to appreciate both of their cultures and move past their feelings of guilt and anger. During the fourth ‘‘Appreciation’’ stage, biracial individuals begin to truly value their multiple cultures. Although the biracial individual may still identify primarily with one culture (as determined by the factors discussed in the second stage), he or she is more interested in learning about his or her other background and possibly becoming involved in activities related to both identities. In this stage, the individual expands his or her RGO attitudes. In the fifth and final ‘‘Integration’’ stage, biracial individuals are able to acknowledge and appreciate all facets of their identities. Poston describes individuals at this stage of development as experiencing a sense of ‘‘wholeness,’’ ‘‘integration,’’ and ‘‘security.’’

Root’s Four General Resolutions of Biracial Identity In 1990, Maria P. P. Root noted that, traditionally, psychological theories provide only one healthy route for resolving identity issues. She emphasized that, in fact, there may be multiple avenues. She proposed four healthy resolutions for biracial identity development. In the ‘‘Acceptance of the Identity Society Assigns’’ resolution, biracial individuals accept the race that society has selected for them (e.g., the subordinate race in that particular society). Although this identification may be the result of oppression, it can be healthy if the individual embraces this identity and has a strong relationship with his or her extended family of that race. One potential challenge that individuals may face is that society may categorize them differently if they move to another part of the United States (U.S.) In this case, individuals will likely continue to view themselves the way they had previously, especially because they have such a deep connection to their extended family of that race. The ‘‘Identification with Both Racial Groups’’ resolution, as the name implies, is where the biracial individual accepts both parts of his or her racial identity.

This resolution is most healthy if the individual does not change his or her behaviors across groups and feels equally accepted when with both races. Yet it is also important for the individual to understand that he or she is a unique combination of two races. This strategy is the most difficult to apply, and individuals may only develop this strategy in those parts of the U.S. where there is greater acceptance for mixed marriages and biracial children (e.g., the West Coast). The individual who adopts this resolution may need to develop strategies to cope with society’s resistance to their claiming equal membership in both groups. In ‘‘Identification with a Single Racial Group,’’ the biracial individual chooses to affiliate with one racial group. The difference between this resolution and the ‘‘Acceptance of the Identity Society Assigns’’ is that it is the active individual, rather than society or appearance, that determines racial group membership. The obvious challenges an individual who has chosen this strategy may face is if the chosen identity conflicts with the identity society has selected. Such a conflict is more likely to occur in certain parts of the U.S., such as the South, where there are more stringent codes against an individual who identifies him or herself with a race that differs from the one that society has deemed appropriate for him or her. To maintain a healthy identity, the individual must truly feel accepted in the selected racial group (without denying the other part of his or her racial identity), and be able to acknowledge and cope with resistances he or she may face when society does not agree with this choice. The individual may have to move to a different part of the U.S. to feel comfortable living out the identity that he or she has chosen. A biracial individual who has chosen the resolution of ‘‘Identification as a New Racial Group,’’ may feel most connected to other biracial individuals. These individuals may be able to move between their two racial groups but also stand apart from them because they feel most connected to their own biracial identity. This strategy may be easiest to adopt in an area where biracial individuals are an accepted part of society such as Hawaii. An individual adopting this strategy would have to be able to defend his or her biracial identity if society tries to compel him or her to choose only one identity. In the discussion of her model, Root emphasized that individuals may move among these four resolutions rather than statically remain in one. She states it is most important that biracial individuals

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acknowledge both sides of their racial identities, are able to choose how they would like to be identified, and are able to cope with resistances from society over their racial identification choices (e.g., blaming racism rather than themselves).

Jacobs’ Identity Development in Biracial Children In 1992, James H. Jacobs described his identity development model for Black–White biracial children based on a study of their interactions with dolls. He interviewed biracial children by having them engage in nine tasks involving wooden dolls prepared especially for the interview. The dolls included both sexes, three sizes (for adult, child, and baby), and six skin and hair color combinations. Based on his findings from these interviews, Jacobs developed his identity development model for preadolescent Black–White biracial children. He titled the first stage, ‘‘Stage I, Pre-Color Constancy: Play and Experimentation with Color.’’ Children in this stage have not yet achieved color constancy (the ability to understand the stable nature of skin color), nor do they generally view color in a critical way. However, they are usually able to identify their own skin color correctly. In terms of play, the children tend to experiment with different color combinations. Children in this stage who do not show this unbridled playfulness may have been exposed to racial prejudices or other experiences that have lowered their self-esteem. The second stage is titled ‘‘Stage II: Post-color Constancy: Biracial Label and Racial Ambivalence.’’ Biracial children generally enter this stage at approximately 4 1/2 years of age. The children have both a better awareness of the constancy of their own race and of society’s racial prejudices. As the title indicates, this stage is marked by ambivalence. Children in this phase may begin by rejecting Blacks in favor of Whites, and then they may proceed to reject Whites in favor of Blacks. Although biracial children generally achieve a sense of color constancy on their own, their parents are sometimes the motivating force behind their understanding of their own biracial identities. For instance, Jacobs found in his own study that if a parent had described their child to the interviewer in biracial terms (e.g., half Black and half White), the child generally described him or herself in the same way, often

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using the same language. Nonetheless, Jacobs mentioned other studies that demonstrated some children acknowledging their biracial identities despite parental prodding to consider themselves as being of only one race. In terms of their interactions with the dolls, the children, once they had acknowledged their biracial backgrounds, represented their families (through their doll choices) to reflect these backgrounds. Some of them engaged in perceptual distortion, choosing a darker shade for the dolls representing themselves and/ or their family members. According to Jacobs, this ‘‘mistake’’ actually reflects the children’s understanding of how they fit into their racial class: they are choosing a darker color to represent how they believe they are viewed by society. The ambivalence of this stage is important, just as the free-play with dolls of different colors is in Stage I. If the child can fully experience this ambivalence, a more unified identity can later be achieved. The final stage is ‘‘Stage III, Biracial Identity.’’ The ages of children in this stage range from 8 to 12. In this stage, biracial children have a better understanding of how racial group membership rather than actual skin color is what categorizes them as biracial. In other words, children at Stage III are more aware than those at Stage II of how racial social grouping is related to, but not entirely the same concept as, skin color. They better understand that they are biracial because of their parents’ membership in different racial groups, rather than their different skin colors. The ambivalence that marks Stage II decreases throughout Stage II (children whose ambivalence does not diminish through Stage II may have suffered from difficult racial experiences in the past and may exhibit psychopathological symptoms) and continues to lessen in Stage III until the child reaches what Jacobs calls a ‘‘unified ego-identity.’’ It is also possible that, for some children, ambivalence returns with the sexual identity issues that characterize adolescence. Such ambivalence in adolescence is wrestled with and resolved in much the same way as the ambivalence of Stage II, where the child moves from preferring one race to preferring the other. Eventually, the conflicting beliefs that the child has transform into a more unified identity. See also: > Black racial identity development; > Ethnic identity development; > Minority identity development model

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Suggested Reading Hall, C. C. I. (1980). The ethnic identity of racially mixed people: A study of Black-Japanese. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Jacobs, J. H. (1992). Identity development in biracial children. In M. P. P. Root (Ed.), Racially mixed people in America (pp. 190–206). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Phinney, J. S., & Rotherham, J. J. (Eds.) (1987). Children’s ethnic socialization: Pluralism and development. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Poston, W. S. (1990). The biracial identity development model: A needed addition. Journal of Counseling and Development, 69, 152–155. Root, M. P. P. (1990). Resolving ‘‘other’’ status: Identity development of biracial individuals. In L.S. Brown & M.P.P. Root (Eds.), Diversity and complexity in feminist theory (pp. 185–205). Binghamton, NY: Haworth.

Black Intelligence Test of Cultural Homogeneity (B.I.T.C.H.) Jennifer M West

The Black Intelligence Test of Cultural Homogeneity (B.I.T.C.H.™) is a 100-item multiple-choice test designed to address the issue of racial bias—particularly in African American people embodied in traditional standardized norm referenced IQ tests. The B.I.T.C.H. was developed in 1972 by Dr. Robert Williams, an African American psychologist, to demonstrate that variations in experience equals variations in test scores. Dr. Williams’ rationale for developing the B.I.T.C.H. was to counter the bias in traditional intelligence tests that produce scores that are a result of subjective cultural references and essentially measure one’s familiarity with the White middle class cultural value system. The B.I.T.C.H. is a test composed entirely of words, terms, and expressions that are particular to a subculture within the Black population. Specifically, the content of the test items reflect generational specific information about the cultural experiences of Black people living in urban environments. The majority of the test items deal with one’s knowledge of Black slang. For example, the test taker is asked to define the following terms by choosing the correct answer: (1) Boot:

(a) cotton farmer, (b) Black, (c) Indian, (d) Vietnamese citizen, and (2) Clean: (a) just out of the bathtub, (b) very well dressed (c) very religious (d) has a great deal (answers are b for both items). The test items are supposed to emphasize the point that intelligence tests are more subjective than objective and high scores on these tests are more of a reflection of familiarity with specific cultures than one’s lack of ability to do something or become something. Research on the B.I.T.C.H. shows that Black children from low-income urban areas scored significantly higher than their White suburban counterparts by a wide margin when asked such questions as ‘‘When do the welfare checks come?’’ or ‘‘Who did Stager Lee shoot?’’ The premise of the B.I.T.C.H. is that these types of questions measure intelligence just as much as questions such as, ‘‘What color is an emerald?’’ and ‘‘What does one do in Aspen?’’ In both cases the language is being used as a mechanism for tapping intellect. That is, responses to these questions, regardless of vernacular, reflect an individual’s verbal comprehension and general fund of information—skills that reflect intelligence. The basic assertion underlying the B.I.T.C.H. is that differences in scores are due not to differences in general ability but rather to differences in socialization experiences and language. Research that examines the differential impact of the B.I.T.C.H. on Black and White populations illustrates that when a test is based on a minority group’s perspective, members of that group will have IQ scores on the test that are significantly higher than scores among the majority group. Consequently, test results that involve comparing an individual’s answers to scored responses obtained by a norm referenced group can only be considered fair and valid if the person being tested has had the same opportunity as the norm group to learn the information being tested. The B.I.T.C.H. is not intended to be a culture-fair nor a culturally common test. Rather this test is considered a culture-specific test that is used to determine the taker’s ability to function symbolically or to think in terms of one’s own culture and environment. The B.I.T.C.H. proved to be controversial for many because it intentionally inverted racial bias in favor of African Americans. Given its culture-specific information, the purpose of the B.I.T.C.H is not to be highly correlated with traditional aptitude tests. This is consistent with the report of low correlations between the B.I.T.C.H. and the California Achievement Test.

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See also: > Nondiscriminatory testing; > NormReferenced Test (NRT); > System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment (SOMPA)

Suggested Reading Williams, R. L. (1972). The BITCH-100: A cultural specific test. St. Louis, MO: Williams & Associates, Inc. Williams, R. L. (1974). Scientific racism and IQ: The silent mugging of the black community. Psychology Today, 48, 317–326.

Black Racial Identity Development Celeste Owens

The Nigrescence model (or the Black Racial Identity model) was introduced by William Cross Jr. in 1971. Nigrescence, a French word meaning ‘‘the process of becoming Black,’’ outlines five stages that Blacks or African Americans typically follow in a journey toward an integrated racial identity. Since its inception, Nigrescence theory has evolved from one that outlined stages (now called statuses) of identity change as they related to the Black Power Movement to a theory that includes six other levels of Nigrescence. This perspective accounts for a full spectrum of Black identities and highlights the within-group variance of a diverse people. While this theory was designed to outline the racial identity development of adults, it also has relevance for African American youth as they approach adolescence and adulthood.

The Nigrescence Theory The five stage model purported to outline the experience of racial identity conversion in African American adults and consisted of the following statuses: (a) Preencounter, (b) Encounter, (c) Immersion–Emersion, (d) Internalization, and (e) Internalization-Commitment. An individual in the Pre-encounter status has not yet begun the process of developing a racial identity and little thought is given to the Black experience. This

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person views the world as being non-Black, anti-Black, or the opposite of Black. His personal views may or may not reflect self-hatred; however, there is a reverence and idealization of White culture. In the Encounter status a person has an experience (i.e., usually racial in nature) that shatters his previous view of the world and jolts his assumptions about race. A litany of questions about race and racial identity emerge that leads to the next stage entitled Immersion– Emersion. This status begins with the immersion process that is marked by intense involvement in Black culture. In fact, everything of importance and value must be relevant to Blackness. This type of thinking leads to a devaluing of everything associated with White culture. Immersion eventually gives way to Emersion as the individual starts to integrate this status of Black racial identity into his or her personality while also acknowledging the strengths and weaknesses of Black people. The process of integrating the conflicts between past and present worldviews characterizes the Internalization status. During this phase the individual finds a renewed appreciation for all races and cultures. Gone are the anti-White feelings and this individual starts to develop non-Black friendships and connections. The individual in the Internalization-Commitment stage has reached all of these milestones but also maintains a high commitment to social activism. The individual in this status remains an advocate for causes that are meaningful to the group.

The Revised Nigrescence Theory In 1995, Cross revised his model to address six issues: (a) a differentiation between personal identity and reference group identity as related to the Black self concept; (b) identification of the vast array of identity profiles; (c) identity socialization covering infancy through adolescence and early adulthood; (d) adult identity conversions, the original focus of his model; (e) identity recycling or the process in which Black adults experience identity enhancement or enrichment across the life span; and (f) identity function or the various ways that Black adults learn to engage the environment. On their road to becoming adults, children must pass through several stages, or take specific steps. These stages offer an opportunity for learning and growth: infancy (birth to age two), early childhood

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(ages 3–8 years), later childhood (ages 9–12) and adolescence (ages 13–18). Persons 18 and over are considered adults in United States (U.S.) society. Normal U.S. adolescent development typically begins in the middle school years and is punctuated by various steps that include intellectual, moral, and social development. Cross examined various Black identity types as they relate to children and adolescents.

The Application of Social Identity Profiles to Youth Development According to Cross, adolescents in the Pre-encounter socialization stages of Assimilation, Self-Hatred, and Miseducation do not acknowledge race as a salient part of their racial identity or have very negative feelings about their cultural/ethnic background. The theory states that those youth in the Assimilation phase apply little significance to racial group identity. Instead, they embrace a social identity that is organized around a sense of being an American and assimilating with the majority culture. On the other hand, those youth with a social identity of Self-Hatred or Miseducation have negative feelings about their race, having accepted as truth the negative stereotypes associated with being Black. As a result, these youth feel unsure of themselves and some have extreme self-loathing. This internalized view of self may manifest in a number of different ways. For example, African American youth may dislike their physical appearance and physical characteristics that are not European in nature (e.g., skin color). These youth may be ostracized by peers due to these features or bully others who share these physical characteristics in an attempt to project negative feelings about themselves. Youth in the Immersion–Emersion Anti-White and Intense Black Involvement socialization stages have experienced a racial encounter that has shattered their old racial identity. As a result of this encounter, the adolescent is overwhelmed with guilt, shame, anxiety, and depression as he or she attempts to internalize this experience. Contributing to these feelings is the realization that he or she is of an ethnic/cultural group that is not fully valued or appreciated in this society. Subsequently, youth at this point of development can be consumed with a hatred of White people and preoccupied with activities that engage them in Black culture.

Lastly, the Internalization stages of Nationalist, Biculturalist, and Multiculturalist are marked by shifts in perspective. At this point, the intense hatred toward Whites is replaced by either a healthy appreciation of Black culture, both Black and White culture, or all cultures. Cross suggested that individuals who reach adulthood with a Nationalist, Biculturalist, or Multiculturalist Black identity type will not be in need of a racial identity conversion. However, these socialization types are not usually experienced until adulthood. The Nationalist person stresses an Africentric perspective about oneself and the surrounding world. In contrast the Biculturalist person gives equal importance to Black and White culture, embracing American and African cultures. Finally, the Multiculturalist feels very much apart of Black culture but also places high value on appreciating a wide range of cultural events and activities. This person places almost equal weight to the multiple categories that contribute to a person’s sense of identity.

Implications for African American Youth This theory offers those adults working with youth a lens from which to view and understand the social development of children and adolescents. Helping a young person through this process will include being culturally sensitive and aware of the social and racial implications for African American youth. Developing a relationship with these youth allows for observations of change in behavior (i.e., decreased self-esteem and aggression). See also: > Acculturation; > Black Intelligence Test of Cultural Homogeneity (B.I.T.C.H.); > People of color

Suggested Reading Cross, Jr. W. E., (1995). The psychology of Nigrescence: Revising the cross model. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 93–122). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cross, Jr. & W. E., Vandiver B. J. (2001). Nigrescence theory and measurement: Introducing the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS). In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2nd ed., pp. 371–393). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Block scheduling

Suggested Resources Youth Activism—http://ya.ssrc.org/: This website is sponsored by the Social Science Research Council and contains articles about African American youth. Institute of the Development of African American Youth (IDAAY, Inc.)—http://www.idaay.org/home.htm: The Institute for the Development of African American Youth, Inc. (IDAAY) is a community-based, nonprofit organization, serving Philadelphia and Montgomery Counties. This program offers information about programs that work for African American youth.

Block Scheduling Nancy Otskey

Block scheduling is a reform model of restructuring the traditional high school or middle school schedule of ‘‘class periods.’’ In the United States (U.S.) during the early to mid-1990s it became one of many models of school reform that arose in the decade following the 1983 report ‘‘A Nation at Risk,’’ which sought to improve student achievement. High school schedules for most of the twentieth century had remained the same, using the ‘‘Carnegie unit’’ as the cumulative amount of necessary points to attain for graduation. This can be viewed as a measurement of seat time spent during the 4-year high school period. Traditions in education have long been entrenched in the U.S. simply because they were indeed that, a tradition. However, as early as 1959, J. Lloyd Trump questioned the ‘‘traditional method’’ of high school scheduling. He proposed changing it to a schedule of classes with varying lengths of time as dictated by the instructional needs of students. Under this proposal, a class could meet for a 40-minute lecture, a 100-minute lab, and a 20-minute help session each week, while other classes might be shorter periods. Trump encouraged teachers using this model to experiment with a variety of instructional strategies. In 1994, the National Commission on Time and Learning published its’ report called ‘‘Prisoners of Time,’’ which focused on learning rather than time spent in school (a look at the traditional ‘‘Carnegie unit’’ approach to graduation requirements). The report recommended block

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scheduling as a way to give teachers the opportunity to engage students in more active learning and thus moving the focus from time to learning. In 1984, John Goodlad also questioned the traditional high school scheduling. He claimed that it did not allow for individualized instruction, extended lab work, remediation, or enrichment and that much time was wasted on changing classes throughout the school day. By the late 1990s many high schools across the nation changed over to the block scheduling model for the reasons cited above. The state of North Carolina, for example, had 74% of their high schools on a block schedule by 1998. The classic model of block scheduling is often referred to as the ‘‘44 model,’’ but there are many variations. The ‘‘44 model’’ is arranged as four courses per semester with classes meeting for 90 minutes each on a 2-day rotating schedule, rather than two semesters of 50-minute classes. Students complete eight total classes per school year (within two separate semesters). An example of a ‘‘modified block scheduling’’ might be two to three 90-minute blocks along with a variable or split 45-minute class according to subject content or desired flexibility. Some of the touted benefits to block scheduling over the traditional 50-minute periods schedule are the following:

  

    

It is more conducive to differentiation (differentiated instruction) Greater immersion in the subject matter Improved school climate because of less discipline problems (because of less frequent movement in the buildings with the frequent changing of classes with the traditional scheduling) Greater student/teacher rapport Increased student engagement as a result of more interactive instruction Less accumulated time wasted on class start-up and wind-down procedures Less amount of total planning for teachers Students can focus of four rather than eight subjects a semester

Despite the above benefits, skeptics have criticized this method stating it poses difficulties when students transfer from non-blocked high schools. Two such issues concern transferring credits and whether course content has or has not been covered. Critics also refer to what is a perceived loss of instructional time (to

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cover the curriculum) from the two semesters of 50-minute classes, to one semester of 90-minute classes. However, the loss of instructional time at the beginning and end of each 50-minute class with opening and closing procedures seems to cancel this out, therefore it is only a ‘‘perceived’’ loss. Critics mention the fact that when students are absent there is much more work to make up (and instruction lost). However, that is countered with an absent student only having four classes, rather than eight classes to ‘‘make up.’’ Critics mention possible boredom of students with the length of the class and worry that subject content retention is lost from one level course to the next because of the gap (a semester and a summer) between the two. Since advanced placement exams (AP) are traditionally administered in the spring, this poses a problem with retention of subject content for students who have AP classes in the fall semester. Proponents counter that these exams be administered twice a year if this is problematic. One key to success with a block schedule structure is adequate professional development for the teachers (and administrators) implementing it. Teachers must be properly prepared before the transition takes place and have ongoing high quality professional development that supports instructional strategies that are appropriate for a block format. The traditional lecture method that teachers relied on to ensure covering the curriculum with the 50-minute class periods is not appropriate for the 90-minute classes, as this is a passive method and can lead to boredom among the students. More active teaching strategies tend to engage students better and are amenable to the 90-minute blocks. Strategies such as cooperative learning, inquiry, synectics, and discussion, among others, lend themselves to this format but teachers must be well prepared in these methods to be effective. Teachers must also use the full 90 minutes for instruction and change the classroom activity every 10–15 minutes to be most effective. Block scheduling can lead to more in-depth study of subjects, resulting in more thorough understanding, while supporting the development of critical thinking skills among students as well as individualizing instruction to meet varied student needs. High schools that have implemented block instruction also report less discipline problems. Reasons cited for this benefit are less time spent switching classes, increased rapport between student and teacher, and better peer relationships fostered by cooperative learning methods

that combine academic learning and classroom management. See also: assessment; > Tracking

Advanced placement; > Authentic Collaborative and cooperative learning;

> >

Suggested Reading Goodlad, J. I. (1984). A place called school. Ney York: McGraw-Hill. National Commission on Time and Learning (1994). Prisoners of time. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Queen, J. A. (2003). The block scheduling handbook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press.

Suggested Resources Block Scheduling—www.blockscheduling.com: This website offers up to date information on block scheduling.

Book Banning Darla Linville

Book banning is a practice of censorship that involves removing a book from the public consumption, either before it can be published, or after it has been published, by taking it off the shelves of libraries and bookshops. In the United States (U.S.), book banning currently takes place at the local level, in local libraries and schools. However, in the 1940s and 1950s national enforcement was used to keep communist ideas out of the country, and even now homosexual material is still at risk of being labeled pornographic and seized at the border. In other countries the censorship may take place at a national level to regulate the circulation of images, ideas, or the works of a specific author. For example, in Turkey, following the comments made by novelist Orhan Pamuk concerning the killing of Armenians and Kurds in Turkey, a new law was established that prohibits public statements and publications that defame Turkishness and Turkish institutions. In the Soviet Union art and literature, as well as music and plays, had to be approved by government censors

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before they could be published or performed. Several novels were smuggled out of the Soviet Union and other dictatorships in Europe and published in other countries before returning to the land of their conception. In Indonesia under Dutch colonial law, the Hate Articles were used to justify political repression and book banning in the name of keeping dissident groups from propagating hate and instigating rebellion among the population. Historically, book banning has been used to silence anti-government ideas and groups, as when the Nazis burned books that presented ideas contrary to Hitler’s and burned texts that favorably talked about or were created by Jewish people. Every year in the U.S. certain books come to be seen as dangerous and are challenged by concerned members of the public. In 2005, the American Library Association reported 450 attempts to remove books from public and school libraries. Although books are screened before selection for addition to library collections or curriculum, once a challenge has been made the book must be examined closely to respond to the complaints of the public. The complainant must also present his or her specific objections to the book and often must demonstrate that he or she has read the entire work or understood the context, rather than just skimming the text for controversial material. The most common reasons for challenges in the U.S. are obscenity, controversial ideas or subject matter, and language. Obscenity complaints often focus on depictions of sex in books for children and adolescents, including children’s books that address the question of how pregnancy and birth take place, teen books that depict sexuality and sex acts between teens, and pictures that contain nudity. In particular, sexual subject matter marketed to pre-pubescent children (e.g., books that feature pre-pubescent characters or characters going through puberty who deal with sexual issues) pushes the envelope of what is considered ‘‘age appropriate’’ for many parents and other adults. While books that introduce the functions of pregnancy and birth are considered very useful and helpful by some caregivers, others wish to shield their children from exposure to this information until they are older. The question of what information is ‘‘appropriate’’ for children of different ages is nebulous, subjective, and varies greatly depending on the values of specific communities and families. Other controversial ideas and subject matter that frequently trigger complaints include violence, racism, the supernatural, socialism, and other ideas opposed to capitalism, doubts about religion, rebellion against

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parents, homosexuality, and drug use. Such complaints may be made by those who fear ideas that counter prevailing social structures. In contrast, complaints may also come from those who consider themselves socially liberal and who oppose the prevailing social structures and think that the book in question reiterates structures of dominance, discrimination, or stereotypes. Language complaints are concerned with an abundance of cursing or language that blasphemes against religion. More than any other type of complaint, these can come from people who have not read the work of literature but rather have simply counted the number of times various words appear. These complaints often do not take into consideration the story’s context or the story’s need to use strong language to convey emotional content. Authors often feel censored by their editors, who may try to avoid complaints and challenges by removing controversial content before the book is even published. Many dismiss complaints and challenges to controversial material in books, as children and adolescents are often exposed to obscenities much more frequently by watching movies, playing video games, or simply attending schools. Legally, book banning often holds up, at least at the local level. Local school boards often side with community members to support the removal of a controversial book from a school’s library or curriculum. Recently, there have been efforts in Oklahoma and Alabama to use the state legislature to move books containing references to homosexuality out of the public libraries or areas of the libraries that children peruse. However, such extreme reactions are rare. More often, challenged books are kept from becoming required reading in schools. This solution appeases parents while allowing students to exercise free will when choosing their reading material. In addition, this solution stops the standards of one family or group from becoming the standards for the whole community. See also: > Moral education; > Reform; > Tolerance

Suggested Reading Agee, J. (1999). ‘‘There it was, that one sex scene’’: English teachers on censorship. English Journal, 89(2), 61–69. Foerstel, H. N. (1994). Banned in the U.S.A.: A reference guide to book censorship in schools and public libraries. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

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Staples, S. F. (1996). What Johnny can’t read: Censorship in American libraries. The ALAN Rev 23(2), http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ ejournals/ALAN/winter96/pubCONN.html.

Suggested Resources The American Library Association—http://www.ala.org/ala/oif/ bannedbooksweek/bbwlinks/explorebbw.htm, http://www.ala. org/ala/oif/aboutoif/aboutofficeintellectual.htm: The Banned Books Week Materials, as well as the Office for Intellectual Freedom of the American Library Association, provide statistics, lists of banned materials, and suggestions for responding to challenges to library and school curriculum materials. National Coalition against Censorship—http://www.ncac.org: This website provides many resources about censorship battles occurring in different arenas, including education.

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka DeAnn Lechtenberger

During the 1950s, American public schools were racially segregated with the assumption that Black and White students were to receive a ‘‘separate but equal’’ education regardless of their school campus location. Unfortunately during this time in history, most Black public schools were academically and often physically inferior to the public schools of their White counterparts. The Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision initiated educational and social reform throughout the United States (U.S.). The case served as a catalyst in launching the Civil Rights Movement. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka and the individuals involved in this landmark case is the story of the struggle of democratic ideals for all of America’s children. The widely disseminated story about how this case actually evolved begins with a man named Oliver Brown who sought to enroll his daughter, a Black third-grader named Linda, in a White Topeka, Kansas elementary school only seven blocks away from their home. Linda Brown had been walking one mile, through a railroad switchyard, to attend the nearest Black elementary school. Her family felt it was unsafe and unfair

not to allow Linda to attend the closer White neighborhood school. According to reports, the principal of the White school refused to admit Linda, so Oliver Brown sought the council of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in Topeka, Kansas. The NAACP had been seeking evidence to challenge public school segregation policies and the Browns’ complaint was considered by many to be the right case at the right time to present this challenge. In 2001, on the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, the Brown family released the ‘‘real story’’ on their family website in hopes of finally setting the record straight on this historical court case. In reality, according to the Brown family, the Topeka NAACP, led by McKinley Burnett, assembled a group of 13 parents who agreed to be plaintiffs on behalf of their 20 children and set out to legally challenge an 1879 Kansas state law that supported the creation of racially segregated elementary schools in certain cities based on population. This would become the 12th case filed in Kansas focused on ending segregation in public schools. At this time, Topeka operated 18 neighborhood schools for White children, while African American children had access to only four schools scattered throughout the city. In February of 1951, the Topeka NAACP filed an injunction on the parents’ behalf that would forbid the continuation of segregation in Topeka public schools. Although this was a class action suit, it was named forone of the original plaintiffs, Oliver Brown. The Brown v. Board of Education case was first heard in the U.S. District Court for the District of Kansas in June of 1951. The NAACP argued that school segregation sent a negative message to Black students that they were inferior and therefore had to attend schools that were separate, but not equal in their academic programing. Dr. Hugh W. Speer, an expert witness for the plaintiff, testified in court that when Black children were denied educational opportunities with White children, who represented 90% of American society, Black children’s learning would be significantly impeded. He continued to state publicly that the Topeka Public Schools’ curriculum or any other school curriculum could not be equal for Black students who were being educated in segregated school settings. The Board of Education defended the notion that because segregation existed in Topeka and elsewhere in American society at this time, segregated schools simply prepared Black children for the segregation they would face throughout their lifetime. The Board also

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argued that segregated schools were not necessarily harmful to Black children; citing that great African American leaders such as Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, and George Washington Carver had overcome being educated in segregated schools and made major contributions to science, literature, and other important professional fields of study. The NAACP’s request for an injunction put the court in an extremely delicate and controversial position. In trying to examine both sides of the issue, the judges agreed on one hand with the expert witnesses regarding the insensitivity and negative impact of a segregated public education for Black children. On the other hand, the case of Plessy v. Ferguson set the precedent of allowing separate but equal school systems for Black and White students and no Supreme Court ruling had ever overturned this decision. Due to the precedent of Plessy, the court felt ‘‘compelled’’ to uphold the former ruling in favor of the Topeka Board of Education. On October 1, 1951, the NAACP appealed to the Supreme Court using the Brown case combined with a total of five cases under the heading of Brown to challenge segregation in Kansas, Washington, D.C., Virginia, Delaware, and South Carolina. The Brown case eventually represented over 200 plaintiffs, including a dozen attorneys and community activists who helped organize people in each of these locations. The Supreme Court first heard the case on December 9, 1952, but the judges failed to reach a final decision. Finally on May 17, 1954, Chief Justice Earl Warren read the unanimous Court decision that sided with the NAACP citing that separate but equal has no place in America’s public educational system. The ruling further stated that the plaintiffs and others who were forced to attend segregated schools were being deprived of the equal protection guaranteed by the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. Although the ‘‘separate but equal’’ doctrine of Plessy for public education was struck down by the Supreme Court to require the desegregation of American public schools, the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision did not abolish segregation in other public areas, such as restaurants, transportation, and restrooms. The Courts did not set a specific timeline requiring the desegregation of public schools, but it did declare that segregation that existed in 21 states was indeed unconstitutional. Even though this was a giant step toward the desegregation of American public

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schools, the changes that would result from this landmark court case were only just beginning. The Brown case initiated the end of segregation in public places mandated by law in the U.S. Within 20 years, through the Civil Rights Movement, led by Dr. Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. and the African American community, along with forward-thinking White Americans, enough pressure began to be applied on legal and political systems to bring down statesupported segregation in all public facilities. Although America paid a high price for this moral conversion in the form of public riots, continued racial tension, and assassinations; additional government programs were created to enforce the Court’s decision such as courtordered busing for public schools and affirmative action. Although the nation soon discovered that changing the attitudes of Americans in respect to race relations could not be legislated or dictated by the courts, America began the slow adjustment toward the ideals of equality and justice in the public arena. As documented throughout the race riots of the 1960s and the civil disturbances in Los Angeles in 1992, racial hatred and violence have not been completely eradicated with the Brown decision. It was Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka that forced Americans to face each other and find out if they were willing to live up to the ideals written in the Constitution by the country’s founding fathers. As of 2004, the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, a few of the parents involved in the case were still living; Oliver Brown died in 1961. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; > Desegregation; > Discrimination; > Human rights; > Prejudice; > Racism: Individual, Institutional, and Cultural

Suggested Reading Williams, J. (1987). Eyes on the Prize: America’s Civil Rights Years, 1954–1965. New York: Viking Penguin Inc.

Suggested Resources The Brown Foundation—http://brownvboard.org/summary/: A tribute to the attorneys and plaintiffs in the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision of 1954 Brown v. Board of Education. The Brown Foundation is dedicated to building future leaders

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by developing, implementing, and supporting programs that invest in children. Cornell Law School—http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/cases/ historic.htm: Provides a collection and description of historic U.S. Supreme Court decisions.

Bullying Amanda B Siebecker . Susan M Swearer

Definition Bullying may be the most prevalent type of aggression experienced by school-aged youth. Bullying has been defined as any form of aggression in which one student or group of students repeatedly harasses a target (i.e., victim) verbally or physically. The three key components or characteristics of bullying behaviors are (1) the behavior is intended to harm, (2) the behavior occurs repeatedly over time, and (3) there is an imbalance of power. While bullying is a subset of aggression, these three characteristics should be present for the behavior to be considered bullying. For example, punching someone in the face is a single act of aggression, unless it occurs over and over again and the target is unable to defend him or herself. In addition, the imbalance of power need not be physical; it can take the form of intellectual or a perceived power differential (i.e., social status). Bullying behaviors have been further refined to include either direct or indirect behaviors and relational or physical aggression. Direct forms of bullying include face-to-face confrontation, which may be physical (i.e., punching) or verbal (i.e., name-calling). Indirect bullying, on the other hand, includes a third party. Indirect bullying may take the form of spreading rumors, teasing, threatening, or harassing and may be communicated verbally, on the Internet, using text messaging, graffiti, among other forms. Relational bullying is considered a form of aggression where the relationship is under attack. For example, a student may get others to leave the target out of a group, thus removing supportive relationships and damaging relationships. Physical bullying includes the more stereotypical bullying behaviors such as hitting, kicking and punching.

Researchers and educators are recognizing that bullying is not relegated to absolute roles, rather students engage in bullying and victimization in multiple roles. Specifically, participants in bullying interactions include people other than the bully and the victim. Rather, involvement in bullying occurs along a continuum and there are at least four roles along this continuum: bullies, victims, bully victims, and bystanders. Bullies are students who engage in victimizing a target. Victims are those students who are repeatedly victimized by a bully and have difficulty defending themselves. Bully victims are students who both bully others and who are victimized by others. Finally, bystanders are those students who observe the bullying interaction. Two types of bystanders have been identified in the literature: passive and active. Passive bystanders standby and silently observe the bullying while active bystanders engage in encouraging the bully or defending the victim. The continuum illustrates that students can function in multiple roles and that these roles are not fixed nor are mutually exclusive.

Prevalence Determining the prevalence of bullying among schoolaged youth is a difficult task. Currently there is no standard method of measuring bullying; therefore determining the frequency with which it occurs is somewhat problematic. In a recent study of 15,686 students in grades six through ten, 29.9% of students reported involvement in bullying (13% bullies, 10.6% victims, and 6% bully victims). Another study found that 88% of students observe bullying as a bystander and 77% of students are the victim of bullying. Worldwide rates of bullying behaviors range from 3% to 20%.

Impact While bullying is increasingly being recognized as a serious problem in schools, researchers and educators are still in the beginning stages of understanding the long- and short-term impact of bullying. Studies have found that students involved in bullying are at greater risk for internalizing and externalizing problems than those who are not involved in bullying. Students may be at higher risk for psychosocial problems, behavior and academic problems, relationship problems, and legal problems. Even more concerning is that the

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effects of bullying can be seen long after children are no longer in school. A recent meta-analytic review of the research on victims of bullying found that victims of bullying may be more likely to be depressed, lonely, anxious, and experience low self-esteem and negative self-concept. In addition, as a result of this psychosocial maladjustment, victims may also experience peer relationship problems. Victims may experience lower academic grades from difficulty concentrating or increased truancy due to fears of being victimized. Victims appear to lack social support from their peers. Research suggests that peer support is an important component in dealing with the stress of being bullied. When students are isolated from their peers they lose an important support system and are left to deal with the bullying on their own. Victims may also take actions into their own hands when they feel as though nothing is being done to help them. For example, bullying was found to be the common denominator in 2/3 of the 37 school shootings investigated by the Secret Service. Like victims, bullies also experience psychosocial problems. However, the research presents a somewhat more ambiguous picture of bullies. Some studies have found that they may be the most depressed or least depressed and may suffer from anxiety, specifically, social anxiety. Bullies may be rejected by others (peers or adults) or they may be popular and accepted by others. They are also at high risk for substance abuse and school dropout. In addition, bullies are also at risk for problems in adulthood. Specifically, 60% of students who were identified as bullies in grades 6–9 were convicted of a crime by the age of 24. Bully victims are likely the most impaired group along the bully/victim continuum because they experience a combination of the effects experienced by both bullies and victims. Bully victims have been found to experience the highest levels of depression, anxiety, and aggression compared to bullies, victims, and notinvolved students. They are also at the highest risk for suicidal ideation.

Gender Differences It appears that boys tend to be more involved in bullying in all participant roles when compared to girls. However, when relational aggression is included in studies of bullying, the gender disparity is more equal. Overall, research is somewhat unclear regarding

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specific gender differences in bullying behavior. Previous research indicated that boys were more involved in bullying. However, more recent studies that have included relational bullying in their definition reveal a slightly different picture. Boys tend to experience more physical bullying while girls experience more relational bullying. While boys may experience relational bullying, girls are more likely to be targeted and are more affected by this form of bullying than are boys. In general, it appears that boys and girls are equally likely to be bullies but boys are more likely to be victims. Little research has investigated gender differences in bully victims and bystanders roles.

Development From a developmental perspective, the incidence of bullying looks like a bell curve in that bullying steadily increases toward the end of elementary school (grades 4 and 5), peaks in middle school (grades 6–8), and declines in high school. While bullying steadily decreases, as students get older, it may never completely disappear. Research suggests that students may change tactics, for example, reports of sexual harassment increase at about the time reports of bullying decrease. This suggests that the form of bullying tends to follow a developmental pathway. Bullying in elementary schools tends to include more overt physical aggression. Whereas, bullying in middle and high school includes more covert behaviors (i.e., verbal teasing, social exclusion). Therefore, as physical bullying decreases relational bullying may remain constant. Unfortunately, as students get older, they are more likely to join in bullying and less likely to help victims.

Ecological Perspective Bullying should be conceptualized as behavior resulting from an interaction between the child and his or her environment. Therefore, the problem does not simply lie within the child; rather it is the result of a number of factors such as child characteristics, school and community and home environment, learning history, societal norms, and peers. An environment may contribute to incidence of bullying by harboring a climate where bullying is accepted as normal and as a right of passage, where there is little supervision by adults, or a lack of

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adult intervention when bullying is observed, or by ignoring victim reports of bullying.

Conclusion Bullying is a complex phenomenon, which is adversely affecting the majority of school-aged youth. There are long-term psychological and behavioral consequences associated with involvement in bullying (i.e., suicidal ideation and criminal behavior). While research is still uncovering new facets of the bullying dynamic, it is important to recognize there are multiple roles that students can employ in bullying interactions. In addition, bullying is not only direct, physical aggression; rather it can take the form of direct verbal aggression or indirect harassment. Bullying is not only a problem among boys but is increasingly being recognized as a problem among girls. Finally, if we are to begin understanding bullying behavior, we must consider it from both ecological and developmental perspectives. See also: > Aggressiveness; > School violence

Suggested Reading Espelage, D. L., & Swearer, S. M. (Eds.) (2004). Bullying in American schools: A social-ecological perspective on prevention and intervention. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Garbarino, J., & DeLara, E. (2002). And words can hurt forever: How to protect adolescents from bullying, harassment, and emotional violence. New York, NY: Free Press. Smith, P. K., Pepler, D., & Rigby, K. (2004). Bullying in schools: How successful can interventions be? New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Career Education Velma LaPoint . Jo-Anne Manswell Butty . Cheryl Danzy . Charlynn Small

The National Career Development Association (NCDA) posits that career development is and should be a lifelong task, beginning at the preschool level and continuing through retirement. While the need for early career development exists, experts have found that a majority of students do not receive adequate career education from their families and/or schools for several reasons: family members’ lack of technical information and skills; high ratios between the number of counselors and students; counselors saddled with administrative vs. career development tasks; and high stakes testing being emphasized over high quality teaching and career development and education. Many experts suggest that these challenges are related to the larger challenge of improving student academic achievement and social competence and the challenge to connect school and classroom curricula to systematic career development and education. Career development experts assert that it is important to define some terms related to career development because education and related programming are shaped by how terms are used in creating, implementing, and evaluating career development interventions. Several terms relating to career education are defined here in greater specificity: (a) career : a lifestyle—more than just work or a set tasks, where it is broadly the course of events constituting a life or the total set of roles played over a lifetime; (b) career development: lifelong psychological and behavioral processes and contextual influences shaping one’s careers over the life span with career patterns, decision-making style, life-role self concepts, and life-role integration; (c) career development interventions: activities that empower people to cope effectively with career development tasks such as developing self-awareness, occupational awareness, decision-making skills, job-search skills, coping with job stress via individual and group career counseling, career development programs, career education, computer-assisted career development programs, computer information delivery systems, and other forms of client career information delivery systems; (d) career counseling or career guidance: a formal relationship in which a professional

counselor assists a client or group of clients with career concerns such as career goal setting, coping more effectively with career concerns, and evaluating clients’ career progress; (e) career development programs: systematic programs of counselor-coordinated information and experiences designed to assist clients with career goals, objectives, activities, and methods for evaluating the effectives if activities; and (f) career education: systematic teaching that seeks to influence the career development of persons through using various types of strategies (e.g., providing occupational information, infusing career-related concepts into the academic curriculum, providing career planning courses, and offering worksite-based experiences). Career development theory, research, and practice should be inclusive for diverse student groups. Unfortunately, this has not been the case largely because career development and education historically focused on the career development and life experiences of middle-class, European American males. Issues of occupational stereotyping, discrimination, environmental barriers, and other forms of bias may impede the career development of diverse populations. Many experts have found that the fields of career development and career education have an impact on social change as they seek to meet the career needs of increasingly diverse populations. Career education has many applications and will be described, focusing generally on school-aged students, in several areas: (a) historical notes; (b) career education with diverse populations; (c) career education for students in schools with connections to community settings; and (d) future trends in career education.

Historical Notes Career development interventions have been influenced by political, social, educational, and cultural forces nationally and globally. Experts have identified six stages in the growth of career development and education: (a) Stage One (1850–1919): Growth of industrialization and fall of agricultural jobs, beginning of career and vocational educational movement in schools and at college level, and growth of mental measurement movement; (b) Stage Two (1920–1939): Growth of career education and guidance in elementary and secondary schools; (c) Stage Three (1940–1959): Growth of career education and guidance in colleges and universities and counselor training in higher education institutions;

C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9, # Springer Science+Business Media LLC 2010

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(d) Stage Four (1960–1979): Growth of career development professional organizations; (e) Stage Five (1980– 1989): Growth of information technology, career counseling private practice, and career outplacement services; and (f) Stage Six (1990-Present): Growth of changing demographics; continued emphasis on multicultural counseling; continued development of technology; and focus on school-to-work transitions. In the early 1900s, there was controversy related to an unwelcome influx of ethnic groups and growth of industrial urban areas with accompanying widespread poverty and exploitation. Experts believed that youth should have knowledge of their needs and future career options and thus have greater career satisfaction and face less exploitation if occupational information could be given to students, teachers, and parents. While these beliefs were well founded, practices indicated another reality where many educators and career practitioners reinforced the social status of discriminated groups. Similar economic, social, and demographic conditions exist today much like those that fueled the development of career development interventions at the turn of the last century with the suggestion that educators and counselors have unique opportunities to avoid the biases of the profession’s early efforts through career education and related interventions.

Career Education with Diverse Populations: Economically Disadvantaged Persons Economically disadvantaged groups are generally comprised of three groups: (a) chronically poor persons who are born into poverty and raised in families without economic resources for their basic needs; (b) unemployed or newly disadvantaged persons who are unemployed and can bridge brief periods of unemployment by using available resources or persons who have no resources or employment to return; and (c) underemployed poor persons who are mainly in low-wage, marginal jobs that involve little skill and wages that are insufficient to exceed poverty standards. Career development challenges faced by these groups may include the lack of basic educational skills, inability to obtain vocational training, and incongruence between self-concept and low-level jobs. Persons with limited educational background are generally relegated to the most marginal work opportunities. Literacy,

basic mathematics, and language proficiency are the minimal requirements for almost every occupation and many poor youth drop out of school before they reach the grade level where career education and skills may be most helpful. Many career-related challenges of these groups need career education and interventions in four areas: access to basic adult education, personal and/or career counseling, information about career and work opportunities, and vocational training and placement. Access to career education and careerrelated opportunities resources may be thwarted by a lack of services such as transportation or childcare.

Ethnic Minority Group Members Ethnic minority groups comprise at least one third of persons in the workforce with the largest numbers being African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and Asian Americans. The numbers of ethnic minorities are rapidly increasing and represent the majority of persons in some states or states’ regions. These individuals are disproportionately low-income and face challenges described earlier. Career experts must be prepared to understand the worldviews, values, languages, religion and spirituality, customs, traditions, and histories of hardship of ethnic minority groups as well as the within-group diversity among them (e.g., Socio-economic status (SES), race, immigration regency). Ethnic minority group members may face limited educational opportunities and discrimination, which can result in high unemployment, underemployment, low-paying jobs, and family instability due to economic instability. Some recent immigrants may also experience limited English proficiency, cultural shock, alienation, and new cultural adaptations. Diverse cultures may also have different conceptions of the family, gender roles, and work-family roles. In some ethnic minority groups, career may have a collective, not an individual meaning where it may be viewed as an outcome for the betterment of the group and not just the individual. Career education for these groups should focus on the need for quality schooling (e.g., high school graduation and further technical training, college graduation), the ways that culture influences career development, and culturally responsive career education materials and strategies (e.g., involvement of ethnic group communities, use of group counseling strategies).

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Girls and Women Girls and women experience special problems in career development which have not been adequately addressed in career development theories and interventions. The sex-role stereotyping of occupations begins at an early age and may remain a lifelong concern. Girls and women face two challenges that must be considered in career education and counseling—the socialization of and impact gender roles have on career development and the biological fact that women can bear children. Despite the feminist movement, women typically remain the primary person responsible for the home and family and are generally concentrated in poorly paid occupations. Realities regarding career choice, role participation, and discrimination in the workplace must be addressed when providing career education and counseling to girls and women. Career intervention strategies should seek to broaden the kinds of careers female students are exposed to, help them access school and community connected career development programs, and prepare females for stereotypes and discrimination that they may face in their career development.

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employ diverse strategies to address the persons’ self concept, social status, life roles, work roles, the severity of functional limitations, and the person’s adjustment to limitations including feelings of inferiority and negative stereotypes. Both state and private rehabilitation agencies provide numerous career-related services such as psychological assessment, skills assessment, special education and skills training, job placement, and postemployment services. Some laws and policies (e.g., Education for All Handicapped Children Act, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, Individualized Education Program) include provisions to meet children’s educational goals, objectives, evaluation, and transition services for school-to-work or continuing education, usually by the ages of 14 to 16. Career practitioners can use a number of interventions with students with disabilities such as developing student career plans, providing career information on work roles, responsibilities, discussion about workplace realities (e.g., discrimination and stress), providing pre-vocational skill training (e.g., care of work materials, learning to be punctual), providing life skills training, and other career education skills (e.g., interviewing skills, social skills, interpersonal employee–employer skills, and workplace change).

Persons with Disabilities Individuals with disabilities represent another group that generally experiences discrimination in career development programming. Several changes have been made to describe individuals with disabilities to negate stereotypes and false information. The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) identifies a person with a disability as one who has a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities. These disabilities may or may not be a vocational hindrance. The ADA prohibits discrimination in all employment practices including job application, hiring, firing, advancement, compensation, training, and other employment conditions. The career development needs of persons with disabilities may include several areas such as difficulty adjusting to and accepting physical disabilities, attitudinal barriers, being stereotyped or labeled ‘‘disabled,’’ lack of individuals with disabilities who serve as role models, selfconcept and social/interpersonal skills, independent living skills, and architectural barriers. Career practitioners should view a disability as multifaceted and

Sexual Minority Groups Individuals who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered (GLBT), also called sexual minorities, represent a group that is discriminated against in schools and other institutions. Homosexuality and bisexuality are not types of physical or mental disabilities according to the ADA. Experts suggest that there appears to be a growing trend for more open discussion about the effects of sexual orientation on career development given the number of GLBT persons who openly discuss the kinds of challenges they face, especially in the workplace. There is a growing number of companies that support their own GLBT employee organizations and support networks. However, despite the increased acknowledgement of GLBT issues, there is little research on the career development of GLBT persons. Literature on the career needs and status of GLBT youth is generally focused on adolescence—a time period that is heightened in sexual identity development. Socially, GLBT youth may be rejected by their

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families and friends and may face health risks of drug abuse, suicide, and HIV/AIDS. GLBT persons continue to be stereotyped in terms of the kinds of jobs they should hold, based on traditional male or female jobs for members of a given sex. They are often threatened by psychological or physical violence engendered by homophobia, and may form a dislike of themselves through their own internalized homophobia. They face discrimination in the workplace such as threats, lack of advancement, ostracism, sexual harassment, termination, or the ‘‘lavender ceiling.’’ Career practitioners should be aware that there is diversity among GLBT persons including diversity within and across ethnic groups of African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans. It should be noted that ethnic minority GLBT persons report that they are only marginally accepted in their respective communities and struggle with parallel psychological processes of identity: ethnic identity and sexual orientation identity. Career education should prepare GLBT individuals for the kinds of stereotypes and discrimination that they may face in their career development. Career intervention strategies, including career education, should aim to help GLBT persons find acceptance in the workplace.

Career Education for Students in Schools with Connections to Community Settings Over the past 30 years numerous educational initiatives have focused on promoting career education in kindergarten through grade 12 schools. The most ambitious programs were developed during the 1970s and focused on helping children and adolescents broaden their career aspirations, learn decision-making skills, acquire vocational skills, and develop an appreciation of students themselves. The career education thrust of the 1970s, by the mid-1980s, had been swept from schools by several events: (a) the ‘‘back-to-education basics’’ educational movement the criticized career education at the elementary school level because certain activities (e.g., field trips to worksites, attention on employees) reduced time spent on core subjects; (b) career education programs were built on external funds with few if any plans from school district funding for program sustainability; (c) overloading teachers with additional career education programs; (d) the negative association of the term ‘‘career education’’ with ‘‘vocational education’’ where many middle-class parents were concerned that their

children would be diverted from college preparatory curricula; and (e) underdeveloped local political support among educators, parents, and the business community. However, career education, along with the corresponding notion that general education and career education should be linked, within schools and connected to communities within the world of work, was more resilient than many people believed. Although high school has traditionally been viewed as a time when most students begin to prepare for college or a career, many experts believe that students should be exposed to continuous and comprehensive career development experiences starting early in the elementary school years. Students are expected to meet numerous developmental academic, social, and benchmarks as they face key transitions from elementary to middle school, middle to high school, and high school to postsecondary career preparation in college, technical training institutions and the workplace which includes military and entrepreneurship opportunities. Yet, many students do not graduate from high school because they drop out physically or psychologically. The National Occupational Information Coordinating Committee (NOICC) issued several reports on career education programs in schools including one report identifying seven processes that under gird career education in schools: classroom instruction; counseling, assessment, career information, placement, consultation, and referral and provided competencies and indicators based on students’ developmental and academic levels within three areas—Self-knowledge (Competencies I through III), Educational and Occupational Exploration (Competencies IV through VIII), and Career Planning (Competencies IX though XII).

Elementary School NOICC has provided the competencies and indicators for elementary school students: (a) Competency I: Knowledge of the Importance of Self-concept; (b) Competency II: Skills to Interact with Others; (c) Competency III: Awareness of the Importance of Growth and Change; (d) Competency IV: Awareness of the Benefits of Educational Achievement; (e) Competency V: Awareness of the Relationship Between Work and Learning; (f) Competency VI: Skills to Understand and Use Career Information; (g) Competency VII: Awareness of the Importance of Personal Responsibility and

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Good Work Habits; (h) Competency VIII: Awareness of How Work Habits Relate to the Needs and Functions of Society (i) Competency IX: Understanding How to Make Decisions; (j) Competency X: Awareness of the Interrelationship of Life Roles; (k) Competency XI: Awareness of Different Occupations and Changing Male/Female Roles; and (l) Competency XII: Awareness of the Career Planning Process. For many decades elementary school teachers have been aware of the need for students to cultivate an awareness of themselves and community opportunities. Career education at the elementary level should involve systematically providing knowledge and skills throughout the curriculum and the ongoing collaboration of teachers and counselors. These activities are generally conducted by one or more teachers rather than related systematically to other career education in a given school. Experts suggest that elementary school children have impressions of the work world, sex-typing of occupations, roles that parents and others play in different work settings, and the formation of their personal abilities, even before entering school. While some impressions are often overgeneralized, inaccurate, and restricted, children generally embrace some occupations as possibilities and remove others from their consideration in the present or future. Career education at this level seeks to help children avoid premature closure of future career options—not to force children into making premature career choices.

Junior High School or Middle School At the middle or junior high school level, NOICC has described the following competencies and indicators: (a) Competency I: Knowledge of the Influence of a Positive Self-concept; (b) Competency II: Skills to Interact with Others; (c) Competency III: Knowledge of the Importance of Growth and Change; (d) Competency IV: Knowledge of the Benefits of Educational Achievement to Career Opportunities; (e) Competency V: Awareness of the Relationship Between Work and Learning; (f) Competency VI: Skills to Locate, Understand, and Use Career Information; (g) Competency VII: Knowledge of Skills Necessary to Seek and Obtain Jobs; (h) Competency VIII: Understanding of How Work Relates to the Needs and Functions of the Economy and Society; (i) Competency IX: Skills to Make Decisions; (j) Competency X: Knowledge of the Interrelationship of Life Roles; (k) Competency XI: Knowledge

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of Different Occupations and Changing Male/Female Roles; and (l) Competency XII: Understanding the Process of Career Planning. Students at the junior high/middle school level make major developmental and school transitions, namely between childhood and adolescence, and between general and specialized education, respectively. Students in this age group have needs for diversity in experiences, self-exploration, meaningful participation, positive peer and adult interaction, physical activity, and competence and achievement. It is should also be recognized that there are a wide range of maturity levels in the student population in areas of: pubertal changes, rates of male and female growth, and general unevenness of physical, emotional, social, and intellectual development within and between the population of boys and girls. Thus, career education programs must recognize the important transitions and diverse maturity levels among students at this level. It is important that both teachers and career counselors provide career education to students and parents about the consequences of curricular and course choices made now and planned for senior high school so that later options will not be temporarily delayed or permanently closed. Students cannot explore or choose educational or occupational goals if they do not know about them. Quality career development and education programs should be relevant, accurate, and timely. Research suggests that cultural differences, namely ethnic/racial and gender, in career information, availability of role models, self-efficacy, and bias towards or away from particular choices become major factors in planning and implementing career education programs at the junior high/middle school level. Career education at this level emphasizes exploration and planning while not implying that the earlier emphasis on self-awareness and career awareness have been completed, but rather as children grow, there are new demands and tasks that they should also complete. For most students, self-awareness and career awareness will be refined as self-exploration, career exploration.

High Schools NOICC has provided the competencies and indicators for high school students in the following areas: (a) Competency I: Understanding the Influence of a Positive Self-concept; (b) Competency II: Skills to Interact

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Positively with Others; (c) Competency III: Understanding the Importance of Growth and Change; (d) Competency IV: Understanding the Relationship between of Educational Achievement and Career Planning; (e) Competency V: Understanding the Need for Positive Attitudes Toward Work and Learning; (f) Competency VI: Skills to Locate, Evaluate, and Interpret Career Information; (g) Competency VII: Skills to Prepare, Seek, Obtain, Maintain, and Change Jobs; (h) Competency VIII: Understanding How Societal Needs and Functions Influence the Nature and Structure of Work; (i) Competency IX: Skills to Make Decisions; (j) Competency X: Understanding the Interrelationship of Life Roles; (k) Competency XI: Understanding the Continuous Changes of Male/ Female Roles; and (l) Competency XII: Skills in Career Planning. High school students, like students at the younger grade levels, also undergo a number of transitions including preparing for the transition from high school to work. As many as 25%t leave school before graduating from high school and the rates may be 40–60% in high schools with low-income ethnic minority group students. Because many students complete their formal schooling with high school, there is a need to assist all students to develop and implement career plans. As mentioned, career development and career education have not been implemented in a systematic way across all grade levels so that during the high school years, there are individual differences in the degree to which previous career interventions have been effective. Thus, career education programs should address the heterogeneity in career development among adolescents and facilitate students’ understanding of the advantages and disadvantages of various postsecondary options under students’ consideration. Many high schools across the nation have implemented career education programs, with promising evaluation outcomes, in an effort to reach all students and extend classroom to learning to the world of work: (a) career academies (or schools within schools) where schools are organized into broad-based academic/ career-based programs (e.g., mathematics/science, communications, business, teaching) where students can complete college preparation work in addition to hands on, work-related knowledge; (b) cooperation education that structures students’ in school learning with experiences in paid jobs; (c) required community service programs where students can explore possible careers as well as learn knowledge and skills; (d) tech-prep

programs (or 2 + 2 programs) in which a combined secondary/postsecondary program that leads to an associate degree or 2-year certificate, provides technical preparation in at least one occupational field (e.g., applied science or practical art), builds on students’ competence through a sequential course of study, and leads to a placement of study; and (e) apprenticeship programs to provide skill development opportunities.

Future Trends in Career Education The rapidly changing world of work will continue to be influenced by many forces such as technological developments, an interdependent global economy, an increasingly diverse workforce, a changing or disappearing social contract between employer and employee (e.g., corporate downsizing, jobless economic recovery), and the intertwining increases of work and family roles (e.g., companies with parental leave and child care; increases in the number of persons working at home). Experts suggest that career education and development interventions need to be revised to meet the career tasks confronting people in the twenty-first century. First, in the area of career information, there will be continuing efforts to improve the delivery of occupational information provided by federal and state governments, nonprofit organizations such as colleges and universities via the Internet (e.g., Occupational Outlook Handbook), and from businesses with and without fees. Both career counselors and the public will have increasing access to career information through various systems such as computer assisted career guidance systems (CACFS) in public agencies and in persons’ homes. In the area of job searches, job openings will increasingly be made online. This has implications for certain diverse groups who may not have viable access to online resources. Second, career counseling will be increasingly recognized as a specialty that requires expertise in three areas: personal counseling, career counseling, and career assessment. Career decisions should be viewed as value-based decisions where clients are empowered to clarify and articulate their declared values that can be implemented as career professionals. Career professionals can move to counseling-based career assistance because of the considerable overlap between career and general life concerns. The focus can be on multiple life roles where context can be incorporated into career development interventions. Career development

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interventions can address the totality of career concerns people experience so that they can be empowered to live a good life as well as make a good living. Moreover, career professionals can function as collaborators in the career counseling process with a focus on the relationship. This role clearly mandates that career professionals have multicultural career education and career development skills. Career practitioners can move beyond objective career assessment. While objective career assessments may be helpful in identifying viable career options, there can also be a focus on the process of making meaning out of life experiences—this can be the backdrop for examining one’s values, interests, and skills that can then be connected to career options. Third, career education and counseling of diverse groups will continue to be a major focus in the field. Career development interventions must address the status and needs of diverse populations where social and economic barriers prevent specific groups from fulfilling their career aspirations, goals, and objectives. These groups described earlier include ethnic minority groups, male and female youth, persons with disabilities, and sexual minority persons. Finally, there will be a greater focus placed on career information for adults who are beyond the basic schooling and college-level years. Fourth, although career development programming will continue to be important in the future, it will be secondary to the school reform movement, with its emphasis on high stakes testing and core subject outcomes that grip many of the nation’s public schools. This means that career development practitioners and advocates have to link career development programming to expected outcomes of school reform such as academic achievement, high school completion, enrollment in college, and graduation from college. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; Community approaches to improving child success; > Cultural issues in education; > High schools; > Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender (GLBT); > Middle school; > School counselor; > School-to-work; > Students with disabilities

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Leong, F. T. L. (1995). Career development and vocational behavior of ethnic minorities. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Niles, S. G., & Harris-Bowlsbey, J. (2005). Career development in the 21st century. Mahwah, NJ: Upper Saddle River, Erlbaum. Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the culturally diverse: Theory and practice. New York: Wiley.

Suggested Resources Association of Computer-Based Systems for Career Information— http:www.acsci.org: ACSCI is a professional association, formed in 1978, for the advancement of career information and its delivery. This website offers membership, news, and information about upcoming events. National Career Development Association: The National Career Development Association (NCDA) is a division of the American Counseling Association (ACA). The mission of NCDA is to promote the career development of all people over the life span. The NCDA provides service to the public and professionals involved with or interested in career development, including professional development activities, publications, research, public information, professional standards, advocacy, and recognition for achievement and service.

CASEL Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) >

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Suggested Reading Brown, D. (2003). Career information, career counseling, and career development (8th ed.). New York: Allyn Bacon. Herr, E. L., Cramer, S. H., & Niles, S. G. (2004). Career guidance and counseling through the lifespan: Systematic approaches. New York: Allyn & Bacon.

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CEMA American Psychological Association (APA): Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs (OEMA) and Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (CEMA) >

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Center for School Mental Health (CSMH) Mark D Weist . Nancy Lever . Sharon H Stephan . Ellie Davis . Lois T Flaherty

Recent reports have documented an increase in federal, state, and local support for school mental health (SMH) programs. SMH programs are becoming a significant force in addressing the widely agreed upon crisis in youth mental health care in the United States (U.S.), while also improving efforts by schools to reduce barriers to student learning. SMH is a relatively new and tenuously supported field, however, additional efforts are needed to better integrate training, practice, research and policy. The Center for School Mental Health (CSMH) at the University of Maryland School of Medicine seeks to address these needs and assist in advancing successful and innovative policies and programs in SMH. The CSMH was originally funded as the Center for School Mental Health Assistance in 1995 by the Maternal and Child Health Bureau of the Health Resource and Services Administration (HRSA). In 2000, the Center was refunded by HRSA, with co-funding by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). In 2005, the Center was funded for another five years, through 2010, by HRSA. The mission of the CSMH is to strengthen policies and programs in school mental health to improve learning and promote success for America’s youth. Center staff, an experienced, interdisciplinary and diverse team works closely with federal project officers, Advisory Board members, stakeholders and collaborators throughout the U.S. to further the Center’s three overarching goals. The three goals and their associated objectives are directed toward facilitating progress of the Achieving the Promise (2003) initiative, in particular to pursue the initiative’s recommendation 4.2 which is to ‘‘improve and expand school mental health programs’’ (see > www.mentalhealthcommission.gov). Goals and objectives comprise an interconnected agenda to further build a Community of Practice within SMH and to enhance understanding of successful policies and programs, broadly disseminate policy analyses, and facilitate actions to advance the field through this community.

The first goal of the CSMH is to enhance understanding of successful and innovative school mental health policies and programs across urban, suburban, rural, and frontier settings as well as across local, state, national, and international levels. Pursuing Goal 1, specific objectives focus on the completion of issue briefs and policy analyses on 16 critical themes in SMH and on key federal policy initiatives including No Child Left Behind, the current Elementary and Secondary Education Act; the Achieving the Promise Initiative; and the Reauthorized (in 2004, with regulations promulgated in 2006) Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). The second goal of the CSMH is to further develop a rapid, innovative, and widespread communications framework to disseminate findings and recommendations on successful and innovative policies and programs in SMH to all interested stakeholders. To achieve this goal, specific objectives relate to the development of a broad communications framework that emphasizes the Internet, including the CSMH website (> http:// csmha.umaryland.edu) and collaboration with the IDEA Partnership (see > www.ideapartnership.org), other national organizations, federal agencies, and state and local agencies and communities. A focus of this communication framework is to broadly disseminate issue and policy briefs and relevant updates and other information to a broad network of over 50,000 diverse individuals. Here, the CSMH also seeks to promote knowledge development in the SMH field through relevant research and interactive meetings and forums, resulting in professional presentations to diverse audiences in SMH, education, family and youth advocacy, children’s mental health, and other child serving systems and publications (i.e., research articles, book chapters, and user-friendly and web-focused articles). The third and final goal of the CSMH is to promote knowledge utilization and action toward the advancement of successful and innovative policies and programs in SMH. To pursue this goal, with the IDEA Partnership and many other collaborators as above, the CSMHA is helping to build a National Community of Practice on School Mental Health. The community seeks to enhance relationships, information sharing, dialog, and collaboration, to promote the ‘‘collective intelligence’’ and mutual support of a rapidly growing SMH field that reflects a ‘‘shared agenda’’—families, students, schools, mental health and other child and

Center for school-based mental health programs (CSBMHP)

adolescent system staff working together to advance integrated approaches to reduce academic and nonacademic barriers to learning among youth. With the support of the IDEA Partnership, an annual meeting of the community is held, systematic state initiatives focusing on SMH are moving forward, and ten practice groups are pursuing deeper dialog and collaboration in ten prioritized focus areas in the field (e.g., Youth involvement and leadership, developing a common language, family partnerships, quality and evidence-based practice). In between annual meetings which are held in conjunction with the CSMHA’s Annual Conference on Advancing School Mental Health, community members share knowledge, provide mutual support, and plan and implement relevant projects through email, conference calls, and active involvement through the Internet. See also: > Home-school partnerships; with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA); in mental health

Individuals School roles

> >

Suggested Reading Weist, M. D. (2005). Fulfilling the promise of school-based mental health: Moving toward a public mental health promotion approach. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 6, 735–741. Weist, M. D. et al. (2003). Handbook of school mental health: Advancing practice and research. New York, NY: Springer Publishers.

Suggested Resources The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Partnership— www.ideapartnership.org: The IDEA Partnership is a coalition of over 50 professional organizations and many U.S. states who seek to advance learning, health and mental health for youth in schools. Center for School Mental Health (CSMHA)—http://csmha.umary land.edu: The CSMHA website provides information on training events and resources. The School Mental Health Connection—www.schoolmentalhealth.org: This is user-friendly resource that provides practical tools for effective school mental health for families, youth, educators and clinicians. The National Community of Practice on Collaborative School Behavioral Health—www.sharedwork.org: This website provides a forum for mutual support and multiscale learning among different professional organizations, practice groups, states, and communities.

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Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP) Carl E Paternite

In existence since 1998, the Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP) at Miami University operates within the Department of Psychology. Eight university faculty members are affiliated with the Center, along with a 3/4-time Program Assistant. More than a dozen graduate students work with CSBMHP as research assistants and/or in clinical/consultation traineeships. Center activities are funded by a variety local, state, and federal grant and contract funds, by a private foundation grant and by university cost sharing. An important goal of the Center is to build collaborative relationships with schools and community agencies to address the mental health and school success of children and adolescents through multifaceted programs. The intent is to promote the development and implementation of effective programs and practices to enhance healthy psychological development of school-age students and reduce mental health barriers to learning. As a university-based Center, CSBMHP is committed to ongoing applied research, preservice education of future clinicians, in-service training of educators and mental health professionals, and direct clinical and consultative service. CSBMHP also leads the Ohio Mental Health Network for School Success (OMHNSS), which is funded jointly by the Ohio Department of Mental Health and the Ohio Department of Education. The Network consists of affiliate organizations in six regions of the state, with each affiliate, in turn, creating an action network within their region. The mission of the statewide Network is to help Ohio’s school districts, community-based agencies and families work together to achieve improved educational and developmental outcomes for all children—especially those at emotional or behavioral risk and those with mental health problems. CSBMHP and OMHNSS work have garnered statewide and national attention. CSBMHP faculty and OMHNSS affiliates have been involved extensively in state-level and national public policy advocacy and technical assistance related to school mental health services.

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Recent efforts in this regard have included leadership for Ohio’s Mental Health—Education—Families Shared Agenda Initiative; subcommittee work for Ohio’s Access to Better Care Initiative; consultation with the Ohio Department of Education Community Collaboration Model for School Improvement Initiative; consultation with the IDEA Partnership; consultation with the Center for School Mental Health Analysis and Action (University of Maryland); and coleadership of the Mental Health Education—Integration Consortium (MHEDIC). CSBMHP and OMHNSS embrace and examine service delivery within the framework of the expanded school mental health (ESMH) model. ESMH incorporates key elements reflected in the recommendation of the 2003 President’s New Freedom Commission to expand and improve school mental health services. These elements include: (1) family–school–community agency partnerships, involving close collaboration between school-employed mental health staff and community-employed mental health professionals working in schools; (2) commitment to a continuum of mental health education, promotion, assessment, problem prevention, early intervention, and treatment; and (3) services for youth in general and special education. CSBMHP initiatives also prioritize attention to application and examination of the principles of community science as a means to bridge the gap between research and practice. In this regard, explicit attention is paid to the mechanisms and processes needed to develop, support, and sustain effective practices in real world settings. The community-centered emphasis of community science focuses attention on local needswithin schools, sees ‘‘best practice’’ as process rather than magic bullet programs, and emphasizes control by school-based and school-linked practitioners (educators and ‘‘mental health’’ professionals), parents/ families, and community stakeholders. Local participation in school mental health initiatives is promoted and oriented toward accountability in the delivery process within schools. Engaging school-based personnel, and their community partners, in planning, implementing, evaluating, sustaining, and continuously improving school mental health practices, based on locally determined needs, builds local capacity to improve the quality of practice and achieve positive mental health and academic outcomes. See also: > Center for School Mental Health (CSMH); > Center for the Advancement of Mental Health

Practices in Schools; education

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Multicultural issues in special

Suggested Reading Flaspohler, P. D., Anderson-Butcher, D., Paternite, C. E., Weist, M. D., & Wandersman A. (2006). Community science and expanded school mental health: Bridging the research to practice gap to promote child well being and academic success. Educational and Child Psychology, 23(1), 27–41. Wandersman, A. (2003). Community science: Bridging the gap between science and practice with community-centered models. American Journal of Community Psychology, 31, 227–242. Weist, M. D. (1997). Expanded school mental health services: A national movement in progress. In T. Ollendick & R. J. Prinz (Eds.), Advances in Clinical Child Psychology, Vol 19, (pp. 319– 352). New York: Plenum Press.

Suggested Resources Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP) at Miami University—http://www.units.muohio.edu/csbmhp/: This website describes the regional, state, and national work of CSBMHP. The IDEA Partnership—http://www.ideapartnership.org/mission. cfm: The IDEA Partnership is ‘‘dedicated to improving outcomes for students and youth with disabilities by joining state agencies and stakeholders through shared work and learning.’’ The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL)—http://www.casel.org/home/index.php: The CASEL mission is to ‘‘enhance children’s success in school and life by promoting coordinated, evidence-based social, emotional, and academic learning as an essential part of education from preschool though high school.’’

Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools James R Koller · Karen J Weston

Historically, traditional approaches to the identification and treatment of mental illness in children and youth have focused on medical models of pathology, eg., what is wrong with the child. In so doing, client deficits or

Center for the advancement of mental health practices in schools

functional limitations are identified and compared to a standard rubric like the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders: Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) to establish eligibility for services. If eligible, the resultant assistance might include the diagnosis of a disability, provision of therapy and/or placement in school services for individuals with special needs. However, in the fall of 1998 the American Psychiatric Association, in concert with participating state departments of mental health, met with representatives of university based training programs to advocate for more prevention driven efforts toward mental health promotion. As a result of this challenge, in a paradigmatic shift, the Missouri Department of Mental Health made the decision to establish a unique program at the University of Missouri-Columbia. Subsequently, the Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools (Center) was established in the Department of Educational, School and Counseling Psychology. The Center was formed as a direct response to the realization by local, state and federal agencies for the need to increase prevention driven mental health services in the school and related community settings. As a result, the overall goal of the Center is designed to focus on the prevention of mental illness with the corresponding promotion of positive, evidence-based mental health practices for children, youth and the professionals who serve them. Specifically, the Center’s mission is fourfold: first, to increase awareness of mental health issues as they have an impact on the school, community, students, teachers, administrators and families; second, to provide education through evidence based practices for all school based personnel to improve the knowledge and skill levels in the area of mental health; third, the Center strives to be a valuable resource for educators and other community mental health personnel to implement best practice resources for their students; and fourth, the Center serves as an advocate for all students, families and school personnel faced with the escalating challenges of dealing with mental health concerns in today’s classroom and community. Currently, the Center is actively involved in a number of activities based on the realization that since the typical student learner spends the majority of his/ her day in the classroom, it is imperative that the teacher be a knowledgeable consumer of mental health principles and practices. With such knowledge, a favorable academic learning environment is created while the student’s self-concept has the opportunity

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to flourish. In response, the Center created a unique, nationally recognized online graduate program that leads to the culmination of a graduate degree (either a M.S. or Ed. S.) with a focus in mental health. Located in the College of Education, in an American Psychological Association (APA) approved psychology department, students also have the option of taking selected individual coursework to advance their skill level in specific content areas. Developed from numerous focus group discussions around the State of Missouri comprised of participants from schools, agencies and the larger community, all coursework is designed to meet the mental health needs of all children and school personnel by providing individuals with evidence based knowledge and strategies concerning prevention, early identification and intervention. Courses are taught by doctoral level experts from around the United States (U.S.) in fields such as psychology, psychiatry, law and education and are designed to offer practical applications of psychological concepts. As a result, online students worldwide gain competency in a number of skill based content areas not typically available in a face to face graduate curriculum. Examples of online coursework include bullying and violence prevention, anxiety and depression, teacher stress and burnout, building resiliency in children, communicating with angry parents, mental health issues and diversity, building an effective community systems of care model, current legal and ethical issues in mental health, collaborating with families, school-wide Positive Behavior Supports, and a course dealing with psychiatric problems in the classroom. All content is based on current research based evidence, is applicable to all learners regardless of previous school employment, undergraduate or graduate major, gender, social context and/or multicultural variables. One distinct advantage of the online program is that the learner has direct and continuous contact with professors throughout the semester. Moreover, a variety of school-based professionals from around the world can interact and exchange ideas and practices across diverse settings. To date students enrolled represent professions including occupational therapy, speech and language pathology, all levels and types of teachers, school administrators, school social workers, nurses, school psychologists, school counselors and psychiatrists. At the preservice level, the Center is committed to the preparation of all teachers to be knowledgeable consumers of mental health principles and practices in addition to their preparation of more content driven academic pedagogy. In so doing, the Center,

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collaborating with the acclaimed University of Missouri Teacher Development Program, is establishing a unique comprehensive and integrated systems (freshman through senior) curriculum designed to ensure the acquisition of evidence-based mental health knowledge and practices within all teacher preservice development. Relatedly, the Center is also collaborating with the governing State of Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education to advocate for the promotion of state legislation requiring that all newly certified teachers demonstrate minimum competency in school mental health prevention and early intervention practices. In addition to the training of all preservice level teachers, the Center has been actively involved in revamping presevice training of other school based personnel including school psychology. Although school psychology graduate programs typically provide students with basic training in the prevention and intervention of mental illness, the focus remains on pathology. As a result, the practicing school psychologist typically does not become involved in student issues until significant problems already exist. And, in spite of their training, school psychologists are often underutilized for this role relegated instead to the task of tester or psychometrician. Similarly, the Center acts as a resource for the training of other preservice school based personnel in prevention driven, evidence based practices including counselors, administrators, nurses and social workers all of whom serve as advocates for not only the learner, but also for the classroom teacher. With proliferating mental illness rates occurring among today’s youth, there has been a corresponding increase in the school drop out rate. To compound this problem, there has also been a significant increase in teacher drop out rates from the profession. This is due to a number of contributing factors including their own mental health status often exacerbated by school related stress problems. The Center is actively involved in on site individual and group consultation, intervention, program design and evaluation with numerous Missouri schools and agencies serving the mental health needs of students, staff and families. Examples include developing and delivering numerous conferences and workshops on a variety of issues including classroom management, discipline, recognizing the signs and symptoms of teacher burnout, how to increase effective communication strategies with co-workers and how to identify and intervene with students at risk for negative outcomes (suicide, self-injury, abuse, and dropout). In its commitment to expand the advocacy of mental health principles and practices throughout the

nation, the Center actively participates in a number of collaborative projects that subscribe to the promotion of proactive mental health practices. For example, exemplary school districts in the State of Missouri are members of the MU Partnership for Educational Renewal (MPER). Each year member schools demonstrating progressive school practices are granted small awards to enhance specific school improvement projects. Increasingly, school districts openly solicit assistance from the Center, specifically to help school staff establish a clear link between emotional health and academic achievement. Another state project the Center is developing is the Mental Health in Rural Schools (MHRS) Network, an online learning community that provides evidence based information and direct, online consultation to rural schools that often lack mental health resources. Four rural school districts pilot tested the site during the 2005-2006 school year with the goal to open the network statewide during the 2006-2007 school-year. Utilizing this technology allows rural, isolated schools the opportunity to establish a community of practice with each other and with the Center. Nationally, over the last few years the Center has been the fortunate recipient of awards including the National Association of State Directors of Special Education (NASDSE) and the National Association of State Mental Health Program Directors (NASMHPD). The purpose of this award was to establish a shared agenda in Missouri around children’s mental health – a mission and vision shared by schools and mental health agencies. Subsequently, the Center conducted a statewide series of focus groups with broad stakeholder representation (i.e., urban and rural, families, school professionals, prevention specialists and mental health providers). The final report provided key insight at the community level regarding commonly held mental health perspectives across groups as well as the perceived barriers to creating a cooperative school, agency and community mental health shared agenda. Fortuitously, the final project report recommendations became a key support for the development of Missouri Senate Bill 1003 (Children’s Comprehensive Mental Health Services Initiative) subsequently established as law in December 2004. This law now mandates that, in the State of Missouri, all child serving agencies, including schools, must work together to identify and promote evidence-based practices within school based mental health. The Center will continue to remain an active participant in helping to translate the law into effective school based mental health practices.

Centre for immigration and multicultural studies

Conclusion Unquestionably, the rate and severity of mental illness continues unabated in society today and specifically in our nation’s schools. To proactively combat this alarming increase, it is readily apparent that a paradigmatic shift from an exclusive mental illness paradigm to a more balanced mental health model is mandatory. In this regard, the Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools remains committed to a prevention focused, evidence based practices approach to mental health systems advocacy in today’s schools and the expanded community of which it is a part. Clearly, the responsibility of the development of proactive youth, prosocial mental health rests with all child serving agencies. As the school is the hub of the community, it must start here, in concert with the family. However, the necessary full array of mental health instruction and care must be provided in a coordinated systematic effort across all systems within the community, across the state and nationally. See also: > Center for School Mental Health (CSMH); > Center for School-Based Mental Health Programs (CSBMHP); > Mental Health-Education Integration Consortium (MHEDIC)

Suggested Reading Koller, J., Osterland, S., Paris, K., & Weston, K. (2004). Differences between novice and expert teachers’ undergraduate preparation and ratings of importance in the area of children’s mental health. International Journal of Mental Health Promotion, 6, 40–46. President’s New Freedom Commission on Mental Health (2003). Achieving the promise: Transforming mental health care in America. Final Report for the President’s New Freedom Commission on Mental Health (SMA Publication No. 03-3832). Rockville, MD: Author. Weist, M. (1997). Expanding school mental health services: A national movement in progress. In T. Ollendick & R. J. Pring, (Eds.), Advances in clinical child psychology (vol. 19, pp. 319–352). New York: Plenum Press.

Suggested Resources Center for the Advancement of Mental Health Practices in Schools website—http://schoolmentalhealth.missouri.edu: This website offers further information on the programs and resources available from the Center at the University of Missouri-Columbia.

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Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies James Jupp

Australia has developed over the past 50 years from a predominantly British and Irish-derived society to being ethnically and racially very mixed. Having built its population through immigration since 1788, it now numbers nearly one quarter of its 20 million people as overseas-born. While small numbers from outside the British Isles settled over the years, this change is mainly the result of a planned and organized immigration program that began in 1947 and has continued ever since. Preference for British subjects and the exclusion of non-Europeans had become settled policies long before 1947. As a result, little was known or understood about continental Europeans or Asians. As sources of immigrants were constantly expanded, this lack of knowledge presented a problem for policy makers and often seemed threatening to the general public. The notion that social harmony might be disturbed if society became more multicultural was deeply entrenched in Australian thinking. By the 1970s original favored sources became prosperous and less willing to migrate to the other end of the world. Australian academics were slow to respond to these changes. Many were still redefining Australian society as distinct from the British original. Governments were anxious to avoid social tensions, especially as these might affect electoral outcomes. They were also aware that settlement for permanent residence and citizenship required public services suitable for new clienteles who did not speak English. The academic pioneer in this area was the Australian National University in Canberra, which launched academic studies in the 1970s concerned with immigrant integration. Public policy shifted away from assimilation towards multiculturalism by the mid-1970s, as in Canada. This meant accepting that there were many different languages, religions, folkways, and practices that needed to be understood rather than simply dismissed as un-Australian. To meet the intellectual issues involved, a number of academic centers were established. These received little government support, compared with the situation in Canada. However, they were eligible for

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publicly funded competitive grants. Among these centers was the Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies set up at the Australian National University in 1988. This grew out of a massive, publicly funded encyclopedia The Australian People, which detailed all the major ethnic groups in Australia, as well as a history of immigration and topics related to immigrant settlement, ethnic relations and Aboriginality. A second and revised edition was published, also with public funding, in 2001. Work published by the Centre has included a study of refugee settlement issues (1994), the translating and interpreting needs of women (1993), evaluation of the official access and equity strategy for non-English-speaking immigrants (1992), urban concentrations (1990), and many papers and reports on multicultural and settlement policy. A change of government in 1996 led to much of this kind of work being defunded, inhibiting the growth of research centers and even their abolition in some cases. The Centre moved its interests towards more general issues, publishing work on immigration policy since the end of White Australia (2002), the English in Australia (2004), and a number of statistical and chronological reports on languages and settlement. The Centre is currently engaged in compiling an encyclopedia of religions in Australia, which will detail the greatly increased variety of religions resulting from the creation of a multicultural society. See also: > Cultural diversity; > Prejudice; Individual, Institutional, and Cultural

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Racism:

Suggested Reading Jupp, J. (2001). The Australian people. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Jupp, J. (2004). From White Australia to Woomera. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Suggested Resources Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies Page— http://cims.anu.edu.au: This website provides information about the CIMS and related links and lists recent publications.

Certification, Alternate Routes to Andrea E Antonson

Alternate routes to teacher certification are optional methods for obtaining teacher certification. Traditionally the prospective teacher had to complete a bachelor’s degree and an approved teacher training program, as well as supervised student teaching, before applying for standard certification, and pursuing employment. By law, individuals cannot teach in public schools without certification. Therefore, shortages in the supply of teachers led to the demand for rapid certification methods. Alternate routes to certification enable candidates who lack standard certification to enter teaching fields without having to go back to college and major in education. In some states, a provisional certificate may be issued to a teacher with a bachelor’s degree in the subject area of interest, authorizing employment on the condition that standard certification requirements will be completed within a set period. In some states, an emergency certificate may be issued. This is a substandard, temporary certificate that is granted out of necessity when there is a lack of suitably certified candidates to fill a position. Renewal is contingent upon satisfactory progress toward completion of coursework and certification. With an increasing demand for teachers and the desire for a better solution than the emergency certificate, New Jersey enacted legislation in 1984 for an alternate route to certifying teachers. Soon after, Texas and California developed alternate route programs to address their growing demand for teachers. In 2006, 47 states, plus the District of Columbia, had alternative teacher certification programs. At the time of writing, North Dakota and Rhode Island have yet to implement alternate route programs, and Alaska has discontinued its program. Just as the traditional teaching certification requirements vary from state to state, and from institution to institution, so do the alternate route possibilities and certification titles. Essentially, teacher certification programs have the following characteristics: they are designed for individuals who have at least a bachelor’s degree; coursework and experience is designed specifically for teaching and is field-based;

Character education

applicants to the program must pass a screening process including interviews and competency exams; candidates work closely with mentor teachers and candidates must meet high performance standards for completion of the program. The states that produce the most new teachers through alternate route programs are the states with the oldest and most established programs: California, New Jersey, and Texas. In 2004, the number of teachers certified through alternate route programs from these three states accounted for nearly one-half of the nationwide total of teachers certified through alternate route programs. However, these programs are growing rapidly in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Virginia. Alternate routes to certification provide teaching opportunities to individuals who previously thought certification was unattainable because of time and financial constraints. In New Jersey, the largest source of qualified minority teachers has been through alternate routes. People coming into alternate route programs tend to be older, are people of color, more men than previously, have academic degrees other than education, and have experiences in other occupations. Many people are career changers, teachers who were trained years ago but they never taught, retirees, and students. They are individuals making a definite decision to enter the field of education at this point in their lives; as a result, early data indicate that rates of teacher retention are higher for individuals certified through alternate programs than through traditional means. Alternate routes to certification have resulted in bringing together a richness of people, academic degrees, talents, and career experiences that enhance the quality of teachers in the profession. The job outlook for opportunities in the field of teaching looks promising. Many teachers are expected to retire between 2004 and 2014 and will need to be replaced. The increasing representation of youth of color in school enrollment calls for increased recruitment of teachers that reflect this diversity. Shortages in the number of teachers continues to exist in urban areas, where schools tend to be overcrowded and lesser-equipped, and in rural locations owing to lower teacher salaries. There is also a growing need for teachers in specific subject areas, such as mathematics, science, bilingual/bicultural education, and special education. Alternate routes to teacher certification programs provide a solution to today’s demand for

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an array of teachers in these specific subjects and geographic locations. See also: > Education; > Substitute teachers

Suggested Reading Feistritzer, C. E. (2005). Profile of alternate route teachers. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Education Information. Feistritzer, C. E. (2006). Alternative teacher certification: A state-bystate analysis. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Education Information.

Suggested Resources National Center for Alternative Certification—http://www.teachnow.org/: This website is a one-stop source of information about alternate routes to teacher certification, including a state-by-state analysis. National Center for Education Information—http://www.ncei. com/: This website provides an authoritative source of information about alternate teacher preparation and certification in the U.S.

Character Education Leslie Ditta

Being an individual of character is valued in society. There are codes of honor and ethics in fields such as medicine, law, and the military, as well as ethical standards in professions like psychology and education. At its core is the idea that to be an individual of character, one must be taught what character is, and how to live out its principles. Consequently, the character education initiative has become an important aspect of United States (U.S.) education. Character education seeks to create school environments where students develop ethics and achieve. Aspects of character education have always been taught in U.S. schools: treat others kindly, follow the school rules, and be responsible. With events such as the 1999 Columbine school shooting, it has become evident that there are children dangerously lacking

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interpersonal values for interacting with others. Since then, along with The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, schools are now required to include character education as part of their curriculum, to develop students’ moral attitudes and work to prevent further tragedies such as Columbine. There are many ways that character education can be implemented in a school’s environment and curriculum, at any grade level. Typically it is the responsibility of the school counselor to promote and educate character development among the students of a school. However, the school system itself has to support the notion of character education. Character education is not a remedial fix after a student has exhibited behaviors, choices, or attitudes that are lacking in moral virtue. Rather, it is a proactive and preventive approach that seeks to change the climate within a school so that students will choose to act with character simply because it is right and expected—not as an apology or consequence. The implementation of the character education initiative starts by selecting a framework with relevant lessons, activities, and efforts. A primary character education framework used across the U.S. is called Character Counts. Character Counts focuses on what is called the Six Pillars of Character. These six pillars include the following values: caring (being kind to others), fairness (playing by the rules, sharing, and being open-minded), respect (treating others as you would like to be treated), responsibility (doing what you are supposed to), trustworthiness (being honest), and citizenship (be a good member of society, follow rules). Six pillars is a brief number of values to focus on, yet they are broad enough to encompass many traits and behaviors. Character Counts was created in 1992 by the Joseph & Edna Josephson Institute of Ethics, a public, nonprofit organization founded by Michael Josephson in honor of his parents. Another common framework implemented within schools is that of service learning. Service learning, when paired with character education instruction, enables students to apply what they learn to real life situations. This in turn will benefit the group who receives the service. The scale for service learning can range from providing a service within one’s own community such as his or her school, to other schools within the community, or within other public organizations. Service learning can promote academic achievement, social and personal growth, and career

and life development. Helping others is a universal theme that can be adapted across cultures. The nationwide character education movement is being promoted in schools as a primary vehicle to develop ethical values among youth. It cannot be overlooked or forgotten, however, that the responsibility of raising moral individuals does not solely rest on educators; the most influential forces shaping youth are families, primarily parents. Parents and educators serve parallel roles in children’s lives. Not only do parents raise their children, but they also serve as teachers, teaching children the values cherished by the family. Teachers, whose primary responsibility is to teach content and skills, along with morals, often serve as ‘‘parents away from home’’ to the students they teach. Teachers often employ parenting techniques as part of their teaching. With such an overlap, it seems impossible to raise ethical individuals without teachers and parents working together as partners, complimenting and supporting the actions of the other. As part of the development of character education programs, an invaluable and essential component must be parent involvement. See also: > Community approaches to improving child success; > Conflict resolution; > Parental involvement in education; > School counselor

Suggested Reading Greer, C., & Kohl, G. (1995). A call to character. New York: Harper Collins. Kilpatrick, W., Wolfe, G., & Wolfe, S. M. (1994). Books that build character: A guide to teaching your child moral values through stories. New York: Touchstone.

Suggested Resources Character Counts—http://www.charactercounts.com: Used within schools and businesses, Character Counts provides the framework of the ‘‘Six Pillars of Character’’: caring, fairness, respect, trustworthiness, citizenship, and responsibility. Adopting these behaviors as a character-promoting program has made this the most widely used approach to character education. Project Wisdom—http://www.projectwisdom.com: Project Wisdom’s history can be traced back to the beginning of the character education movement. By providing positive messages to be used in schools, this program helps to promote a positive, ethical, and caring environment.

Charter schools Character Education Partnership—http://www.character.org: A national organization that advocates and leads the character education movement. The Character Education Partnership provides definitions, effective practices, and a forum for exchanging ideas about character education.

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district regulations and for accountability measurements to be concerned with student outcomes rather than method or process. The first charter school law was passed in Minnesota in 1991, followed by California in 1992. Currently 40 states have charter school laws. Of the over 88,000 public schools in the United States (U.S.), there are approximately 4,100 charter schools, which enroll an estimated 1.2 million students. Charter schools most often serve minority and low-income students. For instance, currently the average minority population in charter schools is 60%.

Tyondra Jefferson . Mark Kiang

Selection Process A charter school is a publicly funded primary or secondary school that serves as an alternative to traditional school settings. The two underlying principles of charter schools are autonomy and accountability. Charter schools differ from traditional public schools in that they are not held to the same rules and regulations as public schools. Charter schools have total control of business, finance administration, and curriculum development and implementation. In exchange for this freedom, charter schools must demonstrate an innovative educational philosophy and be held accountable for student outcomes. Charter schools are typically smaller than traditional public schools, with a median enrollment of 242 students compared to 539 students in traditional public schools. To gain authorization to function in such a manner a sponsor must award the school a charter or a contract that details the performance specifications of the school. A charter is typically granted for 3–5 years and includes the school’s mission, educational philosophy, goals, students it aims to serve, assessment techniques, and methods to measure success. Some examples of sponsors are local school boards, universities, state education agencies, and the federal government. Charter schools sponsored by a district have the same powers as other local schools, while charter schools given nonprofit corporation status usually have greater autonomy. The charter school movement was born out of the need to address the shortcomings of the public school system. Public schools are often overcrowded, underfunded and provide an inadequate curriculum. In 1988, Albert Shanker, the President of the American Federation of Teachers, initiated a reform of the public school system by calling for charter schools or ‘‘schools of choice.’’ In theory, Shanker delineated these schools to be free from most of the confinements of both state and

While charter schools provide unique opportunities, hopeful students and their families must undergo an often rigorous selection process to gain admittance. The charter school applicant pool is typically large and frequently charter school evaluation boards are very selective. Charter schools tend to consider potential students based on needs-based requirements such as whether a child receives Title I funding. In addition candidates’ academic ability/performance is considered in the acceptance process. Even with these stipulations there often exists a large number of qualified applicants. To address this, most charter schools utilize a lottery system that involves random selection from a pool of students who meet requirements.

Classroom Setting/Teaching Strategies Charter schools provide smaller class sizes, that provide students increased teacher interaction and guidance. The classroom learning environment in charter schools has been noted to have less disciplinary problems and more positive peer interaction. Classroom teaching involves a variety of instructional strategies including cooperative learning, peer instruction, and learning stations. One practice that is commonly implemented in charter schools is a system called ‘‘looping.’’ Looping is an educational strategy where teachers follow the same group of students for a period of time. If a teacher is given a first grade class, for instance, the teacher will stay with that class for the next 4 years. This allows the teacher to monitor his or her own strengths and weaknesses as well as understand the students’ growth. In

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some cases, schools encourage looping to build stronger connections between students and teachers. This technique gives the teacher time to understand and address the educational needs of his or her students.

Curriculum Charter school curricula vary according to the mission of the school. Some demonstrate an evenly divided focus on traditional subjects such as math, reading, writing, science, and social studies. However, because charter schools allow for greater freedom, their curricula often offer unique concentrations and innovative approaches. For example, some charter schools are geared towards music or the arts. One unique approach utilized by some charter schools is an integrated curriculum that promotes the marriage of two subjects. For example, a charter school that integrates English and social studies may offer a curriculum where the two subjects are concurrently taught in the same classroom setting, with social studies content supporting English vocabulary acquisition, and written composition providing a foundation for social studies comprehension. Project-based learning is another unique component offered by some charter schools. Project-based learning gives middle and high school students the opportunity to gain real-world professional experience. A charter school may offer research study projects with major companies and universities. Some high school level charter schools offer College Preparatory course work. College Prep prepares students to experience post secondary education by enabling them to enroll in college level courses. One major initiative offered by some charter schools is the multi-grade classroom. This enables older students to assist younger students through peer group instruction. This strategy has potential benefits for all parties. Teachers can implement a versatile curriculum, younger students receive additional attention and mentoring, and older students may be motivated through increased responsibility. After school activities are another prominent feature of charter schools. In 2001, nearly eight million children returned to homes with no adult supervision. To provide safe and productive alternatives to returning to empty homes, many charter schools provide after school academic enrichment and recreational activities.

Accountability Accountability is a crucial aspect to the establishment, operation, and livelihood of a charter school. Those charter schools that do not meet their contracted requirements are placed under scrutiny by state legislatures that hold them accountable for unmet achievement levels. Charter schools must provide an annual progress report to the board of education that details academic performance. The report also addresses areas of concern, plans for improvement, and efforts to meet the mission of the charter school. If the charter school fails to meet the mission or fails to demonstrate fiscal responsibility the state may deny or revoke the charter.

Community Outreach Charter schools often foster working relationships with community-based programs. These provide students with the opportunity to participate in community services and activities.

Effectiveness Studies conducted to assess the effectiveness of charter schools have generally yielded mixed findings. While some studies have shown that charter schools lag behind public schools, these studies compare public schools offered to the general population to all charter schools, the majority of which are aimed towards populations that already exhibit poor academic performance. When charter schools aimed at the general population are compared to similar public schools, studies show that charter schools yield favorable results. A 2004 analysis of the 2003 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), or ‘‘The Nation’s Report Card’’ by the National Assessment Governing Board (NAGB) showed that, on average, fourth grade charter school students score lower than their peers from traditional public schools on the NAEP. Critics of this report point out that the sample of students studied were only a small percentage of the fourth grade charter school student population. In addition, most studies that take demographics into consideration find at least comparable and, more often, larger academic gains in charter schools in comparison to public schools. Most studies have found that

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charter schools show improved performance over time. Since most charter schools are relatively new, this finding is particularly promising. Another telling fact is that charter schools tend to receive less funding than traditional public schools. In a 2005 study that examined funding across 16 states and Washington, D.C.—a group that serves 84% of the charter school population—it was found that charter schools receive on average 22% less funding per student than do surrounding district schools. Funding for charter schools is typically worse in urban school settings. Amidst all of the research regarding charter schools that has been done, it should be noted that statistics must be viewed objectively. Just like public schools, charter schools vary considerably and widespread generalizations should not be made.

Outlook The number of enrollees in charter schools are expected to grow in upcoming years given the implementation of educational laws such as No Child Left Behind that aim to provide equal educational opportunities for all children regardless of economic class or cultural background. As a testament to the optimism that the U.S. as a nation seems to hold in regards to the potential of charter schools, one must look no further than New Orleans. Since the destruction of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, over half of the New Orleans schools that are re-opening are doing so as charter schools. See also: > Magnet schools; > Vouchers

Suggested Reading Ainsworth, W. J. (2002). Why does it take a village? The mediation of neighborhood effects on educational achievement. Social Forces, 81(1), 117–152. Berends, M., Chun, J., Schuyler, G., Stockly, S., & Briggs R. J. (2002). Challenges of conflicting school reforms: Effects of new American schools in a high poverty district. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Publications.

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website provides the public with reports on school performance, accountability, and other topics on the status of education in the U.S. Delaware State Board of Education—http://www.doe.state.de.us/ CharterSchools/expect.html: This website offers important information on the dynamics and expectations of charter schools in Delaware.

Child Abuse Elias Mpofu . MinJung Helen Doh . Chris Mattise . Magen M Mutepfa . Nareadi Phasha . Almon Shumba . Mercy R Montsi . J A Muchado

Child abuse is one problem that is as old as the human race. It is an intentional and vicious act that is driven by power and control over the most vulnerable population: children. Throughout much of ancient history, the intentional killing of children was condoned by society through the practice of infanticide. For example, laws in ancient Greece and Rome prohibited the raising of ‘‘defective’’ or ‘‘unfit’’ children. Infanticide was justified as late as the nineteenth century in parts of Europe, as children were considered to be parental ‘‘property’’ existing in a period (historically between the ages of birth to age seven) not yet vested with the right to live. Child abuse occurs across gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), geographical location, and cultural background. Children experience abuse at the hands of their close relatives, neighbors, and peers, as well as people outside their homes. Child abusers may be people who are thought to be responsible citizens and are often known and trusted by the victim children. Child abuse is prevalent in all countries, and preventing its occurrence is a goal for national and international communities. The following considers the conceptualization of child abuse, its prevalence, correlates, and prevention in cross-cultural perspective.

Conceptualization of Child Abuse Suggested Resources Innovations in Education: Successful Charter Schools—http:// www.ed.gov/admins/comm/choice/charter/index.html: This

According to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, child abuse is when a parent, guardian, or caregiver mistreats a child sexually,

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physically, or emotionally resulting in injury, emotional or psychological harm, or serious risk of harm to the child. There are three forms of child abuse that are known internationally: sexual, physical, and emotional. Child sexual abuse occurs when a child is used for sexual purposes by an adult. It involves exposing the child to any sexual activity, including sexual intercourse, fondling (making a child touch or be touched sexually; or touching private parts, buttocks), harassment, kissing, hugging, prostitution, and showing pornographic materials to children. Sexual abuse is inherently physical and is often accompanied by emotional abuse. Emotional abuse occurs when a child’s needs to be loved, wanted, safe, and worthy are not met by adults or caregivers. A child exposed to sexual abuse also suffers psychologically. Physical abuse is the deliberate application of force on the child’s body, which may result in injury or intentional injuries. It also includes behavior such as kicking, pushing, pinching, beating, hitting, shaking, burning, choking, or dangerous use of force or restraint used on the child. Child labor is a form of abuse that is common in developing countries, whereby children are used as domestic workers, in farms, building construction, and manufacturing. In terms of physical labor, India is known to have the largest number of working children in the world. India is estimated to have 60–100 million children workers under the age of 14 years. Of these, 10 million are known to be slaves, and another 15 million are bonded labor. With a population of 186.8 million children between the ages of 5 and 14 years working as child labor in Sub-Saharan Africa, and an estimated 49.3 million economically active children, it is apparent that child labor is rampant in Africa. A form of child labor prevalent in school settings in developing countries involves students doing domestic chores for teachers during school hours and at community schools that provide on-site housing for teachers. The domestic chores include cooking and cleaning, making the teacher’s bed, buying groceries for teachers, fetching water and firewood. In most cases, the abusing teacher is not aware that he or she is abusing the student, and the victim (the student) does not know that he or she is being abused. Neglect is another prevalent form of child abuse, and often is both physical and emotional. Emotional (or psychological) abuse occurs when a parent or caregiver does not provide essential requisites to a child’s emotional, psychological, and physical development. Physical neglect occurs when a child’s needs such as

food, clothing, shelter, medical care, and protection are not adequately met. Emotional neglect involves rejecting, degrading, humiliating, or scolding the child in public, in front of peers, or in private. It also involves attacking the child’s sense of self in ways that would make the child lose self-confidence. Children with disabilities are particularly vulnerable to abuse in homes, residential and other facilities that care for them. Having a significant developmental disability (e.g., mental retardation or autistic spectrum disorders, speech and language communication disorder) increases the chances sixfold that the child will experience some form of abuse compared with peers without disabilities. In these settings, the education curricula for the students includes training in selfcare, appropriate expression or use of emotions, social skills, and transition to community. Children with assisted self-care may be inappropriately touched by caregivers, fondled, and coerced to engage in sex. They may place their caregivers who are under stress levels over those expected and find themselves at risk of abuse and neglect. They may also be emotionally abused by inappropriate application of behavioral management reinforcers beyond what is required to learn from their educational programs. Similarly, they may be emotionally abused by caregivers with unmet emotional needs who demand it from the children with developmental disabilities in their charge. The children with developmental disabilities may also experience physical abuse and neglect from family or caregivers who perceive the children as less than full humans, undeserving of quality care, or unable to appreciate care. Children with developmental disabilities are particularly vulnerable to abuse as family, caregivers and peers expect that they would not be able to report the abuse. Children worldwide experience abuse in school settings and from peers. For example, they may experience severe and chronic bullying in the school’s classrooms, hallways, and playgrounds. Child victims of peer aggression, rejection, and bullying have suffered in silence, fearing not only a bully’s retaliation but the inadequacy of their teacher’s ability to recognize and stop the bullying. Children’s awareness of high rates of victimization in schools are associated with more negative perceptions of the school’s overall climate, decreased levels of engagement in school, and higher rates of daily anxiety and social aversion. These effects occur on children even if they are not direct victims or perpetrators. The experience of bullying

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could result in a negative developmental spiral that is activated by the interaction of social skill deficits, behavior problems, and peer rejection. Chronic exposure to hostile overtures and victimization from peers can lead to persistent feelings of resentment, loneliness, anxiety, depression, and alienation. Without intervention, long-standing distress with peers evolves into increasingly chronic and compelling feelings of helplessness, social anxiety, and aggression. Child trafficking is a form of child abuse that is rampant both in developing and developed countries. It involves the movement or displacement of children under the age of 18 years within or beyond the borders of a country by an intermediary with the intention of abusing and exploiting the children. It is often characterized by coercion, deception, violence, restricted movement, and the abuse of authority, practices that violate children’s rights. Within-country trafficking of children is also common; and in developing countries it tends to involve children moved by coercion or deception from rural to urban areas for physical or sexual exploitation. Some delinquent children may run away from home because of ongoing or chronic abuse.

Prevalence of Child Sexual Abuse Statistics on child abuse from around the globe are difficult to establish for many factors, including poor law enforcement, documentation, and underreporting. We believe that the statistics on the prevalence of child sexual abuse would vary widely by type of abuse and the cultural context in which it occurs. For example, the recent statistics on criminal abuse perpetrated on children in South Africa reveal a total of 53,802 incidents reported to the police in 2002–2003, whereas 56,737 were reported in 2004. Sexual abuse was the most prevalent type of child abuse and accounted for 60% of the cases, followed by physical abuse. About 28 million of the South African population of 46.9 million are children. It is apparent that cases of child abuse in that country are seriously underreported. Sexual exploitation of children by tourists has been rampant in Asian countries. Sri Lanka, Philippines, and Thailand were considered as the paradise for child sex in the 1980s, and tour operators openly promoted child sex tourism, especially with young boys. Because of these open promotions and lack of enforcement of child abuse laws, pedophiles from

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around the world enthusiastically flocked to the Asian countries for child sex. Sex tourists abused young children and the children were mostly victims of kidnapping or slavery from having been sold by families in poverty. In the United States (U.S.), over three million child abuse cases were reported in 1997 alone. Of that number, approximately 13% were sexually abused. According to the U.S. National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN), the number of American children who were seriously injured by all forms of child abuse rose from 141,700 to 565,000 (a 299% increase) between 1986 and 1993. The U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect declared child maltreatment a ‘‘national emergency’’ as far back as 1990. An estimated 872,000 children were determined to be victims of child abuse or neglect in 2004. Children with reported disabilities account for 7.3% of all child abuse victims in the U.S. Child protective workers in the U.S. are 68% more likely to take initial action on reports where children are identified as possessing a disability than when children possess no disabilities. Most child abuse cases in the U.S. and internationally go unreported. Approximately one in four women and one in ten men in the U.S. were victims of sexual abuse when people were asked to report retrospectively.

Correlates of Child Abuse in Cross-Cultural Perspective Several factors are associated with the prevalence of child abuse. We consider only a few of the major factors: poor law enforcement, economic deprivation, sociostructural problems, previous experience of abuse, and cultural factors. Poor law enforcement. Despite the existence of international conventions on children’s rights and incountry laws against child abuse (see prevention section below), many law enforcement systems (i.e., federal and state police) have inadequate training or resources to counteract child abuse. Police in some developed countries and many developing countries are reluctant to investigate crimes in low SES neighborhoods or communities they perceive to be prone to violence. For example, some South African police do not aggressively investigate crimes in low SES townships, informal settlements, and other predominantly Black communities, for fear that their cars could be hijacked. Police are rarely seen in those neighborhoods

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that also have high risk for child abuse. South African police appear to give higher priority to law enforcement in White communities from the apartheid era while overlooking crimes reported by Blacks, including apparent child abuse crimes. In the absence of law enforcement, perpetrators of child abuse are not reported or convicted and are thus perpetuating the practice. Moreover, perpetrators can threaten and intimidate the victimized child and/or her/his family with impunity to isolate the victims from seeking help from law enforcement. Economic deprivation. Although child abuse is prevalent across SES, it is more prevalent in impoverished neighborhoods. For example, innumerable young girls in India from poor families are forced to marry elderly men or individuals who seek perverted sexual practices. These girls are often sexually abused and then sold to brothels. Some of the Indian girls are given away in marriage by their families to older boys from well-resourced families to add to the social and economic status of their families of origin. Indian girls in arranged marriages are expected to labor for their inlaws’ family while also freeing their biological family from the obligation of parenting. These forms of child marriage have been gaining the attention of many child advocates who have been voicing the harmful effects such as inadequate socialization, deprivation of education, and high rates of enforced widowhood. Nevertheless, these abusive practices are widespread among India’s poor, and in many low-resource, developing countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The impact of poverty on the occurrence of child abuse is also apparent in South Africa. High unemployment and poverty among young South African Blacks emerging from apartheid frustrated many youths who perceived no opportunities to enhance their social advancement. These frustrations may have resulted in the abuse of children. For example, young men in Black townships organized themselves into gangs and engaged in violent behavior toward younger women (12–17 years), contributing to the increase of abuse against girls. Lack of employment opportunities continues to be a serious problem among most Blacks living in historically Black townships, informal settlements, and remote rural areas. Fathers and mothers from the impoverished remote rural areas migrate to the cities for job opportunities, and in the process, may neglect their children in the villages. These labor migrants leave their children on their own or with relatives. Some of the children attempt to follow their

parents to the cities, and when they fail to find them, take up life in the streets, including child labor and prostitution. Children who lack healthy custodial care are vulnerable to abuse by relatives and strangers. For example, they could be required to do menial and other tasks not expected for their age, and for the primary benefit of their care providers. Structural problems. The lack of child protection units, victim friendly courts, shelter homes, and places of safety in many developing countries adds to the vulnerability of children to abuse. Often, the poor national road infrastructure makes traveling a major challenge and discourages abused children and their families or allies in the community to report abuse to law enforcement. A poor road network also reduces the chances that law enforcement agents would visit areas in which there are children at most risk of abuse. Countries experiencing a fundamental change of their sociopolitical and economic structures often get caught up in bigger political issues rather than social issues such as child abuse. For example, in Bulgaria’s transition from communist to a pro-Western form of government, child abuse issues tended to be peripheral to the national rehabilitation agenda. The preoccupation with national socioeconomic transformation may overshadow the safety needs of children in vulnerable communities, such as in the poorer neighborhoods. Children in many countries undergoing major political upheavals such as in Africa, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, the Caribbean, and Latin America are at great risk for abuse. Previous experience of abuse. Children with a history of abuse are also likely to experience repeated or continued abuse in other contexts/settings. For example, Zimbabwean female children with a history of previous sexual abuse were more likely to be sexually abused by adults and peers. Some of the adults or peers who knew the child’s history of sexual abuse perceive them to be vulnerable and actually abuse him or her. The child victims of abuse may believe that accepting the abuse would make them worthy to the perpetrator. Cultural factors. The cultural norms of a society also place children at risk of child abuse. For example, schools in several developed and developing countries practice corporal punishment and consider it ‘‘reasonable spanking’’ to express disapproval of chronic misbehavior. Children could endure harsh physical abuse both in schools and their homes in societies that endorse corporal punishment. In most societies in

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the developing countries, numerous forms of child maltreatment are perceived as private family affairs, so that reporting the abuses by family members is considered a taboo. Some cultures have the expectation for children to be submissive to adult authority. In such circumstances, when confronted by child traffickers, the children may be submissive to the trafficker, whom they perceive to be authoritative. Survivors of trafficking may never report to their parents or guardians for fear of being blamed for the abuse.

Preventing Child Abuse Many countries across the globe combine a legal approach to preventing child abuse with sociostructural interventions to ameliorate conditions that portend risk for abuse in children, and education to create a wider awareness of child abuse in the general population. Interventions have also been targeted at children and communities with known risk factors. Legal interventions. It has been almost 15 years since the international community ratified the Convention on the Rights of the child, which gave high priority to the rights of the children, to their survival, and protection. Individual member countries of the United Nations have put in place strong legislation consistent with the Convention, and many countries in the developing and developed world had legal instruments to protect children from abuse before the adoption of the UN Convention. As an example of anti-child-abuse legislation, South Africa’s Section 28 of the Bill of Rights states unequivocally that children have the rights to: (a) be protected from maltreatment, abuse, and degradation; (b) be protected from exploitative labor practices; and (c) not be required or permitted to work services that are inappropriate for the person of that child’s age, or which place at risk the child’s well-being, education, physical or mental health, or spiritual, moral, or social development. The U.S. Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (2003) (CAPTA) identifies a minimum set of acts or behaviors that define child abuse and neglect as any willful recent act or failure to act by a caretaker resulting in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse, or exploitation of a child. The CAPTA also considers actions that pose apparent or imminent risk of harm to a child to be abusive. The Japanese judiciary established the Child Abuse Prevention and Child Relief Act in 1933 to engender a safe living environment for

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children under the age of 14. In addition, Japan has several other laws to ensure the well-being of children. There are several countries with a reliable legal structure to protect children, and which they follow strictly. For example, in the U.S., children’s safety is monitored by the child welfare system, a network of organizations including public agencies, private and community-based organizations, designed to work together in each community. Child welfare systems receive and investigate reports of possible child abuse and neglect, provide services to families who need assistance in the care and protection of their children, arrange for children to live with foster families when they are not safe at home, and arrange permanent adoptive homes or independent living services for children leaving foster care. In 2004, an estimated 3 million referrals involving 5.5 million children were made to child protective agencies in the U.S. Of those reports, 63% provided sufficient information to suggest that a report was warranted. Although the remaining 37% of reports may not have met the legal definition of abuse, the child protection worker may have referred the person reporting the incident to other community services or law enforcement for additional assistance. All U.S. physicians and human service professionals (such as therapists, social workers, and teachers) are required to report any form of suspected abuse according to law enforcement. Under U.S. law, perpetrators, who may be parents or guardians, are often mandated to receive remedial counseling and education to prevent further abuse. If parents fail to comply with the demands of the court, their parental rights are often terminated. Similarly, the Spanish law system has a high regard for the voice of children. The law requires children up to 12 years of age to give their acceptance for family foster care or adoption. Minors also have the right to be represented by a person of their choice in legal proceedings resulting from the abuse. The opinions of children who have been abused have priority over those of family if the children have been subjected to abusive treatment. Interventions Targeting Vulnerable Communities and Children. There are three levels of prevention: universal, selective, tertiary. Universal prevention, applied to child abuse, involves educating the general population on child abuse to discourage the onset of new cases of child maltreatment. For example, Canada emphasizes parent education, social support, and community services to educate the general population about child abuse or maltreatment. Selective prevention activities

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are aimed at individuals or communities with higher maltreatment risk factors (e.g. poverty, parents of children with disabilities). Family-life education programs for pregnant teenagers, and requisite care for disability classes for families with children with special needs children, are some of the selective prevention activities in the U.S. Tertiary prevention involves the services to individuals or families after abuse has been detected. Australia has the Safety House program, which has clearly identified houses and schools where children can seek help in case of any abuse or maltreatment. The program also focuses on educating children so they can recognize the signs of danger when they find themselves at risk of physical or sexual abuse.

Conclusion Child abuse is prevalent across societies. Its severity in children is heightened by the fact that one form of abuse is often accompanied by other forms. Understanding interrelationships among specific types of child abuse and their correlates is important in its prevention and treatment. Effective interventions combine legal, sociostructural, and targeted interventions. Preventive efforts that take into account the objective risk for child abuse in family and communities are likely to be successful. Prevention of child abuse is about safeguarding children’s rights. See also: > Adoption/adopted children; > School violence

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Bullying;

Child Traumatic Brain Injury Rolland S Parker

Brain Trauma Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is recognized as the ‘‘Silent Epidemic’’ since the actual number of TBIs that occur in the United States (U.S.) is unknown, and individual instances are frequently unidentified. Brain injury causes a disorder of adaptation, i.e., the capacity to integrate one’s needs and ability to perform effectively with the environment. Accidents causing brain trauma are caused by physical forces (i.e., impact and acceleration/deceleration caused by falls, vehicular accidents, falling objects, assault, sports injuries, child abuse, neurotoxins, electricity, and loss of oxygen or increased levels of carbon monoxide). Mechanical forces create brain movement and pressure waves that stretch fibers, impact of the brain with the inside of the skull creating contusions (bruising of the surface of the brain), skull fractures that indent the brain, and other microscopic neural effects such as tearing nerve fibers, cellular trauma caused by damage to membranes and the release of toxins. TBI has effects that impair neurobehavioral performance and creates impairing symptoms (see Taxonomy, below).

Suggested Reading

Brain Development

Human Sciences Research Council. (1997). Child abuse in South Africa. Journal of Marriage and Family Life in South Africa, 4, 46–81. Schwartz-Kenney, B. M., McCauley, M., & Epstein, M. A. (Eds.) (2001). Child abuse: A global view. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Administration on children, youth, and families (2006). Child maltreatment 2004. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

The outcome of a child’s TBI will be significantly determined by the brain’s state of development at the time of trauma. Brain injury implies some pattern of disturbed or impaired function, varying with the location and extent of the trauma. Developmental patterns vary over the adult lifespan. A newborn’s brain is one fifth of its adult volume. Brain volume is 90% of its final adult volume by age 6. Girls’ brains are on the average
12% smaller than boys, which is explained largely by differences in height and not by gender differences in cognitive performance. The genetic program is modified by negative influences that impair or delay brain development (malnutrition, maternal drug abuse, viral infection). Positive influences are stimulation and experience. There are increases in

Suggested Resources The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)—Unique. www. unicef.org/crc/index.html Domestic and International Law Obligations—Children’s Rights. www.hrw.org.

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white matter (axons or long neuronal connection between brain structures) across ages 4–20, and a preadolescent increase of cortical gray matter (masses of neurons) followed by regionally specific post-adolescent decrease. The frontal and parietal lobes peak at about age 12, the temporal lobe at about age 16, and occipital lobe at age 20. The frontal and parietal gray matter peaks
1 year earlier in females, corresponding with the earlier onset of puberty. The frontal and parietal thinning was associated with higher vocabulary scores, perhaps related to the higher verbal performance often found in females. This may indicate an influence of gonadal hormones. Further implications for neurobehavioral functioning are indicated by the parallel between the developmental pattern and cerebral glucose metabolism and slow-wave sleep amplitude. The infant’s characteristic anatomy renders it vulnerable to TBI. After a blow to the head, or rapid change of speed caused by a car crash, the disproportionately large head is poorly supported by undeveloped neck muscles. This increases brain damage since the head rotates more in uncontrolled directions. These forces cause brain movement creating shearing (separation of brain layers and structures at different distances from the geometric center) and diffuse axonal injury (DAI) such as stretching and tearing of the axons connecting neural centers at different parts of the brain. The brain’s smaller size and stiffer tissue contributes to patterns of TBI and behavioral outcome differing from adults. The skull is thin, and the sutures are incompletely solidified, exposing the brain to impact forces and penetration, and inducing excessive brain tearing because it moves past the brain’s blood vessels, which are fixed at one end to a position in the skull. The unmyelinated brain (lacking an external layer to the nerve fibers) is softer, permitting excessive stretching of both brain and vessels.

Non-Recognition of Children’s TBI Identification of TBI symptoms is enhanced by considering the expected rate of development and the age of normal expression of a function. Delayed expression causes non-recognition of the actual etiology of symptoms and makes rehabilitation less effective. Some forms of damage are detected when developmentally advanced motor and intellectual demands are first placed upon the injured child. Since academic norms are matched to expected development, the effect of

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TBI may be unobserved until the child has reached an age to express particular abilities and fails ageexpected functions. This contrasts with immediate, but perhaps slow deficits in abilities that formally were performed at a higher level. Early intervention may ameliorate the extent of some disorders. The existence of concussive head injury in children is frequently unknown. One reason is that after a long interval, disorders may not be associated with the accident. Undocumented injuries as high as 89% have been reported. When there are symptoms of unknown origin it may not be attributed to an accident for many reasons. The child can forget or be too young to remember. The accident may be intentionally concealed by the child, caretaker or parent. Frequently, a possible TBI is not revealed since the child is not brought for medical attention. Even at an emergency room or after admission to a hospital the parent may not be given a diagnosis or told to anticipate later dysfunction. Since loss of consciousness after a head injury is less common in children than in adults after a comparable injury, possible TBI may not be considered by the physician. The child might appear shaken up but not actually unconscious. If there was child abuse it is concealed. Thus there is non-attribution of symptoms to the accident and TBI is unsuspected. Since health care providers usually do not inquire as to prior head injury, late development of symptoms helps to conceal attribution of a disorder to a prior TBI. Moreover, the practitioner has to be alert to the presence of multiple conditions and overlapping symptoms (e.g., TBI, posttraumatic stress disorder, and the depressive reactions) to make an accurate diagnosis. Non-recognition has unfortunate effects: the educational, social, and medical needs of the child are ignored; reduced public health statistics underestimate the safety and service needs of the community; treatment is inappropriate since dysfunctions are attributed to incorrect causes; and, the child may be rejected or treated as a troublemaker, a faker, or lazy. The social costs are higher in children than with adults because the period of survival is longer than with adults and the adult has better developed coping procedures that remain useful. Child abuse causing head injury (shaking) is the leading cause of death and morbidity of infants and preschoolers. As noted above, infants’ relatively large heads and weak neck muscles enhance head motion during shaking. Abuse is to be suspected when there

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is a history of repeated head trauma, especially if accompanied by limb fractures or other injuries. Shaking a child subjects the brain to rotational forces that produce diffuse damage. Suspicious injuries are retinal hemorrhage (broken blood vessels in the neural, receptive area of the eye), subdural hemorrhage (inside the lining of the brain), and intracerebral hematoma (blood clot inside the brain) without external signs of trauma to the head and neck. The consequences include failure to thrive, pallor (paleness of the skin), irritability, jitteriness, hypertonia (loss of muscular tone), hyperreflexia (exaggerated strength of muscular reflexes), pituitary damage, meningoencephalitis (inflammation of the brain and its membranes), permanent brain damage, cerebral palsy, seizures, mental retardation, defects of vision and hearing, microcephaly (abnormal smallness of the head, i.e., capacity less than 1,350 ml.), and death. Half of the survivors are left with permanent neurological handicaps.

and unknown (5%). The frequency of occurrence of TBI per 100,000 are for age 0–4, 1,121; age 5–9, 659; and age 10–14, 629. The majority of pediatric head injuries are described as ‘‘minor,’’ but in fact this refers to the apparent anatomical trauma, insofar as there is no surgical-level injury, e.g., a major brain hemorrhage. In fact, some of these children may ultimately manifest significant cognitive and social problems. The actual incidence of TBI is gravely underestimated for these reasons: Many children are not brought to an emergency department or physician, or require hospital admission; the fact of an accident is deliberately concealed by the child or caretaker, or the injured child is too young or too confused to report the event. Overall, falls are the most common cause of head injury in the age group 0–15 years. For more serious injuries, pedestrian injuries from motor vehicle accidents were most common, followed by falls, pedal cyclists, and then occupants of motor vehicles.

Loss of Consciousness

Polytrauma

Since it is difficult to assess the consciousness level in infants and older children, mistakes are often made. The severity of a head impact can be overestimated or, more frequently, underestimated. An injured infant cries or whimpers and is thought to be fully ‘‘conscious’’ thus, serious brain damage is overlooked. Pre-verbal infants cannot offer the motor and verbal responses of the Glasgow Coma Scale, a frequently used measurement assessing the intensity of concussive brain trauma. Older children who are frightened but fully conscious may withhold speech or cooperation. Children’s brain trauma is less likely to be associated with loss of consciousness (LOC) than adults’ posttraumatic amnesia (PTA) is with TBI. However, it is followed by lethargy, irritability, and vomiting. Lethargy may be a sign of altered consciousness (less than normal alertness, confusion, loss of orientation as to surroundings), possible signs of concussive brain injury. A seizure may subsequently follow a trauma experienced without loss of consciousness.

Usually an accident causing a head injury results in other injuries as well. The neurobehavioral outcome may be an impairment whose severity is influenced by the interaction and cumulative effect of both the brain and body injuries. Thus, assessment and treatment of the child’s immediate performance loss and later dysfunction must consider both TBI and injuries to other parts of the body, e.g., bone, soft-tissue (muscles, ligaments, tendons, blood vessels), internal organs, and peripheral nerves. Some somatic and neurological consequences of an accident include limited range of motion, pain, headaches, dizziness, and seizures, among others. Indirect behavioral impairment occurs when the injury is chronic. There are behavioral and health effects, in addition to the actual brain trauma, due to physiological dysregulation of these body systems: circadian (daily rhythms such as sleep/ wake; hormonal secretion), immune, inflammatory, and hormonal.

Phases of Traumatic Brain Injury Epidemiology (Causes of Head Injury) For children age 0–14 years, the proportions of different causes of head injury are as follows: falls 39%; motor vehicle traffic (11%), assault (4%), other (41%),

The brain’s condition, and the neurobehavioral consequences of an accident causing TBI, are not static. The immediate brain tissue injury may be made worse because of hemorrhage and brain swelling that kills

Child traumatic brain injury

tissue through pressure and interference with the blood supply to other parts of the brain, chemicals released inside brain cells that are toxic, and degeneration of neurons long after the initial injury. The chronic unhealed wound and other causes of stress interfere with bodily functions. This creates behavioral disturbance whose cause may not be understood directly or attributed to the accident. This worsens the outcome and makes it more difficult to find treatment for the injured person’s problems. Primary phase-The immediate mechanical damage to brain, blood vessels and other tissues caused by impact to the head, rotation of the head caused by acceleration and deceleration of the body and neck during a mechanical injury causing the brain to move, stretch and shear its inner structure, and strike against the inner structures of the skull. Secondary phase-Tissue pathology caused by the initial trauma: hemorrhage, ischemia, brain swelling resulting in forced movement of sections of the brain against and past the internal dividers (meninges, or lining of the brain, which extends beyond the surface of the brain into the midline and also dividing the brain into internal compartments while supporting its structure), anoxia (reduced oxygen supply), physiological disturbance of brain function, and necrosis (death of brain cells) caused by neurotoxins and anoxia condary phase-Tissue pathology caused by the initial trauma: hemorrhage, ischemia, brain swelling resulting in forced movement of sections of the brain against and past the internal dividers (meninges), anoxia, physiological disturbance of brain function, and necrosis caused by neurotoxins and anoxia. Tertiary phase-Late developing physiological disorders: Direct glandular damage; damage to a major physiological control site, i.e., the hypothalamus; disorders of the immune, inflammatory, and circadian systems. Vulnerability to diseases includes: syndrome of inappropriate antidiuretic hormone from head trauma (SIADH), hypothyroidism (reduced secretion of the thyroid gland), hypopituitarism reduced secretion of various pituitary gland hormones), diabetes insipidus (secretion of excessive amounts of urine, sometimes following head injury causing damage to the posterior pituitary gland and reduced secretion of antidiuretic hormone which leads to excessive excretion of water), and developmental disorders of children. Quaternary phase-Late developing neurological conditions: Stress-related brain damage, premature cerebral atrophy and dementing conditions (e.g.,

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enhanced incidence of Alzheimer’s Disease), posttraumatic epilepsy, movement disorders, cochlear dysfunction (hearing loss) and vestibular dysfunctions (balance problems). Hemidystonia (one-sided abnormal twisting movements, and abnormal posturing of the neck, trunk, face, and extremities) associated with brain damage has a longer latency in children injured before age 7 than adults. Pentary phase-Chronic stress effects upon personality and health: TBI and co-morbid acute and chronic stress have an impact on mood, cognitive efficiency, functioning in the community, stamina, and health. (a) Reactions to continued impairment and social disabilities; (b) Systemic effects of unhealed injuries: chronic reaction of hormonal, inflammatory, immune and circadian systems to persistent damaged tissue, resulting in reduced stamina, vulnerability to infectious disease, tissue exhaustion, fatigue, burnout, organ damage, sexual dysfunction, and stress related health disorders. This condition is known as allostatic overload, ‘‘burnout’’ or ‘‘overload.’’ It results in stress-related diseases, e.g., infections, cardiovascular disease, cancer, and ‘‘sickness behavior’’ (malaise, fatigue, loss of appetite, apathy, social withdrawal, inactivity).

The Taxonomy of Neurobehavioral Disorders The entire range of behavior may become impaired or dysfunctional after TBI. The domains of the following classification become differentiated at different ages. Thus they may not yet be functioning in younger children, and may not develop appropriately when a young child suffers brain injury. 1. Neurological and Sensorimotor: Dysfunctions directly attributable to diffuse brain injury, and to injuries of definable centers and circuits of the central nervous system. Some symptoms: Loss of general intelligence and memory, dizziness, imbalance, seizures, loss of vision, hearing, and coordination. 2. Somatic: Developmental, Performance and Neurobehavioral: Developmental disorders of children associated with hormonal disorders due to injury to the hypothalamic-pituitary axis; performance reduction directly consequent to damaged tissue; systemic dysregulation caused by chronic stress. Some somatic disorders are limited range of motion, pain, and headaches.

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3. Cognitive Functioning: Executive Functioning and Mental Control. Disorders of Concentration (continuing performance for a useful interval), Information Processing (converting stimuli into meaningful units), Mental Control, and Executive Functioning (cognitive autoregulation). 4. General Intelligence: Mental Ability Level, Comprehension, and Problem Solving. 5. Learning and Memory. 6. Personality Style, Psychodynamics, and Identity. 7. Empathy and social life. 8. Adaptation: Coping with community requirements and improving current condition, utilizing motivation and pragmatic communications. 9. Stress Reactions: Acute, Chronic, Psychological, Physiological, Dissociative. Stress may be defined as a condition, momentary or extended, psychological or physically injurious, that creates physical and/or mental trauma, which are not self-healing after a brief interval.

Characteristic Developmental Problems of Children The actual proportion of persons who have lifelong disabilities after TBI described as ‘‘minor’’ is not actually known. The level of disability is not precisely predictable at the time of injury. The number of symptoms is related to the intensity of the head injury. Outcome is also dependent on whether the environment is supportive, indifferent, or hostile; the consequences of bodily accidents also incurred in the accident; developmental factors such as possible disturbances caused by hormonal injury such as is caused by damage to the brain-pituitary gland and target glands controlled by the pituitary; the maturation of the brain at the time of trauma, and the developmental consequence of the brain damage; the location and extent of the brain damage (diffuse, localized, lateralized mostly on one side of the brain, or extensive); the age at injury; the post-injury interval when the child’s status is studied; social support such as the parents, availability of rehabilitation services such as special education and psychotherapy for the child and parents; the child’s store of information and skills at the time of injury; potential for behavioral compensation by the alternate cerebral hemisphere, among others.

The outcome of children’s TBI is affected by poorer coping capacity due to lesser cognitive and social skills at the time of injury. TBI also reduces the child’s capacity to reach the potential level of cognitive, physiological and personal development. Here are some examples of TBI induced later problems: Reduced memory and learning ability interfere with cognitive development; Behavioral disorders antagonize peers and teachers, leading to rejection and reduced selfesteem; poorly functional sensorimotor capacities such as balance and coordination makes the child more vulnerable to further injuries, and reduces skill and thus social acceptability in play activities and sports. Expression of dysfunction may take years until behavior becomes conspicuous because milestones are not reached. Intellectual deficiencies are more apparent in the older child, upon whom more demands are made, although the child’s outward appearance may appear ‘‘recovered.’’ The child may perform for years in school on the basis of previous knowledge while learning little new information. Only when more difficult problems are to be learned, memory for new information is insufficient, or there is a need to learn new and more difficult cognitive schema, are reduced grades manifested. The frontal lobes are vulnerable to injury, which may create a lack of personality development and maturity usually achieved around the age of puberty. Consequently, immaturity persists, but the developmental deficit that may be diagnostic of brain damage will not be noteworthy until long after the accident. Subsequent developmental disorders (cognitive disorders; persistent immaturity or misbehavior) may not be manifested until years after the accident, when chronic immaturity reveals that the child has not achieved developmental milestones.

Patterns of Outcome 1. Immediate. Significant dysfunction can be detected right after the accident. Frequently the child experiences a permanent deficit without complete recovery. Characteristic disorders are loss of sensation, motor coordination, strength, reduced mental ability, and personality problems such as regression and impulsiveness. 2. Improvement through the use of compensatory mechanisms. If there is a permanent reduction of a function, the child or adult can partially adapt

Child traumatic brain injury

in several ways, neurologically or behaviorally. For example, if there is damage to structures of the left cerebral hemisphere that support verbal ability, the plasticity of undamaged neural structures in the right hemisphere may take over some activities. However, careful neuropsychological examination may reveal that reduced ability and disordered performance exist since the alternate structures may not be capable of performing both original and added functions. In the case of poor memory, the person can be counseled to keep a notebook or put notes on the wall reminding one of tasks to do or ask the other person to repeat what has been said. 3. Early arrest of development, and/or reduced rate of progress. The uninjured child usually develops at such a rate that the relative position in the age group is maintained. One measure might be the age-normed percentiles in tests of intelligence or academic achievement. Another indicator would be not achieving the expected level of personality development known as maturity. The child remains impulsive, lacking foresight, and unwilling to accept responsibilities and other characteristics of adolescence. This may be described as initial progress leveling off at a low plateau. This kind of outcome may require years to be expressed. Not reaching physical sexual maturity is discussed below. 4. Delayed Onset of a Disorder after Apparent Normal Functioning. See Tertiary and Quaternary phases of TBI. Certain disorders occur years later because they are due to fatigue of bodily systems caused by unhealed or chronic injuries, or because continued neurological degeneration caused by the initial trauma takes a long period for it to be so extensive that a disorder is created or released.

Adaptive Disorders These neuropsychological functions are often impaired: Perceptual organization; visual-motor constructional tasks; attention deficits that interfere with working or short term memory; long term and academic memory; processing speeds and reaction time, good judgment and reality testing, language, among others. One differentiates between dysfunction of functions that support adaptive tasks (information processing or executive

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function) and major integrative activities of daily living. Some disorders affect complex integrative (higher) processes, while others are consequences of focal injuries (e.g., sensorimotor dysfunctions). Emotional changes after TBI are variable, and proportional to the severity of the injury—some seem to be transient. It is estimated that 20% of children with head injuries require special educational services because of residual disability. Initial performance will be modified by what has been learned to that point, potential for compensation by the alternate hemisphere, and interference with lateralized functions (primarily processed by the left or right cerebral hemispheres) caused by TBI, e.g., language (usually left hemisphere) and spatial organization (largely right hemisphere). Intellectual deficiencies are more apparent in the older child, upon whom more demands are made. Yet, the child’s outward appearance may appear ‘‘recovered,’’ or subsequent developmental disorders may not have been manifested since the child has not achieved developmental milestones. Anxious children have a higher incidence of other symptoms after controlling for injury severity. However, anxiety intensity appears to be independent of the extent of neurological injury. Ongoing stressors enhance symptom maintenance. Children with TBI exhibit long-term behavior problems in spite of cognitive recovery. Inadequate social competence, or troublesome behavior, may cause rejection by peers and teachers. The symptoms of children’s postconcussive syndrome are consistent with those of adults: Cognitive dysfunctions; language; behavior; increased likelihood of enrollment in special education, motor skills, psychosocial measures, educational lag, unemployment, troubled family relationships; health; memory, attention, problem solving, headaches, dizziness, fatigue, sensorimotor performance; academic achievement (language and reading, calculation, writing, spelling) with increased likelihood of enrollment in special education or educational lag; behavioral disorders with reduced social competence; Reduced IQ; deficient behavioral adjustment; poor motor skills; increased likelihood of unemployment; and/or troubled family relationships.

Dysfunctions of Sexual Development Normal physiological development (growth and sexual maturity) is the outcome of integrated hormonal

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functioning. This is vulnerable to impact or movement of the brain which causes it to move, stretching or tearing hypothalamic-pituitary structures. Hypothalamic damage can reduce gonadal hormone inhibition resulting in premature puberty with short adult stature. Delayed or absent adolescence may be caused by hypothalamic or anterior pituitary lesions that interfere with hormonal developmental patterns of inhibition and then release leading to sexual maturity (ovulation, menarche, e.g., the first menstrual period, and male secondary sexual characters). Precocious puberty (sexual precocity) is variously defined as the appearance of secondary sexual development before age 8 in girls and 9 in boys. Brain trauma and radiation therapy may be followed by delayed puberty or precocious puberty. Growth disorders include retardation of maturation, or accelerated growth and skeletal maturation with premature growth cessation, can commence within a few months of injury. Non-development of sexual maturity can occur due to pituitary insufficiency or gonadal failure consequent to hypothalamic insufficiency: loss of libido, impotence, amenorrhea and sexual infantilism.

Cross-Cultural Issues The reported sequelae are unsurprisingly similar in different nationalities. Special concerns may arise because of cultural differences within a family in approaching such problems as illness. Some individuals do not understand the health-care system, or may not want to challenge professionals. Brain injury causes shame in some ethnic groups; therefore, family members may not be informed of a relative’s TBI. Cultural differences affect response to the health care system. Obtaining information may require the use of a translator since friends and family may not be fluent in medical terminology; problems occur when they are not oriented as to the special characteristics of brain injury. Even these personnel may not be properly oriented to work with a TBI patient. To the extent that parental origin affects the caregiver style, the child’s outcome is affected. Coping strategies may differ. Avoidant strategies predict poorer family outcome than acceptance. Examination of a child who is native to a culture using a language significantly distinct from that of the examiner requires care against mistaking characteristics of the language with familiar

neuropsychological disorders. Using the Japanese language as an example, there are differences of syntax, lexicon, orthography, and phonology. The major European languages utilize the word order Subject-VerbObject, while Japanese utilizes Subject-Object-Verb, which might suggest an aphasic disorder. Lateralization of verbal functions which are dependent upon the visual structure of language may also be reversed (to the left cerebral hemisphere as opposed to the right). Nevertheless, particular symptoms occur across languages, e.g., aphasia (inability to understand or express oneself through language) and agrammatism (speech unconforming to grammatical rules). Acculturation can be categorized as traditional, marginal, bicultural and assimilated. Particular procedures are normed on groups that may be socio-economically or ethnically so disparate from the patient (rural and/or international) that they inaccurately indicate functional weaknesses and fewer strengths than they express in their environment. Further, those from rural environments are exposed to different conditions than those in urban environments: patterns of interpersonal violence (including intimate partners), types of neurotoxic exposure, stress, agricultural accidents, lack of medical coverage and treatment. These represent a potential for different pre-existing conditions that must be considered in studying examination performance. Other educational and cultural variables affecting performance include: unavailability of suitable norms, reflecting dialect differences within presumably unified groups (e.g., Spanish and Arabic speakers); lack of familiarity with test taking; varying levels of linguistic competency; socioeconomic status; lack of familiarity with writing implements; and, level of formal education. A psychological procedure may emphasize particular cognitive abilities, which may by discrepant with a culture, or the stage of development at which particular abilities are learned. This may affect later neuropsychological performance. Further, the examiner is concerned whether a procedure normed on one segment of a population speaking a given language is generalizable to another without significant performance differences. A history of discrimination, or growing up in totalitarian regimes, may result in an attitude where ‘‘honest’’ behavior is rarely rewarded, therefore affecting the presentation of claims to obtain proper compensation. See also: > Neuropsychological assessment; > Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD); > Stress/stressors

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Suggested Reading Broman, S. H., & Michel, M. E. (Eds.) (1995). Traumatic head injury in children. New York: Oxford. Ferraro, F. R. (Ed.) (2002). Minority and cross-cultural aspects of neuropsychological assessment. Lisse, The Netherlands: Swets and Zeitlinger. Parker, R. S. (2001). Concussive brain trauma. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. Parker, R. S. (2002). Recommendations for the revision of DSM-IV diagnostic categories for co-morbid posttraumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury. NeuroRehabilitation, 17, 131–143. Sellars, C. W., Vegter, C. H., & Ellerbusch, S. S. (1997). Pediatric brain injury: The special case of the very young child. Houston, TX: HDI. Semrud-Clikeman, M. (2001). Traumatic brain injury in children and adolescents: Assessment and intervention. New York: The Guilford Press.

Childhood Georgia Yu

Understanding how children develop can help parents raise their children more effectively, lead society as a whole to adopt wiser policies regarding children’s welfare, and answer intriguing questions about human nature. Children are influenced by their early experiences, but some are able to overcome even the most traumatic backgrounds. Child development research is important for a number of reasons. First is to gain information and understanding that can help parents raise their own children successfully. Second is to gain insight into social policy issues related to children and to help society adopt policies that promote children’s well-being. Thirdly, is to better understand human nature in general.

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development. Both Plato and Aristotle believed that the long-term welfare of society depended on children being raised properly. Careful upbringing was essential, because children’s nature would otherwise lead to their becoming rebellious and unruly. Plato emphasized self-control and discipline as the most important goals of education. Aristotle agreed with Plato that discipline was necessary, but he was more concerned with fitting child rearing to the needs of the individual child. Plato believed children are born with innate knowledge, while Aristotle believed that all knowledge comes from experience and that without experience, the mind is merely a potential. Roughly 2,000 years later, the English philosopher John Locke and French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau proposed ideas that were related to, but also somewhat different from, those of Plato and Aristotle regarding how parents and the general society can best promote child development. Locke, like Aristotle, viewed the child as a tabula rasa, or blank slate, where development largely reflects the nurture provided by the child’s parents and the broader society. He believed that the most important goal of child rearing is the growth of character. Whereas Locke advocated first instilling discipline and then progressively increasing the child’s freedom, Rousseau believed that parents and society should give children maximum freedom from the beginning. Rousseau claimed that children learn primarily from their own spontaneous interactions with objects and other people, rather than through instruction by parents or teachers. He even argued that children should not receive any formal education until the age of 12 when they reach ‘‘the age of reason’’ and can judge for themselves the worth of what they read and are told. Before then, they should be allowed the freedom to explore whatever interests them. Although these philosophical views raised fundamental questions, they were based more on impressions and general beliefs than on systemic observations that could reveal how children actually develop.

Historical Foundations in the Study of Child Development

Beginning Research on Children

Some of the earliest recorded ideas about children’s development were those of Plato and Aristotle. These two Greek philosophers, who lived in the fourth century B.C., were particularly interested in how children’s nature and the nurture they receive influenced

A research-based approach to understanding child development began to emerge in the nineteenth century, in part as a result of two converging forces: social reform movements and Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution.

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During the Industrial Revolution, many children in Europe and the United States (U.S.) worked as paid laborers. Some were as young as 5 or 6 years old, and spent as much as twelve hours a day working in factories or mines, often in extremely hazardous conditions. These harsh circumstances concerned a number of social reformers, who began to study the effects of the conditions on the children’s development. In addition to the first child labor laws, these and other child social reform movements established a legacy of research conducted for the benefit of children and provided some of the earliest descriptions of the adverse effects that harsh environments can have on children’s development. Later in the nineteenth century, Charles Darwin’s work on biological evolution inspired a number of scientists to propose that intensive study of child development might lead to important insights into the nature of the human species. Darwin himself was interested in child development and in 1877 published an article titled ‘‘A Biographical Sketch of an Infant,’’ which presented his careful observations of the motor, sensory, and emotional growth of his own infant son. Darwin’s ‘‘baby biography’’—a systematic description of day-to-day development—represented one of the earliest methods for studying children.

Emergence of Child Development as a Discipline In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, child development began to emerge as a formal field of inquiry. A number of universities established departments of child development, and the first professional journals devoted to the study of child development were founded. Also emerging during this period were the first theories of child development to incorporate important research findings. One prominent theory, that of Sigmund Freud, was based in large part on results from experiments with hypnosis and analysis of patients’ recollections of their dreams and childhood experiences. On the basis of this evidence, Freud concluded that biological drives, especially sexual ones, were a crucial influence on development. Another prominent theory was that of James Watson, which was based on the results of experiments examining the effects of reward and punishment on the behavior of rats and other animals. Watson concluded that children’s development is controlled by environmental

conditions, especially the rewards and punishments that follow particular behaviors.

Enduring Themes in Child Development The modern study of child development has resulted in the establishment of particular themes, which help us to answer some fundamental questions about children. The first is whether nature and nurture coexist in the development of children. Nature refers to the biological component inherent in each individual. This genetic inheritance influences everything from our physical appearance, personality, intellectual ability, and mental health to certain preferences. Nurture refers to the environment, both social and physical, that influence development, including the womb from which the child spent the prenatal period to where the child grows up, what schools the child will attend, and what friends the child will have and interact with. Today developmentalists recognize the interaction between nature and nurture. Rather than asking which is more important, developmentalists ask how nature and nurture work together to shape development. One of the main lessons of research on the nature-nurture interaction is that the timing of experiences is often crucial. For example, the timing of puberty influences girls’ reactions to junior high school. Many other instances where the timing of experience is critical occur in the first year or so after birth. In particular, if highly abnormal experiences occur early in life, they often have especially serious and lasting deleterious effects on development. A second theme is the active child. With all the attention paid to the role of nature and nurture in development, what is often overlooked are the ways in which children contribute to their own development. Even in infancy and early childhood, this contribution is reflected in many ways. Three important contributions occur during the child’s first years: attentional patterns, their use of language, and their play. Children first begin to shape their own development through the selection of what to pay attention to. Even newborns look towards objects that make noise and move. This preference helps them to learn about important parts of the world, such as people and other animals. Once they begin speak, usually around 9 to 15 months, development of their mental activity becomes evident in their use of language. For example,

Childhood

toddlers often talk when they are alone in the room and no one else is present to reward them or react to what they are saying. Only if children were internally motivated to learn language would they practice talking under these circumstances. Children’s play also provides many examples of how their internally motivated activity contributes to their development. Children play by themselves for the sheer joy of doing so, but they also learn a great deal in the process. Children’s active contribution to their own development is also evident in particular activities Around the age of 2, children sometimes engage in socio-dramatic play, an activity in which they pretend to be different people in make-believe situations. In addition to being inherently enjoyable, these makebelieve games teach children valuable lessons, such as how to cope with fears. Children’s contributions to their own development increase as they grow older. When they are young, their parents are important determinants of their children’s environments. In contrast, older children and adolzescents choose many environments, friends, and activities for themselves. These choices exert a huge impact on their future. A third theme is whether development is continuous or discontinuous. Some scientists envision children’s development as a continuous process of small, incremental changes. Others believe that the process is a series of sudden, discontinuous changes. Researchers who view development as discontinuous start from a common observation: children of different ages seen qualitatively different. A 4-year-old and a 6-year-old child, for example, seem to differ not just in how much they know but also in the way they view the world. A common approach in understanding age-related differences among children comes from stage theories, that propose that development occurs in a progression of distinct age-related stages. According to these theories, a child’s entry into a new stage involves relatively sudden, qualitative changes from one coherent way of experiencing the world to a different coherent way of experiencing it. One of the most well-known stage theorists is that of Jean Piaget. Piaget’s theory of cognitive development holds that between birth and adolescence, children go through four stages, each characterized by distinct intellectual abilities and ways of understanding and reasoning about the world. Other theories include Sigmund Freud’s theory of psychosexual development, Erik Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, and Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. Each of these stage theories

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propose that children of a given age show broad similarities across many situations and that their behaviors differ sharply at different ages. Even though these stage theories have been very influential, in the past 20 years, researchers have concluded that in most aspects of development, changes are gradual instead of sudden, and that development occurs skill by skill, and task by task, instead of in a broadly unified way. This view of development is less dramatic, but a great deal of evidence supports it. One such piece of evidence is the fact that a child often will behave in accord with one stage on one task but in accord with a difference stage on another task. This variable level of reasoning makes it difficult to view the child as being ‘‘in’’ a particular stage. A fourth theme is the mechanisms with which change occurs. A useful framework in trying to understand this particular theme is Darwin’s theory of evolution. According to evolutionary theory, species originate and change through two main processes: variation and selection. Variation refers to the differences within and among individuals. Selection involves the more frequent survival, and therefore the greater reproduction, of organisms that are well adapted to their environment. Through the joint operation of variation and selection, species that are better adapted to a given environment become more prevalent in that environment over time, while less well adapted species become rarer or disappear altogether. From a psychological viewpoint, variation and selection appear to produce changes within an individual’s lifetime. Psychological variation involves the diverse ways in which people think, act, and relate to each other. Psychological selection includes increasing reliance, with age and experience, on the most useful of these ways of thinking, acting, and relating. Together, such variation and selection seem to produce a wide variety of positive changes in psychological functioning. In biological evolution, the organisms that are best adapted to the environment tend to increase in number over time. Similarly with cognitive development, the most efficient strategies increase in use as children increase in age and experience. Thus, as children generate the correct answer to a problem increasingly often, they come to associate the answer with the problem, which allows them to retrieve it from memory more often. Evolutionary accounts have proved useful for understanding development in many areas beyond arithmetic. These include development of

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social relationships, sex differences, language, and sports. New variations in these areas emerge out of the universal tendency for children to play and explore their environments. Selection occurs through children’s increasing use of those variations that allow them to meet their goals consistently, quickly, and easily. The fifth theme is how sociocultural context plays a role in child development. Children grow up in a particular set of physical and social environments, in a particular culture, under particular economic circumstances, at a particular point in history. These make up the physical, social, cultural, economic, and historical circumstances that constitute the sociocultural context of a child’s life. The most obviously important parts of children’s sociocultural contexts are the people with whom they interact (e.g., parents, grandparents, relatives, siblings, day-care workers, friends, peers) and the physical environment in which they live (e.g., their home, day-care center, school, neighborhood). Another important but less tangible part of the sociocultural context concerns the institutions that influence children’s lives (e.g., school systems, religious institutions, sports leagues). Yet another important set of influences include the general characteristics of the child’s society (e.g., its wealth and technological advancements, values, beliefs, attitudes, traditions; laws and political structures). One method that developmentalists use to understand the influence of the sociocultural context is to compare the lives of children who grow up in different cultures. Such comparisons often reveal that practices one culture takes for granted and views as ‘‘natural’’ may be different from other cultures. Contexts of development differ not just between cultures but within cultures as well. In multicultural societies, many contextual differences are related to ethnicity, race, socioeconomic status (a measure of social class based on income and education). Virtually all aspects of children’s lives, from the food they eat to the parental discipline they receive to the games they play, are influenced by these characteristics. The sixth theme is individual differences between children. Anyone who has had experience with children appreciates their uniqueness- their differences not only in physical appearance but everything from activity level and temperament to intelligence and emotionality. These differences among children emerge very quickly. There are four factors that have been identified that could contribute to the differences among children within and among families. These factors include

genetic differences, differences in treatment by parents and others, differing effects on children of similar experiences, and children’s choices of environments. A final theme is how research can promote children’s well-being. Improved understanding of child development often leads to practical benefits. Several examples include programs for helping children cope with anger or recommendations regarding how to obtain valid eyewitness testimony from young children. Another type of benefit that child development research has yielded is procedures for diagnosing developmental disorders early, when they can be corrected most easily and completely. Another valuable application of child development research has been programs for helping children learn more effectively. Not only are these programs beneficial in trying to prevent later problems, but they are also intervention-focused in helping children overcome these problems and difficulties.

Jean Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development As mentioned earlier, Jean Piaget is one of the most influential theorists within child development research. Piaget’s theory has withstood the test of time because his observations and descriptions of children vividly convey the flavor of their thinking at different ages. Another reason is the exceptional breadth of his theory. A third reason is the thoughtprovoking observations Piaget used to support the theory. Finally, another reason is the theory’s intuitively plausible depiction of the interaction of nature and nurture and the recognition of both continuities and discontinuities in development. Piaget’s fundamental suggestion about children was that from birth onward they are active mentally as well as physically, with their activity greatly contributing to their own development. His approach is often labeled constructivist, because it depicts children constructing knowledge for themselves in response to their experiences. The ‘‘child scientist’’ is the dominant metaphor in Piaget’s theory. He believed that nature and nurture work in conjunction to produce cognitive development. Nurture includes every kind of experience the child encounters, and nature includes the child’s maturing brain and body; his ability to perceive, act, and think; and motivation to meet two basic functions that are central to cognitive growth: adaptation and organization. Adaptation is the tendency

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to respond to the demands of the environment in ways that meets one’s goals. Organization is the tendency to integrate particular observations into coherent knowledge. Piaget depicted development as involving both continuities and discontinuities. The main sources of continuity include assimilation, accommodation, and equilibrium that work together from birth to propel development onward. Assimilation is the process by which people translate incoming information into a form that they can understand. Accommodation is the process by which people adapt current knowledge structures in response to new experiences. Finally, equilibrium is the process by which children, and others, balance assimilation and accommodation to create a stable, coherent understanding of the world. First, children are satisfied with their understanding of a phenomenon (equilibrium). Then, children perceive that their understanding is inadequate (disequilibrium), because they recognize shortcomings in their understanding but cannot generate a superior alternative. Finally, they develop a more sophisticated understanding that eliminates the shortcomings of the old one. This new understanding provides a more stable equilibrium. Although Piaget placed some emphasis on continuous aspects of cognitive development, the most famous part of his theory concerns discontinuous aspects, the distinct stages of cognitive development. Piaget viewed these stages as products of the basic human tendency to organize knowledge into structures. The central proponents of Piaget’s stage theory include the following: qualitative change, broad applicability, brief transitions and invariant sequences. Piaget believed that children of different ages think in qualitatively different ways. The type of thinking characterized by each stage pervades a child’s thinking across diverse topics and contexts. Children do not move from one stage to the next quickly and easily. Instead, they pass through a brief transitional period in which they fluctuate between the type of thinking characteristic of the new, more advanced stage and that of the old, less advanced one. Individuals everywhere and in various historical periods progress through the stages in the same order; no stage is skipped. Piaget hypothesized that children go through four stages of cognitive development: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational. The sensorimotor stage is between birth and 2 years. During this period, the infant’s intelligence

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develops and is expressed, through sensory and motor abilities. Through the maturation of their sensorimotor abilities and the application of these learning mechanisms to their experiences, infants learn about people and objects and construct rudimentary forms of fundamental concepts such as time, space, and causality. Throughout this period, they live largely in the here and now: their intelligence is bound to their immediate perceptions and actions. In the preoperational stage, between the ages of 2 and 7, toddlers and preschoolers become able to represent their experiences in language, mental imagery, and symbolic thought. This allows them to remember their experiences for longer periods of time and to form more sophisticated concepts. However, Piaget viewed children at this stage as unable to perform operations, or reversible mental activities. The inability to perform such operations results in young children having difficulty thinking in consistent, logical ways. Instead, they focus on single, perceptually striking aspects of an event or problem, even when multiple aspects are important. In the concrete operational stage, between ages 7 and 12 years of age, children can reason logically about concrete objects and events. However, they have difficulty thinking in purely abstract terms and in combining information systematically. The final stage of cognitive development is the formal operational stage, ages 12 and beyond, children can think about concrete events but also about abstractions and purely hypothetical situations. They can also perform systematic scientific experiments and draw appropriate conclusions from them.

Information-Process Theories Information-process theorists view children as undergoing continuous cognitive change. Important changes are viewed as occurring constantly, rather than being restricted to special transition periods between ages. Cognitive growth is viewed as typically occurring in small increments rather than abruptly. This depiction differs from Piaget’s belief that children progress through qualitatively different stages separated only by relatively brief transition periods. Also basic to information-processing theories is the assumption that children are active problem-solvers. Problemsolving involves a goal, a perceived obstacle, and a strategy or rule for overcoming the obstacle and

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attaining the goal. Two key cognitive processes that are emphasized in information-processing analyses of children’s problem solving are planning and analogical reasoning. Analysis of the information-processing requirements of planning indicates that it requires a kind of strategy choice, in which the individual decides to forgo immediate attempts to solve the problem in favor of analyzing which strategy is likely to be most effective. Within this perspective, several factors seem likely to lead children, especially young ones, to choose not to plan even when doing so would help them solve problems. Planning requires children to inhibit their desire to move directly toward the goal. A large part is due to the maturation of the frontal lobe, which plays an important role in inhibition, and has not matured yet. Young children tend to be overly optimistic. They think they can remember more, communicate more effectively, and imitate a model more accurately than they actually can. Plans can fail, either because they were inherently flawed or because they were badly executed. This high failure rate makes planning a less attractive option than if planning were consistently successful. It is important to note that brain maturation, in combination with experiences that reduce over-optimism and demonstrate the value of planning, leads to an increase in frequency and quality of planning well into adolescence. People often understand new problems in terms of familiar ones. Successful analogical reasoning requires ignoring superficial dissimilarities and focusing on underlying parallel relationships. As with planning, a rudimentary form of analogical reasoning emerges around children’s first birthday. This early competence, however, is initially limited to situations in which the new problem closely resembles the old. Superficial similarity between the original and new problems continues to influence analogical reasoning well beyond infancy. Even in middle childhood, younger children often require more surface similarity to draw an analogy than do older ones.

recognizing the difference between living and nonliving things, identifying human faces, finding one’s way around the environment, and learning language. A second feature of the core-knowledge approach is the assumption that in certain areas of probable importance in human evolution, young children reason in ways that are considerably more advanced than Piaget’s theory suggested were possible. If children under the age of 6 or 7 were completely egocentric, they would assume that other people’s knowledge is the same as their own. From this perspective, there would be no point to making a false statement because the other person would know it was false. But studies of young children’s deceptions indicate that 3-year-olds understand that other people can be fooled. The question is how children come to have such sophisticated knowledge so early in life. Core-knowledge theories depict children as active learners, constantly striving to solve problems and to organize their understanding into coherent wholes. In this aspect, these theories’ perspective on children’s nature resembles those of Piagetian and informationprocessing theories. The way in which core-knowledge theories differ strongly from Piagetian and information-processing theories is in their view of children’s innate capabilities. Piaget and information-processing theorists believe that children enter the world equipped only with general learning abilities and that they must actively apply these abilities to gradually increase their understanding of all types of content. In contrast, core-knowledge theorists view children as entering the world not only with general learning abilities but also with specialized learning abilities that allow them to quickly and effortlessly acquire information of evolutionary importance. Where the central metaphors within Piagetian and information-processing theories are the child as scientist and the child as computational system the central metaphor in the core-knowledge approach is the child as well-equipped product of evolution.

Sociocultural Theories Core-Knowledge Theories The core-knowledge theory reflects two features in research. The first is the focus on particular areas such as understanding of other people, that have been important throughout human evolutionary history. Other key areas viewed as core knowledge include

Sociocultural approaches emphasize that much of development takes place through direct interactions between children and other people. Rather than viewing children as individuals trying to make sense of the world through their own efforts, sociocultural theorists view children as social beings, enmeshed in the lives of

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other people who want to help them acquire the skills and knowledge valued by their culture. A major player among the sociocultural theorists was Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky. He portrayed children as social beings, intertwined with other people who are eager to help them gain skills and understanding. Vygotsky viewed them as intent on participating in activities that happen to be prevalent in their local settings. Whereas Piaget emphasized qualitative changes in thinking, Vygotsky emphasized continuous, quantitative changes. Among the important aspects of Vygotsky’s legacy is the idea that cognitive change originates in social interaction. Vygotsky and contemporary sociocultural theorists have proposed a number of more specific ideas about how change occurs. One of these ideas is guided participation, in which more knowledgeable individuals organize activities in ways that allow less knowledgeable people to engage in them at a higher level than they could manage on their own. Three other related concepts include: intersubjectivity, social scaffolding, and the zone of proximal development. Sociocultural theorists believe that the foundation of human cognitive development is our ability to establish intersubjectivity, the mutual understanding that people share during communication. Effective communication requires participants to focus on the same topic and on each other’s reaction to whatever is being communicated. Children’s learning is also aided by social scaffolding, in which more competent people provide a temporary framework that supports children’s thinking at a higher level than children could manage on their own. Ideally, this framework includes explaining the goal of a task, demonstrating how the task should be performed, and helping the child execute the most difficult parts. This is, in fact, the way parents tend to teach their children. Through the process of social scaffolding, children become capable of working at a higher level than if they had not received such help. At first, this higher-level functioning requires extensive support, then it requires less support, and eventually it becomes possible without any support. The higher the quality of scaffolding, the greater the child’s learning. In analyzing the process of social scaffolding, Vygotsky used the term zone of proximal development (ZPD) to refer to the range of performance between what children can do unsupported and what they can do with optimal support. Implicit in this label is the idea that development is most likely when a child’s

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thinking is supported by a more knowledgeable person at a somewhat higher level than the child can manage, but no so far beyond the unaided level that the child would be lost. See also: > Childhood depression; > Early childhood education; > Emotional intelligence; > Parent attachment; > Sociocultural factors

Suggested Reading Hertzman, C., & Weins, M. (1996). Child development and longterm outcomes: A population health perspective and summary of successful interventions. Social Science and Medicine, 43(7), 1083–1095. Parker, S., Greer, S., & Zuckerman, B. (1988). Double jeopardy: The impact of poverty on early child development. Pediatric Clinics of North America, 35(6), 1227–1240.

Suggested Resources Early Childhood Research and Practice (ECRP)—http://ecrp.uiuc. edu/: A bilingual website journal on the development, care, and education of young children.

Childhood Depression Kelly Brey Love . Susan M Swearer

It has only been within the past two decades that the majority of clinicians and researchers reached agreement that children can experience a depressive disorder. Initially, researchers believed children’s lack of psychosexual development prohibited development of depression in childhood. There has also been disagreement regarding which symptomatology comprises childhood depression, and how it differs from depression in adults. Many clinicians and researchers shared the belief that depression in children was ‘‘masked’’ by other symptoms (e.g., aggression, enuresis, anxiety, among others). More recent research has identified and emphasized the similarities between depressive symptoms experienced by adults and children. Cohort data suggest that the age-ofonset of depression has decreased, and prevalence has

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increased as compared to children born in the first half of the 20th century.

Prevalence While depression does occur in childhood, it is more likely to manifest in adolescence and adulthood. Estimates vary, but it appears that between 0.3-2.5% of prepubertal children may be diagnosed with Major Depressive Disorder, and between 0.6-2.5% with Dysthymic Disorder Depression in preschoolers is less common than in older children, and is typically associated with instances of extreme abuse and neglect. Depression is equally present in both males and females in childhood, however, a gender difference does appear after onset of puberty, with more females reporting depressive disorders than males.

Assessment Childhood depression can be assessed via several different strategies. Self-report scales, semi-structured clinical interviews, peer report or nomination, parent/teacher/ caregiver rating scales, behavioral observation, and biological and/or psychophysiological measures have all been utilized to assess depression in young children. The most commonly used methods of assessment are self-report and parent/teacher/caregiver rating scales. An obvious difficulty affecting both diagnosis and treatment of depression is that young children often prove to be poor informants of their feelings, and in particular, have difficulty identifying the temporal and causal relationships between their moods and events.

Course A Major Depressive Episode is a period lasting a minimum of two weeks consisting of either depressed mood or anhedonia. In children and adolescents, the mood may be irritable rather than sad. A Major Depressive Disorder is a clinical course characterized by one or more major depressive episodes, without history of manic, mixed or hypomanic episodes. Dysthymic mood is described as a generally ‘‘low’’ mood, infrequently experiencing joy or excitement. Those experiencing dysthymic mood are often described as feeling ‘‘down in the dumps.’’ Dysthymic Disorder is comprised of a chronically depressed mood that occurs most of the day (more days than not) for

at least two years. For children, the duration only needs to be one year, and their mood may be irritable rather than sad or depressed. The initial one to two years (depending on age) of the Dysthymic Disorder must be free from a Major Depressive Disorder. The course of a major depressive episode and dysthymia in children present differently than in adults. A major depressive episode typically lasts for 32–36 weeks in children or adults, and has a maximal recovery rate of 92%. Recovery for a major depressive episode is relatively protracted, with the greatest improvement in reduction of depressive symptomatology occurring between the 24th and 36th week. The average length of Dysthymic Disorder is much longer than a major depressive episode, at 3 years. The younger the child is at onset, the more likely they are to experience a relapse, and are more likely to have recurrent episodes of depression as adults.

Comorbidity It is well established that children who are depressed often experience additional psychological disorders. Anxiety is the most commonly diagnosed comorbid disorder with depression in children, with 25–50% of depressed youth also diagnosed with an anxiety disorder. On average, children who experience comorbid psychological disorders report more severe impairment and often suffer more long-term consequences.

Criteria The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders: Text Revision (DSM-IV TR) outlines the criteria for the different mood disorders. Diagnostically, there is little difference in adult and child criteria for a diagnosis of depression with the exception that the duration of dysthmia is 1 year for children instead of 2 years, and ‘‘irritability’’ can be considered a manifestation of dysphoric mood. The DSM-IV TR criteria for a major depressive disorder requires persistent depressed (or irritable) mood or a marked decrease in interest or pleasure in most or all daily activities for at least two weeks. In addition, four of the following features must be present during the same two week period: weight loss or gain, sleep disturbance, psychomotor agitation or retardation, fatigue, feelings of worthlessness or guilt, reduced concentration, or recurrent thoughts of death. Symptoms must lead to

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significant distress or impairment of functioning and must not be due to substance misuse, physical illness, or bereavement.

Etiology- Familial Environment/ Genetics Familial and environmental factors play a large role in the development of depression in young people. High parental criticism, parental discord, and poor parent-child communication has been associated with onset and course of depression in youth. Both depressive symptoms and disorders have been significantly associated with undesirable life events. Parental psychopathology also appears to be a significant risk factor for both the development and the course of childhood depression. Forty-five percent of children with mothers diagnosed with depression met criteria for a major depressive disorder, compared to 11% of children who were diagnosed as depressed whose mothers were not depressed. A longitudinal study of depressed children whose parent(s) were also depressed found more severe episodes of depression in a ten-year follow-up than children without depressed parents. Experiencing single risk factors (e.g., pre-pubertal onset, familial history of depression, parental psychopathology, stressful life events, and low family support) appears to be associated with an increase in being diagnosed with childhood depression. However, when these risk factors are experienced in combination, the likelihood of impairment in the child is greater. Many researchers have found that an increased number of risk factors is associated with increased impairment. Risk factors, such as the diathesis-stress model that has been validated in studies of adult depression have also been validated for childhood depression. Children who have a general negative cognitive style (irrespective to the onset of a stressor) report higher levels of depression after a stressor in comparison to children who do not endorse a negative cognitive style. It is important to note that due to developmental considerations, few studies have examined the relationship between cognitive style and depression in children under the age of eight.

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comparison to non-depressed peers, even after the depressive episode has subsided. biological disregulation among depressed children is found in their neurochemistry, specifically identifying serotonin, neorpinephrine and acetylcholine as contributing to mood disorders. When a child is depressed, it is likely due to a combination of genetic vulnerability and exposure to severe trauma or stressors. Thus, the manifestation of childhood depression appears to be a mix of both ‘‘nature’’ and ‘‘nurture.’’

Prevention School based prevention programs involving preadolescents at risk for depression found that students participating in either a school based cognitive training program, social problem-solving program, or combined cognitive and social problem-solving program reported significantly fewer depressive symptoms than a control group.

Treatment Treatment for childhood depression has significantly lagged behind treatment for adults. It is only in the past 10–15 years that studies have been conducted testing the efficacy of psychopharmacological and therapeutic treatments.

Pharmacotherapy The use of serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) appears to be somewhat effective in treating childhood depression. A recent study found that 56% of patients 7–17 years old receiving the SSRI fluoxetine demonstrated clinical improvement compared to 33% receiving placebo. Tricyclic antidepressants, which are frequently prescribed for treatment of depressed adults, have received mixed conclusions when used with children. This lessened success with children may stem from the developmental changes occurring in the neurotransmitter system.

Psychotherapy Etiology- Biological There also appears to be a biological component for depression in children. Research has found that depressed children hyposecrete growth hormones in

Cognitive Behavioral Treatment: Individual cognitive behavioral interventions have proven effective in reduction of depressive symptomatology; lessening duration of depressive episodes, and in facilitating

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remission of a depressive episode in children and adolescents. Cognitive behavioral treatment typically includes pleasant events activity scheduling, self-control skills, problem solving, and cognitive restructuring. Treatment can be time limited, often between 10–12 sessions, over a five to 12 week duration. Behavioral Treatment: Many behaviorists believe depression occurs from a lack of reinforcement in the environment. If a child does not receive reinforcement (e.g., praise, interactions, touch), depressive symptoms may occur. Reinstatement of reinforcement in the environment will likely result in reduction of depressive symptomatology. Little research regarding this type of treatment has been conducted with children; however, research has found that increasing social reinforcers is an effective treatment with depressed adults. See also: > Anxiety; > Child abuse; > Childhood; > Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT); > Depression

Suggested Reading American Psychiatric Association (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: Text revision (4th ed.). Washington D.C.: American Psychiatric Association. Ginsburg, S. D., & Twentyman, C. T. (1987). Prevention of childhood depression. In R. F. Munoz, (Ed.), Depression prevention: Research directions (pp. 93–103). New York: Hemisphere Publishing Corporation. Kazdin, A. E. (1990). Childhood depression. Journal of Child Psychology, 31, 121–160. Stark, K. D., Laurent, J., Livingston, R., Boswell, J., & Swearer, S. (1999). Implications of research for the treatment of depressive disorders during childhood. Applied & Preventive Psychology, 8, 79–102.

Children’s Literature Anne E Cunningham

A Brief Historic Perspective Within the context of human history as a whole, the idea that children should have books to read that were specifically written for them is relatively new. Prior to the mid-1400s, the literacy heritage of Europe consisted of the oral tradition and parchment manuscripts, which

were rare, costly, and usually prized possessions of only nobles and priests. The invention of moveable type in the 1450s by Johannes Gutenberg, however, made possible the mass production of books. By 1476, William Caxton, returning from Germany after learning the process of mass production, established England’s first printing press. At that time, most children’s books were not written to interest children, but instead to improve either their manners or their minds. Though not written for children, three of the books published by the Caxton press became children’s classics, including The Book of the Subtyle Historyes and Fables of Esope (The Fables of Aesop). Caxon Press books were beautiful, but too expensive for most people. Soon, however, chapmen (peddlers) were selling crudely printed booklets, called chapbooks, for pennies. By the seventeenth century, books that retold fairy tales became common in France, thanks to Charles Perrault, who recognized that children needed literature of their own. In the 1740s, the idea of children’s storybooks became established to some extent as the middle class became larger and its social position strengthened. In 1744, John Newbery began publishing a line of children’s books that were intended for children’s diversion rather than sheer instruction, including Mother Goose, Robinson Crusoe, and Gulliver’s Travels. With Newbery’s success, publishers realized there was, indeed, a market for books written especially for children. The nineteenth century brought such classics as The Grimm Brothers’ Fairy Tales, A Book of Nonsense (Edward Lear), Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (Lewis Carroll), Little Women (Louisa May Alcott), The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (Mark Twain), and Merry Adventures of Robin Hood of Great Renown in Nottinghamshire (Howard Payle). Classics published specifically for children in the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century included texts providing diversion, in addition to literature reflecting the diverse nature of society. During this time, attention to nonfiction, historical fiction written in diverse genres (e.g., poetry), and realistic fiction that tapped into many aspects of children’s lives (including difficult topics such as the death of a friend or relative) flourished. Here are a few examples: The Velveteen Rabbit (Margery Williams Bianco), The Story of Babar (Jean de Brunhoff), And to Think I Saw It on Mulberry Street (Dr. Seuss), Make Way for Ducklings (Robert McCloskey), The Island of the Blue Dolphins (Scott O’Dell), Zeely (Virginia Hamilton), African Traveler, The Story of Mary Kingsley (Ronald Syme),

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The Cay (Theodore Taylor), Moja Means One: Swahili Counting Book (Muriel Feelings), A Taste of Blackberries (Dorie Smith), Frog and Toad (Arnold Lobel), Roll of Thunder, Hear My Cry (Mildred Taylor), Dragon Wings (Laurence Yep), Grandfather’s Journey (Allen Say), Lincoln: A Photo Biography (Russell Freedman), Joyful Noise: Poems for Two Voices (Paul Fleishman), Witness (Karen Hesse), and A Year Down Yonder (Richard Peck).

Multicultural Children’s Literature Multicultural or cross-cultural literature is literature about racial or ethnic minority groups that are culturally or socially different from a country’s majority population. Many of the goals of multicultural education—such as building respect across cultures, building an understanding of cultural differences, and sharpening the sensitivity toward the commonality of all people—are fostered through multicultural literature. In any society, a lack of books about minorities or inaccurate depictions of minorities can perpetuate stereotypes and result in psychological exclusion. Thus, children’s literature represents an important avenue to bridge cultures. In the U.S., a host of changes in social life and literature have occurred since the 1940s, when Americans began to express publicly their growing objections to the use of certain stereotypes in children’s books. As multicultural groups became more prominent, for the most part after the 1970s, a concurrent change in the literacy depictions of cultural groups emerged. Groups such as the Interracial Council on Books for Children, and transformation within publishing companies themselves, led to changes in the literary depictions of minorities and, in general, reflected more diversity. Additionally, the status of multicultural literature was enhanced as teachers and librarians began to include these works in their collections. Most journals that publish articles about literacy and journals of literary criticism, such as Booklist, Book Links, and Horn-Book Magazine, include information about multicultural literature. The inclusion of multicultural literature in basal readers also has a positive effect on creating climates in which minority students and their classmates gain heightened respect for individuals, as well as for the contributions and values of cultural minorities. More and more literary criticism includes evaluation criteria for multicultural literature. Typical questions reviewers are asked to consider include

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(Norton, 2003, p. 460): Are the characters portrayed as individuals instead of as representatives of a group? Does the book portray physical diversity? Is the culture accurately portrayed? Are the factual and historical details accurate? Does the author accurately describe contemporary settings? At the time of this writing, multicultural books can be found in all genres, from poetry and drama to fiction—traditional tales, folklore, historical fiction, contemporary realistic fiction—to nonfiction, including biographies and informational books about history, geography, culture, and people. Publishers are also responding to the need for bilingual titles that extend subjects as well as children’s interests.

The Evolution of the Use of Children’s Literature in the Classroom The use of authentic, unabridged children’s literature for the teaching of reading in the classroom has had an uneven history; however, as of the 1980s, balanced literacy, which includes the use of authentic literature, is seen as integral to the education, health, and wellbeing of all students, including second language learners. From the 1940s through the 1990s, basal programs dominated reading materials used for instruction in American elementary classrooms. By the mid-1990s, however, practices had changed, due to the availability of high-quality children’s literature, the popularity of the whole language movement, and the prominence of reader-response theory introduced by Louise Rosenblatt (1991), among others. Data from the 1991 National Assessment of Educational Progress revealed that half of the fourth-grade teachers polled, nationwide, reported a heavy use of children’s literature in their classrooms. More recently, smaller surveys have shown that more than 90% of teachers agree that literature should comprise a significant part of school life. One characteristic of the fairly recent movement toward literature use has to do with its strong theoretical underpinnings that encompass reader response theory. This emphasizes the relation between the text and the reader in the reading process. Using John Dewey’s term, transaction, in 1991 Rosenblatt emphasized that reading is dynamic, where readers shape meanings based on the text and their prior knowledge and motivation, while at the same time the text itself shapes the readers’ new experiences and orientations. Literature-based instruction in classroom settings includes literature discussion groups, reading aloud, literature-based reading in the content areas,

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and the use of literature with special populations. These practices are intended to improve children’s motivation to read, attitudes and feelings of self-efficacy about reading, and general reading ability. Implications from several studies on the use of literature in the classroom have led reading scholars to suggest that quality literature be a staple in all school settings. See also: > Cuento therapy; > Poetry, Teaching; > Reading aloud to students

Suggested Reading Cullinan, B. E. (Ed.) (1987). Children’s literature in the reading program. Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Martinex, M., & Roser, N. (2003). Children’s responses to literature. In J. Flood, D. Lapp, J. R. Squire & J. M. Jensen (Eds.), Handbook of research on teaching the English language arts (pp. 799–834). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Mullis, I., Campbell, J., & Farstrap, A. (1993). NAEP 1991 reading report card for the nation and the states: Data from the national and trial state assessments. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Norton, D. (2003). Through the eyes of a child. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall. Rosenblatt, L. (1991). Literature: S.O.S. Language Arts, 68(6), 444–448.

Suggested Resources Ramsey Library Research Guides: Multicultural Literature Resources— http://bullpup.lib.unca.edu/library/rr/multcultlit.html: This website emphasizes large, general sites that lead to more specific resources. The primary focus is on literature for children and young adults. University of Delaware Library: Resources for Children’s Literature—http://www2.lib.udel.edu/subj/chld/: Includes databases, electronic journals, Internet resources, and research guides for children’s literature.

Children’s Personal Meaning Profile (PMP-C) Joshua D Walker The Children’s Personal Meaning Profile (PMP-C#) is a children’s version of The Personal Meaning Profile (PMP) and for use with children from the ages of 5–12.

The PMP is a self-report assessment that identifies the various sources which imbue an individual’s life with a sense of meaning. The PMP is based on a prototypical structure of the implicit theories that humans hold regarding what makes life worthwhile. The PMP is comprised of seven subscales representing those areas of life in which one seeks and experiences some degree of existential fulfillment. These are labeled achievement, relationship, religion, self-transcendence, selfacceptance, intimacy, and fair treatment. Beyond The PMP’s value in identifying these separate domains of meaning-making, the PMP is also useful in assessing the magnitude (i.e., the degree of congruence with an ideally meaningful life), breadth (i.e., the number of different sources from which one derives a sense of meaning), and balance (i.e., the relative similarity in scores across the seven areas of life that provide meaning) of one’s personal meaning structure. Standing in the mainstream of research on personal meaning and purpose in life, the PMP and its associated studies contribute to the growing body of literature that focuses on positive traits and psychological strengths. Accordingly, the notion of a meaningful life has, in various formulations, been associated with wellbeing, adaptive coping, and therapeutic growth. The relevance and usefulness of meaning-in-life as a psychological construct to both mental and physical health has appealed to researchers and practitioners alike, and new directions in the study of personal meaning and new extensions of its possible applications have made it accessible and helpful to school psychologists and counselors in particular. The PMP-C adapts the original format to include a series of questions designed to explore some of the areas more deeply, yet appropriately for younger respondents. For example, regarding intimacy, the interview would discover how important it is for the child to have a very close relationship with someone who really cares about him/her and with whom he/she can share everything, and whether he/she has someone who provides this (e. g., his/her parents and/or brothers and sisters). With these deeper questions, the PMP-C is not only able to identify what children value, but also the gap between what they value and what they are actually able to experience. The scope of the PMP-C is also extended, seeking to explore variations across cultures. For instance, the PMP-C asks children living in America whether they previously maintained or currently maintain a close relationship with someone living in their home country. This flexibility to account for the

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experiences of recently immigrated children allows this instrument to respond to the growing need for cultural sensitivity in assessment and counseling tools. The prototypical structure of the ideally meaningful life involves a positive and mature attitude toward life in general and toward oneself in pursuit of a productive, purposeful life—and one that is connected to the community and spiritual/religious realm. In recent literature, alienation from one’s community or religiosity/spirituality has been shown to limit one’s fulfillment in other areas because one’s culture profoundly influences one’s psychosocial development. This presents a special challenge in cross-cultural situations where the shared meanings of one’s family of origin are potentially incongruent with those of the host society or majority culture. Feelings of estrangement, loneliness, alienation, and powerlessness are often accompanied by a sense of meaninglessness as children struggle to make sense of their new environments and process the complexities of cultural conflicts. Counselors and school psychologists need to be prepared to help children navigate the challenges of acculturative stress, especially as it is complicated by their young age, possible racial/ethnic identity crises, language barriers, and privacy issues. The PMP-C holds promise as a method for exploring and assessing the inner world of children in a manner that is both culturally sensitive and psychometrically sound. As researchers and practitioners become better able to understand a child’s personal sense of meaning—how it both constructs and is constructed by the beliefs, feelings, motivations, values, experiences, and relationships that comprise the identity of self and community, they will become better able to improve the meaning-making capabilities of children facing adversity. See also: > Assessment of culturally diverse children; > Discrimination; > Prejudice; > Racism: Individual, Institutional, and Cultural; > System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment (SOMPA); > Worldview

Suggested Reading Wong, P. T. P., & Fry, P. S. (Eds.) (1998). The human quest for meaning: A handbook of psychological research and clinical applications. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Wong, P. T. P., & Wong, L. C. J. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of multicultural perspectives on stress and coping. New York: Springer.

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Suggested Resources Website for the International Network on Personal Meaning (INPN)—http://www.meaning.ca/index.html: The INPM is dedicated to advancing health, spirituality, peace and human fulfillment through research, education and applied psychology with a focus on the universal human quest for meaning and purpose.

Chinese Youth Grace Wong

Chinese Americans are the largest group among Asian youth in the United States (U.S.). While Asian immigrants comprise 3–4% of the American population, Chinese people comprise nearly one fourth of the Asian population within the U.S. The largest concentrations of Chinese Americans are in California, New York, Hawaii, and Texas with large communities also found in New Jersey, Massachusetts, Illinois, and Washington.

History Chinese people have been in the U.S. primarily since the middle of the nineteenth century. With the exception of scholars and diplomats who had a greater chance of bringing their families, a large portion of Chinese people in the U.S. were men, singled or married with wives and children still overseas. The discovery of gold at Sutter’s Mill in 1848 that led to the California Gold Rush of 1849 brought many Easterners westward while bringing Chinese from Southern China. Aside from the hope of striking it rich, some looked to escape poverty and starvation. Many defied imperial laws against immigration to leave China and to make their fortune with plans of returning to their homeland. Without intentions to set down roots in ‘‘Gold Mountain’’ as many Chinese referred to America, many of the children of Chinese Americans in this group were raised overseas with their fathers visiting periodically until the child was of age. Generally, only the sons joined their fathers in the U.S. So many Chinese men had come to the West coast in the mid-to-late nineteenth century that at one point, one of four people in California was Chinese.

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Willing to take low paying jobs to compete against other laborers, the labor unions began to rally against Chinese ‘‘coolies.’’ A ‘‘yellow peril’’ was declared and with the rise of xenophobia, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was enacted, further restricting not only Chinese men, but also the immigration of women and children. Since anti-Asian sentiments were not limited to the Chinese, Japan responded in a series of facesaving measures in 1907–1908 called the Gentlemen’s Agreement which limited its own citizens from immigrating to the U.S. in exchange for schools in San Francisco, California not to discriminate against Japanese students. For the latter part of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century, immigration restrictions were so tight that only relatives of U.S. citizens were allowed into the country. The Chinese Exclusion Act was not repealed until 1943 when it became embarrassing for America to have an Immigrant Exclusion law against its war ally. Eventually, the Johnson and Nixon administrations further changed the inequity of quotas, allowing more immigrants to come from Asia. With the largest groups of Chinese immigrants arriving at the shores after the mid 1960s, intact Chinese families became more common and issues concerning children and adolescents began to raise attention. The Chinese immigrants who came during this later era were of several types. The first group was sponsored by relatives already in the U.S. The second group came under refugee status (post-WW II refugees) and a third were foreign students who elected to stay in the U.S. after their studies. The latter group was also identified as part of the ‘‘brain drain’’ when top scholars from other countries were drawn to opportunities in the U.S. By and large, these new immigrants were better educated and already westernized, readily integrating into American society in a way that the previous group was not able to as well as not allowed to prior to the Civil Rights Movement. Prior to the Civil Rights Movement, most Chinese were limited to professions such as restaurants, laundry, domestic work, and work in dried goods stores. Rights that were won from the Civil Rights Movement gave all minority groups greater access to educational and professional opportunities. These immigrant groups had great expectations of themselves as well as their children to be successful academically. Many had gone through the devastation and losses of World War II in Asia and were driven to reestablish themselves in their new home. Since work opportunities were more readily accessible,

they entered into professions such as the sciences, medicine, business, the arts, and law, a part of American society that was not previously available. Thus, the existing Chinese in America and the newer group of Chinese immigrants became a part of mainstream American life in a way that their predecessors were not allowed to before.

The Two Faces of Model Minority As this generation grew up, formed families, and made headways in society, expectations for their children to succeed was natural. The Chinese culture has a longstanding emphasis on education. The Chinese philosopher Confucius (5 B.C.) raised education to moral superior status. Education, over the next twenty-five centuries, was seen as the way out of poverty. Success through the examination system in China allowed the poor to move upward and become officials. Academics became an emphasis within the culture and esteemed with honor and respect. Like Jewish immigrants, the success of Chinese and other East Asian immigrants easily contributed to the Asian stereotype of being a Model Minority. However, the flaw of this myth is that Asian Americans represent only 3–4% of the overall population and those present in the U.S. are a pre-selected group with a high representation of foreign students and refugees who were from professional backgrounds. The small sample size and the selective representation skew the population in the direction of greater success than normal. The expectation of academic success has both its strengths and weaknesses. The strength is that the new immigrant group moved up quickly into competitive environments and financial success. The weakness is that sometimes the stress of this requirement for success is undue pressure, leading to mental health problems such as anxiety, depression, and even suicide. As a group, Asian Americans over the age of 25 have the largest percentage of college graduates (44%) compared to the general population (24%). While Chinese Americans (and Asian Americans) quickly outgrew their proportional representation in colleges, literature also well documented the underutilization of mental health services in college counseling centers. Chinese youth report a higher than average percentage of depression and anxiety and yet seek college mental health services less than their White, African American, and Latino counterparts. A significant contributor is

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the cultural tendency to keep problems private and not cause self or family to ‘‘lose face.’’ This often leads to Chinese students’ hesitancy to show embarrassing behavior and bring shame on oneself and ones family. Simultaneously, the lack of knowledge about mental illness and its signs and symptoms also lead to failure to recognize mental health problems as soon as they appear and get help in times of crisis. Other research has indicated that Chinese Americans do seek help, but often at a later stage of distress, thus, showing up at clinics with more severe psychiatric problems. Sometimes the problems are at a severity in which more serious interventions such as medication and hospitalization are required. The Model Minority myth projects the image that the community is doing well which can lead to overlooking existing problems. Many immigrant children grow up in households where parents work longer hours since new immigrants often work at a lower social stratum than in their original homeland to make ends meet. Children are often left to grandparents, babysitters, or occasionally left on their own once they are old enough to fend for themselves, while still being expected to work hard academically. Surprisingly, some survive and even become successful, but many others do not, leading to poor performance in school, truancy, and emotional adjustment problems. Immigrant children, particularly the oldest children, sometimes function as mini-adults with all the responsibility placed on their shoulders but without the authority over their younger siblings. The lack of parental supervision greatly contributes to the rising phenomenon of truancy. While the truant behavior is not necessarily gang-related, staying out of school can have a significant impact on academic performance and future career choices. Older siblings in particular act as parent substitutes—often because parents rely on their children to translate and to negotiate the new environment. Not all children take on the role of parentified child well and various forms of rebellion including pregnancy, drugs, and spending sprees are known to occur. As the People’s Republic of China opened its doors for immigration, a larger proportion of the recent Chinese come from China rather than Taiwan, Hong Kong (which is now a part of China), Singapore, Vietnam, and the rest of Southeast Asia. While many are still coming for academic reasons, a greater majority now come as relatives who are sponsored by relatives in the U.S. Also, a smaller proportion are in the

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U.S. without documentation. Eager for economic success, this new group of immigrants is more focused on surviving financially and less emphasis is placed on academics compared to the foreign students of the past. The recent phenomenon in the last two decades has been for some of the new immigrants to send their newborns back to China to be raised by grandparents so that both parents can focus on financial survival. Some of the children return to the U.S. by kindergarten or during the elementary school years. Mental health providers working for school systems have noted an increase in referrals for evaluation for this group of children. More specifically, several problems have been observed. After living with grandparents for their formative years in China, the children often return to the U.S. after years of separation from their parents and experience difficulties in academic and social adjustment. Problems range from poor academic preparation to parent/child bonding and other behavioral issues. Children who were sent to less prosperous urban and rural parts of China often encounter schools with sub-par academic standards and poor medical care, resulting in a lack of interventions for developmental needs such as for diet, speech, and hearing problems. In addition, the ‘‘One Child Policy’’ in China that was originally intended to keep the population explosion in check, resulted in the choice of couples to abort females in hopes of having a son. Since families can only have one child, the preciousness of the child has led grandparents to treat their grandson (and the occasional granddaughter) like royalty, indulging the child with whatever they can offer. When these children return to the U.S., they face a number of adjustment issues. Academically, the children have fallen behind their peers and catching up is often a struggle. Schooling in China is most likely not in English. Their parents are often not in the position to meet academic needs as some of the parents may not have mastered the English language and some have not had much education themselves. Also, parents are virtual strangers to their children as they have had little time to bond. Discipline is more difficult when parents and children have not established an emotional connection. Sometimes there are feelings of guilt about sending the child to China. This can contribute to feelings of conflict about discipline.

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Unfamiliar with their own children, parents may not have an awareness of the child’s emotional, medical, and academic needs leading to failure to recognize the seriousness of their children’s problems at school. Lack of knowledge can contribute to failure to comply with recommendations for treatment and/or the unrealistic expectation of school systems to take care of all of the child’s problems. Children under this circumstance can become very discouraged about their own ability to manage in the academic environment. Often mental health providers need to provide psychoeducation for parents to encourage compliance with suggested interventions for their children.

Youth and Gangs Some teens choose to join gangs in their local community to find affiliation, belonging, and efficacy in the world. While the temporary sense of protection provides some relief, many other problems develop from gang affiliation including violence and criminal behavior that effect later life options. Drugs, alcohol, and anti-social behavior become woven into the fabric of life, all of which are difficult to break away from. For young men, the affiliation requires loyalty and, sometimes, surrendering personal and family information that can never be taken back, allowing the gang to maintain leverage over its members. Straying from the gang can mean personal danger as well as potential harm to family. For young women who are girlfriends of gang members, sexual favors are sometimes demanded by other gang members. Sometimes families have had to move away to escape the reaches of the gangs and to provide a fresh start for their teenager.

Immigration and its Stress on the Fabric of the Family Even with the support of parents, not all parents are able to provide adequate help for their children. Parents and grandparents who immigrate to the U.S. without adequate English speaking skills, academic training, emotional development, or cultural flexibility may find themselves alienated from their children. Younger generations often acculturate faster than older generations as children are exposed to western education and values on a daily basis. Social rules, communication styles (e.g., direct vs. indirect), values, and

much more begin to differ between the generations as children acquire the new values while the parents still retain values from the old world. This generation gap can lead to clashes within the family over issues ofdating, power, money, independence, interracial marriage, and expectations of future support for aging parents. How acculturation is worked out depends on the flexibility and openness of both parties. The best examples of acculturation are often a healthy blend of the new and old view and the appreciation for both. See also: > Academic achievement in minority children; > Asian/Asian American youth; > Confucianism; > Ethnic minority youth; > Korean American youth; > Racism: Individual, Institutional, and Cultural; > Stereotyping

Suggested Reading Lee, C. L., & Zane, N. (Eds). (1998). Handbook of Asian American psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Tung, M. P. (2000). Chinese Americans and their immigrant parents: Conflict, identity, and values. Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press. Louie, V. S. (2004). Compelled to excel: Immigration, education, and opportunity among Chinese Americans. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.

Citizenship Leslie Ditta

Civics education, which is now more commonly known as citizenship education, has been part of education curricula for decades. There is debate, however, about citizenship education. Different models of citizenship education are used: one is the European model, which focuses on democratic skills and practices; another model is the United States (U.S.) model, which focuses on personal virtues, namely justice. Some of the debates about citizenship education are as follows: Should schools help bring up students as good, democratic citizens? What aspects of citizenship should be taught? How should citizenship be taught? In many ways, schools and families have to work as partners to develop and educate children. When school and family reinforce lessons, students can internalize these

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lessons better. Consequently, a debate arises whether citizenship should be taught in school, or if it should be reserved for family teaching. As citizenship contains many morals, one view is that families should be responsible for teaching their children values needed in society and world. On the other hand, is the view that citizenship needs to be reinforced in school, as incidents of crime, substance abuse, and other undesirable behaviors are common among many youths. The existing viewpoint that citizenship should be taught in schools leads to the next debate: What elements or perspectives of citizenship should be taught? An approach to take is teaching democracy, democratic skills of citizens, and democratic practices. This approach is commonly found in European education. Because students will become adults in a democratic society, they need to learn in school how the society and government works, thereby being able to be a good citizen. Another approach is teaching citizenship about an individual’s rights and virtues. This approach is common in the U.S. The theory behind this approach is that if an individual feels that he or she has a right, he or she will act in a way to uphold that right and will expect the society to uphold it. For instance, if a U.S. citizen believes he or she is free, he or she will act free, and will look for ways that a democratic government defends his or her rights. This emotional approach is also found in U.S. program philosophies of character education. Citizenship education is now a greater focus in schools because of its link with character education. Schools are engaging several approaches in an effort to enhance the citizenship qualities among their students. The first approach is to look at the present curriculum. Citizenship education is a topic that can be taught across disciplines. Primarily, citizenship education falls naturally into the discipline of social studies. Civics curriculum defines good citizen traits and behaviors that are expected to help contribute to the greater good of the society. Citizenship education also fits in with the language arts. Some propose that to teach about citizenship, students should have models to reference. To do this, the curriculum is infused with multimedia resources of historical figures, past and present, and those from diverse cultures. Various video documentaries and books tell accounts of the lives of heroes. Trade books and novels are also effective tools to use in younger grades, as they are written to grab the readers’ attentions, in addition to presenting the facts of the person being studied.

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Whether at home or in school, children need to be exposed to the idea that citizenship does not mean the same in all cultures. There are elements of citizenship that all cultures contain, like a hierarchy, rules, and consequences. Understanding that people have different ideas of what being a good citizen means and what government should be can help with appreciating and tolerating differences among people and cultures. Once students have been given instruction that helps them understand the workings of society, and of the roles of inhabitants it becomes the student’s task to act like law-abiding, good citizens. Some schools are providing students with greater responsibility in decision-making, specifically in the area of discipline, to promote this development. The idea of choice becomes central to this approach. Instruction enables students to see, through activities and discussion, that people have the ability to choose, and to make choices based on their personal values and those of society, but also to consider the consequences of their choices on the society, or on themselves. When situations arise in which discipline is required, the focus turns to character and citizenship. Students are encouraged to see that good character and citizenship is everywhere, not just in isolated lessons. Whatever approach is taken, the key to success is to have a united front. Families will be the primary teacher of values and citizenship to children; however, it is inevitable that schools will have to address these values and systems at some point, even if citizenship is not a content area in the curriculum. Thus, to have an entire school that shares common vocabulary, procedures, and attitudes towards citizenship education will ensure that students learn about this area. See also: > Bullying; > Character education; > Classroom management; > Discipline; > Service learning

Suggested Reading Lickona, T. (1991). Educating for character: How our schools can teach respect and responsibility. New York: Bantam Books. Meltzer, M., & Saul, E. W. (1994). Nonfiction for the classroom. New York: Teachers College Press. Quenk, R. (1997). The spirit that moves us: A literature-based resource guide, teaching about the holocaust and human rights. Gardiner: Tilbury House. Zehr, H. (2002). The little book of restorative justice. Intercourse, PA: Good Books.

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Suggested Resources Public Broadcasting Station (PBS)—http:///www.pbs.org: A resource to educators, The Public Broadcasting Station (PBS) has a video library of biographies that can be utilized during class discussion of heroes and great citizens. New Jersey State Bar Foundation—http://www.njsbf.org: The New Jersey State Bar Foundation has compiled resources for educators to use for conflict resolution and instruction in character education.

Class Size Anna L Harms . John S Carlson

Class size refers to the number of children taught within a single classroom. Dating back to the 1920s, the topic of class size has been of great interest to school staff, parents, politicians, and economists. While the idea of having smaller classes is appealing to nearly all, it is necessary to establish whether small classes will, in fact, lead to improved student outcomes, and whether such outcomes warrant financial funding. Despite being one of the most widely investigated topics in education, only the past 10–15 years of research has been able to yield substantial findings. This research has been facilitated by the implementation of several exemplary class-size reduction programs. Three foundational projects included Tennessee’s Project Student/Teacher Achievement Ratio (STAR), Wisconsin’s Student Achievement Guarantee in Education (Project SAGE), and North Carolina’s program in Burke County. There is some disagreement regarding what qualifies as a ‘‘small’’ class. While some consider fewer than 20 students in a class to be small, many argue that student gains are not seen unless the class size is 15 or fewer. Research examining both short-term and long-term student outcomes has shown several benefits of small class size. Lasting academic gains were found for the three class size reduction projects identified above. Specifically, the longer students were enrolled in small classes, the higher their standardized test scores in both reading and math. These gains were also durable, as students continued to receive better grades in high school and were more likely to enroll in more difficult classes. Students who have been in small classes in the elementary years are also more likely to apply for college. Both the STAR and SAGE projects found that

the beneficial effects of small class sizes were largest for African American students in urban schools, which lends support for using smaller class sizes as an intervention for narrowing the achievement gap. Special education classes are most often small in size, consisting of fewer than 15 students, and research shows that having fewer students in a special education class is also related to greater academic gains. Evidence that students who experience academic difficulties benefit from small class sizes further suggests that smaller class sizes are important for promoting student achievement. Internationally, average class sizes in Belgium and Italy tend to be among the smallest (20 students per class), while China and Korea have some of the largest average class sizes (40 students per class). In contrast to the United States (U.S.), data on class size and student achievement indicates that, outside the U.S., countries with larger average class sizes have slightly greater student achievement. It is also important to recognize the distinction between class size and student/teacher ratio. Student/ teacher ratios are typically calculated by dividing the total number of students in a school by the total number of staff. As a result, a student/teacher ratio can be misleading, particularly if support staff, who are not responsible for instruction, are included in the calculation. Critics of class size reduction efforts frequently cite research based on student/teacher ratio data as evidence that small classes do not lead to academic gains. Research findings suggesting that smaller class size can be beneficial to students does not necessarily warrant an immediate large-scale movement for all schools to reduce class size. Rather, class size transitions need to be undertaken with a great deal of thought and planning. Budgets must be planned to accommodate the hiring of new teachers and instructional space must be allocated appropriately. Districts must ensure that new teachers are well trained, and that current teachers have access to professional development. See also: > Achievement tests; > Classroom management; > School, Size of

Suggested Reading Achilles, C. M., & Finn, J. D. (2005). Class size and pupil-teacher ratio confusion: A classic example of mixing ‘‘apples and oranges’’. National Forum of Applied Educational Research Journal, 18(2), 5–25.

Classroom management Finn, J. D. et al. (2001). The enduring effects of small classes. Teachers College Board, 103(2), 145–183. Krueger, A. (2003). Economic considerations and class size. Economics Journal, 113, 34–63.

Suggested Resources National Education Association Web Page on Class Size: http:// www.nea.org/classsize/research-classsize.html Reduce Class Size Now Web Page: http://www.reduceclasssizenow. org/structuredAbstracts.htm

Classroom Management Bridget Luebbering

Educators generally agree that classroom management is any action taken by the teacher to establish order, engage students, and elicit cooperation. Therefore, classroom management is a term that encompasses an abundance of strategies within the field of teaching. These techniques can range from the smallest details (the physical arrangement of a classroom) to the most complicated (the student-teacher relationship). Consequently, classroom management covers many different topics, including effective instruction, disciplinary actions, classroom procedures, teacher attitudes, classroom environment, and motivational techniques. Classroom management can become very complicated because it involves many rapid, unpredictable, and often public classroom events that have both a related past and a probable future. For instance, when an angry, disruptive student enters the classroom at the beginning of the day, the teacher must immediately deal with this behavior in the presence of many bystanders. In addition, although the student’s anger was caused by past events, the teacher’s reaction to this anger will affect the future of their student-teacher relationship. Consequently, one of the biggest obstacles of classroom management is that teachers often have little time to prepare for classroom problems that must be handled immediately and effectively. Unfortunately, if problems are not dealt with correctly, they may have a huge impact on the student, the teacher, and the classroom environment. Therefore, classroom management strategies must be used to prevent discipline problems and maximally engage students in active learning.

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Research has shown that classroom management is one of the largest factors affecting academic success. While successful management requires training, hard work, and careful planning, it is an effective use of available school resources and serves many purposes within the classroom. One purpose of classroom management is to help teachers establish order and create environments where learning is maximized for every student. In today’s increasingly diverse classrooms, classroom management helps to create rules and procedures to ensure that every student is treated fairly and has the opportunity to learn to the best of their ability, regardless of race, culture, ethnicity, or disability. A second purpose of classroom management is to create teachable moments where students not only acquire the concepts being taught but also learn how to work with and respect every individual in the classroom. Through effective classroom management strategies, students learn not only their own rights and responsibilities but also appropriate ways to work in groups, accomplish tasks, and act responsibly. By working together, students and teachers learn how to appreciate individual differences and all the various ways these differences are beneficial to the classroom experience. To accomplish these goals, teachers must use effective classroom management techniques. While there are many different classroom management strategies, certain characteristics are fundamental. Primarily, techniques should be preventative rather than reactive, meaning that many problems are eliminated before they occur. Secondly, since it is impossible to avoid every problem, strategies must be planned rather than improvised. Given that classroom problems may arise rapidly, teachers need to plan how they will handle a variety of different situations and problems. Finally, effective strategies should be tailored to fit the unique needs and culture of the students, teachers, and school. Classroom management techniques will not be effective unless they coincide with the values of everyone in the classroom. One of the greatest benefits of effective management is that is lays the foundation for successfully working in a multicultural classroom, which is a growing need in today’s society. To illustrate, over 20% of American students are ethnic minorities, 40% are economically disadvantaged, 2% have limited English capabilities, and 16% have disabilities. The number of students with learning, behavioral, and other educational disabilities in general education classes has

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tripled over recent years. In fact, 47% of students with disabilities are spending 80% of their day in regular classrooms. Therefore, more teachers are being asked to manage increasingly diverse classrooms. Unfortunately, many teachers do not feel prepared for this responsibility. Ninety-eight percent of teachers rate their skill and knowledge in planning for general education students as good or excellent. However, only 39% give themselves a high rating for their ability to plan for special education students. Without a plan, teachers may respond to student behavior from the perspective of mainstream, sociocultural norms, which may lead to discrimination against students. By creating a classroom management plan, teachers will have a preset method to handle discipline problems and therefore be more likely to consistently react to every student in a similar manner, regardless of race, ethnicity, or disability. In addition, students also see how the teacher responds to every student fairly and thus, can learn to model similar behavior. A second way that effective management can benefit multicultural classrooms is through influencing the classroom climate. Since effective management provides equal status, consistency, and fair treatment for every child, it helps to decrease the stereotypes and hostility that may arise from the diversity and cultural gaps in the classroom. It also helps teachers create a positive classroom environment, where the individual differences of everyone in the classroom are appreciated and encouraged. This allows every individual to share and teach others about their own cultural values, which works to decrease problems such as racism and discrimination. Practicing effective management strategies not only promotes positive classroom environments but also has the benefit of helping teachers establish positive relationships with every student in class. As a foundation for effective management, students who have positive relationships with their teachers are more likely to follow their request. In fact, research demonstrates that the quality of the student-teacher relationship is the most important aspect of classroom management. When students see that their teacher is not only treating everyone fairly but also valuing their own individual differences, they begin to respect the teacher and are more willing to build a positive relationship. To establish effective relationships, teachers must have an increased awareness of the students’ needs and also establish appropriate levels of dominance and cooperation. Teachers can use the following basic

classroom management techniques to accomplish these goals: (a) establish clear behavioral expectations by explaining the rules and consequences to students before behavior problems arise, (b) establish and clearly explain learning goals for every student by providing clarity of the content of material and offering both positive and negative feedback, (c) show assertive rather than passive or aggressive behavior by using appropriate tone of voice and body language, (d) establish cooperation by having flexible learning goals and taking a personal interest in the students’ lives, and (e) show positive classroom behaviors such as eye contact and I-messages. Effective management is not simply beneficial to a multicultural school. Rather, it is a prerequisite to a successful classroom. Optimal learning cannot occur without effective management because disruptive behaviors are likely to interfere with instructional activities and distract other students. Indeed, lack of discipline has been reported as one of the biggest obstacles to student learning for the past three decades. Discipline issues can be minimized by making students feel welcome, safe, and supported, which are all primary goals of effective management strategies. Since not all discipline problems can be eliminated, effective management also helps teachers handle the discipline problems that do arise. While teachers without effective management strategies simply improvise their reactions to discipline problems, teachers with a classroom management strategy have a consistent and clearly stated plan about how to handle discipline problems. Teachers who simply improvise discipline procedures increase the probability of confrontations, creating an unpredictable classroom environment, thus increases the stress level on themselves and their students. The effect this has on the mental health of teachers is significant and it is important to note that one third of all teachers quit within the first 5 years of teaching. Classroom management techniques can help reduce teacher stress by engineering classrooms so that the students are more responsible for their behavior than the teachers. If teachers can focus on preventing discipline problems through classroom management procedures, it is hoped that they will have fewer discipline problems, less stress, and more time for their own work. Therefore, it is crucial for teachers to be trained in evidence-based classroom management strategies to promote the academic success and emotional wellbeing of every individual in the classroom. Good classroom management techniques increase not only

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student/teacher productivity and satisfaction but also the teacher’s ability to provide students with an effective learning environment. Effective management strategies help to reduce teacher stress and discipline problems while simultaneously creating positive environments and relationships that support a multicultural classroom. See also: > Teacher burnout; efficacy; > Time management

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Suggested Reading Levin, J., & Nolan, J. (2000). Principles of classroom management: A professional decision-making model, (3rd ed.). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Marzano, R., Marzano, J. S., & Pickering, D. J. (2003). Classroom management that works: Research based strategies for every teacher. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Stone, R. (2005). Best classroom management practices for reaching all learners: What award-winning classroom teachers do. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press.

Code Switching Jose Mercado

Code switching is a linguistic phenomenon that involves the use of two languages within the same conversation. While what was previously viewed as a mode of communication for those with language deficiencies and lower intelligence, current research has shown to be a complex form of communication between bilinguals with psychosocial and cultural implications. The following is an example Code switch: ‘Voy para el mall para comprar sneakers’ Translation: ‘I’m going to the mall to buy sneakers’

Sociolinguistic Factors Why do bilinguals code switch? At a linguistic level, code switching has been used involuntarily during translation. As a result of not being able to recall a

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word or phrase in either the dominant or secondary language, code switching has been used as a form of word retrieval. The inability to recall the word or phrase has been shown not to be a failure of word knowledge, but rather reminiscent of the tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon that involves the inability to recall known information at a particular moment. Current research has also found a structural component in the switching process which debunks the myth that code switching involves grammarless mixing of the two languages. Current findings show a competence in maintaining the integrity of both languages during the switching process. Therefore, no ‘new grammar’ has been created and both the qualitative and quantitative distinctions of both languages have been maintained. Further evidence has found a varying level of code switching ability, giving credence to the notion of code switching being a mode of bilingual ability. The level of competency in either language has been shown to directly correlate with the sophistication of code switching. For example, those dominant in one language tend to code switch in shorter phrases (verdad? right? tu sabes? you know?). In bilinguals who have an equally high level of competency in both languages, intra-sentential switching appears to be most common (‘I am going to your house para lavar mi ropa’/to wash my clothes). This level of switching is not taught, but rather is an intuitive sense of linguistic proficiency.

Psychological Factors Code switching has been found to be motivated by both conscious and unconscious factors. On the conscious level, switching serves as a means of expression of feelings in one language that the bilingual speaker may feel is not present in the alternating language. Unconscious factors include the process of receiving, storing and retrieving information. Unconscious switching can be placed into three categories: 1. Momentary inclination. Linguistics research has shown that the choice of language usage in switching is not as a result of limited knowledge in either language, but rather a momentary availability of a word or phrases within the context of the conversation. 2. Frequency of exposure. Psycholinguists have determined that the frequency that speakers of a language are exposed to certain words will play an

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important role in determining their choice in code switching phrases. Therefore, it is an unconscious learned response that will cause someone to choose an English phrase over a Spanish phrase, especially when it is used within the informal surroundings of the community. Conversely, in cases of modern technology and business-related language, bilinguals tend to switch to English, possibly due to the formality and lack of exposure to those areas. 3. Untranslatability. Within the context of bilingualism, there lies a dual cultural personality. Cultural influence plays a significant role in code switching as a means of communication. Bilingual speakers are often bound to cultural words and phrases that are not easily translatable. Words such as sweetie pie in English would not reflect the same context if used in Spanish. Therefore, code switching has been enmeshing of two languages and cultures to form coherent thoughts.

Emphasis Bilingual speakers often use code switching as a means of changing tone or emphasis in conversation. The use of contrasting language is an excellent way of giving colorful expression or minimizing a particular thought: ‘I was climbing a tree y parti my brazo’ (and I broke my arm). The use of switching is a signal by the speaker that a meaningful thought is approaching.

became an integral part in other research in linguistics and an expansion of study in other fields such as the process of acculturation in immigrant communities. Research at this time did not focus on code switching. Code switching was a mere by-product of other studies in psychology, linguistics and anthropology, which revolved around bilingual speakers and immigrants. Moreover, code switching had not been given a name. The term code switching, sometimes also referred to as code mixing or code shifting, was introduced as early as 1953 when Einar Haugen introduced the term in his book Bilingualism in the Americas. See also: > Acculturation; > Bilingualism

Suggested Reading Becker, K. R. (1997). Spanish/English codeswitching: A syncretic model. Bilingual Review, 25(1), 3–31. Benson, E. J. (2001). The neglected early history of codeswitching research in the United States. Language & Communication, 21(1), 23–36. Clauss, C. S. (1998). Language: The unspoken variable in psychotherapy practice. Psychotherapy: Theory, research, practice, training, 35, 188–196.

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) Rhonda Turner · Susan M Swearer

Historical context Study of contemporary code switching began to develop in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Before this time switching was seen as a smaller issue surrounding a larger discussion of dialects. It was not until authors such as Joshua Fishman and Michael Clyne that code switching became a field for further research. Prior to this time little attention was given to code switching and whatever attention existed was negative. Individuals who used code switching were seen as unintelligent, and using switching was equated with deviant behavior patterns. Works by Einar Haugen, Uriel Weinreich and Charles Ferguson, before the 1960s, would later be seen as having set the stage for more contemporary code switching literature. This phenomenon later

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) is a form of psychotherapy that focuses on the role of cognition in the expression of emotions and behaviors. CBT assumes that maladaptive feelings and behaviors develop through cognitive processes which evolve from interactions with others and experiences in the environment. The goal of therapy is to identify the maladaptive cognitive process and to learn new ways of perceiving and thinking about events. These new ways of thinking will lead to more positive behavioral and emotional responses. CBT is a general classification of psychotherapy. It encompasses several different approaches that share the same theoretical underpinnings. Among the cognitive behavioral approaches being practiced today are Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy, Cognitive

Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT)

Therapy, Rational Behavior Therapy, Rational Living Therapy, Schema Focused Therapy and Dialectical Behavior Therapy.

History of CBT A precursor to the development of CBT was the emergence of Albert Bandura’s Social Learning Theory. Unlike the prevailing psychodynamic or behavioral views of psychological disturbance, Bandura viewed people as consciously and actively interacting cognitively with their environments. He introduced the notion that cognitive mediation occurs in the stimulus-response cycle of human behavior. This suggestion that people think before they do offered a new target for therapeutic intervention and set the stage for the development of CBT. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy has its origins in the work of Albert Ellis and Aaron T. Beck in the late 1950’s and early 1960’s. During that time, Albert Ellis, seeking an alternative to psychodynamic therapy which he viewed as indirect and inefficient, developed Rational Emotive Therapy (RET). Later termed Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy (REBT), Ellis’ approach emphasized the role of cognitions in determining a person’s feelings and behaviors. Ellis was particularly influenced by the Stoic philosophy which held that people are upset not by events, but rather by the view they take of them. He was also influenced by the psychotherapist Alfred Adler, who posited that behavior stems from thought. REBT holds that psychological disturbances stem from irrational beliefs. These irrational beliefs usually take the form of an individual’s insistence that things should, ought, or must be different from the way they are. Cognitive errors including overgeneralization, interpreting small events to have great meaning (i.e., believing that an everyday mistake is evidence of complete incompetence), and catastrophizing, turning a small problem into an insurmountable one, are targets of therapy. In REBT, the therapist directly confronts these irrational thoughts and unrealistic expectations. Also influenced by the Stoicists, and Adler, Aaron T. Beck developed a structured, short-term, present focused treatment for depression. Beck’s approach, termed Cognitive Therapy was based on Beck’s observation that his patients with depression held idiosyncratic cognitive biases. From this, Beck developed a model of depression depicting a cognitive triad characterized by a

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negative view of the self, the world and the future, along with a perception of the self as inadequate, alone, and worthless. Beck maintained that similar systematic biases in information processing are characteristic of most psychological disorders. For example, anxiety disorders are characterized by a pervasive sense of physical or psychological danger while paranoid thinking involves a bias assuming that others are prejudiced, abusive or critical. Whereas the REBT therapist actively confronts and attempts to persuade the client that his/her thinking is irrational, in Cognitive therapy the client is engaged in a spirit of collaborative empiricism. That is, through a combination of Socratic questioning and behavioral experimentation, the therapist and client work together to determine the accuracy (or inaccuracy) of the client’s thoughts and beliefs. In the 1970’s Donald Meichenbaum developed a treatment approach he termed Cognitive Behavior Modification. Meichenbaum’s early research on the role of cognition in behavior originated in his observation of persons with schizophrenia engaging in self instruction in their efforts to maintain assigned ‘‘healthy talk’’ to receive reinforcements. Stemming from this observation, much of Meichenbaum’s work centered on the internal dialog, or ‘‘self-talk’’ that underlies individual’s affect and behavior and is the foundation for the development of coping skills. Meichenbaum suggested that cognitive behavior modification was aimed at creating a bridge between strictly behavioral and strictly cognitive treatment modalities and has been successfully applied in the treatment of anxiety, anger, and stress.

Applications of CBT Over the years, CBT has been used to treat a wide variety of psychological disorders, across a variety of populations and settings. Among adults, it has been proven effective in the treatment of major depressive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, social phobia, substance abuse, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and couples’/ marital problems. CBT has also been applied to the treatment of post-traumatic stress disorder, personality disorders, chronic pain, antisocial behavior, hypochondria and schizophrenia. As previously noted, CBT uses performance-based procedures and structured sessions along with cognitive intervention techniques to produce changes in thinking, feeling and behavior. This model translates well to

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working with youth and their families. Cognitive Behavioral approaches adapt well to the demands of children’s differing developmental levels. Although it provides structure for treatment, cognitive behavioral therapy is flexible allowing for adaptations to meet individual client’s developmental needs. With younger children the treatment process will likely have a behavioral emphasis, focusing on operant techniques to modify behavior. As cognitive abilities develop, the focus of therapy can shift to the mediating cognitions that determine emotion and behavior. It has been suggested that children as young as age 5 can benefit from cognitive behavioral therapy. For children who are not developmentally ready for more abstract forms of thinking, CBT focuses on concrete skills including problem solving and rehearsal of positive coping statements. Although the research is less extensive than in the adult literature, CBT has been proven effective with children and youth across a variety of presenting problems in a variety of modalities. Youth ranging in age from preschool to college have benefited from CBT approaches provided to the individual, with their families, or in groups, and in outpatient or inpatient treatment settings. The efficacy of CBT in the treatment of childhood or adolescent aggression, anxiety, social anxiety, depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, suicidal ideation and eating disorders has been empirically supported in a number of studies.

Principles of CBT While there are multiple approaches to CBT, according to the National Association of Cognitive Behavioral Therapists (NACBT), they share several characteristics. First, CBT is based on the cognitive model. That is, feelings and behaviors stem from thoughts, not from external stimuli. This sets the stage for CBT’s hopeful assumption that the individual can alter his/her feelings and behaviors, even in the face of intractable situations. Second, CBT is time limited. Unlike psychoanalysis which can last for years, CBT extends for an average of 16 sessions, across types of presenting problems. Judith Beck notes that treatment for depression and anxiety generally ranges from four to 14 sessions. The timelimited nature of therapy holds true in applications with children and adolescents as well as adults, although protocols adapted from adult therapy approaches may need to be extended to allow for development of the therapeutic alliance and to build skills in meta-cognition and problem solving. Treatment protocols for youth

depression and obsessive compulsive disorder generally entailing fewer than 20 session have been empirically supported. Third, CBT recognizes the importance of an effective therapeutic relationship between therapist and client although this is not the focus of treatment. Factors contributing to a positive therapeutic relationship include warmth, empathy, caring, genuine regard and, particularly with youth, a collaborative spirit. The CBT therapist focuses on teaching the client to serve as his/her own therapist by identifying and modifying distorted thought patterns. Similarly, CBT emphasizes collaboration and active participation. Client and therapist are viewed as a team. The client is actively engaged in the therapeutic process, with input on session topics and homework. According to Judith Beck, cognitive therapy teaches patients to identify, evaluate and respond to their dysfunctional thoughts and beliefs. In a spirit of collaborative empiricism, the therapist helps the client evaluate his thoughts by examining the evidence that either supports or refutes them. Cognitive behavioral therapists use Socratic questioning to develop an understanding of their clients’ concerns and encourage clients to question themselves. In addition to being collaborative and active, CBT is based on an educational model. The aim of therapy is to teach the client to be his/her own therapist, emphasizing relapse prevention. Positing that maladaptive behaviors and emotional reactions are learned, CBT aims to help the client unlearn the old reactions and develop new ones by altering his or her cognitive responses. Cognitive behavioral therapy is goal oriented and problem focused. Unlike its psychoanalytic predecessors, cognitive therapy maintains that the thoughts contributing to a patients’ distress are not deeply buried in the unconscious. As a result, CBTemphasizes the present, and on ameliorating symptoms in the here and now rather than on lengthy analysis of the client’s developmental history. A related principle of CBT is that it is structured and directive. In keeping with its time-limited nature, CBT employs a specific agenda for each session. This consistency of structure facilitates generalization by providing a formula the client can use when acting as his or her own therapist after termination of therapy. The therapist and client generate the agenda collaboratively keeping the client’s goals for therapy in mind. Further, CBT uses homework, tasks to be completed between therapy sessions.

Collaborative and cooperative learning

Conclusion CBT has rapidly increased in popularity over the last forty years. It enjoys strong empirical support, and the body of research into its efficacy is expanding with each passing year. Given symmetry between the time limited nature of CBT and the demands of cost containment and managed care, this growth seems likely to continue. See also: > Childhood depression; > Desensitization; > Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (OCD)

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learning in small groups have used the term cooperative learning. Although some distinguish between cooperative and collaborative learning, others do not make a clear distinction. This article will employ the terms interchangeably. Several of the many researchers whose ideas figure prominently in this article include Brigid Barron, Ann Brown, Elizabeth Cohen, John Frederiksen, Lynn and Douglas Fuchs, Rachel Hertz-Lazarowitz, Joseph Jenkins, David and Roger Johnson, Alison King, Angela O’Donnell, Rollanda O’Connor, Annemarie Palincsar, Shlomo Sharan, Robert Slavin, Noreen Webb, and Barbara White.

Suggested Reading Beck, A. T., & Weishaar, M. E. (1995). Cognitive therapy. In R. J. Corsiniand, D. Wedding (Eds.), Current psychotherapies (5th ed.) (pp. 229–261). Itasca, Illinois: F.E. Peacock. Beck, J. S. (1995). Cognitive therapy: Basics and beyond. New York: Guilford. Friedberg, R. D., & McClure, J. M. (2002). Clinical practice of cognitive therapy with children and adolescents: The nuts and bolts. New York: Guilford.

Suggested Resources The Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies (ABCT)— http://www.aabt.org/aabt: The website of the Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies provides an overview of the organization as well as resources about CBT and therapist referrals. The Beck Institute for Cognitive Therapy and Research—www. beckinstitute.org: The Beck Institute offers cognitive behavior therapy training programs, conducts research on the efficacy of CBT and provides direct clinical services. National Association of Cognitive Behavioral Therapists—http:// www.nacbt.org: The website of the National Association of Cognitive Behavioral Therapists provides information on CBT and therapist referrals.

Goals of Collaborative Learning One main goal of collaborative learning is to promote student academic learning, but there are other goals, as well. These include (a) enhancing students’ ability to work effectively in groups, (b) reducing racial prejudice, sexism, and other forms of prejudice by fostering interaction, respect, and friendships among diverse students, (c) nurturing altruism and prosocial action, and (d) reducing social status differences (differences between ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘poor’’ students among students in a class). Research on the effectiveness of collaborative groups demonstrates that well-designed group tasks can achieve these goals. When collaborative group tasks are well designed, collaborative learning promotes greater learning than individual learning. However, poorly designed collaborative groups can be ineffective and even detrimental.

Group Processes that are Associated with Learning Seven group processes associated with learning in cooperative groups are:

Collaborative and Cooperative Learning

 

Clark Chinn

Collaborative learning is a task structure for learning in which students work together in small groups, with little or no moment-to-moment teacher involvement in any single group. Many researchers who investigate

 

Effective groups are highly engaged on group tasks There is positive interdependence, which means that students can accomplish the tasks only by working together; the task is structured so that it is not possible for students to succeed by working separately Students attend jointly to tasks. This means that students are paying attention to the same aspects of the task as they collaborate Students exhibit respect for each other

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Participation by different students in the group is balanced. This does not entail that all students participate equally but only that there are meaningful contributions by all group members Students employ higher-order social and cognitive strategies during their interactions. Effective social strategies include orderly turn taking, offering encouragement, and asking for input from those less involved in the discussion. Effective cognitive strategies include giving explanations and elaborations; merely asking for and receiving answers without explanations is negatively associated with learning There is uptake of ideas. Uptake refers to students listening to and responding meaningfully to their peers’ contributions. Uptake can include both building constructively on peers’ ideas as well as critiquing their ideas

Obstacles to effective group interaction include (a) offtask talk, (b) social loafing—in which some students allow other students to do all the work, (c) unequal interaction, (d) negative interactions such as anger, ridicule, and racist or sexist remarks, (e) working independently instead of together, or splitting up work instead of collaborating, (f) low-quality interactions that do not involve much thinking, and (g) reinforcement of students’ beliefs that some students are not capable of contributing.

Effective Instructional Approaches Educational researchers have developed and demonstrated the effectiveness of a number of instructional procedures for promoting the seven core processes and to avoid the obstacles. The Use of Rewards. Several reward structures are possible within collaborative learning. One is to provide a single group reward for a group product (e.g., an overall grade to a group project). A second is group study for individual rewards (e.g., students study together but take tests independently). A third is group rewards for individual learning, in which all students in a group receive the same reward, but the reward is given on the basis of average group performance or average group improvement. For example, a group of five students might study for a math test. They would receive a reward (such as class money to be traded for privileges or prizes) based on the average improvement over the last math test. Robert Slavin’s

Student Teams-Achievement Divisions (STAD) is an instructional format based on group rewards for individual learning. Slavin has provided evidence that reward structures that do not involve group rewards for individual learning do not benefit students. However, others such as Elizabeth Cohen have argued that when tasks are more complex and involve higher order thinking, rewards are not necessary in group work and may even be counterproductive. Guided Cooperation. Guided cooperation methods comprise a variety of specific methods for directing students to use targeted cognitive strategies during their interactions. For instance, scripted cooperation has students take turns summarizing text passages and giving feedback to each other on the quality of their summaries. These processes explicitly require students to engage in summarization and monitoring understanding, two strategies that are widely recommended to promote reading comprehension and memory. Guided peer questioning has students study a text by asking each other questions about the text; students construct questions by filling in question stems such as ‘‘Describe ____ in your own words’’ or ‘‘Explain why _____.’’ Researchers have found guided cooperation methods to be effective. Complex Tasks. More recent research on collaborative learning has focused on more complex, more authentic tasks. These tasks require use of multiple strategies and diverse knowledge. The tasks are complex enough that students must share ideas and information to succeed; even the highest performing students will fall short without access to others’ ideas. The tasks are challenging and open-ended, requiring students to share diverse perspectives to succeed. They often require students to consider multiple sources of information and to conduct various types of investigations. The use of variety in activities, including hands-on investigations, motivates students and encourages the use of deeper learning strategies. Group Investigation (developed and investigated by Sharan, Shachar, and Hertz-Lazarowitz and their colleagues) is one method that employs complex tasks. In Group Investigation, teachers select a general topic; student groups choose their own subtopics to explore. The groups follow a general procedure for investigating these subtopics. The work involves substantial research, culminating in a presentation to their peers. Students who learn through Group Investigation learn more than students in control classrooms without collaborative learning.

Collaborative and cooperative learning

Other methods that engage students in complex tasks include Aronson’s jigsaw, Brown and Campione’s communities of learners, the Johnson’s constructive controversy, and Bereiter and Scardamalia’s Knowledge Forum. Scaffolding Complex Tasks. Students can carry out complex tasks only with scaffolding—assistance that enables students to complete tasks that they could not have carried out without the assistance. Methods of providing scaffolding in group tasks include preteaching needed knowledge and strategies, decomposing tasks into simpler tasks, providing prompts that direct students to use particular strategies, and giving hints. Many researchers have also advocated assigning social and cognitive roles to each student in a group. For instance, one student in a group can be responsible for making sure that each student explains his or her ideas, another can check whether reasons are relevant, and so on. Another particularly effective method is having student groups evaluate their own performance using task-relevant criteria that they may help develop. Preparing Students for Group Work. Students can be prepared for group work through team-building activities and training students to use targeted social and cognitive strategies. There is no single best size and composition for groups. Effective methods have employed students working in groups ranging from two to five or six. Although some have recommended that groups be heterogeneous in terms of proficiency, gender, and ethnicity, there are problems with this proposal. Consistent assignment of heterogeneous groups in this way can actually enhance the salience of proficiency, gender, and ethnicity. One current recommendation is to assign groups flexibly according to interest in particular topics, a need to work on a particular strategy, and so on.

Collaborative Learning and Students at Risk for School Failure When designed well, collaborative learning is an instructional method that can enhance the performance of students at risk for school failure. In addition, there is evidence that collaborative learning can improve interethnic liking and can increase interethnic interactions. According to some scholars, collaborative learning methods particularly benefit students from

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cultural groups that value group collaboration over competition among individuals. Poorly designed collaborative learning has the potential to be detrimental to students with low academic status, including a variety of students at risk for school failure. Complex Instruction, developed by Elizabeth Cohen and her colleagues, is a format for collaborative learning that has been shown to be effective at reducing status differences and improving academic achievement. Complex instruction involves the use of complex tasks. Teachers employ a multipleability treatment, in which teachers repeatedly emphasize that there are many cognitive abilities needed to perform the task successfully, that no one student has all of the cognitive abilities, and that all students have some of the cognitive abilities. Teachers also publicly note the contributions of lower-status group members, and they train lower-status students to be expert in tasks so that they can teach their peers. The Fuchs’s Peer-Assisted Learning Strategies (PALS) and Palincsar’s reciprocal teaching are cooperative learning methods with demonstrated benefits for students who risk school failure. PALS is a pair-learning approach designed to improve students’ reading comprehension ability. It relies largely on guided questioning focused on retelling text passages, summarization, and predicting what will come next, and it also uses STAD-like reward structures. Reciprocal teaching involves students taking turns leading group discussions; it focuses on the strategies of generating questions, summarizing, clarifying, and predicting. Studies have documented benefits of well-designed collaborative reasoning for English as a Second Language (ESL) students in the United States (U.S.) ESL students in third and fourth grade made impressive gains in language arts, reading, mathematics, and oral English ability after participating Complex Instruction. PALS benefits ESL learners as well as learning disabled students. Another approach using STAD-like formats has also proven effective with ESL students. Thus, collaborative learning appears to be effective with language learners as well as with students of differing cultural backgrounds. Apart from carefully scripted approaches such as PALS, there is mixed evidence on whether collaborative learning is effective for students with learning disabilities (LD). Researchers have reported conflicting results. It is particularly important for teachers to attend to status differences when groups include special education students, as special education

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collaborative for academic, social and emotional learning (CASEL)

students are more likely to be ignored and left out during group learning. In a review article, O’Connor and Jenkins summarize several techniques that are likely to benefit students with LD’s in collaborative groups. These include (a) having LD students work in groups with helpful partners, (b) providing social skills training to LD students, (c) using the multiple-abilities manipulation described earlier, (d) establishing norms of respect, (e) encouraging students to keep track of how well they are distributing turns and providing help with strategies and conceptual knowledge to LD students outside of the group work time. See also: > Education; based education

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Learning styles;

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Outcomes-

Suggested Reading Honig, M. I. (2003). Building policy from practice: District central office administrators’ roles and capacity for implementing collaborative education policy. Educational Administration Quarterly, 39(3), 292–338.

emphasizes the inextricable link between social and emotional skills and academic achievement, and uses rigorous science to influence policy and expand practice. Its current projects focus on implementation of sustainable schoolwide SEL, educational leadership, standards and assessment. CASEL, based at the University of Illinois at Chicago, has identified five core social and emotional competencies:

 







Collaborative for Academic, Social and Emotional Learning (CASEL) Jennifer Axelrod

Social and emotional learning (SEL) is the process of acquiring the skills to recognize and manage emotions, develop caring and concern for others, make responsible decisions, establish positive relationships, and handle challenging situations effectively. In an increasingly diverse global society, learning these skills is critical for the healthy development of young people. SEL as a field was established by the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) founded by Daniel Goleman, Eileen Rockefeller Growald, and Timothy Shriver in 1994. CASEL’s mission is to establish social and emotional learning as an essential part of education by advancing both the science and evidence-based practice of SEL. CASEL’s work integrates cognitive, social, and affective components of learning,

Self-awareness: Accurately assessing one’s feelings, interests, values, and strengths; maintaining a wellgrounded sense of self-confidence. Self-management: Regulating one’s emotions to handle stress, control impulses, and overcome obstacles; progressing toward personal and academic goals; expressing emotions appropriately. Social awareness: Taking the perspective of and empathizing with others; recognizing and appreciating individual and group similarities and differences; using family, school, and community resources. Relationship skills: Establishing and maintaining healthy relationships; resisting social pressure; preventing, managing, and resolving interpersonal conflict; seeking help when needed. Responsible decision making: Making ethical and safe decisions respectful of others; considering likely consequences of various actions; applying decision-making skills to academic and social situations; contributing to the well-being of one’s school and community.

Evidence-based SEL programs teach these competencies intentionally, sequentially, and in ways that are developmentally and culturally appropriate. They establish contexts where these skills can be expressed, practiced, and encouraged. Optimally, programs are implemented in a coordinated manner throughout the school day; lessons are reinforced in the classroom, during out-ofschool activities, and at home; school staff receive ongoing professional development in SEL; and families, schools, and communities work together to promote children’s social, emotional, and academic success. Much of the educational power of SEL lies in its providing educators with a common language for working with children from different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds and for helping all children succeed in school and life. A meta-analysis by CASEL researchers highlights findings connecting SEL interventions with improvements in academics, including standardized test scores.

College board

CASEL’s home state of Illinois has provided leadership in recognizing SEL as essential to education, developing SEL Standards that specify the skills all children should have before graduation. Other school districts, states, and countries are building from the Illinois standards to guide their SEL policies and practices. See also: > Character education; > School roles in mental health; > Social skills

Suggested Reading Zins, J. E. et al. (2004). Building academic success on social and emotional learning: What does the research say? New York: Teachers College Press.

Suggested Resources Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL)—www.casel.org: This website provides a step-by-step guide and 40 tools take school leaders and stakeholder teams through the process of planning for and accomplishing the changes needed for sustainable SEL.

College Board Kevin A Kupzyk . James A Bovaird

The College Board is a non-profit membership association that was assembled with the primary purposes of helping students find the right post-secondary school and prepare for college. It is composed of more than 4,300 universities, colleges, schools, and other educational organizations. The College Board, founded in 1900, is headquartered in New York City with regional offices throughout the United States (U.S.). Originally known at the College Entrance Examination Board, the main goal of the College Board is to ease the transition from high school to higher education for both students and colleges, additionally providing students with advice on applying for college and financial aid information. The College Board develops the SAT, the Preliminary SAT (PSAT)/National Merit Scholarship Qualifying Test (NMSQT), the Advanced Placement (AP) Program, and the College Level Examination Program (CLEP).

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The College Board developed the first ‘‘College Boards’’ for use as entrance examinations by 12 selective northeastern U.S. colleges to compare applicants from around the country as fairly as possible, despite diverse high scho