Drama and the Performing Arts in Pre Cromwellian Ireland : A Repertory of Sources and Documents from the Earliest Times

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Drama and the Performing Arts in Pre-Cromwellian Ireland A repertory of sources and documents from the earliest times until c. 1642

Drama and performance in Ireland call to mind the present rather than the ancient past, yet Irish dramatic and performative traditions were far richer before the coming of Cromwell than has genereally been appreciated. This book draws together all known documentary evidence for drama and performance in Ireland up until the closure of the ®rst public theatre in Ireland in 1641; a historical overview of Irish drama and performance prefaces the record collection, and descriptions are given of every manuscript and early printed book from which the records have been taken. Alan J. Fletcher is Lecturer in English Language and Medieval Literature, University College Dublin.

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Drama and the Performing Arts in Pre-Cromwellian Ireland A repertory of sources and documents from the earliest times until c. 1642

Alan J. Fletcher

D. S. BREWER

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# Alan J. Fletcher 2001 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner First published 2001 D. S. Brewer, Cambridge ISBN 0 85991 573 5

D. S. Brewer is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. PO Box 41026, Rochester, NY 14604±4126, USA website: http://www.boydell.co.uk A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fletcher, Alan J. (Alan John) Drama and the performing arts in pre-Cromwellian Ireland: a repertory of sources and documents from the earliest times until c. 1642/Alan J. Fletcher. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-85991-573-5 (hd.: alk. paper) 1. Irish drama ± History and criticism ± Sources. 2. English drama ± Irish authors ± History and criticism ± Sources. 3. Performing arts ± Ireland ± History ± Sources. 4. Theater ± Ireland ± History ± Sources. I. Title. PB1307.F57 2000 891.6'2209±dc21 99±054616

This publication is printed on acid-free paper Typeset by Joshua Associates Ltd, Oxford Printed in Great Britain by St Edmundsbury Press Ltd, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk

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Contents List of ®gures Preface and acknowledgements Abbreviations A note on terminology 1 Introduction 1.1 A summary historical context

viii ix xi xiii 1 1

2 Major Trends in Drama and Performance 2.1 The Gaelic tradition 2.2 The English reaction 2.3 The English contribution

6 6 12 15

3 Editorial Procedures 3.1 Organization of the Repertory 3.2 Principles of selection 3.3 Dating and the format of item headings 3.4 A note on texts and transcriptions

23 23 25 33 34

4 The Documents 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Gaelic documents 4.3 Annals and chronicles in languages other than Irish 4.4 Civic documents 4.5 Guild documents 4.6 Administrative documents 4.7 Ecclesiastical documents 4.8 Antiquarian compilations 4.9 Miscellaneous compilations 4.10 Households 4.11 Irish State Papers 4.12 Letter collections 4.13 Early printed books 4.14 Miscellaneous manuscripts 4.15 Miscellaneous books

37 37 38 72 73 86 88 94 101 106 108 121 129 130 136 144

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vi

Contents

5 The Records 5.1 Not precisely localized or dated 5.2 Not precisely localized but dated 5.3 Localized but not precisely dated 5.4 Localized and dated 5.5 Households (Boyle, Butler, Devereux, Fitzwilliam, Perrot and Sidney) 5.6 Ecclesiastical Dioceses and Provinces (Armagh Province, Cloyne Diocese and Dublin Province)

146 146 162 195 198

6 The Appendices 6.1 Proclamation of Henry VIII as King of Ireland 6.2 The Earl Marshal's ordinances for ceremonial protocol 6.3 Sir Brian O'Rourke's `trayterous pagent' 6.4 The writings of Barnaby Rich 6.5 John Clavell's Prologue and Epilogue to a play at the `New house' 6.6 James Shirley's Prologues and Epilogues for the Werburgh Street Theatre 6.7 James Shirley's The Royall Master (title page, selected commendations and Epilogue) 6.8 James Shirley's St. Patrick for Ireland (Prologue and part of the Epilogue) 6.9 Henry Burnell's Landgartha (title page, Prologue and part of the Epilogue) 6.10 Excerpts from the bethada of the Irish saints 6.11 Texts mentioning the crosaÂin 6.12 The Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams 6.13 The prose Tech MidchuÂarda versions 6.14 The poetic Tech MidchuÂarda account 6.15 FõÂs AdamnaÂin 6.16 Three Gaelic biblical narratives 6.17 Cath Cairnd Chonaill 6.18 Mesca Ulad 6.19 Togail Bruidne Da Derga  eda SlaÂine 6.20 Genemain A 6.21 Fingal RoÂnaÂin 6.22 Cath Maige Mucrama 6.23 Aislinge Meic Con Glinne 6.24 TromdaÂmh Guaire 6.25 Poets curse a chief and his household 6.26 The Gaelic Marco Polo and the Gaelic Mandeville 6.27 Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill

435 435 436 436 439

404 432

440 441 447 449 450 452 460 467 469 469 470 471 472 473 473 475 475 476 476 477 478 479 480

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Contents 6.28 6.29 6.30 6.31

A crosaÂntacht  dam oÂenathair na ndoÂene Gilla Mo Dutu uÂa Casaide's A Geoffrey Keating's Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn Jerome Cardan's account of an Irish prestigiator

vii 481 481 482 482

7 Post-1642 Documents 7.1 Not precisely localized or dated 7.2 Localized and dated 7.3 Households (Boyle)

484 484 485 491

Notes to section 5 Notes to section 6 Notes to section 7

492 585 599

Addendum

603

Index

605

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Figures Fig. 1. Performers at the south-west end of the royal hall according to the CrõÂth Gablach

7

Fig. 2. A chieftain banqueting, from John Derricke, The Image of Irelande (London, 1581; STC 6734)

8

Fig. 3. Dublin c. 1500 (selected sites only)

16

Fig. 4. Kilkenny c. 1600 (selected sites only)

17

Fig. 5. Limerick c. 1600 (selected sites only)

18

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Preface and Acknowledgements This book owes an inestimable debt to the Records of Early English Drama project, under whose aegis it was initially undertaken, and to the prime mover of that project, Alexandra F. Johnston. She it was who as far back as 1980 ®rst suggested that I start working on the Irish records. The way in which the results of that work have been presented here will show a striking family resemblance to a more distinguished parent. Early in my work, I was for a while accompanied by Michael Benskin. He came to it principally via his concern with medieval Hiberno-English, and although he later withdrew in order to concentrate on that and related ®elds of research, I have continued to bene®t from his bracing intellectual exchanges and to relish his friendship. His transcriptions of a portion of the Dublin records, copies of which he generously provided me with, were ever executed with the greatest care and accuracy. To him I dedicate this book, offered from one vir umbraticus et pulvere scholastico obsitus to another, if he will tolerate the attribution, the words being William Camden's. Many others assisted during the book's protracted gestation. Notable among these were four constant helpmates, Mary Clark, Howard Clarke, SeaÂn Donnelly and Alan Harrison. I would also like to thank Peter Ainsworth, Bo Almqvist, John Andrews, Elizabeth Baldwin, Peter Beal, Barra Boydell, John Bradley, PaÂdraig Breatnach, Derek Britton, Hubert Butler, Nicholas Canny, Nicholas Carolan, Mary Davis, Peter Day, Joseph De Cock, Janette Dillon, Terence P. Dolan, Audrey Douglas, Ian Doyle, Adrian Empey, David Evans, John Farrell, Peter Farrelly, Ignatius Fennessy OFM, Alan Gailey, Jodi-Anne George, Raymond Gillespie, Sue Groves, Marian Gunne, Hakan Hallberg, Steven Hobbs, Colin Ireland, Fergus Kelly, Patricia Kelly, John Killeen, Geoffrey Lester, Peter J. Lucas, James Lydon, Kate Manning, Patricia McCarthy, Iain McIver, Andrew McKriel, Fintan Morris, Â Cathasaigh, DaithõÂ O Â hO Â gaÂin, Donal James Murray, Ken Nicholls, TomaÂs O O'Brien, Christy O'Dwyer, Thomas Pettitt, A. J. Piper, Carol Quinn, Stephen Redmond, Raymond RefausseÂ, Joan Rimmer, Palle Ringsted, Jane Roberts, Mary L. Robertson, J. R. Seymour Phillips, Hugh Shields, Katherine Simms, Carole Smith, Roger Stalley, CeÂline Van Hoorebeeck, Ron Waldron, Larry Walsh, and lastly, for tea and occasional sympathy as much as for ¯uent negotiation with the BibliotheÁque Mazarine in Paris, Malcolm Wisener. I am grateful to the Duke of Devonshire and to Viscount De L'Isle for their generosity in allowing me to consult their family papers and to quote from them; also I am also grateful to the Fitzwilliam Milton Estates for permission to consult their archives and to the Northamptonshire Record Of®ce for permission to consult and quote from the Fitzwilliam accounts. Nor can I ever hope adequately to thank the staff of the many libraries and archives in which I had the privilege of working and where I met with unfailing courtesy. This being so, I trust that singling out for special mention the staff of the ®ve institutions where I spent most of my time will not appear too

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x

Preface and Acknowledgements

invidious: the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Dublin City Archives; the National Library of Ireland; the Royal Irish Academy; and Trinity College Dublin. The partial assistance of the National University of Ireland and the publications committee of University College Dublin is gratefully acknowledged. Finally, I would like to thank Pru Harrison, Caroline Palmer and Richard Barber at the Press for handling a complicated manuscript and seeing it through to publication with such patience and professionalism. Dublin, St Patrick 1999

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Abbreviations BL Bodl. BR CAI CARD CHL co. DCA DCL DIL DNB EETS EIS HL JCS KAO KCA LPL NA NLI NLS NRO OED PRO PRONI RCB RIA s.a. SCA STC

TCD UUL Wing

London, British Library Oxford, Bodleian Library Brussels, BibliotheÁque royale Albert Ier Cork, Cork Archives Institute J. T. and R. M. Gilbert, ed. Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin in the Possession of the Municipal Corporation, 19 vols (Dublin, 1889±1944) Derbyshire, Chatsworth House Library county Dublin, Dublin City Archives Dublin, Dublin City Library Contributions to a Dictionary of the Irish Language (Dublin, 1913±76) Dictionary of National Biography Early English Text Society William S. Clark, The Early Irish Stage (Oxford, 1955) California, Huntington Library G. E. Bentley, The Jacobean and Caroline Stage, ¦ vols (Oxford, 1941±68) Maidstone, Kent Archives Of®ce Kilkenny, Kilkenny Corporation Archives London, Lambeth Palace Library Dublin, National Archives Dublin, National Library of Ireland Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland Northampton, Northamptonshire Record Of®ce The Oxford English Dictionary (A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles), 2nd ed., prepared by J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner (Oxford, 1989) London, Public Record Of®ce Belfast, Public Record Of®ce of Northern Ireland Dublin, Representative Church Body Library Dublin, Royal Irish Academy sub anno (`under year') Shef®eld, Shef®eld City Archives A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 1475±1640, compiled by A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave; revised and enlarged by W. A. Jackson and F. S. Ferguson, completed by Katharine F. Pantzer, 3 vols (Oxford, 1986) Dublin, Trinity College Uppsala, University Library D. Wing, Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England,

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xii

WRO

Abbreviations Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America and of English Books Printed in Other Countries, 2nd ed., 3 vols (New York, 1972±88) Trowbridge, Wiltshire Record Of®ce

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A Note on Terminology This study uses three sets of terms conventional to Irish historiography for distinguishing three ethnic traditions in Ireland during the period under review. Each had distinctive allegiances and political outlooks. The `Old English' (used virtually interchangeably here with `Anglo-Irish') were those English who settled in Ireland following the Norman conquest of 1169. Catholic by confessional allegiance, they were also traditionally loyal to the English throne, a combination that required skilful balancing in the years following the Reformation. `New English' is used of the Protestant planters and administrators who entered Ireland in the wake of the Reformation. The native people of Ireland, indigenous before either of these immigrant groups arrived, are referred to as the Irish or the Gaelic Irish. Historical phases of the Irish language are also referred to by their conventional names: Old Irish (the language of about the seventh to the ninth century); Middle Irish (that of about the tenth to the twelfth century); and Classical or early modern Irish (that of about the thirteenth to seventeenth century).

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1 Introduction

1.1 A summary historical context The island of Ireland, standing at the most westerly edge of Europe, is 32,588 square miles in size. Her uplands are located mainly near the coast, and though many low hills are also scattered throughout the interior, this is more notable for its plains, bogs and loughs. During the period covered by this Repertory, the land was thickly forested. Vast wooded areas rendered many parts of the country inaccessible, like north-east Ulster and south-west Munster, until extensive commercial exploitation began clearing them in the seventeenth century. The terrain was famous for its natural fastnesses, notoriously the refuge of the Gaelic Irish during times of war. At the beginning of the period in which the records substantially begin (that is, in about the seventh century), the indigenous Celts throughout Ireland were organized into numerous small tribal units or tuÂatha, each tuÂath ruled over by a local king or chieftain. Struggles for supremacy between these local kings were common. Some tuÂatha had also been corralled together into larger lordships presided over by the more powerful of the overkings: the tuÂatha of the northwest, for example, were dominated by the UõÂ NeÂill dynasty, and the south-west by the O'Briens. The evangelization of the country, though a slow and complicated business, had also by the seventh century been progressing for some two hundred years, and with the coming of the clerical classes and their apparatus of Latin learning came also the means for codifying Gaelic culture. The secular native legal texts, among the earliest of the sources excerpted for this Repertory, are a case in point. Though invariably extant in later manuscripts, many were probably ®rst committed to parchment in the seventh and eighth centuries. Monastic centres were established around which auxiliary settlements sprang up. Workshops at these centres were capable of turning out craftsmanship of extraordinary sophistication, as surviving examples of Celtic manuscript illumination and metalwork eloquently testify. By the late eighth century, this rich culture was attracting the Vikings' attention. Though initially landing as raiders, in time they settled, founding coastal towns well sited to serve their mercantile interests. Dublin on the east coast, already home to a native Gaelic monastic community before their arrival, was settled by them in the ninth century. It became their Irish headquarters, and in the Viking world a settlement of premier importance. Other places too were settled, with Cork, Limerick, Waterford, Wexford and Youghal ranking among the most important.

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2

1. Introduction

When invaders and settlers from Scandinavia might effect such signi®cant changes to Irish demography, it is a safe prediction that the impact of changes caused by invaders and settlers from Ireland's nearest geographical neighbour, mainland Britain, might be even more profound. From 1169, the AngloNorman conquest and settlement of Ireland, led by Richard FitzGilbert de Clare and his baronial associates, began securing Ireland in the name of the English Crown. By 1171, Dublin had been taken from the Hiberno-Norse and occupied by de Clare, though Henry II himself, aware of his barons' inclination towards maverick enterprise in this new land of theirs, came across in person in the same year to stamp their activities with his royal licence. The twelfth century in Ireland saw not only the beginnings of English colonial expansion, but also country-wide ecclesiastical reform. The Church's administration was restructured, its personnel and their moral conduct overhauled. During this period the diocesan system was introduced, ®rst for the provinces of Armagh and Cashel (respectively in the north and south of the island), next for Dublin and Tuam (respectively in the east and west), and such native learned literary professions as poetry, history and law, which hitherto had gravitated around the monastic centres, now began to split away and become secularized. The Anglo-Normans respected these newly established diocesan divisions, but superimposed upon them their own administrative system. They began the shiring of Ireland, a process complete well before the end of the period under review here. While the Anglo-Normans were able to establish a few footholds in the north and west, it was principally in the east and south-east of the country that they governed and, as was their wont, they consolidated their position by erecting castles and defences. Around these strongholds towns sprang up. Throughout the thirteenth century, the project of Anglo-Norman settlement pushed steadily further a®eld until, by about 1300, it had reached its territorial height. Large areas continued to be ruled by native Gaelic chieftains with whom accommodations were reached so that, for the price of tribute and service, they might be left free to enjoy their old autonomy and privileges. Thus by this date Irish society saw Dublin and its environs administered by the Crown, parts of the provinces administered by the Anglo-Norman barons and other parts, territorially still the most extensive, by Gaelic chieftains. Consequently in many areas Gaelic traditions continued to ¯ourish, and large parts of the country retained their cultural character much as in the ancient past. But political tensions and internal con¯icts, exacerbated by absenteeism and upheavals of invasion (notably, the Bruce campaigns from 1315 on), destabilized the Anglo-Norman colony in the fourteenth century. Native Irish chieftains grew restive in this unsettled political climate, and seized the opportunity to pursue their territorial ambitions more vigorously. Anglo-Norman parliaments complained of a Gaelic resurgence and pointed with alarm at the absorption of Englishmen of the colony into a Gaelic way of life. A midcentury plague was a further blow to colonial morale. With Irish revenues to the English treasury now dropping into unpro®tability, the Crown looked for an appropriate moment to take the Irish situation in hand. The ®rst major intervention came in 1361 when Edward III dispatched to Ireland his son Lionel, duke of Clarence. Clarence was active in Ireland until 1366, one of his last administrative acts being the summoning of the 1366 Kilkenny parliament

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1.1 A summary historical context

3

whose statutes, amongst other things, aimed to stem the waxing tide of Gaelicization. The next major interventions before the century expired were led by Richard II himself, ®rst in 1394±5 and again in 1399, though on the latter occasion his force was much smaller and he came dogged by a domestic danger that would result in his deposition shortly after his return to England. By the ®fteenth century the English had learnt the lesson that interventions in their Irish colony were costly, and past experience suggested that future ones would be equally unpromising: settlements achieved by direct intervention, like King Richard's, had begun unravelling soon after being made. During this century the colony was largely left to shift for itself. A forti®ed earthwork, the Pale, was built around the area on the east of the country administered by the Crown and with Dublin at its centre. Beyond the Pale, the country was either controlled by lords of Anglo-Norman stock, like the Butler earls of Ormond or the FitzGerald earls of Desmond, or by Gaelic chieftains. Already in the fourteenth century, some of these resurgent chieftains had started acquiring Anglo-Norman castles, either by leave or by force. As their fortunes continued to revive in the ®fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, many had stone tower houses built. Their lifestyle in this and several other respects caused them to resemble the Anglo-Irish descendants of the Anglo-Normans, most of whom had become acculturated to greater or lesser extents to a Gaelic way of life. The late-medieval revival of Gaelic Ireland was accompanied by renewed patronage of those traditional members of Gaelic aristocratic entourages, the harpers, bards and storytellers, and this not only among the Gaelic Irish. Some AngloIrish lords were patronizing them too, to the dismay of purists like those who in drafting the Kilkenny Statutes had sought to keep the ethnic cleanliness of the colony unsullied. This complex polity in which, outside the Dublin Pale, the power of local lords and chieftains was paramount, was stabilized from the late ®fteenth century on by the rule of the FitzGerald earls of Kildare. The FitzGeralds cultivated alliances with the most in¯uential persons in the land. Although governing in the king's name, they succeeded in juggling the various interests of the Anglo-Irish, the Gaelic Irish, and the Crown with considerable skill, and effectively turned themselves into Ireland's power-brokers. Their thirst for hereditary governership, however, was known full well in England and ultimately regarded there as a threat. When in 1534 Thomas FitzGerald besieged Dublin, largely as a heavy-handed signal to the Crown not to meddle but to leave Geraldine prerogatives intact, his rebellion was put down with crushing force and his lands con®scated. The social instability which followed his removal was managed in various ways: application of the policy now known as surrender and regrant required rebellious Gaelic chieftains to submit to the English government and in return receive English titles and have their local authority endorsed and upheld; in addition, their heirs were to be educated in England or within the Pale, where they might learn `civility'. Also, after the Dublin parliament of 1536 in which Henry VIII was declared supreme head of the Church in Ireland, the secular landowners of Anglicized Ireland who had been disgruntled by recent events were to some extent tranquillized with promises of a share in the distribution of con®scated Irish monastic property. In confessional allegiance the Anglo-Irish (or Old English) remained Catholic, and many boycotted the Protestant services of the

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4

1. Introduction

State Church. Yet at the same time they were anxious to stress that in temporal matters they were loyal to the Crown. As administrative positions fell vacant in Dublin and elsewhere, the recruitment of English-born Protestants (the New English) to ®ll them fuelled resentment in the Old English community. Old English lawyers contrived to protect their community's interests with a formula that meant that declarations of loyalty to the Crown did not also entail acknowledgement of the Crown's authority in matters spiritual. Two Lords Deputy (as Irish viceroys at this date were known) had careers particularly informative about the nature of governmental policy in the colony in the second half of the sixteenth century: Sir Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex, and Sir Henry Sidney. Sussex followed his predecessors in the matter of surrender and regrant. He also planned the institution of provincial presidencies in areas whose frequent commerce with Gaelic culture had caused them to `degenerate' (the standard English term for ethnic assimilation). The presidencies could monitor the adherence to English law and custom of the Old English or the reconciled Gaelic Irish who ruled in those areas. However, Sussex became absorbed in a costly and fruitless expedition against Shane O'Neill, a Gaelic Ulster lord who held surrender and regrant in contempt. Finally the Crown, losing patience, pulled the ®nancial plug on Sussex's enterprise. It was left to Sir Henry Sidney to establish the provincial presidencies. At the beginning of his Lord Deputyship, Sidney was even tougher than Sussex had been about dispossessing Irish rebels and parcelling out their lands to `civil' settlers. His plan was to encourage a plantation of Ireland driven by individual, private enterprise. Anger at his uncompromising approach provoked a rebellion in which were embroiled no less than relatives of the tenth earl of Ormond, Thomas Butler, a loyal Old English courtier and a favourite of Elizabeth I. Representations at court prevailed and the queen, pardoning all the rebellion's instigators except James Fitz Maurice FitzGerald, commanded Sidney to abandon his provocative methods. Henceforth his policies, like Sussex's before him, would be more temperate. Both Sussex and Sidney epitomize the Lord Deputy's predicament, on the one hand constantly having to justify to England any major action taken and on the other being ever likely to face royal criticism for overspending. When the indicted James Fitz Maurice FitzGerald, who had escaped to the Continent, returned to Ireland and drew the earl of Desmond into rebellion with him in 1579, the Crown was at last compelled to invest substantially in Ireland, if only in terms of levying a large army to put the rebellion down. Desmond was killed in 1583, his lands in counties Cork, Limerick, Kerry and Waterford con®scated, and these extensively planted by the 1590s with English settlers. While Munster was for the moment thus paci®ed, Ulster, of old resistant to the claims of English sovereignty, broke out in a rebellion in 1594 which in 1595 was openly joined by Hugh O'Neill, third earl of Tyrone. The English administration's successive failures to check him emboldened rebellion in the other provinces. O'Neill's fortunes reversed in 1601, however. He had marched south to Kinsale in Munster to join with an army sent to his aid from Spain. With the Spaniards, his Ulster forces and the troops he had recruited in Munster, he engaged the Lord Deputy, Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, but after a decisive rout retreated again to Ulster. In 1603 he capitulated and received a royal pardon.

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1.1 A summary historical context

5

With the collapse of this combined Gaelic resistance following the Battle of Kinsale and the subsequent ¯ight of O'Neill and his confederates from Ulster in 1607, the way was now wide open for the plantation of forfeited land. Though this took place mainly in Ulster ± where vast acreages were allocated to servitors, adventurers and to the London Companies ± large tracts of Munster were also parcelled out. Here, perhaps the most conspicuous plantation acumen was that shown by the New Englishman Sir Richard Boyle, created from 1620 ®rst earl of Cork. Boyle, who amassed great wealth and power from his Munster investments, maintained a ®ne household at Lismore, co. Waterford, that vied with any in Ireland, including even that of the Lord Deputy. From 1633, that Lord Deputy was Sir Thomas Wentworth who, apart from ®nding Boyle overweening, was moved to clip his estates with measures as swingeing as any he applied to other Irish landowners so that his royal master, Charles I, could enjoy additional revenue. Wentworth's unpopular administration increasingly alienated both the Old and the New English communities. Eventually he was impeached and executed in London in May 1641. A cocktail of grievances resulted in a general uprising of native Irish in October of the same year, beginning in Ulster but quickly spreading south throughout the country, and joined before the year was out by many of the Old English families. By 1642 the rebels had set up their provisional government at Kilkenny, making that city the headquarters of the Confederate Catholics of Ireland. This confederation endured, though not without considerable internal con¯ict, until its dissolution in January 1649. By August of that year, Oliver Cromwell had landed with his parliamentary army, and was poised to march through the country, sweeping away what royal support remained. This is the broad summary of the historical context within which the items gathered here are located. Not only will they document drama and performance during this lengthy period, many will also open perspectives upon aspects of the historical context outlined above which are unavailable in sources more traditionally consulted by historians. The breadth of the historical value of these items, therefore, both for what they disclose of the nature of drama and performance in pre-Cromwellian Ireland as well as for their contribution to the wider historical picture in which drama and performance participated, will, it is hoped, emerge in the pages that follow.

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2 Major Trends in Drama and Performance

2.1 The Gaelic tradition It is clear that Irish society, from the earliest period to which sources give access, was inhabited by a host of performing artists and entertainers. Early documents witness to a taxonomy of Gaelic performance the like of which is unequalled anywhere in the British Isles. Since this is so, these documents afford a rare opportunity to re¯ect not only on Irish performance practices but also on ones that may once have been common throughout the British Isles, if not indeed throughout Europe generally, but which outside Ireland are far less substantially documented until much later in the medieval period. A preoccupation threading several early Irish texts concerns the arrangement of a king's hall: which household members should sit where and, in some sources, what cuts of meat should they expect to receive from the banquet pig? For example, the Old Irish CrõÂth Gablach (`Branched Purchase'?), a law text codi®ed c. 700, poses the question directly, `co sernar tech righ?' (`how is a king's hall arranged?'), and proceeds to answer itself, prescribing where everyone must sit. Next to poets in the hall sit harpers, but in a place apart from these and sitting in the hall's south-west corner on their own are cuisle players (the cuisle was a variety of pipe), horn players and jugglers/tricksters/acrobats. The king himself is to sit at the east end of the hall, which means that these performers are placed in the far hall corner to his left (see Fig. 1). To what extent this prescription of seating etiquette was more than a literary scheme and actually replicated in reality must be uncertain, especially when other related texts had equally ®rm but very different ideas about where performing artists should sit. On the two ground plans of the Tech MidchuÂarda (the `Hall of the Central Court'), for example, where seating takes pictorial form rather in the manner of some modern-day seating plan for a formal dinner (Appendix 6.12), the cuisle players and horn players are remote from each other, not grouped together as in CrõÂth Gablach, and a variegated assortment of low-class entertainers, corresponding perhaps most closely to CrõÂth Gablach's jugglers/tricksters/acrobats, is distributed in various places towards the west end of the hall and near the door. In this respect the ground plans tend to agree with the Old Irish LaÂnellach Tigi RõÂch ¦ Ruirech (the `Full Complement of the Hall of a King and an Overking'), another text preoccupied with hall placings, where practitioners of buffoonery and satire were positioned by the door-posts. But whatever their points of detail, what all the sources agree on, and what was

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2.1 The Gaelic tradition

7

Fig. 1. Performers at the south-west end of the royal hall according to CrõÂth Gablach

doubtless a historical reality, is that entertainers were an indispensable part of a royal household or entourage, and that they were capable of a wide range of performance skills. The Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams provide an especially useful point of departure for exploring the diversity of Gaelic performance practice. In early Irish records, one of the commonest words for a performer is druÂth (plural, druÂith), a professional fool or buffoon, and it is clear from the company that a druÂth might keep and from the medley of skills at his disposal that he sometimes encroached upon the performance specialisms of others whose names denoted very particular skills, people like the reÂim, the clesamnach or the braigetoÂir (what these performers did will be explained shortly). The word druÂth, then, was semantically rich, a hold-all word capable of suggesting a person able to move from one end of the spectrum of Gaelic performance art to the other. As in modern English, the word for `fool' in early Irish could also be used to signify a congenital idiot, probably because aspects of the behaviour of both types of person might strike onlookers as comparably bizarre. Occasionally this

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8 2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

Fig. 2. A chieftain banqueting, from John Derricke, The Image of Irelande (London, 1581; STC 6734)

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2.1 The Gaelic tradition

9

makes deciding which sense an early source intended, professional or congenital, a dif®cult matter, but on the Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams there is no ambiguity. Here the professional druÂth is in question, and he appears into the bargain in one of his specialized incarnations as a rõÂgdruÂth (a `royal' or a `king buffoon'), though despite whatever grandeur this compound might seem to attribute to him, the term rõÂgdruÂth in fact reveals far more about the institutional centrality of the druÂth's of®ce in early Gaelic society than about his actual social prestige. This, as the law texts make quite clear, was in fact very low. A suggestive account of some of the things that a rõÂgdruÂth might do is available in the saga narrative Cath Almaine (the `Battle of Allen'), composed in about the tenth century about events which occurred in 722. In this year, Fergal mac MaõÂle-duÂin fought a fateful battle against Murchad mac Brain, overlord of  a Magleine was summoned north Leinster. On the eve of battle, the rõÂgdruÂth U to entertain Fergal's army, and told the soldiers tales of battles fought in times past. Eve-of-battle storytelling appears in other Irish narratives (see endnote 58 to the Repertory below), and so it may be that literary tradition has dictated the motif's appearance again here in a narrative that patently embroiders its historical centre with literary embellishments. Yet the advantages of using such tale-telling to address the human needs and anxieties inevitably generated by the prospect of an impending battle are self-evident, and perhaps one actual historical function of the rõÂgdruÂth was indeed the telling of heroic tales to stiffen military resolve at times of crisis. In appropriating the role of storyteller, the druÂth's profession is seen here to border on that of the sceÂlaige (`storyteller') or senchaid (`reciter of lore'), two other functionaries of early Irish society who in discharging their occupation might practice an art of public performance. This appropriation would not be surprising, and would simply provide a further instance of the performance mobility that the word druÂth already implies.  a Magleine's repertoire was the extraordinary geÂim Another skill in U (`shout', `roar') that he was capable of emitting. Moreover, says Cath Almaine, ever since that day his shout has remained among the druÂith of Ireland. Here it looks as if the narrator of Cath Almaine was seeking to explain the origin of something else that druÂith in his own time were famous for, their shout, probably some sort of practised and distinctive vocal art. DruÂith are often presented as disruptively noisy in other contexts; they were never to be tolerated in a sick man's house, for example. At least two Old Irish legal texts forbade the druÂth's presence there, Di ChetharsÇlicht AthgabaÂla (`On the Four Divisions of Distraint'), and Bretha CroÂlige (`Judgements of BloodLying'), implying in their strictures that noise was the last thing a sick man should have to put up with. Vocal noise often accompanies capering and boisterous physical activity in general and, running true to expected form, the druÂth seems characteristically to have indulged in both. Evidence suggestive of this is found in Saltair na Rann (the `Verse Psalter'), composed c. 988±90, when its author, to whet appreciation of what King David actually did when he danced with all his might before the Ark of the Lord (2 Kings 6:14), applied a speci®cally Irish simile to him: David behaved amal druth icfurseoracht, `like a druÂth clowning' (Appendix 6.16). His kingly capers thus literalized the concept of rõÂgdruÂth in an unusual way. In some cases, the energetic mobility of the druÂth might be narrowly focused upon his face, as when he trespassed into the province of the reÂim (`contortionist', `girner') and postured with the mops and

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10

2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

mows of comic facial distortion. A sinister twist on this accomplishment was manifested on the face of the dying druÂth Mac Glas in the Old Irish tale Fingal RoÂnaÂin (the `Kinslaying of RoÂnaÂn'; Appendix 6.21), and indeed the Mac Glas episode can be plausibly read as evidence of the historical actuality of this aspect of druÂth performance. The druÂth's physical antics of sundry sorts also extended to feats of legerdemain and juggling. Another rõÂgdruÂth, Tulchinne, in the eighth-century tale Togail Bruidne Da Derga (the `Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel'), was also King Conaire's clesamnach (`juggler', `trickster', `acrobat'). Although the account of his juggling feats is fabulously extravagant, as one might expect from a saga narrative, there is nevertheless good reason to believe that behind its idealized evocation lay an actual historical performance practice (Appendix 6.19); for example, the Old Irish Bretha EÂtgid (`Judgements of Inadvertence'), which as a law tract might be thought prima facie to have had a greater purchase on historical reality than might a literary one, lays down the penalties to be paid for any injuries sustained while watching a juggling act, and some of the implements juggled with sound very much like those manipulated by Tulchinne. Early Irish texts have also much to reveal about the physical appearance of druÂith, their professional dress and the way in which they might band together in touring troupes. The description of another royal fool (though this time it is not rõÂgdruÂth but a related word, rõÂgoÂinmit, that is used of him) features in the twelfth-century tale Mesca Ulad (the `Intoxication of the Ulstermen'). The tale gives a strong impression of how outlandish a druÂth's appearance could be. The face of the royal fool RoÂimid was said to have been `black like an Ethiopian's' (Appendix 6.18). Perhaps this is an early instance of face blackening, the traditional disguise of the fool of the morris side even to this day. Tulchinne also carried a bell to attract attention, and in this respect he stands as one of the earliest belled fools in any text surviving from the medieval British Isles. While royal fools were the responsibility of their patron and may not have strayed far from his entourage on their own initiative, it is clear that some druÂith were entirely free to roam, either singly or in groups. These went hunting for patronage wherever they could ®nd it, even if only in the most modest form of once-off payments in kind. Most usually these were payments of food. DruÂith evolved potent methods for getting what they wanted. The Church in particular found their attentions unwelcome, and tried to curb their wanderings with prohibitive legislation. Itinerant druÂith are often spoken of in association with another important class of Gaelic performing artist, one similarly excoriated by clerics, the caÂinte (plural, caÂinti) or satirist, a low-grade poet whose satirical routine might be conducted in a highly performative and theatrical fashion (compare the liturgy of poetic cursing in Appendix 6.25). Even the most eÂlite members of the Gaelic poetic hierarchy could turn their hand to satire if they were driven to it, but caÂinti were satire's habitual and professional practitioners: as the Old Irish law text MõÂadsÇlechta (`Rank Sections') put it, a caÂinte was a man who earned his food through threatening the blemish of satire.1 The power of the caÂinti ± and of the druÂith, who in some of the early Irish saints' lives were set on a par with caÂinti and who were 1

See, for example, section 5.1 below, Old Irish, MõÂadsÇlechta.

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11

perfectly capable of behaving similarly ± derived from the fact that early Gaelic society was a shame culture: public satirical destruction of a person's reputation was an institutionalized practice and something greatly to be feared. Indeed, satire was credited in some sources with quasi-magical potency. It had the power of raising blemishes on the victim's face or, in extreme cases, of even causing death. In the Old Irish Epistle of Jesus, druÂith and caÂinti consort in a list of itinerants whose Sunday peregrinations the Epistle sought to proscribe.2 Similarly, the early Irish saints' lives are full of stories about rapacious druÂith and caÂinti harrassing saints with petulant demands for food or other gifts, and threatening satire if their demands were not satis®ed (Appendix 6.10). Satire is also the domain, alongside that of music, in which evidence is thickest for female participation in the Gaelic performing arts (see, for example, Appendix 6.20, an excerpt from a tale in which a female satirist goes into action). Extant specimens of verse satire demonstrate the extent to which satirists declared open season on a whole range of perceived human imperfections, imperfections presented with crippling scurrility. One Middle Irish lampoon offers a robust case in point. It targeted an anonymous woman for farting: `Ata ben istõÂr, nõ abraim a hainm,/ maidid essi a deilm amal chloich a tailm' (`There's a woman in the land, I don't mention her name. Her fart ¯ies from her like a stone from a sling').3 Indeed farting, doubtless precisely because of its social solecism,4 lent itself in Ireland to re®nement into a comically affronting performance art. It was the forte of a specialist group of performing artists known as the braigetoÂiri (`farters'). These also found their place reserved on the Tech MidchuÂarda seating plans and in other sources kept company with druÂith and caÂinti. Needless to say, their skills were equally abhorred by the Church, as a clerical aside in the twelfth-century tale Aislinge Meic Con Glinne (the `Dream of Mac Con Glinne') makes plain (Appendix 6.23). Again, druÂith may have encroached too upon the territory of the braigetoÂiri, if one possible interpretation of their behaviour in the Middle Irish Suidigud Taigi MidchuÂarda (the `Settling of the House of the Central Court') is to be believed (Appendix 6.14). So what the records amply illustrate is a Gaelic society which well before 1169 and the arrival of the Normans played host to a diverse range of performing artists, of whom the druÂth may be conveniently regarded as the generic representative. For the most part these performing artists, while lowclass, were tenaciously rooted in society. They catered not only to the noble households, but also to whoever might be prepared to offer them patronage. The occasions on which they performed were similarly various, and ranged from private or semi-private household functions like feasts and banquets to public gatherings such as fairs and assemblies, the oenaige (singular, oenach), which chieftains were obliged to convene at regular intervals and at which social, political and, perhaps, commercial business was transacted. A prime example of the crowd of entertainers jostling at an oenach that took place either in 1079 or possibly a few years earlier is found in one of the poems of the 2 3 4

See section 5.1 below, Old Irish, Epistle of Jesus. K. Meyer, ed. BruchstuÈke der aÈlteren Lyrik Irlands (Berlin, 1919), p. 34, number 77. There is some evidence, though admittedly it is later (late sixteenth and early seventeenth century) and reported by Englishmen, that the Irish traditionally held farting in abhorrence (J. O. Bartley, Teague, Shenkin and Sawney, being an Historical Study of the Earliest Irish, Welsh and Scottish Characters in English Plays (Cork, 1954), p. 31).

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12

2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

tradtion known as dindshenchas (`history of notable places'; see in section 5.4 below, under Carmun, s.a. 1079?). The activity of the professional Gaelic musician adds an important dimension to this picture that must also be taken into account. Although early Irish sources singled out the harp as the instrument most deserving respect and digni®ed it with the preeminent place in the Gaelic musical hierarchy (note, for example, the Old Irish law tract Uraicecht Becc which declared that harping was the one profession of minstrelsy worthy of honour-price),5 it seems clear that some harpers also toured to wherever they might ®nd an appreciative audience, and in this regard their profession was indistinguishable from that of the low-class entertainers described earlier. A good illustration of the association in practice between the high-class, theoretically aloof profession of harper and that of the low-class entertainers already surveyed occurs in the Cath Almaine. In 721, one year before his defeat by Murchad mac Brain, Fergal mac MaõÂle-duÂin, wishing to discover his sons' true moral character, is said to have secretly visited their houses by night. Both houses sounded with harp playing, but while in the house of the second son it was cruitireacht ciuÂin bõÂnd (`quiet, sweet harp playing'), in the house of the ®rst it merely added one more strain to a riotous and giddy assembly of harpers, timpaÂn players (the timpaÂn seems to have been a variety of lyre),6 clowns, satirists, whores and jugglers. Therefore in practice, far from being hermetically sealed in some notionally eÂlite world of musical preeminence, it is clear that certain harpers stooped to consorting with low-class performers. Moreover, they might combine their harping with other Âa types of performance art: the mid-twelfth-century poet Gilla Mo Dutu U Casaide, for example, had no dif®culty in presenting the legendary character Feidlimid as both a scelaigi is chruttiri (`a storyteller and a harper'; Appendix 6.29). Whatever the theory, in practice it paid to be versatile, and narrow specialism was a luxury that relatively few performing artists would have been able to afford. So wherever professional musicians, including harpers, foregathered, the likelihood was that other performance skills were not far to seek. 2.2 The English reaction After the Norman invasion of 1169, one of the earliest foreign reactions to Gaelic culture and its performing arts is distilled in the Topographia Hiberniae of Giraldus Cambrensis. His seminal work went through various Latin recensions and, after 1387, became more widely accessible again via John Trevisa's English translation of Ranulf Higden's Polychronicon.7 In one redaction or another the Topographia conditioned English perceptions of 5

6

7

The honour-price was a monetary valuation of a person's status calculated according to his circumstances at any given time (F. Kelly, A Guide to Early Irish Law, Early Irish Law Series 3 (Dublin, 1988), pp. 8±9). Compare the way in which harpers are set apart from most other entertainers on the Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams (see Appendix 12). On its organology, see A. Buckley, `What was the TiompaÂn? A Problem in Ethnohistorical Organology: Evidence in Irish Literature', Jahrbuch fuÈr musikalische Volks- und VoÈlkerkunde 9 (1978), 53±88. The Topographia Hiberniae was one of Ranulf Higden's prime sources (and see R. Waldron, `The Manuscripts of Trevisa's Translation of the Polychronicon: Towards a New Edition', Modern Language Quarterly 51 (1990), 281±317).

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13

Ireland throughout the Middle Ages and well into the sixteenth century. Giraldus had little that was positive to say about things Irish, but Irish harping, a notable exception, he praised for its musicality and wide cultivation throughout the island. Subsequent writers, by contrast, were far more hostile. This was not because they contested the harp's musical qualities as celebrated by Giraldus ± no one disagreed about them ± but because they considered harpers to be agents of sedition whose activity undermined English strategies for effective Irish colonization. A clear example of this from the century of Gaelic resurgence is to be seen in one of the articles of the Statutes of Kilkenny of 1366 which forbade `Tympanors fferdanes, Skelaghes, Bablers, Rymors, Clercz ne nullez autres minstrells Irrois' (`timpaÂn players, poets, storytellers, babblers, rhymers, clerics or any other Irish minstrels') from coming among the English and thereby muddying the ethnic purity of the colony. That the in®ltration of the colony by Gaelic performing artists was not just the ®gment of an embattled imagination is suggested from a Crown plea from co. Cork in the early years of the century. In 1315, one Muriartagh O Coyqnan (sic), harper and actor (`actor' possibly translating histrio in the lost original), was prosecuted for various misdemeanours, including his `habit of coming to the houses of the liege men of the country as a minstrel to ask for alms, and if they were refused him, of endeavouring to rob them' (see in section 5.4 below, under co. Cork, s.a. 1315). At the other end of the century and of the country, Archbishop John Colton of Armagh sought to legislate in his synodal statutes, drafted after the Kilkenny Statutes and sometime between 1381 and 1404, `contra minos {read mimos} ioculatores poetas timpanistas siue citharedas & precipue contra kernarios ac importunas & improbos donorum petitores quin uerius extortores' (`against mimi, jesters, poets, timpaÂn players or harpers, and especially against kerns and importunate [women] and dishonest seekers, or rather extorters, of gifts'). And Kilkenny Statutes nothwithstanding, special cases and exemptions could be made for allowing Gaelic performing artists to continue entering the Pale with impunity subject to their good behaviour.8 What is clear, then, is that, hostile though the of®cial English reaction almost invariably was to Irish harpers and their confederate performing artists, an accurate re¯ection can nevertheless be seen in it of the continuity of central aspects of the ethos and conduct of the Gaelic performing classes, aspects already in evidence before the Normans invaded in 1169. From the sixteenth century, when attempts to secure the colony were being dramatically stepped up, Gaelic performing artists once more came to the forefront of English consciousness as partisans of an intractable Gaelic social order and as limbs needing radical amputation once attempts at their reformation failed. To cite but one example from many: the Dublin parliament of 1541 passed a set of ordinances for Dublin, Munster, Thomond and Connacht which tried to restrain wandering minstrels, via their patrons, with the legislation `ut nulli mimj histriones aut ceteri Munerum exquisitores in solemnitatibus natalis domini aut pasche aut alio quocumque tempore decetero admittantur nec aliquid minus {read munus} eis tribuantur {read tribuatur} sub pena perdicionis vnius auris' (`that no mimi, actors/minstrels or other seekers after gifts on the feasts of the Nativity of our Lord, or Easter, or any other time, be admitted 8

See, for example, in section 5.4 below, under Kilkenny, 1375.

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2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

by anyone, nor that any gift be given them, on pain of loss of one ear'). Comparison with medieval legislations, like those of Archbishop Colton cited above, reveals striking similarities, and thus argues for an essential continuity of practice amongst the Gaelic performing classes stretching back over several centuries. Hostile English reactions to Gaelic culture do not necessarily make compromised witnesses to what was actually taking place. For example, Thomas Smyth's report of 1561 (in section 5.2 below, s.a. 1561), though antipathetic, is fundamentally a believable account of the organization and the personnel of the Gaelic performing classes, for the accuracy of many of his observations can be corroborated from other less obviously partial sources. Further, English reactions are sometimes able to amplify our understanding of Gaelic performers whose activities are only dimly glimpsed in native Irish sources. The outstanding example here is the carrowe (an Anglicized version of Irish cearrbhach, `gambler'). Carrowes were performers too, often spoken of in English documents in conjunction with the kinds of performer discussed earlier, and they packaged their performance in a theatrical manner: some were crazily garbed in straw and leaves for their gambling. Certain commentators seem to imply that this was the direct result of their gambling debts and of having wagered the shirts from off their backs. But the Irish lords who performed their hybrid masque of gambling in 1602 (see in section 5.4 below, under Lecale, co. Down, s.a. 1602), and who were got up in ivy leaves and rabbit-skin masks, may have been playing at an aristocratic game of being carrowes when they played their Christmastide dicing. Throughout the sixteenth century the English authorities struggled to contain the native Gaelic performing classes and the threat they posed: not only did performing artists puff up the pride of Gaelic chieftains by their ¯attery, as Edmund Spenser, among many, observed, thereby rendering a species recalcitrant enough even less amenable to English government, but their arts seduced the weaker minded of the colony into a Gaelic lifestyle. This was the old lament of the Kilkenny Statutes, but now it was being heard with repeated urgency. Irish harpers were particularly to be feared because members of the harping fraternity existed on both sides of the ethnic divide; since their profession was already recognized and credited everywhere, harpers might enjoy even more social mobility than would in any event have accrued to them as members of an itinerant entertainer class. The political advantages of this racial bilocation could work in both directions, in spite of the English complaints, and it is clear that the English too were not above employing Irish harpers as messengers and spies whenever opportunity arose.9 Sometimes they even retained them to perform on a regular basis in their households. But the general attitude to them was one of suspicion. Fiant after ®ant witnessess to the royal pardon extended to Irish harpers, and notably between the 1570s and 1590s, a number of regional seneschalships were created whose terms of of®ce explicitly included execution of martial law upon Irish harpers and similar unruly members. The province of Munster in particular was perceived as swarming with them, and the Desmond earls were repeatedly enjoined to root them out. A unique census of performing artists made in the context of 9

See, for example, in section 5.4 below, Ballyshannon, 1597.

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2.2 The English reaction

15

Desmond's own rebellion against English authority between 1579 and 1583 survives in the Irish State Papers and includes many harpers in its list of seventy-odd assorted culpables (see in section 5.4 below, under co. Cork, s.a. 1584). In the sixteenth century, therefore, Gaelic performing artists were cast by the English as agents provocateurs par excellence, and this not unjusti®ably. As early as the fourteenth century, one Gaelic poet had archly observed about the self-serving, chameleon poet that: Da chineadh da gcumthar daÂn i gcrõÂch EÂireann na n-uaraÂn, na Gaoidhilse ag boing re bladh, is Goill bhraoininnse Breatan. I ndaÂn na nGall gealltar linn Gaoidhil d'ionnarba a hEÂirinn; Goill do shraoineadh tar saÂil sair i ndaÂn na nGaoidheal gealltair.10 `There are two races to whom poetry is sung in the land of Ireland of the springs ± the Gaels, known to fame, and the Galls of the dewy isle of Britain. In poetry for the Galls we promise that the Gaels shall be expelled from Ireland; in poetry for the Gaels we promise that the Galls shall be driven eastwards over the sea.' Their ethnic loyalties could be doffed and exchanged for the price of a meal.

2.3 The English contribution When the English started arriving in Ireland, they brought with them entertainers and performing artists of their own, and this from the earliest years of the colony's existence. Dublin's Guild Merchant roll, Ireland's oldest surviving civic muniment, mentions several individuals bearing the surname Le Harpur or Le Pipere; one Le Harpur even had a small harp sketched in the margin of the roll next to his name. A playful rebus, merely? There is less reason to think so when other early Dublin sources reveal harpers and pipers at large in the city who undisputedly earned a living by playing those instruments from which their surnames derived. (It was not always in the happiest of circumstances that these minstrels plied their trade: in 1297, Roger Le Harpour of Dublin brought a case against one Robert Le Feure for having caused two shillings worth of damage to his harp by throwing a stone at it.) By the early®fteenth century, the English minstrels of the colony had organized themselves into some sort of guild, for in 1436 one William Lawless, who styled himself marescallus of the liege English mimi of Ireland, petitioned for special powers to 10

 DaÂlaigh E. Knott, Irish Classical Poetry, 2nd ed. (Cork, 1966), p. 67. The poet Gofraidh Fionn O (²1387) wrote this poem for Gerald FitzGerald, son of Maurice, ®rst earl of Desmond. The Janus-like nature of the late-medieval Irish poet is also noted by J. E. Caerwyn Williams, `The Court Poet in Medieval Ireland', Proceedings of the British Academy 57 (1971), 85±135; see p. 131 and note 1.

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2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

Fig. 3. Dublin c. 1500 (selected sites only)

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2.3 The English contribution

17

Fig. 4. Kilkenny c. 1600 (selected sites only)

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2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

Fig. 5. Limerick c. 1600 (selected sites only)

apprehend Irish mimi like `clarsaghours, tympanours, crowthores, kerraghers, rymours, skelaghes, bardes & alii' (`harpers, timpaÂn players, players on the crowd, gamblers, rhymers, storytellers, bards and others'). Clearly the 1366 Kilkenny Statutes were not working adequately, and Gaelic minstrels were continuing to enter the Pale and depart again, taking with them intelligence useful for the king's Irish enemies. One suspects they were also taking the food out of the mouths of the likes of William Lawless: the granting of his petition would have conferred upon him and his fellows the advantage of a monopoly

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2.3 The English contribution

19

over the provision of entertainment, though this was not something that the terms of his petition acknowledge in as many words. Just as performance provided a unique means of voicing Gaelic identity, so too did it provide English settlers with a means of articulating an identity of their own in their new and adopted land. The relatively larger corporate resources of towns and cities allowed drama and performance to become proportionally more ambitious, and at the same time profoundly expressive of the civic ideologies which sustained drama and performance and which, in turn, drama and performance helped to sustain. Medieval Dublin was no exception, and it is from here that the bulk of Ireland's early urban evidence survives. Though sadly it is atelous, the earliest extant morality play from the British Isles comes from Dublin, and it was possibly originally composed there in response to speci®c cultural needs, not just one more commodity imported like so many others from across the Irish Sea.11 This is the play known as The Pride of Life.12 The words and music of another rarity survive from this period, the Latin liturgical play known as the Dublin Visitatio Sepulcri.13 Apart from primary evidence of this sort, other sorts of evidence establish the central place occupied by drama and performance in the life of the late-medieval and early Renaissance city. The pageants of Corpus Christi day, for example, which were ®xed by a corporation edict of 1498, were but one link, if a conspicuous one, in a yearly chain of dramatic, ceremonial events supervised by the corporation to celebrate the city's identity and to proclaim it in the face of whoever might be tempted to encroach upon civic jurisdictions and prerogatives.14 Although it is possible that the Corpus Christi pageants were associated with some sort of fully-¯edged dramatic presentation and were not just a procession of tableaux vivants, this is not entirely clear. Dramas were certainly performed, however, on ®xed stages erected on the Hoggen Green from at least the early sixteenth century.15 They are known solely on the basis of reports in the Dublin Chronicle, a city-sponsored attempt to inscribe Dublin in the august tradition of annalistic discourse.16 The imperative of civic ceremonial was the driving force behind much of the public dramatic display mounted in Dublin, just as it was the interests of civic ceremonial that called for the recruitment of the talents of many of Dublin's musicians.17 The Dublin waits, ®rst on record from 1465 (though a band of 11

12

13 14

15

16 17

See A. J. Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity in Pre-Cromwellian Ireland (Toronto, 2000), pp. 84±90 and 121±3, for commentary. The best modern edition is that of N. Davis, ed. Non-Cycle Plays and Fragments, EETS, SS 1 (Oxford, 1970), pp. 90±105. Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix I. A. J. Fletcher, `Playing and Staying Together: Projecting the Corporate Image in SixteenthCentury Dublin', in A. F. Johnston and W. HuÈsken, ed. Civic Ritual and Drama (Amsterdam and Atlanta, 1996), pp. 15±37 and `The Civic Pageantry of Corpus Christi in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Dublin', Irish Economic and Social History 23 (1996), 73±96. The Hoggen Green was a public recreational area to the east of the city walls, in the region of present-day College Green, in front of Trinity College. It is plotted on Fig. 3 above. See H. B. Clarke, `Urbs et Suburbium: Beyond the Walls of Medieval Dublin', in C. Manning, ed. Dublin and beyond the Pale: Studies in Honour of Patrick Healy (Rathmichael, 1998), pp. 45±58; see Fig. 6. See further below in section 4.4, headnote to The Dublin Chronicle. An important batch of evidence in the Repertory is that for civic entries, and not only for Dublin; see also further below in section 5.4, under Kilkenny and Limerick, for example, s.a. 1637 and 1567 respectively.

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20

2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

pipers was already in existence by 1456), existed primarily to serve the civic weal, and were allowed to stray further a®eld in search of patronage only with the mayor's prior approval and then only for brief periods. Their ®rst duty was to be available in the city to service the machinery of civic ceremonial. Sometimes they functioned in close proximity to actual civic drama, as in 1561 when after a dinner and a pageant of the Nine Worthies organized by the mayor for the new Lord Deputy, Sir Thomas Radcliffe, the city waits accompanied the Lord Deputy back to his lodging at the end of the evening. Dublin in the sixteenth century emerges from the documents as a conglomeration of interest groups and subcultures, not all of whose agendas were commensurate or compatible, but which were nevertheless tied together in a bond of civic cooperation by the corporation. The corporation, aware of the potential disunity that the existence of subcultures might create, policed them by various means, including, very importantly, obliging them to participate in pageantry. The city's youth, for example, were coordinated by an annually elected of®cer, the Mayor of the Bullring, who counted among his duties the responsibility for setting forth the pageant of the Nine Worthies. This was not only a pageant that featured in the Corpus Christi procession, but one that the corporation required to be played on various other civic occasions when it wished to cut a dash before the State government, as indeed at the corporation's banquet in honour of Sir Thomas Radcliffe in 1561. Youthful energy could thus be channelled along socially productive lines, rather than frittered away on the playing in the streets of useless, sometimes even parlous, pastimes like tennis or football.18 There are also signs that the youth may have begun their training in self-presentation from an early age: in 1583 one David Duke was paid 26s 8d for performing an interlude on Black Monday (1 April in that year); given that he was a schoolmaster by profession, it seems likely that he could have drafted his charges into his cast.19 By the seventeenth century, public involvement in drama and performance, though by no means a thing of the past, was changing in nature in response to new social demands. For example, the civic, ceremonial theatre of the masses that had existed in the sixteenth century had changed too by the seventeenth. Gone were the more colourfully theatrical processions like those on St George's Day, when the pageant of St George, complete with dragon, processed through the streets to St George's Chapel. More nakedly territorial processions, like the franchise ridings which staked out the extent of the mayor's jurisdiction, were being refurbished instead. Also, from about 1635, we see in Dublin a growing availability of a privatized theatrical experience with the opening of the Werburgh Street Theatre, the next purpose-built playhouse to be built in the British Isles outside London. Simultaneously, legislation was passed banning demotic pastimes peddled by the likes of `Beare-wards, Common players of 18

19

Or it could be diverted with the occasional extraordinary concession, as when in 1588±9 Dublin was visited by two touring troupes from England, the Queen's players and the Earl of Essex's players, and the corporation paid them for showing their sport in the streets. See below in section 5.4, under Dublin, s.a. 1588±9. Popular activities like dancing and the setting up of maypoles, of which the Repertory also provides evidence, and not only for Dublin, likewise needed careful supervision. See below in section 5.4, under Dublin, s.a. 1582±3, and note the children in Kilkenny who played in the Corpus Christi play, 1631 (see in section 5.4, under Kilkenny, 13 January 1631).

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2.3 The English contribution

21

Enter-ludes, & Minstrels wandring abroad, all Juglers, and wandring persons' (see in section 5.2 below, under Edict of the Irish Parliament, s.a. 1635). It is tempting to see a connection between these two developments. The Werburgh Street Theatre was an upper-class enterprise, instigated by the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth, and always run with an eye to the taste and requirements of the ruling classes resident in Dublin Castle. Several of the plays put on there are known, including ones speci®cally written for production in Werburgh Street by Henry Burnell and James Shirley.20 This theatre's function could be regarded as the franchising out of one of the commodities of civilized life in the viceregal household. Dramatic pastimes had taken root there generations before, so the Werburgh Street Theatre allowed vicarious association with aristocratic life and its values for the price of a theatre ticket: earlier Lords Deputy, like Radcliffe and Sidney, had patronized performers, and at the turn of the century, the Lord Deputy Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, had presided over castle theatricals (see in section 5.4 below, under Dublin, s.a. 1601). Indeed, an important section of the Repertory illustrates the importance of the patronage of musicians and performers in the households of the ruling eÂlite, both in the sixteenth century and the next. While by the seventeenth century the social function of drama and performance in Dublin had therefore begun to shift and diversify, outside Dublin their practice continued much as before, as far as the records permit us to determine. In Kilkenny, for example, where it is known for a fact that a civic Corpus Christi play existed, and where a vigorous civic drama was mounted in the streets from at least the time of bishop John Bale,21 the tradition of Corpus Christi performance lived on until at least 1637, a good two generations after the demise of the public observances on Corpus Christi in Dublin. The longevity into the seventeenth century of Kilkenny's Corpus Christi drama is remarkable in the British Isles. By this date, of course, the effective political power of Gaelic Ireland was at an end. It had been brought to heel after 1601, and its chief wielders had ¯ed from Ulster in 1607. While its cultural icons lingered on, they did so now in a domesticated and colonized way, appearing in forms as diverse as the Dalway harp (see in section 5.4 below, under Cloyne, co. Cork, s.a. 1621), or seen refracted within the ®rst (and only) masque text to have survived from pre-Cromwellian Ireland, a sword dance written by John Clavell for performance at Christmas in 1632, in the household of Lord Barry near Cork.22 Even that most intractable Gaelic province, Ulster, had been subjugated by planters, largely of English and Scottish extraction, some of whom were happy to do the fashionable thing when they regaled visiting London of®cials with theatrical offerings (in the case that we have, with Shakespeare's Much Ado about Nothing; see in section 5.4 below, under Coleraine, s.a. 1628). The Gaelic minstrel classes, who had been the transmit20

21

22

To the Werburgh Street repertoire gathered by A. Harbage, Annals of English Drama 975±1700, rev. S. Schoenbaum (London, 1964), pp. 136±41, should be added: Ben Jonson, The Alchemist; possibly Henry Burnell's ®rst play, alluded to in the Prologue of Landgartha (see below) but now lost; two of John Fletcher's plays (their identity is conjectured by Stevenson, `Shirley's Publishers', pp. 150±1); and possibly James Shirley's The Opportunity. If not much earlier. The ®rst recorded outing of some of John Bale's plays was in Kilkenny in 1553; see below in section 5.4, Kilkenny, s.a. 1553, and endnote 534. See Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix IV.

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22

2. Major Trends in Drama and Performance

ters and consolidators of the old Gaelic social order, had lost their menace and were being actively cultivated and collected by the New English ruling caste. When this happened, when the note of nervousness had vanished from English descriptions of the Gaelic performing arts, and when they found themselves appearing like admired trophies, then English power had ®nally won, and its governmental authority, at least for the time being, had established itself.

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3 Editorial Procedures

3.1 Organization of the Repertory The organization of the Repertory is generally modelled on that of volumes of the Records of Early English Drama series (REED), to which the Repertory is intended to provide an Irish complement. But unlike REED records hitherto published, which have been of speci®c cities or counties in England,1 those gathered here are from an entire island. Such extended scope, compounded, furthermore, with the island's peculiar history, has necessitated a presentation which is correspondingly a little different to that which the REED volumes adopt. The differences ought not prove too disconcerting to those users of the REED series who have grown accustomed to the more regular diet it provides and the way it is presented. The familiar fare, like payments to city waits, visitation articles for ferreting out theatrical profanities, or court cases in which erring minstrels are brought to book, also appears here in this collection, but fare of a different sort, largely provided by the evidence forthcoming from Gaelic Ireland, has proved more challenging. It is this that has occasioned most of the departures from usual REED presentation practice. The Repertory is organized in two principal sections. The ®rst, the Records, is itself organized under six main headings. Under the ®rst heading are to be found items not precisely localized or dated. `Not precisely localized' means that even at best, an item can be located no more precisely than in one of Ireland's four major provinces (in Ulster, Leinster, Munster or Connacht); `not precisely dated' means that an item is not assignable within one generation (that is, within a period of thirty years; dating procedures are explained further below in section 3.3). This may seem a rather forlorn place from which to begin; yet in fact, under this heading are to be found some of the items of greatest antiquity and interest which, were they merely relegated to an appendix, would risk being improperly marginalized. Nor is the prospect for their dating quite so entirely bleak as the heading might suggest: the items grouped here, the bulk of which are in Irish, can be approximately dated on linguistic grounds. Most belong to the Old Irish period, some are in Middle Irish and a few are in early modern or Classical Irish. The bulk of these items derives from the complex, rich corpus of early Irish law. Legal texts, like a few others excerpted in the 1

One exception to date, a few records from the Isle of Man, are included in Appendix 5 of D. George, ed. Records of Early English Drama: Lancashire (Toronto, 1991).

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24

3. Editorial Procedures

Repertory, came into being by a cumulative process of compilation. Some comprise textual strata of differing ages (thus, for example, a law text compiled in the Old Irish period may acquire glosses and scholia later, yet these too may contain material of interest to the present volume). Thus questions of dating may raise complex issues (see further on dating procedures below in section 3.3). In some cases it is also possible to suggest where the law schools or centres were in which particular legislations were framed or the province to which they originally chie¯y pertained. Wherever there is room for such additional re®nement of date and location, endnotes will indicate it. The second main heading also gathers under it items that are not precisely localized, in the sense de®ned above, but which are dated, also in the sense de®ned above, that is, they are ascribable, with greater or lesser precision, to within a thirty-year period. These items are in English, Irish or Latin. Many apply to Ireland in the broadest geographic sense, but again, wherever a particular province or region is evidently intended, endnotes will indicate it. Items that are localized but not precisely dated are arranged under the third main heading. The minimum requirement for deeming an item localized is to establish the county that it concerns or, as may often be the case when a Gaelic Irish lordship is in question, which combination of counties it overlaps (as, for example, the lordship of Ely O'Carroll, that incorporated parts of north co. Tipperary and south-west co. Offaly). Localized items are arranged alphabetically, whether that be by town, city, townland, parish, barony, lordship or county. Counties precede towns of the same name in the Repertory (thus, for example, items pertaining to co. Kildare precede ones pertaining to Kildare town). Fourth come the items that are both localized and dated, in the senses de®ned above. They are mostly in English, with some in Irish and a few in French. Some further explanations about the arrangement of the items seem appropriate. Items which appear under the ®rst heading whose dating can be established only in the broadest terms (for example, those that may date to any time within the Old Irish period) are placed before items whose dating can be estimated more precisely. Thus, for example, the text Tecosca Cormaic (the `Instructions of Cormac', counsels ostensibly offered by King Cormac Mac Airt to his son), which has been estimated to have been written anytime between the seventh and the ®rst half of the ninth century, is placed before a set of penitential commutations associated with the spiritual movement known as the CeÂli De (and therefore dateable to c. 800), even though, were the truth known, the former may conceivably postdate the latter. Similarly, under headings where the dating of an item may be known within thirty years, an item produced, for example, sometime between 1636 and 1641 will precede ones dateable even more exactly to 1636, 1637, 1638, 1639 and 1640. An item which derives from a book printed before 1642 is entered under the date of the book's publication, except whenever good grounds exist for dating the item more exactly to the period to which it pertains. Thus, for example, a developed account of the Christmas revelry of Henry II in Dublin is to be found only in Meredith Hanmer's Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland, which he compiled sometime between 1591 and his death in 1604 and which appeared in print in 1633. But the events referred to (leaving aside the question of whether or not

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3.1 Organization of the Repertory

25

they occurred in quite the form that Hanmer relates) must have happened in the year 1171, and are therefore entered under that date. Similarly, antiquarian transcriptions or paraphrases of items up to 1642 are entered under the date to which the item pertains, or in the case of items once extant amongst accounts and payments, under the date when the account or payment was authorized, if that is ascertainable. Items derived from letters are entered in the Repertory under the date of their composition; although this date is infrequently that of the events of interest to which the letter refers, endnotes will normally discuss these and their date. For some items, only a terminal date, usually the death date of their author, is known, and in a few such cases, that death date also falls post 1642. All these are necessarily grouped under the heading of not precisely dated, but the few that might in theory be dated post 1642, near the time of the death date, are also included here rather than among the post-1642 documents, since they cannot be known for certain to postdate 1642. When an item declares its location, it is entered as precisely localized even in cases where the present day location is undecidable, as for example in the case of the fair held at the place called Carmun in the year 1079 (or perhaps a little earlier). Some items, though entered as localized, have been admitted on the basis of good circumstantial evidence. These, and any other locations that are uncertain for whatever reason, will be discussed in the endnotes. Under the Repertory's ®fth heading is assembled an important group of items, in English, pertaining to the households of the Old and the New English gentry. Sixth and last come ecclesiastical items, in Latin, French and, after the Reformation, in English, arranged by province. The second principal section of the Repertory is made up of thirty-one Appendices, followed ®nally by a group of post-1642 documents. The Appendices mainly comprise items in Irish, with a few in English or in Latin, while the post-1642 documents are in English, French or Irish. 3.2 Principles of selection One of the most controversial aspects of this Repertory may be the principles guiding item selection. To some these may appear unacceptably ¯exible, for not everyone is likely to agree with where I have chosen to draw lines of inclusion and exclusion. Against any such objection I can only offer the pragmatic defence that if anything is to be said at all, lines must be drawn somewhere, and that if the places in which I have chosen to draw them are explained, then readers with ®rm views will at least have been forewarned about what they will consider to be the Repertory's limitations. Against another possible charge, the Utopian criticism that more copious quotation of an item's context would have situated the item in question more meaningfully, I must again enter a pragmatic defence. Not only is it not practicable to quote copious context, but even were this to be done, the decision about where the context should end would still be open to dispute. So the items in this Repertory might appropriately be regarded as essential points of departure: those readers choosing so to regard them will at least have been alerted to their existence and may if they so wish pursue the larger contexts for themselves. It should be stated at the outset that items selected for inclusion in the

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26

3. Editorial Procedures

Records section of the Repertory are normally ones which appear to refer to historical reality. To such items a premium has been attached, although sometimes, to be sure, it is hard to decide whether an item actually was historical or not. Hence the historicity of some items may be doubtful; for example, some have a historical core around which layers of saga material have subsequently coagulated, as in the case of the Cath Almaine, noted earlier, or the BoÂrama (the `Tribute paid in Cattle'), a narrative whose historical core, as far as the excerpt selected in the Repertory is concerned, dates to the year 600, but which was written up and elaborated in the Middle Irish period, approximately in the eleventh century. Texts like these are nevertheless included in the Repertory whenever narrow historical dates attach to their core narratives. Certain items, which pass themselves off as historical, can clearly never have been: the fabulous tales associated with historical saints are a case in point. Yet even pseudo-historical items may yield historically authentic insights into their authors' perceptions of performers and the performing arts, and a substantial selection has therefore been made from such items for the Appendices. Very broadly speaking, therefore, Record items may be considered historical in ways that Appendix items may not (with the exception of Appendices 6.1±9, on which see further below). In sum, however much embroiled the possibility of distinguishing fact from ®ction may be, even ®ction may have its value as an access to history, as will be explained further shortly. Selection principles for items from native Gaelic sources require the most clari®cation. I will begin with Gaelic musicians of various sorts. There is a wealth of reference to music and musicians in Gaelic sources before 1642. When musicians were evidently aristocrats or churchmen, who it may be presumed played their music either as a polite public accomplishment, as a personal solace or by way of communal entertainment and edi®cation, they are not included. Conversely, performers for whom music may have been a means of earning a living, if not necessarily the exclusive means, are automatically included when there is good reason to believe in their historical existence, and a selection of ®ctional performers of this class, especially if the contexts in which they feature throw any additional light on the nature of their profession and performing skills, is included in the Appendices. A particularly fertile source of references to such folk may be found in Irish bardic poetry. Poems of this tradition, normally the bespoke compositions of professional poets who had particular patrons and occasions in mind, alude often to the minstrelsy to be heard in a patron's house, a sure token of his generosity and the esteem in which he was held by members of the bardic class. When such alusions can be connected with a speci®c patron, place and occasion, they may be included in the Repertory, but statements about music of a more general kind in poetry of this sort, like elegiac regrets at the passing of a way of life and the music that graced it, or vague statements of the order of `the sound of the harp was to be heard in the land of x', are not normally included, and neither are references to music and musical performance which are merely metaphorical. Notices of the three strains of harp music frequently distinguished in early Irish sources, the strains which induced respectively weeping (goltraige), laughter (gentraige) and sleep (suantraige), are similarly not all routinely collected, but are represented in the Repertory in one example from the late Old Irish triads. It might be noted that the Gaelic musicians who performed croÂnaÂn (`humming', though this

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3.2 Principles of selection

27

translates only approximately whatever their vocal art actually was) have also not been included as a matter of course, though they may feature incidentally by virtue of their association with performers who have been deemed eligible for inclusion on other grounds. It often proves the case that no practical distinction is to be drawn between musicians on the one hand and on the other members of the professional Gaelic poetic classes, the practitioners of varieties of verse which might range between the genres of praise and satire. The delivery of poetry in Gaelic society was often a public (and musical) event. The paramountcy of poetry's public dimension is perfectly understandable, given the fact that poets and their compositions ful®lled important social functions that could only be conducted adequately in a public forum. As the principal architects of their patrons' reputations, poets required audiences to impress. Feasts, for example, would afford ready-made opportunities for poetic display. Delivery of compositions in festive circumstances, therefore, was likely to entail a high degree of performance art. However, while some poets, whatever their position within the carefully graded Gaelic poetic hierarchy, doubtless performed their own compositions publicly, and sometimes indeed to the accompaniment of music, sometimes they did not, but left the performance aspect of what they had composed to someone else, a person often referred to in the sources as a reccaire (`reciter'; plural, reccairi). Presumably, this was someone skilled in the performance aspect of the delivery, perhaps more skilled in this than the poet himself. Some references to reccairi have been selected for the Records and the Appendices, though they are not gathered as a matter of course. Neither are bald mentions of poets alone, although it is well ever to bear in mind how staunch was the af®nity between poetry, music and the performing arts. The exclusion of passing referrences to poets in Gaelic sources also applies to the numerous similar mentions of them in English ones, especially in the Tudor and early Jacobean ®ants, where Irish bards and rhymers (as they are most commonly called) abound. Indeed, the blurring of the distinction between music and verse noted in the Gaelic context is evident also here in the English one: see, for example, the case of Owen Keynan, a blind harper/bard/poet/rhymer (in section 5.4 under Cappervarget, co. Kildare, s.a. 1541). However, unless a special reason supervenes for including bards and rhymers, they are passed over. If, for example, an item mentioning bards and rhymers associates them with harpers (or even with gamblers), it will not be omitted: in such cases, they may ®nd themselves included in the Repertory on the strength of their association. The eligibility of gamblers for consideration among performing artists will be clear from earlier discussion; here it might additionally be observed that gambling, and especially the playing of dice, had a longstanding connection with the province of public performance in England as well as Ireland, where it was a notable feature of some mummings.2 The Gaelic poetic profession is frequently described as hierarchical in early 2

Compare C. L. Kingsford, ed. John Stow A Survey of London, 2 vols (Oxford, 1908; repr. 1971), I, 96±7. On the Sunday before Candlemas in 1377, a troupe of 130 Londoners, disguised as mummers and attended by `trumpets, sackbuts, cornets, shawms and other minstrels', came by night to Kennington near Lambeth where the young prince Richard was. They played a dice game, feasted, danced with the prince and his company, drank and took their leave.

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28

3. Editorial Procedures

Gaelic sources. Members of its lowlier grades, or fodaÂna, were especially noted for their composition of satire, and the conduct of satirists, as noted earlier, renders them prime candidates for consideration for inclusion in the Repertory. However, as with poets, bards and rhymers, references to the taman, drisiuc and oblaire, three grades of satirist who were the lowest of the low in the Gaelic poetic hierarchy, are not routinely gathered unless their contexts have rather more to reveal about their behaviour than merely naming them. Contexts in which appear other, more generic words for a satirist (the commonest being caÂinte) are also ripe for consideration. A few examples of caÂinti and their behaviour, including some rarer cases of the activity of the satirist's female counterpart, the banchaÂinte (less commonly, the berach) have been included, whether in the Records or in the Appendices, according to the relative apparent historicity of the item in question. Other, less commonly attested words for a satirist (rindile and dulsaine, for example) have been treated similarly. The criterion once again has been respect for the relative richness of information that a potential Repertory item affords about the behaviour of these satirists or about the ostensible attitudes to them of the authors of the items in which they are mentioned. The delivery of satire in Gaelic society, a public performance evidently calculated to amuse its target audience if not its target, shaded steadily into the province of other sorts of professional entertainment, as was earlier seen. Thus the activity of the caÂinti might overlap that of the druÂith. Items in which it is clear or seems highly likely that the druÂth in question was a congenital idiot have been omitted. Although other words for a professional fool or jester, like fuirseoÂir, occur somewhat less frequently, many of their contexts disclose much about the druÂth's profession, and so they are substantially represented in both Records and Appendices. Specialists within the jester's profession, like the braigetoÂir, reÂim, clesamnach, and so on, are also extensively represented in Gaelic sources, and are of considerable importance to the Repertory, though some of their most colourful instances are undisputably ®ctional and are hence collected in the Appendices. De®nitions of entertainers found in Old or Middle Irish glossaries are not normally noticed unless they offer substantial explanation of the word that they seek to gloss, and do not simply pair it with a synonym. A special group of professional buffoons, the crosaÂin (singular, crosaÂn), has been treated as an exception, however, for recent research convincingly establishing them as a variety of actor with specialised roles and skills has prompted my decision to record every crosaÂn reference that I am aware of, whether historical or pseudo-historical, in the Records or the Appendices, as appropriate.3 The only exception to this is the omission of family names which, although they may incorporate the crosaÂn element, do not otherwise occur in contexts that betray any evident awareness that the people bearing them currently belonged to (or once hailed from) this particular performer class. We may turn now from the Gaelic items to those preserved in English, Latin and French. Men whose surnames clearly signal a profession which is of interest to the Repertory are normally included, and certainly when their context suggests that surname and profession may indeed have been one and 3

See A. Harrison, The Irish Trickster, The Folklore Society Mistletoe Series 20 (Shef®eld, 1989).

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3.2 Principles of selection

29

the same. Sometimes, however, the name may be no more than a patronymic unrelated to its owner's current profession; when there has seemed any reason to suspect that this may indeed be so, the item has been omitted. Principles of selection for Dublin items merit special explanation, since these items contribute so substantially to the Repertory as a whole and are in a few respects sui generis. Civic ceremonies form one important centre of interest, though necessarily not all have been admitted. One such case is Dublin's Shrove Tuesday ball-bearing ceremony, a custom in evidence from 1462 and which may have resembled a comparable ceremony in the city of Chester. On balance, it has been decided to exclude references to it, and the one occasion when it does appear in the Repertory, in the company of a reference to the pageant lists in the Chain Book, is coincidental (in section 5.4 under Dublin, s.a. 1569). The ball-bearing ceremony is chie¯y mentioned in two civic sources, the Assembly Rolls and the Treasurer's Book, but apart from the fact that it seems to have entailed some kind of procession or riding on horseback in which men who had married during the year would carry a ball and pay dues to the city treasury, the precise nature of its ritual observance is otherwise unclear. There is no unequivocal evidence of its association with any music, drama or the performing arts. From the late-medieval period, Dublin hosted another ceremonial event, one whose social stakes were higher and which took place on a much larger scale. The riding of the franchises was a civic occasion held to mark the limits of the mayor's jurisdiction. Often this procession called upon the services of musicians. Indeed, by the early eighteenth century, the franchise riding had established an international reputation and was attracting foreign visitors to see its procession which by now included a lavish parade with pageant wagons sponsored by the various city guilds. While there is no direct evidence of the use of pageant wagons in the franchise ridings which fall within the purview of this Repertory, the presence of musicians is attested, and so it has been decided to include every notice of a franchise riding. Most references to civic musicians and waits, as well as to musicians retained privately by the gentry and by of®cers of state, have similarly been included as a matter of course, both in Dublin and elsewhere, though not musicians merely on record as having served in a military capacity (this includes the bagpipers who often accompanied Irish soldiers, as much as the trumpeters who accompanied English ones). References to known musicians are not invariably recorded, either when the item in which they appear makes no mention of their professional musical activity, or when it adds nothing to our understanding of their performance role. Thus, for example, in the case of the retained musicians of Sir Richard Boyle, ®rst earl of Cork, it may be interesting to note that several of them paid him rent on the houses they occupied, but repeated notice in the Repertory of such rentals would seem to serve little purpose. These payments have therefore been excluded. Conversely, references to makers of instruments of the sort used in secular performance are included, even when no performance as such is in question. Church musicians, unless they performed in unusual circumstances or outside their usual liturgical context, have been omitted, as have references to the training of choristers, to church organs, organ builders and organists. In order to enhance understanding of the general context of Holy Sepulchre devotion in medieval Dublin, for this was the context both nourishing and

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30

3. Editorial Procedures

nourished by the Dublin Visitatio Sepulcri play,4 the payments for the Sepulchre light maintained in a church near to St John the Evangelist's, the church of St Werburgh, have been included, even though it is not strictly clear that St Werburgh's also celebrated Easter with a liturgical drama. (Mere receipts of paschal money or Sepulchre money that also occur in the churchwardens accounts in which the St Werburgh's Sepulchre light features have been ignored.) At this juncture a contrasting policy adopted for selecting certain of the Kilkenny items might be noted: payments for a Sepulchre light which appear in the Corporation Book of the Irishtown there have been omitted because, unlike Dublin, Kilkenny yields no clear evidence of liturgical drama alongside its Holy Sepulchre devotions. Of course, it may well be that the vagaries of document survival are responsible for this absence, for in many other respects Kilkenny was an important centre of dramatic and ceremonial activity. One other allusion to clerical drama, to costumes worn by devils who customarily appear `in ludis clericorum', has been omitted since, although it was made by an Irishman, it seems not entirely certain to have intended practices found in Ireland.5 In Dublin, the stage-manager and focus of much civic pageantry, as earlier noted, was the corporation, and many items have been selected from corporation documents. All references to the Mayor of the Bullring have been collected, both in Dublin and in Kilkenny, the only other Irish town (and, after 1609, city) in which evidence survives for a similarly named civic of®cial. All references to actual bullrings throughout the country have also been included. In both Dublin and Kilkenny, Corpus Christi was an occasion for plays or pageants. A few documents have therefore been collected which, while not in themselves explicitly concerned with dramatic pageantry, nevertheless usefully enlarge our understanding of the circumstances in which it ¯ourished. Of the Dublin city craft guilds, on whose pageantry the corporation kept a watchful and supervising eye, the guild of the Tailors is the one from which most evidence of interest has survived, and I have erred on the side of generosity when quoting items and their context from the nineteenth-century transcription of the lost Tailors' guild book. All civic receptions in which orations and/or music featured have also been collected, both in Dublin and in the other towns and cities of Ireland. Similarly, details are included of the funeral in Dublin of mayor Robert Cusack, in which the city trumpeter had an important part to play. The Repertory also contains references, both from Dublin, the Pale and other places in Ireland, to maypoles and their associated customs, to dances of various sorts, some civic, some private, and to games banned by the authorities, including in this category one case of an inter-village wrestling match (in section 5.4 under Naas, s.a. 1305). Before moving on to explain the principles guiding selection of the Appendices, a ®nal policy governing selection of both Gaelic and non-Gaelic 4 5

Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix I. M. Esposito, ed. Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis ab Hybernia ad Terram Sanctam, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 4 (Dublin, 1960), p. 61. The allusion was made in 1323 by a Franciscan friar, Symon Semeonis, in the context of a visit to the Holy Land. Though evidently based in Clonmel, Symon travelled widely in England and on the Continent, and could have encountered ludi clericorum anywhere.

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items must be explained. Several of the texts appearing in this Repertory were recycled in later versions by other authors. Cases in point are the later redactions, based on the Old Irish law text Uraicecht Becc (the `Small Primer'), of the seven grades of the ®lid (`poets'), or the paraphrases by later writers of what Giraldus Cambrensis originally penned, c. 1185, in his Topographia Hiberniae. Later adaptations which add little, if anything, new of interest to this collection are ignored. Finally we come to material consigned to Appendices: to repeat, Record items, broadly speaking, may be considered historical in ways that Appendix items may not (with the exception of Appendices 6.1±9 and 6.31). This division, however, and the `non-historical' status imputed to Appendices 6.10±30, need further explanation. Lea®ng through the Appendices will quickly reveal that most are in Irish. Irish society during the period under review did not generally produce those kinds of documents that students of British history tend to be most familiar with. There is little in the Irish language in the way of deeds, leases, quitclaims, account books, patents or the like, documents which may be thought to lay reassuring claim to the real world. On the other hand, there is an immensely fertile crop of the sorts of narrative texts that historians have traditionally been wary of, regarding them at best as of doubtful worth or at worst as containing nothing to suit their purpose. Selections from this abundance of saga material and verse, of saints' lives and satires (to name but a few genres) are included in the Appendices, and the decision to include them has rested on my contention that while they are undisputably products of the imagination, they may, nevertheless, offer an access to history if used correctly. By comparing them with texts whose representation of reality may be considered less obviously fanciful, points of similarity between both sorts of text may emerge which become noteworthy: such correspondences may gesture towards that historical actuality which it is the chief concern of this Repertory to document. Moreover, imaginative texts may enhance understanding of practices that in texts of surer historical purchase may only be attested in relatively ¯eeting terms. Yet since references to musicians, entertainers and the performing arts in Irish literary sources are legion, I have by no means exhausted them or their possibilities in the Appendices. Instead, I have offered a sample of cases which are of exceptional interest for the way in which they corroborate and even extend our understanding of the sorts of Gaelic evidence assembled among the Records proper. The organization of the Appendices into two (technically distinct) groups was suggested by an ethnic division often made in late-medieval Irish ecclesiastical writings: the minority, Appendices 6.1±9, originated inter Anglicos (these Appendices are in English); and the majority, all the rest, originated inter Hibernicos (these Appendices are in Irish and some in Latin). The Appendices inter Anglicos are presented ®rst. Here may be found sets of documents in the following chronological order: the proclamation of the 1541 Dublin parliament (some of whose events also feature in the Records); the orders of the English Earl Marshal, appropriated to Irish use after 1568, for observing protocol on ceremonial occasions; the case of Sir Brian O'Rourke's mimetic vili®cation and abuse of a statue representing Elizabeth I (in 1586 or 1587, though the incident was still topical as late as 1593); excerpts from A Catholicke Conference, published in 1612, and from the 1622 edition of The Irish Hvbbvb, or, The

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3. Editorial Procedures

English Hve and Crie, both by Barnaby Rich; John Clavell's Prologue and Epilogue to a play presented at the `New house' (probably the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin), c. 1635±7; James Shirley's Prologues and Epilogues to plays performed in the Werburgh Street Theatre, c. 1637±40; the title page, selected commendations and Epilogue to James Shirley's play The Royall Master, performed in Dublin Castle on New Year's Day 1638 and also probably at a time soon after at the Werburgh Street Theatre; the Prologue and part of the Epilogue to his Werburgh Street Theatre play St. Patrick for Ireland, c. 1639; and ®nally the title page, Prologue and part of the Epilogue to Landgartha by Henry Burnell, ®rst performed at the Werburgh Street Theatre on St Patrick's Day 1640. After these are presented the Appendices inter Hibernicos. While an effort has been made also to arrange these in chronological order, dates of some items have not always been quite so readily determinable, and therefore an arrangement by genre has supplemented arrangement by chronology. Appendix 6.10 is a case in point. It includes excerpts from eight different saints' lives (the lives of two of these, SS CiaraÂn of Saigir and Coemgen, are represented in multiple versions) whose composition dates, with two exceptions (the lives of of SS FlannaÂn and MaedoÂc), are only very approximately determinable. Appendix 6.11 is similar in this regard. It contains glossarial and pseudo-historical references to crosaÂin (one of which, in deriving from the Irish Life of St Brennan, also straddles the boundary between Appendices 6.10 and 6.11). Appendices 6.12±14 are related: in Appendix 6.12 are presented the two extant diagrams prescribing seating etiquette in the Tech MidchuÂarda, ®rst as given in the Book of Leinster and then some years later in the Yellow Book of Lecan; Appendix 6.13 prints different versions of the prose account of the Tech MidchuÂarda; and Appendix 6.14 prints the poetic account. Appendices 6.15± 16 are selected from religious texts, and Appendix 6.17 from a text with a strong af®liation to the Irish saint's life tradition. Appendix 6.15 gives an excerpt from the FõÂs AdamnaÂin (the `Vision of AdomnaÂn'). Appendix 6.16 comprises Irish versions of three different Bible narratives, arranged according to their biblical chronology: David dancing before the Ark of the Lord; King Herod's feast at which he was beguiled into granting the request for John the Baptist's head; and a description of the musicians at the funeral of Jairus' daughter. Appendix 6.17, thematically close to topics found in the Saints' Lives in Appendix 6.10, relates a story of a posthumous miracle of King Guaire from the Cath Cairnd Chonaill (the `Battle of Cairn Conaill'). Appendices 6.18±22 are taken from secular sagas, respectively: Mesca Ulad; Togail Bruidne Da  eda SlaÂne (the `Birth of A  edh SlaÂne'); Fingal RoÂnaÂin; and Derga; Genemain A Cath Maige Mucrama (the `Battle of Mag Mucrama'). Appendices 6.23 and 6.24 contain passages from the tales of Aislinge Meic Con Glinne and TromdaÂmh Guaire (`Guaire's Burdensome Poetic Company'). A liturgy of poetic cursing is presented in Appendix 6.25. Appendix 6.26 gives excerpts from the Irish translations of two exotic Middle English texts: the travels of Sir Marco Polo and the travels of Sir John Mandeville. Appendix 6.27 contains an excerpt from the Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill (`O'Donnell's Kern'), and Appendix 6.28 a description of a reccaire (`reciter') at work in a sixteenthcentury crosaÂntacht text. Appendices 6.29 and 6.30 are both brief: 6.29 illustrates the notional compatibility of harping with storytelling in a poem

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3.2 Principles of selection

33

 a Casaide; and 6.30 illustrates a reference to of 1147 by Gilla Dutu U mountebanks in the Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn of Geoffrey Keating. While the last Appendix, 6.31, seems, on balance, to belong most appropriately inter Hibernicos, this is not strictly clear. However, if for no other reason, its detailed account of the performance of an Irish prestigiator (`juggler'), being in Latin, ®ts comfortably within this section. Finally, a selection of post-1642 documents has been included. They are arranged according to the date of their composition, though in most cases they  refer to pre-1642 events. Hence, for example, the 1652 poem of DaÂibhidh O Bruadair, CreÂacht do dhaÂil me im arthach galair (`A fateful wound has made of me a hulk of sadness'), which has a description of aristocratic pastimes at feasts in pre-Cromwellian Ireland, is given under the year of its composition, in spite of its anterior reference. Similarly, the various post-1642 documents relating to the establishment of Ireland's ®rst purpose-built theatre in Werburgh Street, Dublin, are listed under the year or approximate year in which they were composed, even though the theatre itself was built c. 1635±6. However, items which though ®rst on record after 1642 may refer to speci®c events at a determinable time and place before that date have been included in the Records proper. Thus, for example, the reference to a performance of Gorboduc at Dublin Castle on ¦ September 1601 to celebrate the birthday of Elizabeth I is included in section 5.4 under Dublin, s.a. 1601, though it is ®rst mentioned in a publication of 1749. But references that are less precise, as for example the Restoration patents in 1661 in favour of John Ogilby, which refer to his earlier appointment as Master of the Revels and to his general theatrical activity in Dublin, are given under 1661, the year in which they were issued. Although I have tried to gather sources comprehensively within the terms outlined above, the task has been so large that some sources will have eluded me, perhaps even ones under my nose. I regret any sins of omission, but circumstances permitting, I will hope to repair them in a subsequent edition. 3.3 Dating and the format of item headings It is important that each item in the Repertory be dated as exactly as possible. Most information on an item's date is contained in its heading, and the dating attributed to it there justi®ed in an accompanying endnote in problematic cases. The ®rst line of an item heading speci®es either a year, a period of years, or a period (for example, Old Irish, Middle Irish, `Before 1642', etc.) in which the item was composed. The second line ascribes to the item a short title. This may be accompanied by an endnote whenever additional information is desirable (for example, to justify dating in the problematic cases, as mentioned earlier, or to explain historical references or provide translations). When the item derives from an extant manuscript, the third line of the heading gives its shelfmark and the item's location in the manuscript. When the item derives from a printed source, bibliographical details and the item's location in the source are given in an endnote. Sometimes the printed source is an edition of a manuscript now lost, and its editor may have recorded the item's former location in the lost original. In such cases, this information is also included in brackets on the third line of the heading.

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3. Editorial Procedures

Whenever items may be dated not only to particular years but also even more narrowly to particular days and months, the third line of the heading records this, again in brackets. Several items derive from sets of accounts drawn up during ascertainable ®scal years or accounting periods (most of the items from the Treasurer's Book of Dublin Corporation, for example, are of this sort). In these cases, the ®scal year or accounting period is usually also speci®ed in brackets on the third line of the heading; whenever the item mentions exact dates or precisely dateable occasions within (or near to) the ®scal year or accounting period in which the item falls, this information is also normally given in brackets below the third line of the heading. In the case of published antiquarian transcriptions of manuscripts now missing from the Kilkenny Corporation Archives, days and months speci®ed in the third line of the heading normally refer to the date of the item's issue, even when there may be internal references to exact dates or precisely dateable occasions. In a few cases where the date of issue is not known, the item is dated according to any internal references that it may contain to exact dates or precisely dateable occasions. Thus while dating has been as exact as possible, in some cases it raises complex questions: the subsequent glosses and scholia written on many of the Old Irish law texts, for example, have already been mentioned above in this regard in section 3.1. Linguistic datings cited in the ®rst line of item headings should be understood to refer to the language of the canonical text whenever items comprise a number of textual strata of different linguistic dates. Endnotes may add further detail on the dating of textual strata, and therefore should always be additionally consulted. Fortunately, however, the majority of the datings in the Repertory are straightforward, like those attached to most of the items derived from the various annal collections (though even these may not be unfailingly reliable). Wherever annal datings are for some reason faulty or problematic, endnotes explain the dif®culty. 3.4 A note on texts and transcriptions Texts in this Repertory which are in Irish, French or Latin are translated in their endnotes (except for formulaic Latin, not invariably translated, in a few items otherwise in English); obscure English lexis is glossed as it arises (lexis once glossed may not always be glossed subsequently), or discussed in endnotes whenever fuller explanation seems warranted. Collations of texts extant in multiple copies are not routinely given unless textual variants contain matter of substantial interest to the concerns of this collection. All documents have either been transcribed for the ®rst time or, even if a modern printed edition exists, afresh (readings of previous editors have not been collated). A notional foliation, pagination or numeration (as appropriate) has been assigned in square brackets to any manuscript whose leaves or membranes have either not, or only very inadequately, been counted. Principles of transcription are conservative. As far as possible, document layout has been retained. In some manuscripts of early Irish texts, glosses are stacked one upon another and defy practicable typographical reproduction. In

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3.4 A note on texts and transcriptions

35

these cases ± and only in these cases ± a number has been introduced into the text to key it to its accompanying gloss. It should be stressed that none of these numbers is present in the original. Marginalia are ignored unless of substantial interest. Manuscript lineation is observed only if in the original the item is formatted as verse. Line breaks in some early printed prose texts have been indicated by a vertical bar, |, inserted at the point at which the line break occurs. No attempt has been made to alter original punctuation, word division, capitalization or spelling, though most abbreviations have been expanded and indicated by underlining. Italic type in printed sources is not normally reproduced, but italic type present on the title pages of early printed books is reproduced in section 4.13. The expansion of abbreviations reproduced in published or manuscript antiquarian transcriptions of lost originals is more conservative. In these cases, only the commonest of abbreviations are expanded (as comparison, for example, of several of the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century items from Kilkenny in section 5.4 of the Repertory will show). Abbreviations in English, French or Irish with counterparts in the standard Latin repertoire are expanded, as appropriate, according to their usual Latin orthographic values. A few abbreviations peculiar to Irish are expanded according to their traditional Irish orthographic values where these are unambiguous. In cases when their values may vary according to the grammatical status of the word they accompany or according to the scribe's preferred spelling if he ever writes the letter or letters for which they stand out in full, then they are accordingly expanded. A superscript dot over a consonant indicating lenition is normally expanded as an h, except in a few places where it is customarily retained (in the name of the law text MõÂadsÇlechta, for example). A word abbreviated to its initial letter between two dots (occasionally one dot, normally to the right of the letter) is expanded to the word's full form and the dot(s) omitted (for example, nõ .h. to nõ hannsa), always according to the scribe's preferred spelling when writing the word in full, if this is ascertainable. In this respect, it should be noted that in English documents a wide range of abbreviations exists for `Lord' or `Lord's/Lords': `L', `L.', `.L.', `Lo', `Lo.', `Lo:', etc.; for `Lordship' or `Lordship's/Lordships': `L', `Lps', `llps', etc.; and for `Lady' or `Lady's/Ladies': `la.', `lads.', etc. These are expanded, according to context, to the form that the scribe might be expected to have written had he written the word out in full (i.e., dots, if they form part of the abbreviation, will not be reproduced in the edited text). Abbreviations of a few common words have been left intact, including, for example, abbreviations for measures and sums (`li.', `s.', `d', `ob.', etc.). Some other common and still-current abbreviations are also left unaltered, like the ampersand. Left intact in Irish texts are the following `Tironian' signs: ¦ (= Latin et, Irish ocus); .i. (= Latin id est, Irish ed oÂn); K (= Latin vel, Irish noÂ/no/naÂ, according to function). Occasionally, where expansion of an abbreviation may be doubtful, an apostrophe has been printed to the right of the letter that the abbreviation is attached to. Superscript letters have been lowered to the line except when they occur with numerals (for example, vijth). `Xp' and `xp', the Greek opening letters of the nomen sacrum, have been transliterated as `Chr' or `chr' when occurring in Latin documents, and as `Cr' or `cr' in vernacular ones. The letters `y' and `‡' for modern `th' are retained, as is the letter `i' for the numeral `1' (for example, `i6i6'). `I' and `J' have been uniformly transcribed as `I', unless the text gives

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3. Editorial Procedures

good reason to preserve the distinction, and `ff' (for modern `F') retained. A cedilla on eÎ, found occasionally in early texts to mark an ñ vowel ligature, is retained. The hair-line often placed over i to distinguish it from neighbouring minims is only indicated as Âõ in Irish texts when the i in question had historically a long vowel; otherwise, no length marks are supplied other than those indicated in the manuscript. Wherever it is unclear whether an upper- or a lower-case letter was intended, the lower-case is opted for. Superscript circles, o o , enclose text that has been subsequently added in a hand (or hands) other than that of the scribe of the main part of the entry. Caret marks are indicated by the signK , followed by the matter for insertion, set in its appropriate place in the text. If this matter was originally written interlinearly above the line, it is enclosed in half square brackets: e f; if below the line, in half square brackets: g h. Full square brackets, [ ], enclose scribal deletions (in translations, full square brackets enclose either explanatory notes, or words not actually present in the original but required to complete modern sense). Within square brackets, dots (to a maximum of three) estimate the number of characters deleted and now illegible in the manuscript. Thus `[. . .]' indicates three (or more) characters deleted. Angle brackets, h j, enclose conjectural restorations of text illegible for some other reason (for example, blotting), or of text lost on account of manuscript damage, or of characters needed to complete a word but whose abbreviation mark has been omitted (in the latter case, the characters between the angle brackets are also underlined). Within angle brackets, dots (to a maximum of three) estimate the number of characters illegible or lost and beyond reasonable conjecture. Thus `h. . .j' indicates three (or more) characters illegible or lost. Places where space has been left for words to be added later are indicated as (blank). Rubricated words or letters, litterae notabiliores, letters written in display script or otherwise somehow distinguished from their surroundings, are printed in bold typeface. Otiose ¯ourishes and line-®llers have been ignored. Curled brackets, { }, in texts in English enclose brief editorial explanations, normally of obscure lexis. They are introduced immediately after the text needing explanation. The points at which folio, page or membrane changes occur within a document are indicated between uprights, | |. Three dots within, or immediately following, a quotation indicate editorial omission, respectively, of matter within, or immediately following, that quotation. In some quotations, especially those from accounts, in which each entry may occupy a line or lines of its own, three dots immediately above or below an entry indicate that other entries are present in the manuscript immediately above or below the one quoted.

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4 The Documents

4.1 Introduction The documents drawn upon for the Repertory are arranged and described below under the following subheadings: 4.2 Gaelic documents, 4.3 Annals and chronicles in languages other than Irish, 4.4 Civic documents, 4.5 Guild documents, 4.6 Administrative documents, 4.7 Ecclesiastical documents, 4.8 Antiquarian compilations, 4.9 Miscellaneous compilations, 4.10 Households, 4.11 Irish State Papers, 4.12 Letter collections, 4.13 Early printed books, 4.14 Miscellaneous manuscripts and lastly 4.15 Miscellaneous books. The descriptions of manuscripts of particular importance are prefaced with headnotes. In presenting manuscript descriptions, interleaves not belonging to the codex in its original state have not been counted (as in the case of codices into which interleaves have been introduced during rebinding). Whenever leaf size in a codex varies signi®cantly (that is, whenever variation of more than 10mm above or below the codex mean in height, in width, or in both frequently occurs), the leaf on which the item of concern is to be found is speci®ed and measured. Whenever leaves have been mounted within frames, the original leaf dimensions are given, not those of the leaf as augmented by the frame. Measurements which for some reason have been dif®cult to establish con®dently are prefaced with an asterisk. When disparate materials have been assembled in one volume, as for example in the case of the Irish State Papers or the Letter collections, only the item selected for the Repertory is measured, with an indication of its page or folio, as appropriate, in the volume. Similarly in such cases, the date of the item is given, and the dates of the entire volume in parenthesis. Some documents have more than one system of foliation, pagination or numeration. In these cases, the most recent system (which is usually also the most complete) is referred to in both the document descriptions and Repertory, and any earlier system is normally passed over in silence. Imperfections in the application of a system are not routinely described unless doing so helps to locate an item. Unnumbered documents are given a notional foliation (or a numeration in the case of membranes), and where appropriate a note is made of the leaf (or membrane) from which the notional foliation (or numeration) begins. Four or more scribes at work in a manuscript are normally referred to as `various scribes' in the descriptions (occasional jottings in other hands are not

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4. The Documents

normally taken into account). If an item was once independent of its current context, as again in the case of the Irish State Papers or the Letter collections, the number of its scribes only is estimated (and for further explanation of the presentation of descriptions of documents in the Irish State Papers or the Letter collections, see their respective subheadings below). Names of Irish persons may either be given in a standard modern Irish spelling, or in the form in which they appear in the item. Manuscript bindings are dated to their century, but pagination, foliation and numeration systems are often less amenable to being dated. Whenever these systems are described as `modern', they may be either nineteenth- or twentieth-century additions. The description `post-medieval' is sometimes used for systems which are not `modern' in the sense de®ned, but whose date after the medieval period is nevertheless dif®cult to determine. 4.2 Gaelic documents These include an exceedingly wide range of materials, and cover, to name but a few ®elds, law, poetry, prose, annalistic and medical writing. They are arranged here by their repository in the alphabetical order: Brussels, BibliotheÁque royale Albert Ier; Chatsworth, Derbyshire, Chatsworth House Library; Clonalis, co. Roscommon, the Library of The O'Conor Don; Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek; Dublin, National Library of Ireland; Dublin, National Museum of Ireland; Dublin, Royal Irish Academy; Dublin, Trinity College Library; Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland; Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies, DuÂn Mhuire; London, British Library; Oxford, Bodleian Library; and Rennes, BibliotheÁque municipale. Of these several repositories, four have major holdings of Gaelic manuscripts: the Royal Irish Academy, Trinity College Dublin, the British Library and the Bodleian. Since it is still often customary to refer to many manuscripts in the Royal Irish Academy and Trinity College Dublin by their earlier shelfmarks, these are also given in round brackets after their modern equivalents. If a manuscript has a name by which it is more familiarly known (as, for example, the Book of Leinster, TCD, MS 1339 (H. 2. 18), or the Leabhar Breac, RIA, MS 1230 (23 P 16) ), this name is given at the head of its description. Classi®ed as Gaelic documents are manuscripts whose contents, though not necessarily exclusively, are nevertheless predominantly in Irish (any other languages occurring less frequently are noted in round brackets). Also included among the Gaelic documents are manuscripts with substantial items in Irish (in some cases, as for example in certain of the manuscripts in the Ware and Carew collections discussed below, these items may have been lifted from earlier compilations themselves perhaps exclusively or predominantly Gaelic). One Gaelic source, the inscriptions carved on the so-called Dalway Harp, is sui generis, and as such will be given individual treatment under Dublin, National Museum of Ireland. Brussels, BibliotheÁque royale Albert Ier (BR) During the religious intolerance in Ireland of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, many Irish Catholics sought an education in Europe, where their confessional allegiance was more readily accepted. The BibliotheÁ-

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4.2 Gaelic documents

39

que royale Albert Ier, Brussels, was therefore well appointed to become in due course the resting place of such writings as continental Irish Catholics might produce. BR, MS 2324±40; annals, saints' lives, religious poetry and verse prophecies,  eda SlaÂne, copied into booklets at various places including a text of Genemain A  by MõÂcheaÂl O CleÂirigh between 1627±35, and ®nally compiled in Louvain, with later annotations and marginalia by John Colgan and other scribes; paper; Irish (Latin); i + 357 + i; seventeenth-century ink foliation, probably introduced at the time of binding, and superseding earlier contemporary foliation systems; f. 75: 188mm 6 157mm; f. 207: 187mm 6 145mm; f. 277: 187mm 6 145mm; occasional litterae notabiliores, but otherwise no decoration; creases on some folios show that some booklets were folded, but all are in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment on cardboard, the front cover of which is detached, and at the bottom of whose spine is written in ink: 2324± 40; and: 2324 ± | ± 2340; the whole preserved in a nineteenth-century sleeve, with two labels on the sleeve spine: 2324; and beneath: 2340 BR, MS 4190±200; religious texts and saints' lives, including FõÂs AdamnaÂin and the lives of SS CiaraÂn and Lassar, copied into booklets at various places by  CleÂirigh between 1629±35, ®nally compiled in Louvain and with MõÂcheaÂl O some later annotations; paper; Irish (Latin); i + 287 + ii; seventeenth-century ink foliation, probably introduced at the time of a previous binding and  CleÂirigh's original; f. 120: 194mm 6 143mm; f. 146: 196mm superseding O 6 152mm; occasional litterae notabiliores, but otherwise no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of brown half leather, at the top of whose spine is printed on a label: 4190 | 4200; and at the bottom of which is stamped in black: 4190±4200 BR, MS 5301±20; miscellany of religious and other materials, including extracts from different annals and Cath Almaine, copied into booklets by An Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh (on whom see the headnote to the Ware Collections under section 4.8 below) and by other scribes in the seventeenth century (the latest recorded date is 1660); paper; Irish (Latin); viii + 285 + v (¯yleaf vi contains a seventeenth-century index and ¯yleaf vii is of leather, possibly once serving as a wrapper to an earlier binding); seventeenth-century ink pagination completed in pencil, and in one section correlating an earlier contemporary pagination system; the pagination is consecutive, but p. 270 skips directly to p. 272, p. 278 is paginated 278±279, its verso paginated 280 and the recto of the following leaf also paginated 280; p. 5: 212mm 6 162mm; p. 8: 212mm 6 162mm; occasional litterae notabiliores, but otherwise no decoration; the earlier part of the manuscript, by An Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh, in good condition, but some dirtying and repairs in later parts, and some leaves mounted on guards; modern binding of red half leather, at the bottom of whose spine is stamped in gold: 5301±20; the whole preserved in a modern sleeve, with a label on the sleeve spine stamped in gold: 5301±20

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Chatsworth, Derbyshire, Chatsworth House Library (CHL) Chatsworth House in Derbyshire, the English seat of the dukes of Devonshire, has in its Library one important medieval Gaelic manuscript, the Book of Lismore. This manuscript was a serendipitous ®nd, discovered in a wooden box with a twelfth-century crozier in 1814 when workmen were opening a blockedup doorway in Lismore Castle, co. Waterford. (Chatsworth House Library also possesses some of the household papers and diaries of Richard Boyle, ®rst earl of Cork, which are described below under 4.10 Households.) The Book of Lismore The Book of Lismore comprises an anthology of texts, including saints' lives, heroic legends and travel literature, which re¯ects the taste of the late-®fteenthcentury Gaelic lord for whom it was compiled, FõÂnghin Mac Carthaigh Riabhach (²1505), and his Anglo-Irish wife CaitlõÂn, daughter of Thomas, eighth earl of Desmond. Mac Carthaigh Riabhach was lord of Cairbre (the lordship of Carbery, co. Cork). CHL, the Book of Lismore (the Book of Mac Carthaigh Riabhach); copied by  CallanaÂin, probably at the Francisvarious scribes, including one Aonghus O can house in Timoleague, co. Cork, in the later ®fteenth century; Irish; parchment; iii + 198 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 362mm 6 257mm; interlace decoration features on some litterae notabiliores, and some rubrication; generally in good condition, but some leaves are very badly darkened; ®ne nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: BOOK OF | MAC CARTHY REAGH | COMMONLY CALLED | THE BOOK OF LISMORE; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BOOK OF | MAC CARTHY | REAGH | COMMONLY CALLED | THE BOOK OF | LISMORE | ORIGINAL | IRISH MANUSCRIPT | XVTÇHÇ CENTURY. Clonalis, co. Roscommon One manuscript of present concern is preserved in the Library of The O'Conor Don, at Clonalis House, co. Roscommon, the Book of The O'Conor Don. This has not been conveniently available for inspection, and the following description is derived from the efforts of previous scholarship and from photostats of the manuscript. The Book of The O'Conor Don is a member of a group of Irish manuscripts produced by expatriates working on the Continent in the earlier part of the seventeenth century. Its principal scribe, a certain Aodh, may be one and the  Dochartaigh responsible for copying a part of the same with the Aodh O Duanaire Finn poem book (see Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies Library, MS A 20 below). The Book of The O'Conor Don contains an anthology of religious and historical poems in Irish, dating from the fourteenth to the early seventeenth century, which Aodh copied at Ostend in 1631. He was working for a certain Captain Samhairle (possibly the same Captain Samhairle Mac Domhnaill for whom Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House

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of Studies Library, MS A 20 was also made in the same place just four years earlier). Library of The O'Conor Don, Clonalis House, co. Roscommon, the Book of  The O'Conor Don; poetry copied by various scribes, but chie¯y by Aodh (?O Dochartaigh) for Captain Samhairle (?Mac Domhnaill) at Ostend in 1631; Irish; paper; 393; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 205mm 6 145mm; some rubrication is applied throughout, and occasionally litterae notabiliores are embellished with interlace; generally in good condition, but some leaves are soiled and some torn; modern binding. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek Det Kongelige Bibliotek in Copenhagen houses one manuscript of present concern, the duanaire of the Maguire family of co. Fermanagh. In fact, all its poems are addressed to the same member of this family: Cu Chonnacht MaÂg Uidhir, Lord of Fermanagh from 1566 to 1589. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Ny kgl. Saml. 268b in folio; poetry copied by various scribes in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; Irish; paper and parchment; i + 41 + i; modern ink foliation; f. 16: 320mm 6 200mm; zoomorphic decoration added to some litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but some staining appears, especially on earlier leaves; early nineteenth-century binding of brown half vellum over cardboard, covered with blue paper, and at the top of whose spine is stamped in gold the monogram of King Frederik VI of Denmark (ruled 1808±39); and stamped on the spine on a brown leather title label: Poemata heroica lingua hibernica ± Codex membranaeceo chartaeceus. Dublin, National Library of Ireland (NLI) Four Gaelic manuscripts pertinent to the Repertory are preserved here. The ®rst three were all purchased from the Phillipps manuscript collection. The fourth, the Book of Magauran, was acquired more recently from the Library of The O'Conor Don in Clonalis, co. Roscommon, where the Book of The O'Conor Don described above still remains. What is now NLI, MS G 3 was originally part of the same codex as MS G 2,  dhamh O  though only MS G 3 is of present concern. One of its scribes, A  Cianain, who died at Lisgoole, co. Fermanagh, in 1373, had been the pupil of  DubhagaÂin (²1372), some of whose texts he probably used as SeoaÂn MoÂr O exemplars for his own compilation. This was written evidently not for a patron, but as a miscellany for personal use. NLI, MS G 3; a miscellany of prose and verse, copied by two or three main  dhamh O  CianaÂin, in the fourteenth and (possibly) scribes, one of whom was A ®fteenth century (the hand of the item on f. 22v, featured in section 5.1 below as `Verses on honori®c portions', may be either fourteenth- or ®fteenth-century), and internal evidence dates a Latin memorandum on f. 17 to after 1513; Irish (Latin); parchment; ii + 79 + ii; modern ink foliation; 199mm 6 134mm; rubrication is applied to litterae notabiliores in red, yellow and green in some

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sections, and some zoomorphic and anthropomorphic ornamentation features; in good condition; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century binding of green parchment, the backing of the spine of which is missing and whose front cover is partially torn, and in whose top left-hand corner is written in ink: G.3 NLI, MS G 7; a miscellany of prose and verse, including dindshenchas, copied by one main scribe in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; iii + 11 + i; modern columnar numeration in ink, except for a singleton leaf which is stitched to the verso of leaf 6, on which a more recent pencil numeration of 24a has been added; 221mm 6 157mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying, especially along the bottom edges of leaves; modern binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CO- | DEX | HI- | BER- | NI- | CUS | MS. | G | 7 A portion of the manuscript of medical matter now preserved as NLI, MS G 11 may have been copied at Woodstock, about a mile to the west of Athy, co.  Bolgaidhi, has af®nities with Kildare. The family name of its main scribe, O south-east Leinster, and is rarely found elsewhere. NLI, MS G 11; medical matter, including the Bretha CroÂlige (`Judgements of  Bolgaidhi, 1466±76; Irish Blood-Lying'), copied mainly by Donnchadh O (Latin); parchment; ii + 232 + viii; two coextensive late-seventeenth- or early-eighteenth-century ink paginations, the ®rst system (the most adequate and that referred to in the Repertory) running 1±459, and the second system (less accurately implemented) ending on p. 195 of the ®rst system; 233mm 6 168mm; rubrication is used, mainly in red, but with some in green and yellow, and some zoomorphic ornamentation is applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but certain leaves are soiled; early-eighteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MS. | G | 11; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 11 The Book of Magauran is the name by which the earliest duanaire extant is familiarly known. It contains bardic verse dedicated to members of the MaÂg ShamhradhaÂin family of Tullyhaw, co. Cavan. NLI, MS G 1200 (Book of Magauran); bardic poetry copied mainly by  CianaÂin (²1387); Irish; parchment; xiii + 27 + xiii (a narrow Ruaidhrõ O parchment strip bearing text is intercalated between folios ¦ and 8); nineteenthcentury ink foliation; f. 3: 295mm 6 209mm; f. 6: 295mm 6 209mm; f. 8: 275mm 6 208mm; f. 21: 270mm 6 201mm; rubrication in red, and some in blue, is applied throughout to litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, though many leaves are much darkened with age; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather. Dublin, National Museum of Ireland The Dalway (or FitzGerald) Harp A harp in organological terms is a chordophone approximately triangular in shape. It comprises three limbs: the harmonic curve (or stringholder or neck), which runs horizontally and to which the tuning pegs are attached; the soundbox, the instrument's resonating chamber, which runs diagonally; and

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the forepillar, which connects the end of the harmonic curve to the end of the soundbox. The strings (on early Irish harps these were normally made of metal) ran between the harmonic curve and the soundbox. The Dalway harp derives the name by which it is most commonly known from the Dalway family of co. Antrim, in whose possession it remained for many years, although originally it was made in 1621 for the use of musicians in the household of Sir John FitzEdmond FitzGerald of Cloyne, co. Cork. Its soundbox is missing, possibly destroyed over time as a result of the tension exerted upon it by its original ®ftytwo strings. Only the remnants of its harmonic curve and forepillar now survive. (A conjectural reconstruction of its shape is published in J. H. Pierse, `Nicholas Dall Pierse of Co. Kerry, Harper', Journal of the Kerry Archñological and Historical Society 6 (1973), 40±75; see Plate 6 opposite p. 57.) The inscription transcribed from it for the Repertory runs along the harmonic curve and the forepillar. Dublin, Royal Irish Academy (RIA) The Royal Irish Academy was founded in May 1785 upon the initiative of James, earl of Charlemont, and members of the Dublin Society (later the Royal Dublin Society). Its brief was to promote the study of science, antiquities and polite literature. Today it houses a major collection of Gaelic manuscripts, over thirty of which have provided items for this volume. RIA, MS 3 (23 L 17); poetry dating from the thirteenth to the seventeenth  a MurchuÂgha in Carrignavar, co. Cork, 1744±5 (see centuries, copied by SeaÂn U also by him BL, MS Additional 29614 below); Irish; paper; iii + 152 + v; modern pencil foliation running 7±10, followed by eighteenth-century ink foliation running 11±158; 197mm 6 155mm; very occasionally display script is used on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but all leaves are strengthened with lisse; eighteenth-century binding of brown half leather, with modern repairs, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: 23. | L. 17. | ROYAL | IRISH ACADEMY RIA, MS 5 (23 D 4); poetry copied by one main scribe (evidently trained to write in Munster) in the seventeenth century; Irish; paper; i + 204 + i; modern ink pagination; 145mm 6 102mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is considerable staining and discolouration on some leaves; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is af®xed a label: 23 | D | 4  Lochlainns The Book of the O  Lochlainn This manuscript was written for the Limerick doctor Brian O  (²1734), and contains poetry and genealogical material related to the O Lochlainn family between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, as well as  Lochlainns were held material about the legendary Ulidians from whom the O to have sprung.  Lochlainns); copied by Aindrias Mac RIA, MS 11 (Stowe E iv 3; Book of the O CruitõÂn in Moyglass, co. Clare in 1727; Irish (English, Latin); paper; v + 139 +

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xlvii (i-xliv, though mostly blank and in effect endleaves, are part of the book proper); eighteenth-century ink pagination with modern pencil adjustments; 310mm 6 203mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the front cover is detached; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: STOWE | MS | E | IV | 3 | ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY RIA, MS 132 (23 D 2); genealogies and other texts, including Tecosca Cormaic (`Cormac's Teachings'), copied by two main scribes in the seventeenth century; Irish; paper; vi + 15 + iv; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 134mm 6 90mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some staining and the top right-hand corners of leaves, now missing, have been repaired with lisse; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: 23. | D. | 2. | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY RIA, MS 156 (23 D 5); a miscellany of prose and verse copied by SeoÂn Mac Solaidh, in the barony of Slane, co. Meath, c. 1715, and by his associate Riosdaird Tuibear, also in the eighteenth century; Irish; paper; ii + 208 + iii; eighteenth-century ink pagination; 148mm 6 89mm; no decoration; in good condition; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: 23. | D. 5. | ROYAL | IRISH ACADEMY  RIA, MS 203 (Stowe E v 5); a miscellany of prose and verse copied by PoÂl oÂg O LongaÂin in Cork in 1819; Irish; paper; i + 188 + i; nineteenth-century ink pagination; 182mm 6 115mm; occasionally rubrication and decoration are applied to initial litterae notabiliores; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: E | V | 5 | R.I.A. RIA, MS 211 (23 G 20); a miscellany of prose and verse copied mainly by  LongaÂin, in various places in cos. Cork, Kerry and Limerick MõÂcheaÂl O between 1786±1814; Irish (English, Latin); paper; viii + 196 (counting a paper insert on p. 224) + v; nineteenth-century ink pagination; 346mm 6 212mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but the edges of most leaves have been repaired with lisse, some are soiled and the last ones badly damaged; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: O'LONGAN'S | IRISH | MANUSCRIPTS | VOL. 1.; beneath this is written in white ink: 23 | G | 20; beneath this is af®xed a label, largely illegible: G h. .j RIA, MS 303 (23 L 37); a miscellany of prose and verse, including several  BruÂdair, copied by three scribes between 1706±9, principal poems by DaÂibhõ O among whom was one SeaÂn Stac; Irish (English, Latin); paper; i + 135 + i; contemporary ink pagination running 1±26, 35±62, 65±164, 164a-189, 192±231, 234±45, 249±64 and 267±90; p. 57: 198mm 6 151mm; very occasionally display script is used on litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, but many leaves are strengthened with lisse or paper stiffeners at their right edge, and much dirtying throughout; late-eighteenth- or early-nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, at the top of whose spine is stamped in gold: 23 | L | 37; and at whose bottom is stamped in gold: R.I.A.

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RIA, MS 308 (23 M 16); a miscellany of prose and verse copied by Aindrias Mac Mathghamhna between 1767±76; Irish (English, Latin); paper; iii + 127 + iii; eighteenth-century ink pagination, continued in modern pencil from p. 229; 194mm 6 136mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is a little staining; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: 23 | M | 16 | R.I.A. Leabhar Chlainne Suibhne This manuscript, in three distinct sections, contains material either compiled for, or directly concerning, members of the Mac Suibhne family of co. Donegal. The item included in the Repertory is from a poem that appears in the third section, and is copied by an unknown scribe in an early-seventeenth-century hand. The poem is addressed to Domhnall Mac Suibhne, who ¯ourished c. 1619. RIA, MS 475 (24 P 25; Leabhar Chlainne Suibhne); copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; Irish (English, Latin); parchment, with paper ¯y- and endleaves; xiii + 80 + xiii; modern pencil pagination, running 1±180; p. 149: 356mm 6 222mm; interlace applied occasionally and grey metalic rubrication of litterae notabiliores in some sections; in generally good condition, but extensive staining and damp marks on some leaves; lateeighteenth- or early-nineteenth-century binding of white half leather, at the bottom of whose spine is a paper label: 24 | P | 25 Liber Flavus Fergusiorum This manuscript, now bound in two parts, was once an heirloom of the Fergus family of Connacht. Some of the exemplars used in its compilation evidently hailed from co. Roscommon: for example, according to a note on f. 23 of Part 1, one of these was copied at Lissian (a townland in the barony of Frenchpark, Â Maelchonaire (perhaps the man whose co. Roscommon), by Donnchadh O death is recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters, s.a. 1404). Although the description of the Liber in the current Catalogue regards it as the product of various scribes' work, something still seems to be said for an earlier view, which the Catalogue rejects, that one scribe, copying over a period of time, may have been chie¯y responsible for its production. The manuscript is a miscellany, mainly of religious texts, exempla and homilies, and includes versions of the SeÂnadh Saigri (the `Blessing' or `Enchantment of Seirkieran', f. 11v) and the FõÂs AdamnaÂin (`AdomnaÂn's Vision', f. 17v). For these texts, see respectively Appendices 6.11 (i) and 6.15. RIA, MS 476 (23 O 48; Liber Flavus Fergusiorum), Part 1; copied mainly by one scribe, c. 1437; Irish (Latin); parchment; ii + 37 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 11: 268mm 6 213mm; f. 19: 280mm 6 216mm; some litterae notabiliores are rubricated in red or slate grey; generally in good condition, but there is extensive staining throughout, especially on the ®rst leaf; seventeenth-century binding of brown reversed leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: LIBER FLAVUS | FERGUSIORUM | PARS. I.; a label af®xed to the spine is now obliterated.

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Leabar ChaillõÂn (the Book of Fenagh) In about 1516, the scribe of this manuscript, Muirgius Mac PaidõÂn Uõ Maelchonairi (²1543, according to the Annals of the Four Masters), incorporated the verse contents of an early codex then known as the Book of St CaillõÂn  Rodaige, into the present manuscript Life of St CaillõÂn. He did this for Tadhg O  the comarbae (`ecclesiatical heir') of St CaillõÂn at Fenagh, co. Leitrim. The O Rodaige family were the hereditary comarbai of Fenagh. RIA, MS 479 (23 P 26; Leabar ChaillõÂn or the Book of Fenagh); copied by one Muirgius Mac PaidõÂn Uõ Maelchonairi, c. 1516; Irish (Latin); parchment; vii + 42 + vii; modern pencil pagination; 305mm 6 244mm; generally in good condition, but the ®rst and last leaves are blackened and stained; rubrication is applied to some litterae notabiliores, either in red or in ochre; nineteenthcentury binding of black leather (covered in a black leather dust jacket), on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: BOOK | OF | FENAGH | MS. | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY. The Book of Lecan This manuscript, with the Yellow Book of Lecan (described below), survives from the library of the Mac Firbhisigh family of Lecan, co. Sligo. They were a learned family of historians. A note on f. 32 by its chief scribe, Gilla IÂsa MoÂir  a Dubda, king of Mac Firbhisigh, says that he was working when Ruaidhrõ U Uõ Fiachrach, was alive, and hence his scribal stint can be dated with some accuracy between c. 1380 and 1417, the year of RuaidhrõÂ's death. In fact on the strength of internal evidence, it is likely to date more exactly to the autumn of  Cuindlis (scribe of the Leabhar 1397. Gilla IÂsa was assisted by Murchadh O Breac, also described below, and of a portion of the Yellow Book of Lecan).  Cuindlis in 1417 (when Tadg Riabhach Two other scribes appear, Riabhach O  dhamh O   CuirnõÂn in about 1418. O  O Dubda succeeded RuaidhrõÂ) and A CuirnõÂn seems to have been responsible for copying the Records item on f. 83v (see The customs of Uõ Mhaine in section 5.3 below). The content of the Book of Lecan resembles that of the Book of Ballymote (described below), for evidently some of this content was derived from a source similar to that also drawn upon for parts of the Book of Ballymote. Unlike the Book of Ballymote, however, the Book of Lecan was written as an heirloom by this family of historians. Amongst other items, it includes a version of the Lebor GabaÂla (the `Book of Invasions'), noõÂbshenchas (`ecclesiastical history'), the Historia Brit ces (the `Scholars' Primer'), a version of onum of Nennius, the Uraicept na nE CoÂir Anmann (the `Appropriateness of Names'), the Lebor na Cert (the `Book of Rights'), banshenchas (`traditions of women'), dindshenchas, and various genealogical and hagiographical materials. (Nine of its leaves are detached and now preserved as TCD, MS 1319 (H. 2. 17), though these are not of present concern.) RIA, MS 535 (23 P 2; Book of Lecan); copied chie¯y by Gilla IÂsa MoÂir Mac  Cuindlis, and by Riabhach O  Firbhisigh c. 1397 and assisted by Murchadh O    Cuindlis and Adhamh O Cuirnõn between 1417±18; Irish; parchment; i + 302 + i; modern ink foliation; 305mm 6 220mm; occasional anthropomorphic

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ornament appears, and some rubrication in yellow or vermillion is applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but there is some staining; modern binding of white half pigskin on oak boards, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: THE BOOK OF LECAN | ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY The Book of Ballymote The Book of Ballymote was the ®rst Irish manuscript to be acquired by the Royal Irish Academy. Possibly originally commissioned by a Mac Donnchadha patron, it was begun and partly written when Tommaltach oÂg Mac Donnchadha was lord of Tirerril, co. Sligo, between 1383±97. One of its  DuibhgeannaÂin (²1452, according to the Annals of the scribes was Maghnus O Four Masters), a member of the learned family of that name from north Connacht who served as hereditary historians to the Mac Donaghs, the Mac Dermots and the O'Farrells. On p. 445, Maghnus noted that he was at the house of Domhnall Mac AodhagaÂin (²1413). His tutor was Gilla na Naem Mac AodhagaÂin (²1399), Domhnall Mac AodhagaÂin's elder brother. Since both were evidently alive when Maghnus was writing, his stint was ®nished before 1399 (and may in fact date to c. 1391). The evident association of Maghnus with members of another learned family, the Mac AodhagaÂins, under whose auspices some of the legal manuscripts described below were also produced, witnesses to a network of collaborations between the learned  Droma and families during this period. Two other scribes, Solamh O Robertus Mac SõÂthigh, who sometimes worked in close association with Maghnus, also feature in the Book. They may have been hereditary scribes  DuibhgeannaÂin household. (The hand of Solamh appears also in the of the O Yellow Book of Lecan, described below.) The scribes of the items collected for the Repertory are identi®able as follows: p. 208, Robertus Mac SõÂthigh;  Droma; pp. 342 and 347, Maghnus O  pp. 296 and 305, Solamh O DuibhgeannaÂin. RIA, MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote); copied by three principal scribes,  DuibhgeannaÂin, Solamh O  Droma and Robertus Mac SõÂthigh, Maghnus O between c. 1391 and the ®fteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; v + 247 + iii; modern pencil pagination; p. 208: 382mm 6 252mm; p. 291: 382mm 6 251mm; p. 294: 382mm 6 249mm; p. 342: 381mm 6 246mm; p. 347: 382mm 6 245mm; some anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and foliate decoration is employed, and rubrication is applied to litterae notabiliores in some sections; generally in good condition, though worm has attacked some of the earlier leaves; ®fteenth- or sixteenth-century binding of brown leather on wooden boards, repaired in the nineteenth century, and on the spine of which is  TA | MS. | ROYAL stamped in gold: LEABHAR | BHAILE | AN MHO IRISH ACADEMY RIA, MS 617 (23 K 32); a version of the Lebor GabaÂla, copied probably by  CleÂirigh, c. 1630; Irish; paper; iv + 132 + iii; modern ink CuÂcoigriche O pagination; 187mm 6 134mm; occasional litterae notabiliores feature; generally in good condition, though a few leaves are damp stained; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather, now protected by a modern black leather dust jacket, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LEABHAR | GABHALA

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| O'CLERIGH. | MS. | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY; between: MS.; and: ROYAL; is af®xed a label: 23 | K | 32 Annals of the Four Masters This composition, a collection of annals of Ireland known from the seventeenth century as the Annals of the Four Masters, was, as its title suggests, the product  CleÂirigh, CuÂcoigriche O  CleÂirigh (of co. Donegal), of four scholars: MõÂcheaÂl O  Maoilchonaire (of co. Roscommon) and CuÂcoigriche O  DuibhFearfeasa O geannaÂin (of co. Leitrim). They worked at the Franciscan house near Ballyshannon, co. Donegal, between January 1632 and 10 August 1636, where they  CleÂirigh (the brother of MõÂcheaÂl) and by were for a while assisted by Conaire O  Maoilchonaire. Two complete holograph sets of the Annals, each in Muiris O three volumes, were made. One of these sets is held by the Royal Irish Academy, and it is from this set that the items excerpted for the Repertory have been chosen (RIA, MSS 687 (23 P 6), 688 (23 P 7) and 1220 (Stowe C iii 3) ). Of the other set, only two of the three original volumes survive, one in Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies Library, MS A 13 and another in TCD, MS 1301 (H. 2. 11). RIA, MS 687 (23 P 6; Annals of the Four Masters); annals, running from 1171  CleÂirigh, CuÂcoigriche O  CleÂirigh, Conaire O  to 1499, copied by MõÂcheaÂl O  Maoilchonaire and Fearfeasa O  CleÂirigh and two others (possibly Muiris O Maoilchonaire), in Donegal between January 1632 and 10 August 1636; Irish; paper, with an unfoliated parchment bifolium inserted after f. 34; iii + 287 + iii; two modern foliations, the ®rst, running 1±34, followed by the second, running 1±255 (f. 145 is foliated as `145±149'); 232mm 6 153mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though leaves are mounted within frames; ornate eighteenth- or early-nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANNALS | OF THE | IV. MASTERS | 1171±1499 | ORIGINAL | MS | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY; below this is af®xed a fragmentary label: 23 | P | 6 RIA, MS 688 (23 P 7; Annals of the Four Masters); annals, running from 1500  CleÂirigh, CuÂcoigriche O  CleÂirigh, and Conaire O  to 1616, copied by MõÂcheaÂl O CleÂirigh, probably in Donegal at about the same time as MS 687 above; Irish; paper; iii + 293 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 230mm 6 160mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though leaves are now individually mounted within frames; ornate eighteenth- or early-nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANNALS | OF THE | IV. MASTERS | 1500±1616 | ORIGINAL | MS | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY; below this is af®xed a fragmentary label: 23 | P | 7 RIA, MS 741 (Stowe B ii 2); dindshenchas, copied by one scribe in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; xix + 8 + xxxiii; modern pencil foliation; 273mm 6 216mm; interlace decoration, some zoomorphic, is often employed on litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, but the outer leaves are very badly darkened and there is some staining on the inner leaves; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: IRISH MS. | No. V. | FRAGMENT: | DIN=SEANCHUS. |

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SáC. XIV.; and on the re-backed spine of which is stamped in gold: B | II | 2 | R. I A RIA, MS 756 (23 E 26); historical and genealogical matter, including a version of the Lebor na Cert, copied by two principal scribes, Riosdaird Tuibear and SeoÂn Mac Solaidh, beginning in November 1716 (a scribal note on p. 290 declares that the text excerpted in the Records, the Seanchas Geraltach, was copied by Riosdaird Tuibear on 15 July 1719); Irish (Latin, English); paper; ii + 388 + i; eighteenth-century ink pagination, running 1a-12a, then 1±138, 139a, 139, 139b, 140±356, 358±62; 296mm 6 180mm; very occasional zoomorphic ornamention is employed on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but there is staining on the some leaves; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, at the top of whose spine is stamped in gold: 23. | E. | 26; and at whose bottom is stamped in gold: ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY | RIA, MS 967 (23 N 10); tales and dindshenchas, including a version of the CaÂin Domnaig (the `Law of Sunday') and Tecosca Cormaic, copied by three main scribes, Aodh, Dubthach and Tornae, in the second half of the sixteenth century (Dubthach noted on p. 101 that he was ®nishing his stint on the ®rst Monday after the feast of St John, 1575); Irish (Latin); parchment and paper; vi + 14 (parchment) + 66 (paper) + iv; modern ink pagination; parchment leaves: 204mm 6 136mm; paper leaves: 202mm 6 135mm; interlace decoration embelishes some litterae notabiliores, especially in the parchment section; the parchment section shows some staining, the paper section is fragile and repaired with lisse, while some leaves have holes and are extremely fragmentary, especially the ®nal ones; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the detached spine of which is stamped in gold: 23 N. 10.  DuinnõÂn in RIA, MS 968 (Stowe A iv 1); saints' lives, copied by Domhnall O Cork in 1627; Irish; paper; iv + 156 + ii; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 179mm 6 146mm; no decoration; in fair condition, though many leaves are damaged and have been strengthened with lisse; nineteenth-century binding of dark green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: STOWE | MS. | A. | IV. | 1. RIA, MS 998 (23 F 21); poetic miscellany, mainly of eulogies on members of the Butler family, copied by various scribes and compiled c. 1576 for TioboÂid BuitleÂir; Irish; parchment (endleaves i-ii of paper); i + 9 + iv; ink pagination running 1±5, continued in modern pencil, running 6±7, ®rst ink pagination resuming on 8, modern pencil on 9, [10] unnumbered, 11 in ink, 12±13 in pencil, 14±15 in ink, [16] unnumbered, 17 in ink and [18] unnumbered; p. 6: 289mm 6 210mm; very occasional litterae notabiliores feature; generally in good condition, but a little staining especially at the beginning and the end, and leaf 8 repaired with lisse; nineteenth-century binding of maroon half leather, on the spine of which is written lengthways in gold: IRISH. M.S.; beneath which is written in white ink: 23 | F | 21 RIA, MS 1080 (Stowe B iv 2); largely a verse miscellany, copied mainly by  CleÂirigh between 1627 and 1628; Irish; paper; ii + 152 + i; MõÂcheaÂl O seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±158, completed in modern pencil, running 159±62; 191mm 6 153mm; occasional litterae notabiliores

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feature; generally in good condition, but imperfect at beginning and end, and leaves are mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: STOWE MS. | B | IV | 2 The Book of Fermoy The Book of Fermoy is an anthology which includes a copy of the Lebor  a Chorra; see Appendix 6.11 GabaÂla, saga tales (amongst them the Immram U (iii) ), religious texts, poems and medical matter. It was probably compiled for a member of the Roche family of Fermoy. The Roches were highly Gaelicized Anglo-Normans who held lands in north-east co. Cork. Their Book was produced mainly in the ®fteenth century (the date 22 November 1457 appears on p. 55, for example), with some earlier (fourteenth-century) leaves incorporated and some later additions made in the sixteenth century (notably the medical matter in the last section of the manuscript, from treatises once  hIÂceadha family, hereditary physicians in medieval belonging to the O Munster). Various scribes were at work in it, two of whom are clearly  Leighin, one of the ®fteenth-century scribes (¯oruit c. named: Domhnall O 1460), and Torna Mac Torna Uõ Mhaoilchonaire who was active in the sixteenth century. On p. 153, Torna also named the place in which he wrote as being Baile an Caislein an Roitsigh, that is, Castletown Roche, in the barony of Fermoy, co. Cork. The fourteenth-century leaves have been identi®ed as the  dhamh O  CianaÂin (on whom see above under NLI, MS G work of the scribe A 3). Material of speci®c concern to the Roche family of Fermoy also appears in the manuscript, and it is very likely that over the years most of it was produced in or around Fermoy. RIA, MS 1134 (23 E 29; Book of Fermoy); copied by various scribes, including  Leighin (®fteenth century) and Torna Mac Torna Uõ MhaoilchoDomhnall O naire (sixteenth century) in the fourteenth, ®fteenth and sixteenth centuries; Irish; parchment; i + 119 + i; modern ink pagination; p. 129: 265mm 6 190mm; p. 171: 258mm 6 187mm; generally in fair condition, though many leaves, now mounted within modern parchment frames, are badly discoloured by time and/ or reagent, and their original edges are badly damaged; modern binding of white half pigskin on oak boards, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BOOK OF | FERMOY | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY Annals of Connacht The Annals of Connacht, which have close textual af®nities with the Annals of Loch Ce (see below), were compiled probably some time early in the sixteenth century. They were copied by three scribes who are likely to have been members  DuibhgeannaÂin family (on this family, see the headnote to the Book of of the O Ballymote above). The Annals of Connacht were themselves consulted in the production of the Annals of the Four Masters, also described above. RIA, MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1; Annals of Connacht); annals, running from 1224 to 1562, copied by three main scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; v + 91 + iv (a collection of miscellaneous papers and letters, not counted here, has also been bound in at the end); modern ink foliation; 285mm 6 210mm;

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very occasional interlace decoration features on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though there is some damage to the last ®ve folios; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, parting from the manuscript and with its front cover detached, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRISH MS | No. IX. | ANN CONNAC. | SáC. XVI; below this is af®xed a label: C | III | 1 Annals of the Four Masters RIA, MS 1220 (Stowe C iii 3; Annals of the Four Masters); annals dated Anno Mundi 2520 ± A.D. 1171, copied between January 1632 and 10 August 1636 by  CleÂirigh, CuÂcoigriche O  CleÂirigh, and probably also by the MõÂcheaÂl O following, the latter two of whom copied the bulk of the manuscript: Fearfeasa  Maoilchonaire, Conaire O  CleÂirigh and Muiris O  Maoilchonaire; Irish; O paper; xix + 524 + xvi (the last two endleaves are detached with the back cover); seventeenth-century ink foliation (foliation is omitted from the eighteenthcentury blank interleaves, and a foliation has been subsequently superimposed on an earlier foliation which ran 1±137, 178±209, 230±39, 230±572, skipping numbers 138±77 and 210±29, and duplicating numbers 230±39: references in the Repertory are to the subsequent, superimposed alterations); 264mm 6 180mm; no decoration; in good condition; ornate eighteenth-century binding of brown leather whose front and back covers are detached, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRISH MS | No. XXI. | ANNALES | IV MAGISTROR: | HIBERNICI; below this is af®xed a label: C | III | 3; at the top of the spine is af®xed a label: C. 3. 3  RIA, MS 1222 (Stowe D ii 2); verse and prose dindshenchas, copied by Muiris O CleÂirigh probably in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; v + 90 + viii (endleaves i-ii contain notes in Irish and English); modern ink foliation; f. 5: 278mm 6 204mm; extensive rubrication features in red, yellow and green, plus many zoomorphic and occasional anthropomorphic ornaments on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but there is a little staining and tearing of the edges of leaves, especially of the opening ones; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the re-backed spine of which is stamped in gold: STOWE | MS. | D. | II. | 2. | ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY RIA, MS 1223 (Stowe D iv 2); a miscellany of prose and verse, including a  Hachoideirn, SeaÂn version of the SeÂnadh Saigri, copied mainly by Eoghan O Mac Aedacain and one other unnamed scribe, at the monastery of Kilcormick, co. Offaly, in the ®fteenth century; Irish; parchment; iii + 89 + iv (not counting a modern set of notes bound in after endleaf i); modern pencil foliation; f. 49:  257mm 6 221mm; f. 51: 250mm 6 218mm; rubrication features in Eoghan O Hachoideirn's section, some interlace decoration is used on litterae notabiliores, and there is one elaborate zoomorphic capital; generally in good condition, but some leaves are damp stained, some gnawed either along their top or bottom edges, and in places at the right edge of leaves text has been lost to the binder's knife; sixteenth-century binding of brown leather on wooden boards, repaired in the nineteenth century but with the front board and spine now loose, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: STOWE | D. | IV. | 2. | ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY

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The Book of Uõ Mhaine (the Book of the O'Kellys) This manuscript, whose contents include, amongst other things, genealogies,  ces, historical tracts, religious and secular poetry, a copy of the Auraicept na nE a copy of the Lebor na Cert, dindshenchas, traditions about saints and  a Ceallaigh banshenchas, was produced in Connacht for Muircheartach U (bishop of Clonfert, 1378±94, and archbishop of Tuam, 1394±1407), and probably just before his archiepiscopal elevation in 1394 (the year in which he also spent Christmastide in Dublin with Richard II). Its contents are reminiscent of earlier compendia of Gaelic learning made by ecclesiastics before the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland in 1169. The Book takes its name from the lordship of Uõ Mhaine in north-east co. Galway and south co. Roscommon ruled over by the O'Kellys. (One of its two named medieval scribes, FaÂelaÂn Mac an Ghabhann, died in 1423, according to the Annals of the Four Masters.) Four leaves of the Book are preserved as ff. 17±20 of BL, MS Egerton 90 (see below). RIA, MS 1225 (Stowe D ii 1; Book of Uõ Mhaine); copied by various medieval  dhamh CuÂsõÂn, c. 1394, with scribes, including FaÂelaÂn Mac an Ghabhann and A some sixteenth-century additions; Irish (Latin); parchment; ii + 157 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 35: 421mm 6 267mm; f. 85: 421mm 6 242mm; some rubrication appears, either in vermillion, yellow or in both, and in certain sections occasional use is made of chrome and green, with zoomorphic interlace decoration sometimes applied to litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, but there is extensive staining and discolouration throughout; modern binding of white half pigskin on oak boards. Âa RIA, MS 1227 (3 B 23); devotional prose and homilies, copied by Tadcc U RigbardaÂin in the ®fteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; i + 41 + i; modern pencil pagination; 229mm 6 155mm; rubrication is sometimes applied to litterae notabiliores, either in green, red, yellow or ochre; generally in good condition, but there is some staining, especially on the ®rst and last leaves, and each leaf is now mounted on a guard; nineteenth-century binding of blue half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MISCELLANEA | HIBERNICA. | MS. | ROYAL | IRISH | ACADEMY; on a label af®xed between: MS.; and: ROYAL: 3 | B | 23 Lebor na hUidre (the Book of the Dun Cow) The Lebor na hUidre (the Book of the Dun Cow), the oldest surviving manuscript entirely in Irish, has been thus called since at least the ®fteenth century. Its unusual name probably derives from its former association with an important relic kept at the monastery of Clonmacnoise, co. Offaly, the hide of the cow which belonged to the monastery's founder, St CiaraÂn. It is not known for certain where the copying of its three main scribes took place, but the family of one of them, MaÂel Muire Mac CeÂlechair, had been long connected with Clonmacnoise, and MaÂel Muire died there in 1106. There has been some debate over which of the Lebor na hUidre hands may be that of MaÂel Muire, whether it was that of the copyist and compiler of the bulk of the manuscript (referred to in discussions as M), or that of the copyist referred to as H, who it is generally

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agreed was working a little later than M (and than A, the scribe who began the manuscript, perhaps in the last quarter of the eleventh century). H revised texts already copied, added glosses and some homilies. Much of the material compiled in Lebor na hUidre was derived from sources hailing from Meath and from Monasterboice, co. Louth. The contents are miscellaneous, and include tales of immrama (`wanderings'), like the Voyage of Bran and the Voyage of MaÂel DuÂin, the FõÂs AdamnaÂin, the Togail Bruidne Da Derga, the  eda SlaÂne, all of which feature in the Appendices (see Appendices Genemain A 6.11 (x), 6.15, 6.19 and 6.20), the Ulster sagas of the legendary hero Cu Chulainn and the earliest version of the Irish national epic, TaÂin Bo Cuailnge (the `Cattle Raid of CuÂalnge'). RIA, MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre); copied by three main scribes, one of whom was MaÂel Muire Mac CeÂlechair, who was active before 1106; Irish; parchment; i + 67; modern ink pagination; p. 30: 288mm 6 215mm; p. 52: 287mm 6 218mm; p. 88: 292mm 6 216mm; p. 92: 291mm 6 212mm; p. 94: 212mm 6 168mm; p. 96: 270mm 6 196mm; p. 117: 262mm 6 193mm; richly decorated, with parti-coloured rubrication (red, yellow and purple) applied to some litterae notabiliores, and with some zoomorphic ornamentation; generally in good condition, though there is some staining, and all leaves are mounted on guards; modern binding of half white pigskin on oak boards, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LEBOR | NA | HUIDRE | ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY Leabhar Breac (the Speckled Book) The Leabhar Breac received its popular name possibly as late as the eighteenth century. Before then it had long been known, and more appropriately, as the Leabhar MoÂr DuÂna Doighre (the `Great Book of Duniry'), after the place of that name in co. Galway. It was copied by one main scribe, probably  Cuindlis, who also assisted in the production of the Book of Murchadh O Lecan (see above) and who, a few years earlier in c. 1398±9, had copied a portion of the Yellow Book of Lecan (see below). His dated scribal stints in the Leabhar Breac are between December 1408 and Samhain (31 October) 1411. He seems to have produced it either for a cleric or clerical community, to judge by its contents, or for some member of the Mac AodhagaÂin family, famous lawyers who were active in the west of Ireland and some of whose law manuscripts are still extant (see further below). (Amongst other possible Mac AodhagaÂin associations, the jotting on p. 109, Misi Solam (`I am Solamh'), mentions a personal name, Solamh, which features frequently in Mac Aodha Cuindlis copied the Leabhar Breac from exemplars that gaÂin clan pedigrees.) O he found in the various places that he visited on his travels, as for example in Clonsast and Clonmacnoise, co. Offaly, and possibly also Loughrea, co. Galway. Some of it was written in Cluain Leathan. Though unidenti®ed, this place was probably situated some miles north of Lorrha, in the barony of Lower Ormond, north co. Tipperary. Cluain Leathan is known to have been a Mac AodhagaÂin centre of learning, and is perhaps to be identi®ed either with Ballymacegan or with Kiltyroe, two adjoining townlands. Many parts were written in MuÂscraige ThõÂre (a region in the baronies of Upper and Lower

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Ormond). The Leabhar Breac mainly contains religious texts of various kinds, homilies, exempla, saints' lives, and an important copy of Aislinge Meic Con Glinne (for which see Appendix 6.23).  RIA, MS 1230 (23 P 16; Leabhar Breac); copied probably by Murchadh O Cuindlis early in the ®fteenth century, and before 1411; Irish (Latin); parchment; i + 142 + i; modern ink pagination; 382mm 6 249mm; ®ne zoomorphic strapwork and interlace decoration embellish some litterae notabiliores, and there is lavish rubrication in red, yellow, and blue, these colours being applied either singly or in combination; generally in good condition, though the edges of certain folios are damaged, and some others are badly discoloured through wear, soiling or the use of reagent; modern binding of white half pigskin on oak boards, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: AN LEABHAR | BREAC | ROYAL IRISH | ACADEMY Section A of RIA, MS 1243 (23 Q 6), pp. 1±6, was produced in the Mac AodhagaÂin legal school at Duniry, co. Galway, in 1575, though one of its  DeoraÂin. (He added a colophon Misi Gaibrial O Deoradhain scribes was an O  DeoraÂin . . . A.D. 1575', on p. 5. A . . . anno domini 1575, `I am Gabriel O Gaibrial who signed various entries in TCD, MS 1336 (H. 3. 17) (see below), where he gave the date of his writing as 1577, may be one and the same scribe.)  Section B of the manuscript, pp. 7±30, contains work emanating from an O DeoraÂin legal school at TõÂr BriuÂin on the river Shannon, co. Roscommon, and  DeoraÂin, in the which was under the direction of Cairbre Mac Domnaill O middle of the sixteenth century. A certain Gilla na Naem oÂg (without patronymic) is mentioned in this section (p. 11). He may be the Gilla na  Deorainand (O  DeoraÂin) who was responsible for BL, MS Harley 432 Naem O (see below). In TõÂr BriuÂin there also worked alongside Gilla na Naem oÂg  Deoragain various other scribes, including a certain Flann Mac Cairbre O  DeoraÂin family name again), and two others, both with the name of (note the O Fergal. Section D of the manuscript, pp. 33±52, the section from which the item  Duibhdabhoirprinted in the Repertory is taken, has an association with the O  enn legal texts copied into BL, MS Egerton 88 (see below). Domhnall O Duibhdabhoirenn, whose hand appears in MS Egerton 88, also worked on Section D, with others under his direction. (As is clear from a note on p. 42, he  rlaith in 1565.) was writing at a place called Baile O RIA, MS 1243 (23 Q 6); law texts copied by various scribes, including Gaibrial  Deoradhain, Gilla na Naem oÂg (O  DeoraÂin?), Flann Mac Cairbre O  O  Duibhdabhoirenn in the sixteenth century; Irish; Deoragain and Domhnall O parchment; ii + 28 + ii; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century ink pagination; p. 52: 263mm 6 176mm; occasional rubrication is applied to litterae notabiliores in brown or in slate grey ink, some of which are also decorated with interlace; generally in good condition, but there is much staining throughout; eighteenthcentury binding of olive green leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BREHON | LAWS; beneath this is af®xed a label: 23 | Q | 6

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Dublin, Trinity College Library (TCD) After the Royal Irish Academy, the next most signi®cant repository for the purposes of this volume is the Library of Trinity College Dublin, which holds some nineteen manuscripts of concern here. Trinity College, established in 1592 on the land of the dissolved monastery of All Hallows, bene®ted notably in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from various bequests, book donations and purchases. Most of the manuscripts described below were acquired during these centuries. Annals of Ulster The compilation of the set of annals now known as the Annals of Ulster was undertaken by Cathal oÂg Mac Cathail oÂig Mac Maghnusa (²1498), vicar general of the diocese of Clogher and head of a sept of the Maguires of co. Fermanagh. Two fair copies of his compilation were made by the scribe  LuinõÂn (²1528), a member of the family who were hereditary Ruaidhrõ O  LuinõÂn's earliest and best copy was that described historians to the Maguires. O immediately below. He subsequently made another copy of the annals for Ruaidhrõ Mac Craith of Termonmagrath, co. Donegal (see Bodl., MS Raw Casaide, extended the linson B. 489, below). A second scribe, Ruaidhrõ O annals in this manuscript from 1505 to 1541, and various other scribes added subsequent entries sporadically until 1588. TCD, MS 1282 (H. 1. 8; Annals of Ulster); annals, running 431±1504, and  LuinõÂn in the early sixteenth century; Irish copied mainly by Ruaidhrõ O (Latin); parchment; ii + 119 (counting an interleaved stub with contemporary writing on it) + vii; modern pencil foliation; 318mm 6 234mm; interlace decoration is very occasionally applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but there is considerable staining; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, now detached, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANNALS | OF | ULSTER | H. | 1. | 8. TCD, MS 1286 (H. 1. 12); a copy of the Lebor GabaÂla, dindshenchas and  CleÂirigh in December 1631 at the various pedigrees, compiled by MõÂcheaÂl O Franciscan house at Lisgoole, co. Fermanagh, and the second portion of the manuscript, in which the item collected in the Repertory appears, was copied by  Dalaigh, c. 1742; Irish; paper; i (detached) + 149 + xvii (detached ®nal Aodh O quire containing an index, and paginated 103±33); two consecutive contemporary paginations, in red ink: the ®rst, running 1±184 (completed 185±7 in modern pencil), followed by the second, running 1±31 (completed 33±133 [32 is not paginated] in modern pencil); 315mm 6 201mm; some rubrication is used in both portions of the manuscript and occasional litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition; eighteenth-century binding of green parchment, on the spine of which are af®xed the following series of labels, each succeeding the other in descending order: Class. H | Tab. h. .j | N h. .j ; hCljass H. | hTajb. 2 | Nh.j ¦ | Thhje Book of | Chojnquhejsts ; Lhejabhahrj | Gabalhaj | &c. ; H | 1 | 12 ; 1286 TCD, MS 1289 (H. 1. 15); a copy of the Lebor GabaÂla, dindshenchas and various pedigrees, derived in large part from the Book of Ballymote (see

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 Neachtan between 1729±45; Irish (Latin); above), and copied by Tadhg O paper; ix + 497 + iv; eighteenth-century ink pagination; 305mm 6 195mm; some rubrication is applied, and occasionally display script and Textura varieties of litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MISCELhLANEjA | HIBhEjRNICA | TRANSCRIBED | BY | T. O'NAGHTAN. | H. 1. | 15.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1289 Annals of Loch Ce The so-called Annals of Loch CeÂ, compiled probably in the 1580s (and thus later in the same century than the Annals of Connacht to which they are textually related), contain an alternative version of the text also witnessed in the Annals of Connacht (see above). They were copied in part at Cloonybrien, co.  DuibhgeannaÂin family lived. The Loch Roscommon, where a branch of the O Ce and Connacht annal manuscripts were products of scribes working for this learned family. Brian Mac Diarmada, chieftain of the lordship of Magh Luirg (Moylurg, a territory in the barony of Boyle, co. Roscommon) between 1568 and 1592, seems to have instigated the production of the two extant Loch Ce annals manuscripts, TCD, MS 1293 (H. 1. 19) and a portion of BL, MS Additional 4792. Indeed, he added several entries to both in his own hand. TCD, MS 1293 (H. 1. 19); annals, running 1014±1571, copied by various  Duibhscribes, and mainly by Pilip Badlaigh (probably a member of the O  geannain family) in 1589, with assistance from Dubhthach and Conairi  DuibhgeannaÂin family), from Brian Mac (probably also members of the O Diarmada himself, and from Donnchadh Mac an Filedh; Irish (Latin); parchment and paper; ii + 137 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 50: 259mm 6 192mm; f. 74: 269mm 6 200mm; f. 126: 272mm 6 204mm; f. 130: 258mm 6 189mm; f. 132: 252mm 6 192mm; interlace decoration occasionally embellishes litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though the ®rst and last leaves are much darkened and others are a little discoloured; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather, with nineteenth-century repairs, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANNALES | HIBERNIá | H. I. | 19; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1293 TCD, MS 1308/i, ii (H. 2. 12); a copy of the Acallam na SenoÂrach, the tract corus bard ¦ bardni, and a law fragment, copied by one scribe in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 10; modern pencil pagination; 258mm 6 173mm; zoomorphic ornamentation features, and rubrication is applied to some litterae notabiliores in red, yellow and blue, each colour either singly or in combination; generally in good condition, but there is some staining, especially on the ®rst leaf; unbound leaves preserved in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: MS 1308/i-iii TCD, MS 1315 (H. 2. 13); chie¯y medical texts, including a tract on Latin declension, copied by three main scribes in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; ii + 115 + ii; modern pencil pagination; pp. 69±70: 269mm 6 184mm; some litterae notabiliores feature, and rubrication is applied to one diagram; generally in good condition, but there is some staining of the

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opening leaves; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front cover is detached, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MISCELLANEA | HIBERNICA | EX DONO | JOH. SEBRIGHT | EQ. AUR. | H. 2. | 13.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1315 The booklets (designated as Volumes in the descriptions below) which comprise TCD, MS 1316 (H. 2. 15a) date to the fourteenth and ®fteenth centuries, though the booklet of present concern, Volume 2, dates to the fourteenth century. All the booklets originated in one of the Mac AodhagaÂin law schools in the region of north co. Tipperary and east co. Galway. A substantial proportion of their text was copied by Conchobhar Mac AodhagaÂin (he copied f. 15 in Volume 2, for example), and at least three other scribes added commentary and glosses,  edh, Conchobhar's son, who noted the date 1350 in a memorandum including A at the bottom of f. 18v in Volume 2, and another, who has been identi®ed as  DallaÂin, whose hand appears in certain other fourteenth-century LuÂcaÂs O manuscripts (for example, TCD, MS 1298 (H. 2. 7), cols 1±236, which he  dhamh O  CianaÂin, on whom see above under NLI, MS G 3). MS copied for A 1316 is one of the most important of the extant codices of early Irish law. TCD, MS 1316 (H. 2. 15a), Volume 2; copied by Conchobhar Mac AodhagaÂin  edh his son and LuÂcaÂs O  DallaÂin) in the and two other main scribes (A fourteenth century; Irish; parchment; 28; modern pencil foliation; f. 15: 490mm 6 245mm; f. 29: 346mm 6 254mm; rubrication in red, and also occasionally in yellow, green and purple, is applied to several litterae notabiliores, and there is some use of interlace decoration and zoomorphic ornamentation; generally in good condition, but there is some staining, and some leaves are mounted on guards; modern binding of white pigskin, on the front and back covers of which is stamped in gold: H. 2. 15 VOL. II 6±33 | 11±42 | 47±66 | 43±46 TCD, MS 1317 (H. 2. 15b); copied in the seventeenth century by An Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh (²1670); Irish; paper; vi + 172 + ii; modern stamped ink pagination; 305mm 6 200mm; some rubrication appears in the earlier leaves; in fair condition, though many leaves in the ®rst half of the manuscript are repaired with lisse, and some are stained with damp; nineteenthcentury binding of blue leatherette, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MISCELLANEA | HIBERNICA | H. | 2. | 15. | No. 2.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1317 The Yellow Book of Lecan The principal matter of the Yellow Book of Lecan is historical, topographical, mythological, legal, medical and religious. This miscellaneous nature is underscored by the variety of the manuscript's composition, for its sections were copied by various scribes between dates ranging from 1391 and 1592, and in various places, including cos. Sligo, Galway, Tipperary and Cork. The later leaves of the manuscript (cols 573±958, the earliest in terms of copying) were mainly the work of Gilla IÂsa MoÂir Mac Firbhisigh (²1418), who was active in 1391. He was assisted by his son TomaÂs Cam. Gilla IÂsa was the head of the school of the Mac Firbhisigh family in Lecan, co. Sligo, and hereditary

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 Dubda. It is likely that much of the Yellow historian to the local chieftain O Book re¯ects Mac Firbhisigh interests, and like certain other manuscripts described above, it too witnesses to collaboration between the Gaelic learned families of its region during the late Middle Ages: the hand of a Book of  Droma, also appears in it, as does the hand of Ballymote scribe, Solamh O  Cuindlis, the scribe of the Leabhar Breac and of portions of the Murchadh O Book of Lecan (see the descriptions above) between cols 281±344. The scribes who wrote the texts excerpted here for the Repertory are identi®able: col. 77  occurs in a section of the manuscript copied by Iolland and Tornae O Maoilchonaire (with help perhaps from a third, unnamed scribe) in the sixteenth century; cols 94, 114 and 122 in a section also copied by them in 1572; col. 220 in a section copied by Donnchad Mac Gilla Naem Uõ DuinnõÂn in 1405, at Rossbrinn Castle, Skull parish, co. Cork; and col. 740 in a section copied by Gilla IÂsa MoÂir Mac Firbhisigh. (A portion of the Yellow Book of Lecan now extant as NLI, MS G 4 is not of present concern.) TCD, MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan); copied by various scribes,  Maoilchonaire, Donnchad Mac Gilla Naem Uõ including Iolland and Tornae O DuinnõÂn and Gilla IÂsa MoÂir Mac Firbhisigh, between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and in various places, including cos. Sligo, Galway, Tipperary and Cork; Irish (Latin); parchment; xx + 242 + viii; late-seventeenth century columnar numeration in ink; col. 18: 288mm 6 230mm; col. 77: 302mm 6 224mm; col. 94: 300mm 6 224mm; col. 114: 295mm 6 225mm; col. 122: 299mm 6 225mm; col. 220: 296mm 6 216mm; cols 243±4: 297mm 6 217mm; col. 292: 304mm 6 213mm; col. 339: 310mm 6 220mm; col. 811: 309mm 6 219mm; col. 740: 313mm 6 213mm; rubrication and interlace decoration are used in some sections; generally in good condition, but some leaves are badly stained or rubbed; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LEABHAIR BUIDHE | LEACAIN | AND MISCELLANEA; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1318 TCD, MS 1322 (H. 3. 3); a collection of dindshenchas, copied by John O'Keenan, some time before Christmas in some unspeci®ed year in the  Maoilchonaire, who is sixteenth century (a contemporary note says SeaÂn O perhaps the man of the same name who kept a school in Elizabeth I's reign, is sick at Ardkyle, a place near Six Mile Bridge, co. Clare); Irish; parchment; iii + 39 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 279mm 6 225mm; rubrication is used on litterae notabiliores in the earlier part of the manuscript, and there is some anthropomorphic ornamentation and occasional interlace decoration; generally in good condition, but some leaves are stained by damp and/or reagent; modern binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold lengthways: THE DINN SEANCHUS; and at the bottom: H. | 3. | 3 The codices TCD, MS 1336 (H. 3. 17) and 1337 (H. 3. 18) both have af®liations with the Mac AodhagaÂin legal family. The ®rst third of MS 1336 is also  DeoraÂin (the Heptads copied associated with another family of lawyers, the O  DeoraÂin section into this manuscript appear twice, for example, once in the O  DeoraÂin and Mac and again in the Mac AodhagaÂin section). Both O AodhagaÂin scribes seem to have participated in the manuscript's production. Part of it was copied in co. Laois, probably in 1578. The various Volumes that

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comprise MS 1337, a collection mainly of legal texts, have af®liations with a Mac AodhagaÂin law school of the west of Ireland. The hand of An Cosnamach Mac AodhagaÂin appears and dates noted in the manuscript range between 1511 and 1565. The Mac AodhagaÂin family, to judge by their frequent representation in the annals and extant legal manuscripts, were amongst the most active and in¯uential of the post-Norman legal families in Ireland. TCD, MS 1336 (H. 3. 17), Volume 1; copied by SeaÂn Mac AodhagaÂin and An Cosnamach (Mac AodhagaÂin, probably), in various places in cos. Tipperary and Laois in the sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; vii + 89 + ii; modern pencil foliation; 224mm 6 155mm; rubrication, and sometimes zoomorphic ornamentation, is applied to some litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, apart from a little staining around the edges of some leaves; modern binding of white pigskin, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: H. 3. 17 | VOL. I | 1±89 TCD, MS 1336 (H. 3. 17), Volume 6; copied by various scribes (one of whom, who copied fols 206±13v, features also in part of TCD, MS 1316 (H. 2. 15a) ) in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; ii + 51 + ii; modern pencil foliation; 226mm 6 138mm; rubrication, and sometimes zoomorphic ornamentation, is applied to some litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, except for the opening and closing leaves which are badly darkened, and the bottom right corners of the opening leaves have also been gnawed; modern binding of white pigskin, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: H. 3. 17 | VOL. VI | 206±255 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 2; copied by one main scribe in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 8; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 6: 192mm 6 131mm; occasional rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in green or grey; generally in good condition, but the outer last leaf is damp stained; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 1±14; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 1±14; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 2 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 3; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 24; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; pp. 15±17: 191mm 6 130mm; occasional rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in red, green or grey, and there is some zoomorphic ornamentation; generally in good condition, if partially discoloured by damp; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 15±58; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 15±58; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 3 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 4; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment and paper; 16 (counting a parchment tab containing text); seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 87: 191mm 6 134mm; some rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in grey, green or pink, and there is one zoomorphic ornament; generally in good condition, though the outer leaves are darkened; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 59±87; preserved in a blue cardboard

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folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 59±87; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 4 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 9; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 25 (counting two parchment tabs containing text); seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 178: 162mm 6 121mm; some litterae notabiliores are used; generally in good condition, though there are some damp marks and staining; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 173±213; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 173±213; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 9 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 10; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 28; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 248: 220mm 6 146mm; occasional rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in red; generally in good condition, though the outer leaves are stained by damp; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 214±268; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 214±268; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 10 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 13; copied by one main scribe (who may be the same as that responsible for Volumes 19 and 20 described below) in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 24; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 378: 200mm 6 142mm; occasional rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in red and yellow, and some zoomorphic ornamentation is used; generally in good condition, though there is a little damp staining on the outer leaves; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 353±398; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 353±398; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 13 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 14; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 21 (not counting stubs of excised leaves); seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 423: 245mm 6 172mm; occasional rubrication of litterae notabiliores features in blue, pink or yellow; in fair condition, though some leaves are very badly stained; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 399±437; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 399±437; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 14 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 19; copied by one main scribe (who may be the same as that responsible for Volume 13 above and 20 below) in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 23 (counting a tab containing text); seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 590: 169mm 6 129mm; rubrication of some litterae notabiliores features in red and yellow throughout; generally in good condition, though some leaves are mottled with damp; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 585±628; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 585±628; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 19

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TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 20; copied by one main scribe (who may be the same as that responsible for Volume 13 above and 19 above) in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 16; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 644: 169mm 6 130mm; rubrication is applied to some litterae notabiliores in red and yellow throughout; generally in good condition, though there is extensive staining; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 629±660; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 629±660; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 20 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 24; one parchment leaf (p. 869) was copied by one scribe in the sixteenth century, and the paper leaves were copied by various scribes in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; Irish; paper and parchment; 19; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 869: 64mm 6 192mm; no decoration; the parchment leaf (p. 869) is in good condition, but the later paper leaves are extensively damaged by staining and tearing; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 844/i-870/ii; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 844/i-870/ii; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 24 TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 25; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 4; seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink pagination; p. 874: 232mm 6 139mm (these two leaves constitute a bifolium, the ®rst leaf of which is wider than the second); rubrication is occasionally applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but the last two leaves are much darkened and discoloured; modern wrapper of white pigskin, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 871±877; preserved in a blue cardboard folder, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: 871±877; and in pencil: 1337; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: 25 The Book of Leinster The Book of Leinster or, more properly, the Lebar na NuÂachongbaÂla (the `Book of the New Foundation'), was written by various scribes, of whom four  a Chrimthainn, comarbae of Terryglass, near Lough Derg, were chief: Aedh U  a GormaÂin (or more likely his co. Tipperary, some time after 1166; Find U amanuensis), bishop of Kildare (²1160); and two others, one of whom, referred to in discussions as T, was largely responsible for putting the Book together, and whose stints may date to the 1180s and 1190s. The Book was begun c. 1152 and much of it had been assembled by c. 1161. Possibly the earliest phase of its production took place at Terryglass, though this is not certain. In 1164, Terryglass was destroyed. The Book is known to have been at Oughavall, near Clonenagh, co. Laois (Clonenagh had long associations with the Uõ Chrimthainn). Conceivably it was here that the scribe T put the Book together in the 1180's and 1190's, and here it remained for some four hundred years (whence its name Lebar na NuÂachongbaÂla). It contains, amongst other things, the earliest extant Tech MidchuÂarda diagram (see Appendix 6.12), a version of the Lebor GabaÂla, important recensions of Irish sagas like TaÂin Bo Cuailgne, Mesca Ulad (see Appendix 6.18), the BoÂrama (see section 5.2, s.a. 600), some

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dindsenchas, a copy of the Sanas Cormaic (`Cormac's Glossary') and various genealogies. The scribes of the leaves excerpted for the Repertory were bishop Find (or his amanuensis, f. 15), another (unidenti®ed) scribe (f. 106v), Aedh (f. 165), yet another scribe whose hand appears only in the Book's copy of Mesca Ulad (f. 196), and a scribe employed by Aedh to copy ff. 207±16 at bishop Find's request (noted on f. 212v). (Ten leaves of the Book are now preserved in Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies, MS A 3, but are not of present concern.) The Book was consulted during the earliest phase of the compilation of the Yellow Book of Lecan in the 1390s (see above) and is quoted as a source in the Book of Ballymote (see also above). TCD, MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster); copied by various scribes,  a Chrimthainn and Find (or his amanuensis), possibly including Aedh U both at Terryglass, c. 1152±61, and at Oughavall, c. 1180±90, with minor additions by various scribes in the fourteenth and ®fteenth centuries; Irish; parchment; 177; modern pencil foliation; f. 15: 323mm 6 227mm; f. 101: 317mm 6 223mm; f. 106: 318mm 6 221mm; f. 165: 326mm 6 230mm; f. 196: 326mm 6 234mm; f. 198: 330mm 6 235mm; f. 206: 327mm 6 236mm; f. 212: 321mm 6 235mm; zoomorphic and anthropomorphic ornamentation is applied to some litterae notabiliores, and rubrication is in red, pink, mauve, green and yellow: the Tech MidchuÂarda diagram on f. 15 is embellished with each of these colours; in fair condition, though there is much staining and discolouration (some due to the application of reagent) on certain leaves, and in places the ink is much rubbed; the Book is unbound and its leaves preserved individually in a modern wooden box.  Dalaigh, c. TCD, MS 1346 (H. 4. 4); saints' lives, copied mainly by Aodh O 1725±50; Irish; paper; iii + 198 + iii; modern pencil pagination; 180mm 6 129mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is some staining throughout and the last leaf is repaired with lisse; modern binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold lengthways: VERSE AND PROSE; beneath this is stamped in gold: H. | 4. | 4.; between these stamps is af®xed a label: 1346 TCD, MS 1382 (H. 5. 10); poetry and prose, copied by Shane O'Sullivan in 1703; Irish; paper; 88; modern ink pagination; 193mm 6 142mm; occasional litterae notabiliores appear; in fair condition, but the top and bottom corners of many leaves, especially the opening ones, are worn away; preserved in a ®fteenth-century parchment wrapper. TCD, MS 1403 (H. 5. 32); the Trõ Bhiorghaithe an BhaÂis (the `Three Shafts of Death') and the Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn of Geoffrey Keating, copied principally  Maoilchonaire in March 1645, with later annotations; Irish by SeaÂn O (English, Latin); paper; xiii + 246 + ii; modern pencil foliation, running 1± 133 and applied only to pages bearing text, including one intercalated nineteenth-century leaf; 356mm 6 250mm; rudimentary interlace is occasionally added to litterae notabiliores; in good condition; late seventeenth- or early eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: KEATING'S | HISTORY | OF IRELAND | IRISH M.S.; beneath this is af®xed a label: H | 5 | 32; and at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 1403

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TCD, MS 1432 (E. 3. 3); grammatical and medical writings, copied by four  Dubugan (who was writing for main scribes, the ®rst of whom was Diarmaid O  LoÂingsib Daleig), in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); Uilliam O parchment; ii + 26 + ii; modern pencil pagination; 418mm 6 279mm; rubrication of some litterae notabiliores features in red, and sometimes also in yellow; generally in good condition, though the opening leaf is much darkened; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, with its front cover detached. Yet another manuscript from a Mac AodhagaÂin legal school may be TCD, MS 1433 (E. 3. 5), Part 1. On p. 13 appears the signature of one Fergal Mac AodhagaÂin. TCD, MS 1433 (E. 3. 5), Part 1; law texts and a version of the Lebor GabaÂla, copied by two main scribes in the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; i + 30 + i; modern ink pagination; p. 14: 387mm 6 275mm; p. 37: 345mm 6 237mm; p. 44: 347mm 6 235mm; rubrication is applied to litterae notabiliores in red, or in red and yellow, and occasional use is made of zoomorphic ornamentation; generally in good condition, but there is some darkening and staining; sixteenth- or seventeenth-century binding of brown leather with modern repairs, whose back cover is detached, and on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: AICILL &c.; beneath this also in gold: hEj. | 3. | 5.; on the front cover is af®xed a label: 1433/1 Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland (NLS) The National Library of Scotland contains one Gaelic manuscript of concern here. Advocates' Library, MS 72. 1. 25, is in two sections: medical matter is copied on the ®rst and on the last bifolium, and between these two bifolia is sandwiched the bulk of the manuscript which comprises religious texts, including the poem excerpted for Appendix 6.11 (vii). Though various scribes are at work in the manuscript, most of it is in the hand of a single scribe. NLS, Advocates' Library, MS 72. 1. 25; medical and religious texts, copied by various scribes in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; 24; modern pencil foliation; f. 20: 152mm 6 141mm; occasional litterae notabiliores feature, and an anthropomorphic face in®lls the lobe of one capital letter on f. 18; generally in good condition, but there is some darkening and staining, especially on the bifolium at the beginning and on that at the end; preserved in a nineteenth-century blue leather sleeve, on the front of which is af®xed a label: XXV 72. 1. 25 | Kilbride Collection | No 21; the whole is preserved in a modern grey Manila folder, on the front of which is written in pencil: Adv. 72. 1. 25 Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies, DuÂn Mhuire An initiative taken by some of the early seventeenth-century Irish Franciscans of St Anthony's College, Louvain, resulted in the collection, copying and preservation of an important set of Gaelic manuscripts. Their project was to gather into a great archive Irish hagiographical and historical materials which, in the civil turmoil of this period, were at risk of being lost. The manuscripts

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which constitute the nucleus of the collection, now housed at the Library of the Franciscan House of Studies in Killiney, co. Dublin, are some of the fruits of that initiative. Two are of present concern. Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn The Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn (the `Basis of Knowledge about Ireland'), by SeÂathruÂn CeÂitinn (or more familiarly, Geoffrey Keating, c. 1580 ± c. 1644) was completed c. 1634 (and certainly before 1640). The manuscript of Foras  irinn selected here is an authoritative one: the section pertinent to the Feasa ar E  CleÂirigh, a Repertory falls in a portion of the manuscript copied by MõÂcheaÂl O famous scribe whose work appears in several other manuscripts also featuring in the Repertory (see, for example, RIA, MS 687 (23 P 6; Annals of the Four Masters) above, or BR, MS 2324±40, above). Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies Library, MS A 14; Foras Feasa ar EõÂrinn, genealogies and other notes, copied at least in part in Kildare,  CleÂirigh, co. Kildare, by two principal scribes, one of whom was MõÂcheaÂl O between 4 and 28 September in some year probably in the second quarter of the seventeenth century; paper, Irish (Latin, English); viii + 121 + vii; seventeenthcentury ink pagination, running 1±12, followed by seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±82, completed in modern pencil, 83±94; 307mm 6 197mm; occasional litterae notabiliores feature; generally in good condition, though some leaves are slightly stained and some strengthened with tissue; nineteenthcentury binding of green half leather, on the front cover of which af®xed a label: A 14; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: FRANCISCAN | LIBRARY | MSS. | SEATÇRUN CEATINN | FORAIS FEASA | AR EIRINN | A | 14 The poem FeÂgthar tech Finn, which is excerpted here from the Duanaire Finn (`Finn's Poem Book'), is extant in Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies Library, MS A 20. This manuscript may be af®liated through one of its  Dochartaigh, with the Book of The O'Conor Don described scribes, Aodh O above (it is in the section copied by Aodh that the item selected for the Repertory occurs). MS A 20 was copied some four or ®ve years earlier, however, in 1626 and 1627, and like the Book of The O'Conor Don, mainly in the same place, Ostend. It was also probably intended for the same recipient. Possibly this was Captain Samhairle Mac Domhnaill, with whom the device on the front cover of the book has been associated. As well as the Duanaire Finn, the book contains a copy of the Middle Irish Accalam na SenoÂrach (the `Conversation of the Old Ones'). Killiney, co. Dublin, Franciscan House of Studies Library, MS A 20; the Accalam na SenoÂrach and Duanaire Finn, copied for Captain Samhairle Mac  CathaÂn, at Ostend and Louvain, in Domhnaill, mainly by Niall gruamdha O  Dochartaigh, at Ostend, in 1627; Irish (Latin, English, 1626, and by Aodh O Flemish); paper; iii + 230 + iv; two seventeenth-century ink foliations, the ®rst, running 1±139, followed by the second, running 1±94; 295mm 6 195mm; some decoration is applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but some leaves have been strengthened with tissue and there is a little staining;

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seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment, with nineteenth-century repairs, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: ANNO |[device]| 1628; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: SGEALTA. | DUANAIRE FINN. London, British Library (BL) The British Library is also home to an important collection of Gaelic manuscripts. From the point of view of the Repertory, manuscripts containing legal texts loom largest. Manuscripts are arranged here by collection in the alphabetical order Additional, Cotton, Egerton and Harley. BL, MS Additional 18747; tales in prose and verse, copied by Patrick Lynch, c. 1800; Irish; paper; iv + 160 + iv; modern pencil foliation; 244mm 6 189mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of blue half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: TALES, ETC. | IN IRISH | BRIT. MUS. | ADDITIONAL | MS. 18,747; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 171; and: A 10 Â Murchadha of BL, MS Additional 29614; poems and prose, copied by Seaan O Raheenagh, near Blarney, co. Cork, from 1725 onwards (see also by him RIA, MS 3 (23 L 17) above); Irish (English); paper; ii + 62 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 303mm 6 194mm; occasional zoomorphic ornamentation and litterae notabiliores appear; generally in good condition, though the right edges of leaves have been repaired, and there is some staining on the last leaves by damp; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: O'BRUADAR | POEMS | &C | 1726; beneath this and lengthways: ADDITIONAL | 29,614. | BRIT. MUS.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: B. 11 The manuscript now preserved as BL, MS Additional 30512 contains a miscellany of theological prose and verse, the earliest sections of which were copied in the second half of the ®fteenth century by Uilliam Mac an Lega. (This scribe, an active one, appears in several other extant Gaelic manuscripts.) MS Additional 30512 also contains a chronicle of the FitzGerald earls of Desmond, which was added later by Torna UõÂ Mhaoilchonaire (²1532; this Torna was probably a brother of the SeaÂn Mac Torna UõÂ Mhaoilchonaire whose son was the principal scribe of BL, MS Egerton 1782; see below). Some matter was copied in 1561 at Cahir, co. Tipperary, by An Cosnamach Mac Fhlannchadha for Pierce, son of Edmund Butler. (Edmund Butler was lord of Trian Chluana Meala, a lordship in the barony of Iffa and Offa East, co. Tipperary, from 1559±²1566.) BL, MS Additional 30512; theological prose, verse, and a Desmond chronicle, copied by various scribes, including Uilliam Mac an Lega, Torna UõÂ Mhaoilchonaire and An Cosnamach Mac Fhlannchadha, between the second half of the ®fteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, with some notes made in the seventeenth century; Irish; parchment; xiii + 122 + vii; modern pencil foliation; 196mm 6 136mm; some zoomorphic ornamentation is applied, rubrication, and interlace decoration on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but the opening and closing leaves are discoloured and stained; modern binding

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of brown leather with gilt decoration, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LEABHAR | MAOIL | CHONAIRE | BRIT. MUS. | ADDITIONAL | 30,512.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 682; and: B BL, MS Additional 33993, Part 1; bardic and political poetry, including an Irish prose version of Mandeville's Travels, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century, and the ®rst section of which (ff. 1±19) was written in the region of co. Tipperary; Irish (Latin); parchment; ii + 29 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 180mm 6 133mm; some rubricated litterae notabiliores feature in the Mandeville section; generally in good condition, but all leaves are mounted on guards and some are extensively stained by damp; nineteenth-century binding of blue half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRISH | PIECES | IN PROSE | AND | VERSE. | BRIT. | MUS. | ADD. | 33,993.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the following labels: 682; and: a 9 The Irish portion of the composite codex BL, MS Cotton Nero A. vii, was  LuinõÂn of the Ard, co. Fermanagh, in 1571. It is the only copied by Matha O early legal manuscript so far known to have had an Ulster connection. Matha  LuinõÂn (²1588) may be that Matthew O Lonine who was pardoned in a ®ant O of 1586. His hand also appears in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 489, and possibly in  LuinõÂn family served BL, MS Egerton 90 (on both of which see below). The O as hereditary historians to the Maguires of Fermanagh. BL, MS Cotton Nero A. vii; the ®rst (Latin) section of the manuscript was copied by two scribes in the late twelfth century, and the Irish section of the  LuinõÂn of the Ard, co. Fermanagh, in 1571; manuscript was copied by Matha O Latin (Irish); parchment (ff. 1±131), paper and parchment (Irish section, ff. 132±57); v + 157 + iv; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 154mm 6 117mm; some caligraphic penwork and litterae notabiliores are used, some of which are rubricated, throughout the Irish section; generally in good condition, but there is some staining by damp; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, with the arms of the Cotton family stamped in gold on the front and back covers, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LANFRANCI | ET ANSELMI | ARCHIEP. CANT. | EPISTOLá. | HEN. DE SALTREIA | DE PURGATORIO | S. PATRICII. | TRACT. DE LEGIBUS. | HIBERNICE. | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. COTTON. | NERO A. VII.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 691; and: A The circumstances of the compilation of BL, MS Egerton 88 witness once more to the commerce between the learned families of the west of Ireland at the time  Duibhdabhoirenn scribes (Domhnall of its production. Its two identi®able O  Duibhdabhoirenn law school which was and Maghnus) af®liate it with the O active in the Burren, co. Clare, but the copying of much of it took place at Mac AodhagaÂin law schools in Park and in Tuam, both in co. Galway. It was compiled between 1564 and 1569. It contains various legal items, some unique to this manuscript, and also some other, non-legal items, such as tales,  engusso (the `Calendar of Aengus'), glossaries and including the FeÂlire O grammatical work, including the Auraicept na nEÂces.  BL, MS Egerton 88; copied by various scribes, including Domhnall O   Duibhdabhoirenn, Cormac O Briain and Maghnus O Duibhdabhoirenn, and

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much of it in co. Galway, in the second half of the sixteenth century; Irish; parchment; iv + 93 + iv; modern pencil foliation; f. 6: 258mm 6 179mm; f. 40: 210mm 6 176mm; f. 85: 252mm 6 180mm; some caligraphic penwork is employed and litterae notabiliores feature throughout, some of which are rubricated either in pink, green or grey; generally in good condition, but several folios are damaged by damp; late eighteenth- or early nineteenthcentury binding of brown leather, with the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, stamped in gold on the front and back covers, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BREHON LAWS, | HISTORICAL | TALES, | ANCIENT GLOSSARY | ETC. | IN IRISH. | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. EGERTON. | 88 | PLUT. | DXV.E.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 685; and: c 1 Four leaves originally belonging to the Book of Uõ Mhaine (see RIA, MS 1225 (Stowe D ii 1) above) are preserved as ff. 17±20 of BL, MS Egerton 90. The leaves contain various historical poems, though none is of present concern. For  DeoraÂin the rest, MS Egerton 90 contains legal texts, possibly with some O  af®liation (on the O DeoraÂin legal family, see the descriptions of RIA, MS 1243 (23 Q 6) and TCD, MS 1336 (H. 3. 17) above), and conceivably some additions  LuinõÂn (on whom see the headnote to BL, MS are in the hand of Matha O Cotton Nero A. vii above). BL, MS Egerton 90; legal texts and poems copied by various scribes in the fourteenth, ®fteenth and sixteenth centuries, with possible additions in the hand  LuinõÂn in the second half of the sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); of Matha O parchment; vi + 19 + vi; modern pencil foliation; f. 12: 286mm 6 200mm; f. 14: 286mm 6 204mm; interlace decoration is added to some litterae notabiliores in the section from which the item in the Repertory is excerpted; generally in good condition, though there is a little staining, especially on the last leaves, and all leaves are mounted on guards; modern binding of red half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, and on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: EGERTON MS. | 90. | BRIT. MUS. | MISCELLANEOUS. | (IRISH).; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 685; and: D BL, MS Egerton 93; the Tripartite Life of St Patrick, religious texts and saga fragments, copied by three scribes, the ®rst of whom was Domhnall Albanach  Troighthigh (copyist of the Tripartite Life), active probably in co. Clare in O 1477, and the other two in the sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; iii + 35 + iii; modern pencil foliation; f. 13: 274mm 6 185mm; f. 14: 272mm 6 185mm; rubrication is occasionallly applied and there is some use of litterae  Troightigh; in fair condition, but some notabiliores in the scribal stint of O leaves are extensively stained and damaged by damp, the outer leaves in particular are darkened, and certain others are reinforced with paper stiffeners; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, with modern repairs to the spine, whose front and back covers are stamped in gold with the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, and on whose spine is stamped lengthways in gold: EGERTON MS. | 93. | BRIT. MUS. | TRIPARTITE LIFE | OF ST. PATRICK.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 685; and: b4

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BL, MS Egerton 153; law tracts and a treatise on prosody and grammar, copied mainly by Edward O'Reilly in 1818; Irish; paper; iv + 67 + iv; modern pencil foliation; 239mm 6 184mm; no decoration, but occasional litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: TRACTATUS | JURIDICI: | HIBERNICE | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. | EGERTON | 153 | PLUT. | D. XV. D.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 440; and: G. 15 The miscellany of saga tales, religious texts, annals and verse that comprises BL, MS Egerton 1782 was assembled probably for Art buidhe Mac Murchadha CaomhaÂnach. It remained in Leinster throughout the sixteenth century, and at the end of that century was owned by the O'Byrnes of co. Wicklow. It eventually came into the possession of the antiquarian William Monck Mason, and from his collection it was acquired in the nineteenth century by the British Library. The chief of its four main scribes, the one responsible for copying the bulk of the manuscript, including the two items selected for the Repertory, was a son of SeaÂn Mac Torna Uõ Mhaoilchonaire, and another of the four main scribes was his brother IarnaÂn. (SeaÂn Mac Torna Uõ Mhaoilchonaire had become ollamh (`professor of poetry') to the O'Connors and other related families in 1495; he died while the manuscript was being compiled.) BL, MS Egerton 1782; miscellany of secular and religious texts in prose and  Maoilchonaire family, mainly at verse, copied by four main scribes of the O Cluain PlocaÂin, co. Roscommon, c. 1517, with additions by others throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Irish (English, Latin); parchment; vi + 125 + xi; modern pencil foliation; f. 45: 232mm 6 154mm; f. 58: 233mm 6 156mm; rubrication in red and green is applied in some sections, and some zoomorphic interlace in others; in fair condition, though throughout there is much staining and dirtying of certain leaves; nineteenth-century binding of dark green leather, with the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, stamped in gold on the front and back covers, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBLIOTHECA | OF | PROSE AND VERSE. | IRISH. | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. EGERTON. | 1782. | PLUT. | DXX.D.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 683; and: a MS Harley 432, one of the most handsome of the Gaelic legal manuscripts to come out of sixteenth-century Ireland, is dateable from a marginal note on f. 19v. This laments the death of SeaÂn Mac Fhlannchadha, chief lawyer to the earl of Desmond. According to the Annals of the Four Masters, Mac Fhlannchadha died in 1578. Harley 432 was written at Inch St Lawrence, about six miles south-east of Limerick, and has af®liations with other codices also featured in  Deorainand the Repertory. On f. 14 appears the name Gilla na Naem O  DeoraÂin, a famous family of legal scribes (probably a version of the name O who are connected with various of the manuscripts described above), and a certain Gilla na Naem oÂg, without patronymic, is mentioned in work emanat DeoraÂin legal school which was bound in with the Mac ing from an O AodhagaÂin legal manuscript RIA, MS 1243 (23 Q 6) (on which see above).  Deorainand (O  DeoraÂin), c. BL, MS Harley 432; copied by Gilla na Naem O

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1578; Irish; parchment; v + 20 + v; modern pencil foliation; f. 6: 338mm 6 239mm; f. 8: 58mm 6 158mm; f. 9: 336mm 6 236mm; f. 10: 338mm 6 233mm; no decoration, but occasional display script is used for litterae notabiliores; in good condition; modern binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped in gold with the arms of the Harleys, earls of Oxford, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: SEANCHUS | MOR. | GREAT | DIGEST | OF LAW. | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. HARL. | 432. PLUT. XLVIh.j .E.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 692; and: e 3 BL, MS Harley 5280; secular and religious prose, including the CaÂin Domnaig,  CleÂirigh (son of Tuathal O  CleÂirigh, ²1512) copied mainly by Gilla Riabhach O in the sixteenth century; Irish (Latin); paper and parchment; iv + 79 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 246mm 6 170mm; occasional zoomorphic interlace decoration is used on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, but there is a little staining; nineteenth-century binding of red half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Harleys, earls of Oxford, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MISCELLANEOUS | IRISH | TEXTS. | BRIT. MUS. | HARLEY | MS. | 5280.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 692; and: C. 19 Oxford, Bodleian Library (Bodl.) The Bodleian Library holds six Gaelic manuscripts of relevance to the Repertory. Two are from the collection given to Oxford by Archbishop Laud in his manuscript donation of 1636. Three are Ware manuscripts (on Ware, see below under section 4.8 Antiquarian compilations), several of which found their way into the Rawlinson collection, and hence into the Bodleian. The remaining one, a refugee from Lambeth Palace Library, is now on deposit with the Bodleian Library from University College, Oxford. It was compiled from various booklets of manuscript and printed material, most of which are in English, in the early seventeenth century by Sir George Carew (on Carew, see also below under section 4.8 Antiquarian compilations). It might with as much justice have been described together with the Carew Collections below, were it not for the item in Irish which it has supplied to the Repertory. Descriptions follow here alphabetically by collection, in the order just rehearsed: Laud, Rawlinson and University College, Oxford. The selection of texts contained in Bodl., MS Laud Misc. 610, re¯ects the taste of its Anglo-Irish patron, EÂmann Mac Risderd Buitler (Sir Edmund Butler, ²1464), for whom it was assembled and for the most part copied in 1453±4. (EÂmann Mac Risderd also incorporated into it another set of quires written earlier in the century for his uncle James, fourth earl of Ormond, 1404±52.) The manuscript contains much pious reading and a few heroic tales, as well as some genealogies and a copy of Sanas Cormaic and of the Acallam na SenoÂrach. The matter excerpted for the Repertory from f. 72v is probably in the hand of Gilla  na Naem Mac AodhagaÂin, while that from f. 83v is copied by SeaaÂn buidhe O CleÂirigh, the chief scribe of the manuscript. Various scribes worked on it, however, and in various places, including Pottlerath, Carrick-on-Suir, Gowran, Kilkenny and Dunmore, all in co. Kilkenny. It was evidently prized, for it was

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 mann Mac Risderd after he had been given as part of the ransom levied on E captured by Sir Thomas FitzGerald, eighth earl of Desmond, while ®ghting for the Lancastrian cause in 1462. By 1591, it was in the house of An Cosnamach Mac Fhlannchadha. The Mac Fhlannchadha family served as lawyers to the Butlers (and also to the Desmonds; see the description of BL, MS Harley 432 above). Thus by the late sixteenth century, it had returned to the region of its origin. It eventually came into the possession of Sir George Carew, and from him it passed to Archbishop Laud, whence it arrived in the Bodleian. Bodl., MS Laud Misc. 610; copied by two principal scribes, chie¯y by Seaan  CleÂirigh, and assisted by Gilla na Naem Mac AodhagaÂin, in 1453±4; buidhe O Irish (Latin); parchment; i + 146 + i; seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±80, thereafter superseded by a modern pencil foliation, running 81±147; f. 72: 332mm 6 247mm, f. 83: 337mm 6 250mm; some rubrication features in purple, red, green, yellow and purplish brown; generally in good condition, but some leaves are faded; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Carew family, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LAUD. | 610. Bodl., MS Laud Misc. 615; a miscellany mainly of poetry, copied by two principal scribes c. 1527; Irish; parchment; xviii + 210; seventeenth-century ink pagination, running 1±142, completed in modern pencil, running 143±74; f. 122: 288mm 6 161mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though some text has been cropped during binding, and some leaves are dirtied; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Carew family, surmounted by the letter T, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: T.; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed two labels, one above the other, and now largely illegible, apart from the upper one which reads: 615 Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 487; the Irish miscellany section of the manuscript, which includes a copy of the Accalamh na SenoÂrach and the Heptads, was copied in the ®fteenth or sixteenth century, mainly by two scribes (the date 1641 appears on a map of the diocese of Kilmore among the endpapers); Irish (Latin endpapers); parchment, paper endpapers; vi + 103 (not counting endpapers); early seventeenth-century ink foliation; 278mm 6 220mm; some interlace decoration is added to litterae notabiliores by the second of the main Irish scribes; generally in good condition, but there is much darkening of the opening folios of the Irish section (the ®rst main scribe's stint) and some staining of the stint of the second main scribe; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Ware family, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MS. | RAWL. B. | 487 The two medieval sections of Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 502 are separated from each other by sets of notes copied by Sir James Ware in the seventeenth century. The ®rst medieval section, comprising twelve leaves, was copied by a single scribe working in Clonmacnoise, co. Offaly at the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century. The second medieval section, copied by another scribe c. 1130 and comprising seventy leaves, contains the text from which Appendix 6.16 (i) has been excerpted, the Saltair na Rann (the `Verse Psalter'). An emphasis on matters concerning Leinster in this section of the

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manuscript suggests that it was copied in that region, possibly at the monastery of Killeshin, co. Laois. In the description below, the notices of date, scribe, language, measurements, decoration and condition refer speci®cally to the second medieval section of the manuscript. Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 502; religious texts, including the Saltair na Rann, dindshenchas and genealogies, copied by one scribe c. 1130; Irish (Latin); parchment, separated by sections of paper leaves copied by Sir James Ware (on the paper endleaf are pasted two parchment strips cut from a legal text copied in a sixteenth-century hand); ii + 171 + i; seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 36: 285mm 6 215mm; ®ne zoomorphic interlace is applied to certain litterae notabiliores, and these may be embellished in either red, yellow or occasionally green; generally in good condition, though some leaves are darkened with age; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Ware family. Annals of Ulster See the headnote to TCD, MS 1282 (H. 1. 8; Annals of Ulster) above. Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 489 (Annals of Ulster); annals, running 436±1588, and  LuinõÂn (²1528) in the early copied mainly by (or conceivably for) Ruaidhrõ O sixteenth century, with later continuations by various other scribes, including  Casaide (²1541) and Matha O  LuinõÂn (²1588); Irish (Latin); Ruaidhrõ O parchment; 121; early ink foliation, running 1±69, is superseded by a modern pencil foliation, running 70±126; 335mm 6 240mm; many litterae notabiliores throughout are rubricated in red or in aquamarine, and there is occasional use of zoomorphic ornamentation; generally in good condition, though the ®rst and last leaves are darkened with age; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Ware family, and on the spine of which is written in white ink: 489 The miscellaneous collection of material now preserved in Oxford, MS University College 103 was assembled in the early seventeenth century by Sir George Carew (on whom see the introduction to the Carew Collections below). All of its items concern Irish history, and include genealogies of the Mac Donnell family, Irish annals, (printed) rates for customs in Ireland, seventeenth-century plantation documents, rentals, A discourse for the reformation of Ireland and a discourse on the province of Munster delivered to Sir George Carew as lord president of Munster in 1600. The fragment of Irish annals, from which one of the Repertory items is excerpted, covers the years 1467±8 (the other item, A discourse for the reformation of Ireland, is dated 1579±83). Oxford, MS University College 103; Irish historical materials from the ®fteenth to the seventeenth century, copied by various scribes (some materials are printed) in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English (Irish); paper; xxiii + 160 + xiv; seventeenth-century ink foliation (the ¯yleaves are paginated); f. 54: 195mm 6 150mm; ff. 108v-09: 199mm 6 150mm; very occasional litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, bearing traces of two green fabric fastening thongs, whose spine is cracked and front cover detached, on whose front and back

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covers are stamped in gold the arms of the Carew family, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: Y Y; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label : MS. UNIV. Coll | E. 1h.j73 Rennes, BibliotheÁque municipale The BibliotheÁque municipale in Rennes houses one manuscript of present concern, a religious miscellany containing an Irish version of the De contemptu mundi of Innocent III, homilies, religious tracts, an Irish translation of Mandeville's Travels, saints lives and dindshenchas. The Irish text of Mandeville's Travels was translated from an English source in 1475 by Fingin O'Mahony, an Irish chieftain (²1496). He worked at Rosbrin in the barony of Skull, co. Cork. The manuscript was produced at Cell CreÂide, a Franciscan house near Bandon, co. Cork, in the ®fteenth century, probably not long after 1475. Rennes, BibliotheÁque municipale, MS 598 (15,489); a miscellany of poetry and prose, mainly religious, copied by various scribes working at Cell CreÂide, a Franciscan house near Bandon, co. Cork, in the late ®fteenth century; Irish (Latin); parchment; i + 125 + i; eighteenth-century ink foliation (a modern pencil foliation is also applied but only between fols 1±68); 258mm 6 191mm; red, yellow and ochre rubrication is applied in the earlier leaves, green and red rubrication in the later leaves, and litterae notabiliores may occasionally be embellished with zoomorphic and anthropomorphic ornament; generally in good condition, though its opening leaves in particular are much darkened and stained; eighteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which are af®xed respectively the labels: Inanus h. .j | Irlhajndaihsj; 15489; Mss 598 | anc. h.j38; and: 121 | I 2 4.3 Annals and chronicles in languages other than Irish TCD, MS 574 (E. 3. 20); antiquarian compilation chie¯y of different sets of annals, copied by various scribes in the seventeenth century, and including the annals of Friar John Clyn which run from prehistory to 1349; Latin (Irish, English, Greek); paper; iii + 365 + iii; modern pencil pagination; 308mm 6 205mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front cover is detached, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANNALES | HIBERNIAE | E. 3. | 20; at the bottom is af®xed a label: 4 TCD, MS 673 (F. 3. 19); annals of Clonmacnoise, running from Creation to  Daladh in 1685; English (Irish, Latin); paper; i + 138 1408, copied by Tadhg O + i; seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±3, followed by a seventeenthcentury ink pagination, running 1±266; 319mm 6 200mm; very occasionally interlace decoration and display script are used; in good condition; detached seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment and leather over cardboard, on the spine of which is written in ink: F. 3. | 19. | Annals of Clon- | macnoise | F | 3 | 19; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 673

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TCD, MS 886 (I. 4. 11); account of the town of Galway with annals, running from 1485 to 1659, copied probably by Geoffrey Lynch in 1661; English; paper; i + 62 + i; modern pencil foliation; 159mm 6 100mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the ®rst and last leaves are dirtied; nineteenthcentury binding of mushroom half leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: ACCOUNT OF GALWAY; beneath this is stamped in gold: I. 4. | II.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 886 BL, MS Cotton Julius A. vii; a miscellany of manuscript materials, copied by various scribes from the thirteenth to ®fteenth centuries, and including the Chronica Regum Manniae et Insularum, which has entries dated between 1000 and 1374, and which was copied by one scribe, c. 1400; Latin (French); parchment; ii + 135 + iii; modern pencil foliation; f. 36: 182mm 6 135mm; the Chronica has plain red rubrication, and other items in the manuscript are rubricated either in red, blue or green; generally in good condition, though the right-hand edges of the leaves in the Chronica section have modern repairs; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, with the arms of the Cotton family stamped in gold on the front and back covers, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CHRONICA | BONITHONIS. | CHRONICA | MANNIAE. | VERSUS NIGELLI | DE WIREKER, | ETC. | BRIT. MUS. | COTTON MS. | JULIUS A. VII.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 20; and: G.3 BL, MS Royal 14 D.vi is the last of a set of ®ve manuscripts (BL, MSS Royal D.ii-vi) which between them contain the complete text of the Chroniques of Jean Froissart. They are handsome manuscripts, of Continental manufacture, and include several large miniatures in the Flemish style. On some leaves are depicted armorial bearings, possibly of the family of Molliens of Picardy. MS Royal 14 D.vi contains Book IV of the Chroniques, beginning with the triumphal entry of Queen Isabel into Paris, and ending with the death of Richard II and the deposition of Pope Benedict XIII. For the selection of this manuscript, see endnote 243 to the Chroniques, s.a. c. 2 February 1395, in section 5.4. BL, MS Royal 14 D.vi; copied by one scribe in the late ®fteenth century; French; parchment; iv + 390 + v (¯yleaves i-iii of paper, iv of parchment, and endleaves i-ii of parchment, iii-v of paper); modern pencil foliation; 419mm 6 324mm; decorated with large miniatures in the Flemish style, rubrication, and foliate borders inhabited by fauna and grotesques; in good condition; modern binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: FROISSART | CHRONIQUES | DE FRANCE | ET D'ANGLETERRE | VOL. V | BRITISH | LIBRARY | ROYAL | MS. | 14 D. VI; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 7; and: g

4.4 Civic documents There are four places whose corporation documents yield evidence of interest to the Repertory: Cork, Dublin, Kilkenny and Youghal. Of these, Dublin by far outweighs the rest. The quantity of its surviving evidence testi®es as much to

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the relative security in which the Dublin City archive was kept as it does to the importance of music and dramatic ceremonial in the Dublin civic year. The archive of Kilkenny Corporation, had it been better cared for down the years, would have yielded copious evidence of the plays which Kilkenny hosted from at least the sixteenth century, but which are now known about mainly through the activity of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century antiquarians. It is to be suspected that some of those antiquarians may have been the indirect cause of the demise of the very documents whose contents, ironically enough, they sought to make better known. Had these documents survived, Kilkenny would have proved a serious rival to Dublin, to judge by the remnants still extant. Cork and the town of Youghal, co. Cork, yield much less evidence, though it would be rash to infer from what little there is that little went on there. Cork lost many of its corporation documents in its courthouse ®re of Good Friday, 1891. Youghal's archive, on the other hand, was the victim of neglect until only very recently: the seventeenth-century accounts of mayor Richard Gough, for example, which once contained records of payments to visiting players, now exist in a sorry fragmentary state; we know of their former value for the Repertory only from the editor of the ®rst earl of Cork's diaries, A. B. Grosart (see below). As it is, all that has survived of present concern here is one original account book of the seventeenth century. Cork Corporation One Cork document formerly containing material of interest was the Corporation Book, extant now only as R. Caul®eld, ed. The Council Book of Cork (Guildford, 1876). Its main contents were freedom admissions, corporation bye-laws, copies of letters and lists of corporation personnel. Dublin Corporation Most of the civic documents of Dublin which survive in original manuscripts are preserved in the Dublin City Archives (DCA), which hold documents relating to the municipal government of Dublin from the twelfth century on. (These archives are scheduled for relocation to the Dublin City Library in the near future.) One stray is BL, MS Additional 11687, described below. Another may be TCD, MS 543/2/14. This manuscript contains a mayoral roll and the earliest extant version, to the year 1534, of the Dublin Chronicle. Conceivably it was once a civic document; see its headnote below. The different document categories will be detailed more fully below in their headnotes. The Chain Book of Dublin The Chain Book of Dublin, possibly so named after a book chain by which it may once have been secured, served principally as a reference and memoranda document. It is evidently a composite book: ff. 1±14 contain entries of the sixteenth, seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; ff. 15±23 entries dated 15 August 1365 ± 18 December 1674; ff. 24±9v a Latin liturgical calendar in a Textura book hand, probably of the ®fteenth century; ff. 30±55v the ®fteenthcentury `Prouisiones ordinate pro commune consilium Ciuitatis Dublinie', with

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some other items; ff. 58±64v the ®fteenth-century `Consuetudines fferie Dubliniensis', with some other items; and the remaining leaves contain similarly various material, including the ®fteenth-century `Custume to bene take for provost Murage & pavage' (ff. 66±7). The most important of its extant items which are of concern to the Repertory are the Corpus Christi pageant lists of 1498. The prescriptions for the pageant of St George's Day, formerly contained in the Chain Book, are now missing and survive only in the form of a seventeenth-century antiquarian transcription (see BL, MS Additional 4791 below). It is evident that the portion of the manuscript in which it was formerly contained had long been missing; in the 1820s, when William Monck Mason described the Chain Book (in NLI, MS 1585), he noted a `vast chasm' in its leaves. DCA, C1/2/1 (Chain Book of Dublin); copied by various scribes, 15 August 1365 (on palñographic grounds, the earliest hand, ff. 30±55v and 58±64, is s. xiv1) ± early eighteenth century; English (French, Latin); parchment; raised pastedown + ii + 69 + ii + raised pastedown; modern pencil foliation; 233mm 6 158mm; red and blue ¯ourishing is applied in some of the medieval sections; in fair condition, though some leaves are rubbed and faded; late seventeenth- or early eighteenth-century binding of dark brown leather on bevelled wooden boards, with modern repairs. The White Book of Dublin Amongst the civic archives may also be found the White Book of Dublin, a book which collects various documents and memoranda of interest to the corporation, and in which certain of the scribes who feature in the Chain Book may also be at work. Its earliest hands, like those in the Chain Book, date to the ®rst half of the fourteenth century, and its contents range in date approximately between that time and 1644. Its sole item of concern to the Repertory is its description of the franchise riding of 1603. DCA, C1/2/2 (White Book of Dublin); copied by various scribes from the early fourteenth century to 23 February 1644; Latin (English, French); parchment; iv + 111 + ii; modern ink foliation; f. 104: 287mm 6 205mm; rubrication in red and blue is applied in some of the earlier sections; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying throughout and some leaves are discoloured in places by reagent; early nineteenth-century binding of white leather, with modern repairs, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LIBER | ALBUS | CIVITATIS | DUBLINIE. The Franchise Rolls and Registers of the City of Dublin Admission to the franchises of Dublin conferred a coveted status, since free citizens enjoyed important trading privileges and the right to vote in municipal elections. Freedom could be conferred for any of ®ve main reasons during the period under review: admission might be by service, to anyone completing an apprenticeship in one of the city's trade guilds; by birth, to children of free citizens; by marriage, to sons-in-law of free citizens; by ®ne, to those wealthy enough to pay an agreed sum into the city treasury; and by special grace, to

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those who were for some reason being honoured, or to craftsmen not in one of the recognized guilds. Franchise rolls survive for 1225±50 and 1468±1512, and the franchise registers from 1576 to 1917. The Franchise Roll The late-medieval franchise roll of the city of Dublin which runs between 1468 and 1512 contains lists of names of those enfranchised during this period, memoranda, a copy of the 1489 con®rmation of a grant to the Corpus Christi guild (its original is in DCA, Miscellanea No. 20), as well as the copy of another Corpus Christi guild document for 1490, whose original no longer survives. DCA, Fr/Roll/2; copied by various scribes, 25 October 1468 ± 16 July 1512; Latin (English); parchment; 40; each membrane numbered in modern ink; mb. 2: 309mm wide; mb. 17: 520mm 6 343mm; mb. 30: 363mm 6 272mm; occasional elaborate ¯ourishing of initials appears (e.g., a crowned M on mb. 10); in good condition; membranes are stitched serially to form a continuous roll; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | MISCELLANEOUS ROLL | No. 6. | 1468 ± 1512. The Franchise Register The franchise register was compiled in the eighteenth century from earlier sources. One of these may have been the late-medieval franchise roll, which in its present state is defective after 1512 (see the description above). The register gathers together the names of people admitted to the franchises, arranging them in alphabetical sections according to surname (though surnames are not presented in strict alphabetical sequence within each section). The system of abbreviation which the register uses is explained in the endnotes to items selected from it for the Repertory. DCA, Fr/Reg/1; franchise admissions 1576±1696, copied by one main scribe in the early eighteenth century; English (Latin); paper; xii + 256 + ii; modern ink pagination; 449mm 6 169mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, apart from wear and tear on some leaves; early eighteenth-century binding of white leather, on the spine of which is af®xed a label: No. 1.; and beneath this another: 1576±1696 Dublin Assembly Rolls These rolls record the minutes of the Dublin Civic Assembly from 1447 to 1841. Their unit of record during the period under review was normally the quarterly meeting of the Assembly, at either Eastertide, Midsummer, Michaelmas or Christmastide. (Certain rolls are tightly sewn, and while every effort has been made to record their membrane lengths accurately, asterisked measurements are approximate.)

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Assembly Roll 1 DCA, MR/5/1; copied by various scribes, 19 January 1448 ± 17 July 1461; English (Latin); parchment; 13 membranes gathered at the head and sewn with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenthcentury ink; mb. 6: 510mm 6 286mm; mb. 8: 512mm 6 308mm; mb. 9: 597mm 6 277mm; a contemporary illustration of a cogg features in the left margin of mb. 8d, otherwise there is no signi®cant decoration; generally in good condition, but some membranes are badly worn or damaged at their bottom and/or along their edges; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 1. | 1448 ± 1461. Assembly Roll 2 DCA, MR/5/2; copied by various scribes, 2 October 1461 ± 22 July 1485; English (Latin); parchment; 14 membranes gathered at the head and sewn with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenthcentury ink; mb. 4: 536mm 6 265mm; mb. 6: 542mm 6 297mm; some marginal pen sketches appear, and occasional litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, apart from the deleterious use of reagent on some membranes and staining; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 2. | 1461 ± 1485. Assembly Roll 3 DCA, MR/5/3; copied by various scribes, 30 September 1485 ± 19 July 1504; English (Latin); parchment; 12 membranes gathered at the head and sewn with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenthcentury ink; mb. 7: *415mm 6 245mm; mb. 12: 478mm 6 338mm; no decoration; some membranes are torn at their bottom, and several are stained at the edges; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 3. | 1485 ± 1504. Assembly Roll 6 DCA, MR/5/6; copied by various scribes, 27 October 1553 ± 21 April 1559; English (Latin); parchment; 12 membranes gathered at the head and sewn with a sixteenth-century parchment strip and with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenth-century ink; mb. 3: 738mm 6 214mm; mb. 6: 297mm 6 250mm; mb. 9: 565mm 6 212mm; mb. 10: 565mm 6 238mm; occasional use is made of litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, apart from reagent discolouration on some membranes and staining; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 6. | 1553 ± 1558. Assembly Roll 7 DCA, MR/5/7; copied by various scribes, 20 January 1559 ± 22 July 1575; English (Latin); parchment; 26 membranes (not entirely in chronological order)

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gathered at the head and sewn with a sixteenth-century parchment strip and with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenthcentury ink, with mb. 13 duplicated on two consecutive membranes; mb. 1: 770mm 6 292mm (extended to serve as an outer wrapper for the whole by the addition of an extra section of parchment, 327mm 6 292mm); mb. 3: 575mm 6 263mm; mb. 9: *513mm 6 245mm; mb. 10: *427mm 6 258mm; mb. 12: *510mm 6 245mm; mb. 13: *560mm 6 255mm; mb. 15: 620mm 6 237mm; mb. 18: 685mm 6 270mm; mb. 23: 507mm 6 277mm; 24: 650mm 6 250mm; mb. 25: 554mm 6 250mm; occasional strapwork and litterae notabiliores are used; generally in good condition, apart from reagent discolouration on some membranes and staining; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 7. | 1559 ± 1575. Assembly Roll 8 DCA, MR/5/8; copied by various scribes, 21 October 1575 ± 17 July 1579; English (Latin); parchment; 19 membranes gathered at the head and sewn with a sixteenth-century parchment strip and with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late-seventeenth century ink; mb. 1: 570mm 6 293mm (originally extended to serve as an outer wrapper for the whole by the addition of an extra section of parchment, 284mm 6 367mm; now detached); mb. 9: 555mm 6 305mm; occasional litterae notabiliores are used; generally in good condition, apart from extensive reagent discolouration on some membranes; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 8. | 1575 ± 1579. Assembly Roll 9 DCA, MR/5/9; copied by various scribes, 23 October 1579 ± 19 July 1594; English (Latin); parchment; 75 membranes (not entirely in chronological order), plus an unnumbered outer wrapper (708mm 6 316mm), gathered at the head and sewn with a sixteenth-century parchment strip and with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenth-century ink (the numeration skips from mb. 28 to mb. 30, and mbs 38 and 65 are detached but in their proper place), except for the outer membrane which serves as a wrapper, and to whose foot a lengthening section of parchment, 395mm 6 312mm, now detached, had once been sewn; mb. 4: *500mm 6 317mm; mb. 12: 395mm 6 300mm; mb. 14: 425mm 6 280mm; mb. 16: 355mm 6 236mm; mb. 18: 434mm 6 268mm; mb. 20: 453mm 6 256mm; mb. 26: 312mm 6 232mm; mb. 27: 365mm 6 210mm; mb. 42: 508mm 6 244mm; mb. 49: 522mm 6 260mm; mb. 50: 302mm 6 258mm; mb. 58: 462mm 6 293mm; mb. 61: 398mm 6 257mm; mb. 63: 469mm 6 287mm; mb. 68: 518mm 6 266mm; some litterae notabiliores feature, and some entries are rubricated in late seventeenth-century ink in the left margins of some membranes; generally in good condition, but there is extensive reagent discolouration on many membranes; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 9. | 1579 ± 1594.

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Assembly Roll 10 DCA, MR/5/10; copied by various scribes, 11 October 1594 ± 17 July 1607; English (Latin); parchment; 77 membranes (not entirely in chronological order), plus an unnumbered chamois leather outer wrapper (533mm 6 315mm), gathered at the head and sewn with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenth-century ink (and mb. 69 precedes mb. 68); mb. 4: 557mm 6 319mm; mb. 11: 521mm 6 255mm; mb. 12: 440mm 6 252mm; mb. 17: *595mm 6 277, mb. 32: 660mm 6 328mm; mb. 35: 448mm 6 296mm; mb. 38: 590mm 6 294mm; mb. 52: 625mm 6 309mm; mb. 55: 600mm 6 306mm; mb. 56: 439mm 6 303mm; mb. 58: 465mm 6 320mm; mb. 59: 573mm 6 303mm; mb. 63: 584mm 6 315mm; mb. 70: 490mm 6 297mm; mb. 71: 455mm 6 296mm; some entries are rubricated in late seventeenthcentury ink in the left margins of some membranes; some litterae notabiliores appear; generally in good condition, apart from extensive reagent discolouration on some membranes; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 10. | 1594±1607. Assembly Roll 11 DCA, MR/5/11; copied by various scribes, 16 October 1607 ± 21 January 1624; English (Latin); parchment; 86 membranes (not entirely in chronological order) loosely gathered at the head and sewn with modern string in a sheaf; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenth-century ink (mb. 83 precedes mb. 82, and the numeration skips from mb. 10 to mb. 12), including the outer membrane which serves as a wrapper, and to whose foot are attatched two conjoined lengthening sections of parchment, 790mm and 530mm long respectively; mb. 2: 540mm 6 278mm; mb. 5: 530mm 6 275mm; mb. 22: 485mm 6 260mm; mb. 30: 405mm 6 260mm; mb. 39: 544mm 6 266mm; mb. 41: 555mm 6 263mm; mb. 42: 575mm 6 265mm; mb. 44: 398mm 6 262mm; mb. 50: 580mm 6 269mm; mb. 57: 545mm 6 277mm; mb. 64: 533mm 6 292mm; mb. 66: 493mm 6 299mm; mb. 67: 487mm 301mm; mb. 71: 476mm 6 298mm; mb. 83: 649mm 6 280mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 11. | 1607 ± 1624. Assembly Roll 12 DCA, MR/5/12; copied by various scribes, 29 April 1625 ± 26 January 1649; English (Latin); parchment; 120 membranes (not entirely in chronological order) gathered at the head and loosely sewn with modern string in a sheaf, with two conjoined sections of parchment, 440mm and 540mm in length respectively, serving as a wrapper to the whole, detached from the roll itself; each membrane is numbered in late seventeenth-century ink (and modern pencil), with one blank unnumbered membrane acting as a wrapper (following mb. 119), and two conjoined sections of parchment, now detached from the roll itself, serve as an additional wrapper; mb. 1: 625mm 6 308mm; mb. 20: 619mm 6 290mm; mb. 36: 558mm 6 285mm; mb. 41: 542mm 6 280mm; mb. 45: 509mm 6 283mm; mb. 61: 526mm 6 288mm; mb. 78: 553mm 6 310mm; mb. 86: 556mm 6 310mm; some litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition;

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preserved in a nineteenth-century wrapper of black leatherette, on the front of which, beneath the arms of the corporation, is stamped in gold: DUBLIN CORPORATION | RECORDS | ASSEMBLY ROLL | No. 12. | 1625 ± 1648. The Friday Book of Dublin Corporation In the second half of the sixteenth century, Dublin's twenty-four aldermen started to hold weekly meetings amongst themselves to expedite city business. They became in effect a standing committee of the corporation. The Friday Book contains the minutes of their proceedings and decisions. DCA, MR/17; copied by various scribes, 1567±1611; English; paper; 129; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 298mm 6 195mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a contemporary wrapper of plain parchment. The Treasurer's Book No earlier document quite comparable to the Treasurer's Book of the city of Dublin survives from any other corporation in Ireland. The Book contains various sets of accounts bearing on the ®nances of the civic administration from 1541 onwards. Included among its accounts are ones for the city treasurers, city bailiffs (who, after the Act of Incorporation in 1548, were elevated to sheriffs), administrators of the revenues of the disolved monastery of All Hallows, masters of the city works, receivers of the rents of the church of St George and wardens of the Trinity guild. DCA, MR/35 (Treasurer's Book); copied by various scribes, 4 November 1541 ± 29 September 1613; English; paper; xii + 397 + v; modern ink pagination, normally omitted from leaves that are blank; 370mm 6 255mm; occasional use is made of display script and litterae notabiliores, and strapwork, occasionally with anthropomorphic ornament, is applied in the earlier leaves; generally in good condition, though the outer edges of some leaves, badly damaged by damp and later repaired with paper strengthenings, have lost some text; nineteenth-century binding of brown reversed leather, on the front of which is stamped in gold on a red panel: BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. | OF THE | CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN. | FROM 1541 TO 1613 INCLUSIVE.; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold on a red panel: TREASURER'S ACCOUNTS | 1541 TO 1613; below this is af®xed a label: 372. Recognizance Book of the Tholsel Court The Recognizance Book of the Tholsel Court contains recognizances acknowledged in the Tholsel Court before John Forster, mayor of Dublin (1589±90), and the Sheriffs Mathew Handcok and Thomas Browne. DCA, C1/J/3/1; copied by one main scribe, 1 October 1589 ± 28 September 1590; English (Latin); paper; 27; modern pencil pagination; 308mm 6 205mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but some leaves are heavily soiled; an unbound booklet, preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover

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of which is af®xed a label: C1/J/3/1 | THOLSELL COURT: | Recognizance Book | 1 Oct 1589 ± | 28 Sept 1590 The Libri querelarum The Libri querelarum record law suits prosecuted by Dublin citizens and heard before the mayor. Four of these books have items of present interest, and date to the ®rst half of the seventeenth century. DCA, C1/J/2/2; copied by one main scribe, 1 October 1629 ± 28 June 1630; Latin (English); paper; 73; modern pencil pagination; 296mm 6 189mm; no decoration; in fair condition, but heavy soiling obscures some leaves; preserved in a seventeenth-century wrapper of plain parchment, on the front cover of which, now barely legible, appears the following in display script: Liber querelarum tent' coram h. . .j maior ciuitatis Dublin h. . .j DCA, C1/J/2/3; copied by one main scribe, 1 October 1629 ± 25 September 1630; Latin (English); paper; 32; modern pencil pagination; 301mm 6 200mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but soiling obscures some leaves; preserved in a seventeenth-century wrapper of plain parchment, on the front cover of which appears the following in display script: Liber querelarum tent' coram Carolo forster et Iacobo Watson vic com' ciuitatis Dublin Incipient primo Octobris 1629 DCA, C1/J/2/4; copied by one main scribe, 1 October 1637 ± 21 August 1638; Latin (English); paper; 124; modern pencil pagination; 291mm 6 191mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but soiling obscures some leaves; preserved in a seventeenth-century wrapper of plain parchment, on the front cover of which appears the following in display script: Liber querelarum tent' coram Iacobo Watson Maiore Ciuitathisj Dublin Phillippo Watson et Willielmo Bladen vicecom' eiusdem Incipient primo die Octobris Anno domini 1637. BL, MS Additional 11687; copied by various scribes, 1 October 1638 ± 28 September 1639; Latin (English); paper; iv + 155 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 310mm 6 197mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but a little soiled at the edges of some leaves; modern binding of brown half leather, and stamped on the spine in gold: PLEAS IN THE | SHERIFFS COURT, | DUBLIN, | ETC. | 1638±1639. | MUS. BRIT. | JURE EMPT. | 11,687 | PLUT. | CXLV. F.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 145; and: F.5 The Dublin Chronicle Various redactions of a set of annals which is referred to here as the Dublin Chronicle exist in several manuscripts, but TCD, MS 543/2/14 is the earliest extant (others germane to the Repertory will appear below). Its presentation in the form of a roll suggests that it may have originated in a Dublin centre in which record keeping in rotular form was customary. This consideration, weighed with the nature of the roll's contents (on one side, a list of the bailiffs and mayors of Dublin, and on the other, the Dublin Chronicle), may indicate

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that that centre may have been none other than the of®ce of the Recorder of Dublin. How the manuscript may subsequently have strayed to the archive of Trinity College is not known. TCD, MS 543/2/14; annals and a list of corporation of®cials, dated between 1413 and 1534, copied by two scribes, one scribe copying the annals on the membrane dorses, the other the list of of®cials on their obverses, in the sixteenth century; English; parchment; 3; unnumbered; mb. [2]: 669mm 6 170mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but extensive wear with consequent loss of ink obscures parts of mbs [1] and [3]; membranes are stitched serially to form a continuous roll; preserved in a modern paper roll on which is written in pencil: 543/2/14 Kilkenny Corporation As previously noted, the holdings of Kilkenny Corporation, once of major importance for the history of drama and its related activities in Ireland, have suffered unfortunate losses over the years. It seems to have been an eighteenthand nineteenth-century habit to loan out corporation documents to interested individuals, and evidently this occurred without careful supervision. A recent casualty of such neglect has been the Liber Secundus, a document dealing mainly with the corporation's affairs in the early 1540s. Though still extant in the mid-nineteenth century, it has now disappeared (portions of it surviving in a partial transcription made in the seventeenth century in DCL, MS 105 contain nothing of present relevance). Another document, the Red Book of Kilkenny, which would have been an important source for present purposes, had vanished much earlier. A summary transcription was made of it c. 1747 by the Kilkenny alderman and corporation treasurer William Colles, and it was this, now also lost, that the nineteenth-century antiquarian J. G. A. Prim consulted when he wrote his article `Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny', noted below. (The original Red Book had already disappeared by Prim's day.) It is not clear whether the plea for the return of corporation documents that Prim made in his article `Missing Records. No. II. Muniments of the Corporation of Kilkenny' (Transactions of the Kilkenny Archñological Society 1 (1849±51), 427±32) bore any fruit (see ibid., p. 431). At any rate, there are signs that even after that date, the nonchalance attending the way the corporation archives were kept was never quite entirely banished. Another major loss has been most of the sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century bills of expenditure and payment chits collected by the corporation. The account books prepared from them have similarly almost entirely vanished, apart from a fragment in NLI, MS 3302 (see below). In the late nineteenth century the Town Clerk, Patrick Watters, still had access to many of these bills and chits when he wrote his articles `Notes of Particulars' and `Note of Entries' cited below. Today just a few items, perhaps tellingly ones which Watters did not publish, survive in the Kilkenny Tholsel from this former mass. The migratory tendencies of the corporation archives are also witnessed by the straying of some of them into the custody of Kilkenny Castle. From here they were eventually acquired by the National Library of Ireland in the 1930s when the Ormond muniments were purchased (see NLI, MS 3302 below, evidently a fragment of what once must

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have been a much larger corporation account book). There seems to have been some association between castle and corporation book keepers (for example, John Shee, steward of the Butler household between 1630±33, also seems to have served on Kilkenny Corporation; see NLI, MS 2549 under section 4.10 Households below). This may partly explain the archival drift. The documents described here will be presented ®rst as they survive in their Dublin repository (the National Library of Ireland), then in the Kilkenny Tholsel, and ®nally in their printed form, arranged chronologically by year of publication. NLI, MS 3302; copied by one scribe, 29 September 1596 ± 24 September 1600; English; paper; ¦ (one singleton plus a quire of 6); unnumbered (and probably taken from some larger compilation of accounts); 305mm 6 200mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though part of the singleton is missing and what remains is damp stained; unbound, and preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed in black: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS NLI, MS 11048 (item 2); copied by one scribe (apart from subscribed signatures), 4 June 1597; English; paper; single sheet; 222mm 6 201mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with ten other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: Orders for payment | by Mayor of Kilkenny | 11 items | 1595±97. | MS 11, 048 (2) NLI, MS 11048 (item 6); copied by one scribe (apart from subscribed signatures), 11 December 1632; English; paper; single sheet; 151mm 6 193mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with six other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: Orders for payment by the | Mayor of Kilkenny, receipts | etc. ¦ items | 1621, 1632±33 | MS 11, 048 (6)

Liber Primus Kilkenniensis The Liber Primus Kilkenniensis is the oldest of the corporation's documents, and compares with Dublin's Chain Book in nature and probably also in fuction. It contains fair copies of documents of concern to the corporation, such as oaths of corporation of®cials, memoranda and corporation bye-laws. KCA, CR/1/D (Liber Primus Kilkenniensis); copied by various scribes in hands dateable between the mid-fourteenth and the sixteenth century (dated entries run between 1223 and 1586); parchment; Latin (English, French); i + 87 + i; various inconsistently applied foliation and pagination systems, the most satisfactory of which being a sixteenth-century foliation, running between ff. 35 and 77; 234mm 6 171mm; rubrication is applied in certain of the fourteenth-century sections, some litterae notabiliores are used and some pen sketches appear in the margins; generally in good condition, though there are a few tears, and rust and gall stains; medieval binding of white leather on wooden boards, the front board being of oak (possibly re-cycled from an earlier, fourteenth-century?, binding, to which it formerly served as a back board) and the back board of ®fteenth-century beech, which retains a fragment

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of the fastening thong, and a washer and rivet (for the lost fastening stud); the binding has modern repairs and the Book is preserved in a modern box.

Corporation Book of the Irishtown The Irishtown of Kilkenny, a settlement around the medieval cathedral of St Canice and to the east of the city walls of the Hightown, had during the period under review its own administration of Portrieve, burgesses and commons. While the corporation of the Hightown lost most of its later sixteenth-century administrative documents, the Irishtown has retained one item from this period, the Corporation Book of the Irishtown. It contains for the most part bye-laws for the regulation of the Irishtown's affairs, statutory prices for victuals, lists of administrative personnel and admissions of freemen. KCA, CR/F 1; copied by various scribes, 1537±1661; paper; English (Latin); 122 + i; seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 27: 285mm 6 190mm; no decoration; in fair condition, though some leaves are badly torn and stained; seventeenth-century binding of white skin over cardboard, loosened and with its spine missing, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label (various other modern annotations on the front cover are not noticed here): No. 14 | `Book of Irishtown' | Corporation | (1). CR/F 1 KCA, CR/J 4; copied by one main scribe, December 1579 ± 1580; English; paper; bifolium; unnumbered; 308mm 6 210mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is a little tearing along the right edge; unbound, and preserved with twelve other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: J 1±4 KCA, CR/J 11; copied probably by Arthur Shee, c. 8 August 1584; English; paper; single sheet; 310mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with four other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: J 10±14 KCA, CR/J 13; copied by one scribe (apart from the additions noted in the Repertory), ¦ June 1585; English; paper; single sheet; 213mm 6 202mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with four other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: J 10±14 KCA, CR/J 15; copied by one main scribe in 1586; English; paper; single sheet; 308mm 6 205mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with ®ve other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: J 15±21 KCA, CR/K 13; copied by one scribe (apart from the additions noted in the Repertory), 20 September 1603; English; paper; bifolium; unnumbered; 305mm 6 197mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound, and preserved with six other items in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: K 11±17 J. G. A. Prim, `Ancient Civic Enactments for Restraining Gossiping and Feasting', Transactions of the Kilkenny Archñological Society 1 (1849±51),

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436±41 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 1). J. G. A. Prim, `Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny', Proceedings and Transactions of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archñological Society 2 (1852±3), 319±35 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 2). J. G. A. Prim, `Documents connected with the City of Kilkenny Militia in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Proceedings and Transactions of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archñological Society 3 (1854±5), 231±74 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 3). J. G. A. Prim, `The Corporation Insignia and Olden Civic State of Kilkenny', Journal of the Royal Historical and Archñological Association of Ireland, 4th Series, 1 (1870±1), 280±305 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 11). P. Watters, `Notes of Particulars extracted from the Kilkenny Corporation Records relating to the Miracle Plays as performed there from the year 1580 to the year 1639', Journal of the Royal Historical and Archñological Association of Ireland, 4th Series, 6 (1883±4), 238±42 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 16). P. Watters, `Note of Entries in the Corporation Records, Kilkenny, relative to a Visit of Lord Viscount Wentworth to Kilkenny in the year 1637', Journal of the Royal Historical and Archñological Association of Ireland, 4th Series, 6 (1883±4), 242±9 (later incorporated as the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, volume 16). Youghal Corporation Two Youghal Corporation documents concern the Repertory: one is still extant, the other is now fragmentary and its pertinent Repertory item survives only in a reference in a modern publication. The ®rst Youghal document, the Corporation Book of Youghal, contains a very wide range of materials bearing on civic administration. These include lists of elected corporation personnel, bye-laws, names of transgressors against those bye-laws, hundred court rulings, copies of letters, rates for victuals and commodities, freedom admissions, jury presentments and proclamations. The pertinent item from the second document is now extant only in A. B. Grosart, ed. The Lismore Papers (First Series), viz. Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and `Great' Earl of Cork, 5 vols (London, 1886), I, xix; formerly it existed among the seventeenth-century accounts of Mayor Richard Gough. These are now in a very badly damaged condition, and the item is no longer extant. CAI, U 138; copied by various scribes, 2 February 1610 ± 11 January 1659; English (Latin); paper; ii + 548 + iii; the ®rst portion of the manuscript is foliated in seventeenth-century ink, which is visible from 11±808, while the second portion of the manuscript is foliated in modern pencil, running 1±308; 340mm 6 215mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century

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binding of brown reversed leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: *FOhLjIO* | *A* A. B. Grosart, ed. The Lismore Papers (First Series), viz. Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and `Great' Earl of Cork, 5 vols (London, 1886), I, xix. 4.5 Guild documents Though several towns in Ireland supported guilds, only those of Dublin yield material of concern to the Repertory. This is doubtless partly due to the fact that the guilds of Dublin, archival losses notwithstanding, still remain the island's best attested. A system of guilds was ®rst of®cially licensed for Dublin in 1192 by Prince John, though it is very likely that an informal guild arrangement was already in place before the licence was granted. As well as its trade and craft guilds, Dublin had at least eleven religious guilds by the late Middle Ages, plus two military guilds founded in the ®fteenth century in response to attacks on the Pale by Irish enemies. The guild merchant, operating possibly from as early as 1190, was the parent guild. As time went by, trades guilds broke away from it and acquired autonomous guild structures and status. The ®rst offshoot of the guild merchant, in 1418, was the tailors guild. Some of Dublin's guild documents were destroyed in 1922 with the ®ring of the Four Courts; the vagaries of history did away with others. The only original guild documents still extant which are of present concern are those of the barber-surgeons held in TCD and those of the carpenters, millers, heliers and masons held in DCL. An important transcription was made by William Monck Mason of the now lost original records of the tailors guild (the J. T. Gilbert transcription in DCL, MS 80 hitherto consulted by theatre historians is demonstrably a copy of the Monck Mason transcription and therefore of no independent value). In sum, then, evidence of interest to the Repertory survives from only three Dublin trades guilds, apart from a few items from the guild merchant. The activity of the religious guild of St George is evidenced by documents either now preserved or formerly extant in DCA. These documents have been noticed above under Dublin Corporation. Roll of the Dublin Guild Merchant As already noted, the guild merchant, operating possibly from as early as 1190, was the parent guild. During the early thirteenth century, merchants from British and Continental towns who traded in Dublin became its members. The guild had apparently split into three before 1275, for between then and 1330, there is evidence of three distinct merchant guilds having operated in Dublin, one for Irish merchants, another for English merchants and a third for merchants `from across the sea' (see The Thirty-Sixth Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1904), p. 29; the original Pipe Roll of 4 Edward I (1275±6) containing this evidence was destroyed in 1922). The Guild Merchant Roll, c. 1190±1264, is the city's earliest surviving guild muniment. It enrols the names of guild members.

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DCA, GR1/1 (Roll of the Dublin Guild Merchant); copied by various scribes, c. 1190±1264; Latin (English); parchment; 40; each membrane is numbered in modern ink; mb. 7: 515mm 6 220mm; mb. 8: 642mm 6 218mm; mb. 11: 403mm 6 205mm; mb. 12: 458mm 6 201mm; mb. 13: 218mm 6 195mm; mb. 32: 527mm 6 214mm; rubrication is used on some membranes; generally in good condition except for mb. 13 which is shattered; kept in ®ve separate sections, comprising mbs 1±6, 7±9, 10±12, 13±26 and 28±40; each section is preserved in tissue paper, on which is ®xed a label, the sections excerpted for the Repertory having labels which read respectively as follows: ROLL OF THE DUBLIN GUILD MERCHANT | MEMBRANES NOS. 1 to 6 inclusive; ROLL OF THE DUBLIN GUILD MERCHANT | Membranes no. 7 to 9 inclusive; ROLL OF THE DUBLIN GUILD MERCHANT | Membranes nos. 10 to 12 inclusive; ROLL OF THE DUBLIN GUILD MERCHANT | Membranes nos. 13 (shattered) to 26. | Former PROI ref no: D. Corp. 1/2; ROLL OF THE DUBLIN GUILD MERCHANT | Membrane No. 28±40 | FORMER PROI REF. NO. D. Corp. 1/3 Guild Book of the Carpenters, Millers, Heliers and Masons The guild of the carpenters, millers, heliers and masons was founded in 1508 by royal charter, though the guild already existed before this date, when it met at St Martin's Chapel in St Werburgh's Church. Its chantry was in the Lady Chapel of St Thomas's Abbey. Its medieval guild hall was in St Audoen's Lane (on the site of the present day St Audoen's Park). By 1565 this hall must have been demolished, for in that year the guild leased a room in the ®rst guild hall of the tailors, in Winetavern Street. After 1593 it was meeting in Blakeney's Inns, in the parish of St Audoen. The patron saint of the guild was the Blessed Virgin Mary. Its Guild Book, its earliest surviving muniment, contains records of the masters and wardens for various years, lists of guild members, minutes, memoranda, accounts, receipts and guild admissions. DCL, Gilbert Collection, MS 209; copied by various scribes, 1512±66; English (Latin); paper; viii + 90 + ix (counting those modern interleaves on which are pasted smaller dockets from the original accounts, as well as original leaves torn out and extant only as stubs); p. 33: 296mm 6 200mm; p. 153: 308mm 6 205mm; modern pencil pagination (the manuscript originally had several more leaves, as an earlier pagination running to 205 witnesses); no decoration; in fair condition, though some leaves are torn out and extant only as stubs, and all leaves have been mounted on guards and some repaired with paper reinforcement; nineteenth-century binding of black leather, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: 209; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: DUBLIN | GILD | BOOK | TEMP. | HENRY VIII | MS. Guild Book of the Barber-Surgeons The guild of the barber-surgeons was founded by royal charter in 1446. Its chantry was in St Mary Magdalene's Chapel in the Hospital of St John without the New Gate. After the Reformation, the guild worshipped in a chapel in Christ Church Cathedral. Its patron saint was St Mary Magdalene. The Guild

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Book which is its earliest surviving muniment contains the oaths of the guild master, wardens and brothers as used in 1535, enrolments of guild members and apprentices, accounts and ®nes. TCD, MS 1447 (item 6); copied by various scribes between 1535 and 1607; English; parchment and paper; 48; modern pencil foliation; 263mm 6 221mm; some rubrication is applied in the opening parchment leaves and strapwork is added to some litterae notabiliores; in good condition; sixteenth-century binding of white leather on oak boards. Account Book of the Tailors Guild The tailors guild was founded by royal charter in 1418. Its chantry was in the Lady Chapel in the church of St John the Evangelist, Fishamble Street. In the ®rst half of the sixteenth century its guild hall was in Winetavern Street on ground belonging to St Thomas's Abbey. In 1583, a new guild hall was built in Back Lane. The guild's patron saint was St John the Baptist. The original account book is now lost, and survives only in an antiquarian transcription. BL, MS Egerton 1765; antiquarian transcriptions of materials from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries, including the charter of the guild merchant, and the tailors guild accounts, copied by William Monck Mason in the early nineteenth century; English (Latin); paper; iii + 204 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 332mm 6 207mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, and on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Egertons, earls of Bridgewater, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CITY | OF | DUBLIN | CORPORATION | RECORDS | MUS. BRIT. | BIBL. | EGERTON. | 1765. | PLUT. | DXX. H.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 462; and: D.5 4.6 Administrative documents The documents gathered here are secular instruments of administration, and comprise a mixed bag. First are arranged deeds. Deeds, which normally hold little promise for the Repertory, occasionally contain names or professions that are of interest. Next are noticed the Justiciary Rolls, all now extant only in calendar form since the Four Courts explosion and ®re of 1922. They similarly contain the occasional personal name or profession of interest, and include an important early fourteenth-century account of the alleged misconduct of an Irish harper (see section 5.4 under co. Cork, s.a. 1315). From the Justiciary Rolls has also been included the account of the early fourteenth-century wrestling match at Naas, co. Kildare. Next come the ®ants and Patent Rolls. The ®ants, a valuable source, once contained many references to professional minstrels, many of them native Irish, as did also the Patent Rolls on which the ®ants were normally enrolled. The same fate befell both document classes in 1922. One of the English Patent Rolls which contains an item of Irish interest is described following the Irish ones. Then come various state documents, such as

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the Irish Council Books. Finally are arranged miscellaneous administrative documents. The practice adopted for describing the Irish State Papers (see below) is also used for one of the manuscripts included here under Administrative documents (Bodl., MS Carte 176). In this case, only the material on which the Repertory item is written is speci®ed. Its date is given, followed by the earliest and latest dates of the contents of the whole volume in square brackets. Measurements refer only to item(s) within a particular volume which are of concern to the Repertory, and so similarly the number of scribes identi®ed, the use of decoration, the condition of the document and the notice of the languages used. Deeds NLI, MS D 250; copied by one scribe, 5 December 1274; Latin; parchment, with a seal attached; 128mm 6 200mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some tearing of the parchment where the deed has been folded; on the dorse in a later hand is written: a deed made by Piers ®lius Phillip to John de le Barre of messuage & a crofte in Knoctophor'; preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; also on the envelope, inside the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland is written in modern ink the shelfmark: D | 250 NLI, MS D 287; copied by one scribe, 18 February 1278; Latin; parchment, with remnants of a seal attached; 70mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; also on the envelope, inside the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland, is written in modern ink the shelfmark: D | 287 NLI, MS D 397; copied by one scribe, 2 May 1293; Latin; parchment; 116mm 6 229mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some tearing of the parchment where the deed has been folded, and its seal is missing; on the dorse in another hand is written: Corans Ballychaunegan; also on the dorse and stamped in red: KILKENNY CASTLE MUNIMENTS; preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; also on the envelope, inside the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland is written in modern ink the shelfmark: D | 397 NLI, MS D 440; copied by one scribe, c. 1300; Latin; parchment; 144mm 6 211mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some tearing of the parchment where the deed has been folded, and its seal is missing; on the dorse in another hand is written: Ballynegeraghe mora que vocatur Reyke iuxta Balligeragh; also on the dorse and stamped in red: KILKENNY CASTLE MUNIMENTS; preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed : IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; also on the envelope, inside the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland is written in modern ink the shelfmark: D | 440 NLI, MS D 1380; copied by one scribe, c. 1399; Latin; parchment; 94mm 6

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212mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is a little staining by damp, some tearing, and the seal is missing; on the dorse in another hand is written: Cnoctoghre vacua placea; also on the dorse and stamped in red: KILKENNY CASTLE MUNIMENTS; preserved in a Manila envelope, on the front of which is printed: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; also on the envelope, inside the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland is written in modern ink the shelfmark: D | 1380 NLI, MS D 15803; copied by one scribe, 23 February 1403; Latin; parchment; indented single sheet, 127mm 6 225mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the ink is a little faded in places, and the seal is missing; preserved in a modern Manila envelope, on the front of which is written in blue ink: (1403 Feb 23) D 15, 803 359 Justiciary Rolls The Justiciary Rolls, which contained accounts of cases heard before the Irish Justiciar, were destroyed in the Four Courts ®re of 1922. Calendar notices alone survive. Repertory items are found in the unpublished translated transcription described below (NA, MS 2/448/2, envelope KB 2/7) and in the following editions, arranged chronologically by year of publication: J. Mills, ed. Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls or Proceedings in the Court of the Justiciar of Ireland preserved in the Public Record Of®ce of Ireland. XXIII to XXXI Years of Edward I. (Dublin, 1905); J. Mills, ed. Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls or Proceedings in the Court of the Justiciar of Ireland preserved in the Public Record Of®ce of Ireland. Edward I. Part 2. XXXIII to XXXV Years (London, 1914); H. Wood and A. E. Langman, Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls or Proceedings in the Court of the Justiciar of Ireland I to VII Years of Edward II, rev. M. C. Grif®th (Dublin, ?1956). NA, MS 2/448/2, envelope KB 2/7; late nineteenth-century translation and transcription by Henry Wood of the Irish Justiciary Rolls, 13 August 1314 ± 10 March 1316; paper; English (Latin); 63; modern red ink foliation; 331mm 6 204mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the ®rst leaf is dirty; preserved as loose leaves in a modern grey Manila envelope, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: NATIONAL ARCHIVES | Mss calendar of | JUSTICIARY ROLL | 8 & 9 Ed II: | PLEA ROLL No 109 | KB 2/7; and kept with seven other items in a cardboard box, on the side of which is af®xed a label: NATIONAL ARCHIVES | Calendar of Plea Roll | Plea Roll. 106±119. | KB 2/5 ± KB 2/12; beneath this is af®xed a label: 2/448/2 Fiants The ®ants, lost also in 1922, were warrants addressed to the Irish Chancery for grants made under the Great Seal. They were normally entered onto the Patent Rolls. Repertory items are found in the following editions, arranged chronologically by year of publication: Calendar (Dublin, no date, but between 1810± 30); The Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1876); The Ninth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1877); The Eleventh Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public

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Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1879); The Twelfth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1880); The Thirteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1881); The Fifteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1883); The Sixteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1884); The Seventeenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1885); The Eighteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1886) Patent Rolls The Irish Patent Rolls, lost like the Justiciary Rolls and ®ants in 1922, survive now also only in calendar form. Repertory items are found in the following editions, arranged chronologically by year of publication: E. Tresham, ed. Rotulorum patentum et clausorum cancellariae Hiberniae calendarium (Dublin, 1828); J. Morrin, ed. Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 2 vols. (Dublin and London, 1861±2). There is one English Patent Roll which contains an item of interest to the present collection. PRO, C. 66/379; copied by one scribe, 1 December 1407 ± 15 October 1408; Latin (English); parchment; 31; post-medieval ink numeration; mb. 7: 890mm 6 282mm; occasional litterae notabiliores are employed; in good condition; membranes are stitched serially to form a continuous roll; mb. 1 is extended by the addition of a medieval parchment membrane (with modern strengthening), 570mm 6 282mm, and this is further extended by the addition of a piece of modern cloth, 462mm 6 302mm, to form a wrapper to the whole; af®xed to the modern brown cloth extension is a tab: REFERENCE. | C. | 66 | 379 | REPAIRING DEPARTMENT. | 28. 4. 65 | Wt. 52954 State documents The various state documents noticed here are arranged alphabetically according to the place of their repository in the order: Dublin, London, Maidstone and Oxford. NA, MS 2/447/16; antiquarian transcription copied in 1869 by John P. Prendergast of Sir Henry Wallop's A giornal for entrie of the daylie and ordinary actes of the council and matters of state from 1 March 1581 to 29 January 1586; paper; English; iii + 147 + iv; notionally foliated from the ®rst leaf bearing text (the title page); 374mm 6 225mm; no decoration, apart from the use of black letter, and a little rubrication, on the title page; generally in good condition, but some leaves are reinforced with tissue; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold within a red panel: CALENDAR | OF | COUNCIL BOOK | A.D. ± 1581. ± 1586.; and on the spine of which is printed lengthways in black: CALENDAR OF COUNCIL BOOK A.D. 1581 ± 1586.; at the top of the spine is af®xed a label: Public Record Of®ce

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| 1.a. | 52 | 151 | IRELAND; preserved with another item in a modern blue cardboard box, with a label on the side: 2/447/16 NLI, MS 8014 (i); Sir John Perrot's letter to the Justices of the Peace concerning the government of Ireland, copied by one scribe, 18 December 1584; English; paper; unnumbered bifolium; 311mm 6 198mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, if a little stained; unbound, and preserved with thirteen other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front of which, within the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland, is written in modern ink the shelfmark: MS | 8014 | (i); the folder comprising MS 8014 (i) is preserved together with various others, as well as with the folders comprising MS 8013, in a tin box. NLI, MS 8065 (item 4); copied by one main scribe, 21 July 1576; English; paper; 6; sixteenth-century ink foliation, running 154 to 159 (which suggests that this item once comprised part of a much larger compilation); 310mm 6 210mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the edges of leaves are strengthened with paper reinforcement; unbound, and preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front of which, within the circular stamp of the National Library of Ireland, is written in modern ink the shelfmark: 8065/ 1±4; and beneath this is a handwritten description of the four items that comprise MS 8065. BL, MS Additional 1742; material of household and heraldic interest dating approximately between 1568 and the beginning of the reign of James I, copied by one scribe in the early seventeenth century; English; paper; i + 47 + i; modern pencil foliation; 305mm 6 201mm; strapwork is frequently used on litterae notabiliores, and there is some display script; generally in good condition, though leaves have been mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the Sloane family, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BRIT. | MUS. | SLOANE | 1742.; lengthways above this: DESCRIPTION | OF IRELAND; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 91; and: g12 BL, MS Harley 697; copied by various scribes, 20 August 1601 ± 11 March 1622; English (Latin); paper (a parchment tab, which derives from a medieval Latin manuscript, is af®xed to the ®rst endleaf); ii + 209 + iv; modern pencil foliation; 421mm 6 281mm; occasional strapwork is used on litterae notabiliores, and a pen drawing of Elizabeth I features on f. 1; generally in good condition, though some leaves are a little stained; nineteenth-century binding of maroon half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Harleys, earls of Oxford, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: COUNCIL BOOK | OF | MUNSTER | 1601±1621. | BRIT. MUS. | HARLEY | 697.; at the top of the spine is af®xed a label: 49; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label now torn and illegible. KAO, U 1475 014/43; copied by one scribe c. 1604; English; paper; 2; unnumbered; 300mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved with twenty-four other items (014/21±44) in a modern Manila folder. Bodl., MS Carte 176; depositions, copied by one scribe, c. 1636 [1 May 1430 ± 28 June 1650]; English; paper; i + 221 + i; modern pencil foliation; f. 11: 339mm

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6 290mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CARTE | PAPERS | DOCUMENTS | RELATING TO IRELAND | 1390 ± 1650 | 176

Miscellaneous administrative documents The codex preserved as Dublin, King's Inns Library, MS 38 and known more familiarly as the Black Book of King's Inns, is the earliest surviving muniment of the King's Inns in Dublin. Its varied contents include lists of members and sets of accounts, amongst the latter of which appears the item excerpted for the Repertory. Dublin, King's Inns Library, MS 38 (Black Book of King's Inns); copied by various scribes, 1607±1730; English (Latin); paper; ii + 360 + i; eighteenthcentury ink foliation; 358mm 6 225mm; no decoration; in good condition; eighteenth-century binding of black leather, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: 38; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BLACK | BOOK For many years NLI, MS 9596 was in the possession of the Burnells, an established Old English family of the Pale. It is a late ®fteenth-century codex of theological material, mainly in Latin, and including items such as a treatise on the Decalogue, a set of alphabetically arranged topics, sermons and sermon themata. Many leaves were left blank between its items, and on these were subsequently inserted in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries several other items. Some of these are personal memoranda made by Burnell family members. The item of present concern, entered in a hand probably dating to some time between the Dissolution of the Monasteries (1536) and the reign of Edward VI (1547±53), is a land-gavel of Drogheda, co. Louth. NLI, MS 9596; theological miscellany with later items, copied by various scribes from the late ®fteenth to the late seventeenth century; Latin (English); parchment; i + 144 + i (the ¯y- and endleaves are raised pastedowns of an early binding); modern pencil foliation; 236mm 6 159mm; rubrication employed in the medieval sections; in fair condition, but several leaves are excised, some are torn and others are a little dirty; binding lost, but traces of wood grain and other indications on the pastedowns suggest it formerly had a standard medieval binding of leather covered wooden boards, fastened with a single clasp. TCD, Mun/V/5/I, contains the ®rst extant register of the College. TCD, Mun/V/5/I; copied by various scribes chie¯y in the seventeenth century, with a few eighteenth- and nineteenth-century additions, and whose principal contents date between 1626 and 23 July 1660; English (Latin); paper; ii + 127 + ii; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 353mm 6 225mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, apart from three leaves torn away down their centre before p. 73; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, the front and back covers of which are detached, and on whose spine is stamped in gold: GENERAL | REGISTRY | FROM | 1626

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4. The Documents 4.7 Ecclesiastical documents

Assembled here (in the diocesan order Armagh, Dublin and Ossory) are documents concerned with internal ecclesiastical administration. As in many another document class, so in this one Dublin emerges as the part of Ireland most substantially represented, and furthermore within Dublin, the documents of the cathedral church of the Holy Trinity, commonly known as Christ Church, are the most extensive. As a class, the ecclesiastical documents include chapter act books, deeds, leases, parish poor relief levies, proctors' accounts, registers, synodal constitutions and visitation articles. Except for the visitation articles, which need no introduction and which are noted later under Early printed books, each of these categories will be more fully introduced below. Items are arranged chronologically within each category. ARMAGH Registers of Primate John Swayne The registers of John Swayne, archbishop of Armagh from 2 February 1418 to 27 March 1439, form only a part, if an important one, of the documents gathered in PRONI, DIO 4/2/3. This volume comprises four main sections. The ®rst includes notices of appointments, grants, court proceedings and ordinations; the second contains many documents relating to the Council of Constance, 1414±18; the third (and largest) section, in which is to be found the item of interest to the Repertory, contains materials dating mainly between 1426 and 1440; and the last section includes documents concerning government in Ireland, dating mainly between 1435 and 1450. PRONI, DIO 4/2/3; a compilation of booklets containing materials dated between c. 1218 to 1450, copied by various scribes in the ®fteenth century; Latin (French, English); paper and parchment (leaves 319 and 320 are of parchment); vi + 332 + vi; four imperfect early ink foliation systems appear, plus one imperfect modern pencil foliation, and hence a notional foliation has been adopted here, beginning counting at the ®rst leaf containing text, which is that following immediately on after ¯yleaf vi; f. [55]: 295mm 6 213mm; ff. [151]-[152]: 300mm 6 210mm; litterae notabiliores are occasionally used; in fair condition, though some leaves are damaged by damp and/or tearing, especially at their edges; seventeenth-century binding of brown reversed leather, bearing traces of two green fabric fastening thongs, and on the back cover of which are the remains of a modern Manila dust jacket, in the bottom left-hand corner of which is af®xed a label: Public Record Of®ce of Northern Ireland | 2/6 | DIO 4/2/3 | Accession; on the exposed spine is af®xed a label: Swayns | Original Register | hfjrom | 1400 to 1439 | vide fair Copy; beneath this on the spine is written in ink, much faded: Swaynes | Original | Reg

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DUBLIN Chapter Act Book of Christ Church Cathedral As its title suggests, this Chapter Act Book is a collection of decisions passed by the Christ Church chapter for the regulation of internal cathedral affairs. RCB, C/6/1/7/2; copied by various scribes between 1634 and 1670; English (Latin); paper; iii + 180 + iii; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 381mm 6 233mm; no decoration; in good condition; late seventeenth- or early eighteenthcentury binding of brown reversed leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CHAPTER | ACTS | FROM | 1634 | TO | 1670.; and at the bottom is written in white ink: c.6 | 1.7.2 Deeds Items of interest to the Repertory are to be found in deeds relating to two of Dublin's religious institutions, Christ Church and the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem. The deeds of Christ Church were in the main casualties of the Four Courts explosion and ®re of 1922. Some survive in the eighteenth-century antiquarian transcription called the Registrum Novum, a manuscript kept at the Representative Church Body Library in Dublin, though not the two deeds of present concern, which were noticed in The Twenty-third Report of the Deputy Keeper, detailed below. The Order of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem had a house in Dublin at Kilmainham, from which survives the Registrum de Kilmainham, now preserved as Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 501. It contains a register of the Order's enfeoffments, grants of corrodies, accounts of chapter acts and of various other administrative instruments pertaining to the Order. The Twenty-third Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1891), pp. 83 and 87. Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 501; a cartulary of the Order of St John of Jerusalem at Kilmainham in Dublin, containing documents dated between 1321 and 1349, copied mainly by one scribe early in the second half of the fourteenth century, with a few other documents copied less formally by various scribes at about the same time; Latin; parchment; ii + 116 + ii; postmedieval ink foliation, superseded from f. 80 to the end in modern pencil; 274mm 6 190mm; rubrication in red, green and blue is applied in places, and the lobes of some litterae notabiliores are in®lled with human faces; generally in good condition, though some leaves towards the end have been stained; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is written in white ink: 501; beneath this are af®xed respectively the labels: Rawlinson; and: 501 Leases In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Christ Church gathered together records of certain of its property leases. The book described here is a fair copy

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record of them (a late seventeenth-century list of contents is written on the ¯yand endleaves). RCB, C/6/1/26/1; mainly leases concerning Christ Church property, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; English (Latin); paper; iii + 111 + iii; late seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 26: 302mm 6 195mm; strapwork is occasionally applied to litterae notabiliores throughout; generally good condition, though there is some soiling and staining, and certain leaves have torn edges; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: LEASE | OF | CHRIST | CHURC; above this is written in white ink: c.6 | 1.26| 1 Parish Poor Relief Levies The St Werburgh's Parish Poor Relief Levies were raised by the church on residents within its parish. The sums gathered were to be employed for relief of the poor. RCB, P. 326/27/3/28; copied by two scribes, 25 April 1641 ± 10 April 1642; English; paper; 13; unnumbered; 305mm 6 201mm; no decoration; in good condition; on the front paper cover of this document has been written in modern pencil: Easter 1641 | P. 326/27/3/28; preserved in a modern Manila folder on which is written in pencil: P. 326. 27. 3 | 26±28 RCB, P. 328/5/1; copied by various scribes, 4 May 1595 ± 1657; English; paper; 173; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 288mm 6 195mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the opening and closing leaves are very damaged and damp has faded the earlier leaves; lacking its binding, and now preserved in a blue folder, on the spine of which is written in ink: P. | 328 | 5.1 Proctor's Accounts Early sets of proctor's accounts survive from three places in Dublin: from Christ Church; rather less substantially from St Patrick's Cathedral; and also from the parish church of St Werburgh's. They will be described here in that order. All are held at the RCB, apart from one item, TCD, MS 575 (E. 3. 21), described below. Some of the Christ Church proctor's accounts kept in RCB, C/6/1/26/3, are extant in two forms: either both the draft copy of a particular set of accounts, plus the fair copy later made from them, survive, as in the case of items 6, ¦ and 16 below, or, failing that, either the draft copy alone survives, as in the case of item 11 below, or the fair copy alone, as in the case of items 2, 26 and 27 below. (Where both draft and fair copies survive, the draft is the one described.) It might be noted that item 26 really forms part of item 25, for both items together comprise the accounts of William Carville, proctor respectively for 29 September 1636 ± 29 September 1637 (item 25) and for 29 September 1637 ± 29 September 1638 (item 26). Proctors generally seem to have served for a two-year term during this period. The proctor's accounts of Peter Lewis preserved in TCD, MS 575 (E. 3. 21) are probably holograph. Only two documents containing proctor's accounts of St Patrick's Cathedral

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are known to exist. Relative to those of Christ Church, St Patrick's Cathedral muniments have evidently suffered much neglect down the years, though given the cathedral's chequered history, especially in the sixteenth century when it was for a while suppressed, this is not surprising. The accounts of the proctors (or churchwardens) of St Werburgh's, extant from the late ®fteenth century, contain evidence of Easter Sepulchre ceremonies having taken place in the church at least from that date. P. 326/27/1/9 below is probably a journal made preparatory to writing up of a fair copy for auditing, and is now fragmentary. That fair copy is itself probably represented by P. 326/ 27/1/10 below. It is also in a very fragmentary state. Christ Church Cathedral RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 2); copied probably by John Mos, proctor, 1542; English; paper; 10; unnumbered; 290mm 6 161mm; no decoration; in fair condition, but there is much damage to the upper part of each leaf, and the ®rst and last leaves are detached; seventeenth-century binding of dark brown leather (the leather cover of the spine is parting from the spine proper), on the front cover of which is stamped in gold: CHRIST CHURCH DUBLIN; and on the parting spine cover of which is stamped in gold: PROCTORS | ACCOMPTS; above this at the top of the spine is written in white ink: C.6 | 1.26. | 3 RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 6); copied probably by Mr Richardson, proctor, 29 September 1594 ± 29 September 1595; English; paper; 13; sixteenth-century ink foliation, running 2±14, with [5] unnumbered and one leaf, presumably once foliated 12, excised between 11 and 13; 382mm 6 135mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some damage along the top edges of leaves and a little staining; binding as (item 2) above. RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 7); since the handwriting is similar to that of (item 6) above, (item 7) was probably also copied by Mr Richardson, proctor, 29 September 1595 ± 28 September 1596; English; paper; 7; sixteenth-century ink foliation, but only visible on ff. 1 and 4; 323mm 6 213mm; no decoration; in fair condition but stained, with a V-shaped tear in the top middle of the ®rst ®ve leaves, and the whole quire has parted from the binding; binding as (item 2) above. RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 11); copied probably by Edward Hill, proctor, 29 September 1616 ± 29 September 1617; English; paper; 4; unnumbered; 388mm 6 145mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying and tearing of the paper along fold lines; binding as (item 2) above. RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 16); copied probably by John Bradley, chancellor and proctor, 29 September 1629 ± 29 September 1630; English; paper; 5; unnumbered; 306mm 6 198mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying; binding as (item 2) above. RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 26); copied probably by William Carville, proctor, 29 September 1637 ± 29 September 1638; English; paper; 2; unnumbered; 288mm 6 182mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some dirtying throughout; binding as (item 2) above.

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RCB, C/6/1/26/3 (item 27); copied probably by Henry Dilson, proctor, 15 April 1638 ± 14 April 1639; English; paper; 8; unnumbered; 315mm 6 214mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is much dirtying on the outer leaf of f. [1]; binding as (item 2) above. TCD, MS 575 (E. 3. 21); copied by three principal scribes, chief of whom was probably Peter Lewis, proctor of Christ Church, 2 October 1564 ± 22 October 1565; English (Latin); paper; ii + 101 + ii; modern pencil foliation, applied only to leaves containing text; f. 38: 308mm 6 202mm; very occasional litterae notabiliores feature; in fair condition, but several leaves are extensively stained and rubbed; seventeenth-century binding of white skin on cardboard, on the spine of which is written lengthways in black ink: Book of Xt. Church; above which is written in the same black ink: hEj | 3. | 21.; and above which is written in modern pencil: E | 3 | 21; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 575 St Patrick's Cathedral RCB, C/2/(106), provisional shelfmark; copied probably by John Andowe, proctor, 24 June 1509 ± 24 June 1510; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes; unnumbered; mb 1: 798mm 6 302mm; occasional litterae notabiliores feature; generally in good condition, but there is some wearing of the ink at the right of the membrane; preserved in tissue paper. RCB, C/2/(107), provisional shelfmark; copied by one scribe, probably either Gilbert Corey or Nicholas Miaghe, proctors, 1555; Latin; parchment; 2 membranes; unnumbered; mb. [1]: 665mm 6 240mm; mb. [2]: 445mm 6 230mm; written on one side; no decoration; in fair condition, but there is considerable soiling; membranes are stitched serially to form a continuous roll, and traces of stitching at the top of the ®rst membrane indicate that these two membranes are a fragment of a longer document; wrapped in tissue and preserved in modern Manila paper. St Werburgh's Church RCB, P. 326/27/1/1; accounts copied by one scribe, 22 April 1481 ± 18 April 1484; English; paper; 4; unnumbered; 414mm 6 225mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.1±2 RCB, P. 326/27/1/2; accounts of Nicholas Lawless and Richard White, copied by one scribe, 18 October 1484 ± 29 September 1485; English; paper; 3 [a bifolium, folded a second time and stitched down the resulting gutter]; unnumbered; 293mm 6 116mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.1±2 RCB, P. 326/27/1/4; accounts of Thomas Ashe and James Clynton, copied by two or possibly three scribes, May(?) 1494 ± May(?) 1495 and May(?) 1495 ± May(?) 1496; English; paper; 10; unnumbered; 298mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.4

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RCB, P. 326/27/1/5; accounts of John Green and Thomas Say, copied by one scribe, 1 May 1496 ± 1 May 1497; English; paper; 5; unnumbered; 288mm 6 225mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.5 RCB, P. 326/27/1/6; accounts of Thomas Ashe and Piers Carpenter, copied by two scribes, 1 May 1498 ± 1 May 1499; English; paper; 10; unnumbered; 206mm 6 139mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.6±7 RCB, P. 326/27/1/8; accounts of Patrick Daly and Philip White, copied by three or possibly four scribes, 9 June 1510 ± 3 August 1511, 1 August 1512 ± 9 October 1513, and 23 December 1514 ± 6 May 1515; English; paper; 11; unnumbered; 289mm 6 224mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.8 RCB, P. 326/27/1/9; copied by one scribe, c. 1515±20; English; paper; 7; unnumbered; 311mm 6 216mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.9 RCB, P. 326/27/1/10; copied by one scribe, c. 1515±20; English; paper; 2; unnumbered; 320mm 6 215mm; no decoration; in a very fragmentary state; preserved in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: P. 326.27.1.10 Registers It was a common practice of religious houses to enter fair copies of wills, charters, agreements and the like into a register (compare the Registrum de Kilmainham described above). The White Book of Christ Church is another such example. RCB, C/6/1.2 (White Book of Christ Church); materials mainly concerning Christ Church and dating from the thirteenth century to 13 February 1586, copied by various scribes from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries; Latin (English); parchment; i + 78 + i; sixteenth- or seventeenth-century ink foliation; 282mm 6 193mm; rubrication is applied to some litterae notabiliores throughout the sections copied in the ®fteenth century; generally in good condition, though opening and concluding leaves are stained and rubbed; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather on wooden boards, on the back cover of which are the remains of a metal fastening clasp. Synodal constitutions There are two groups of synodal constitutions containing items of interest for the Repertory. Although listed under synodal consititutions, for such indeed is the nature of the entry that appears in the Repertory, the manuscript known as the Crede Mihi contains much more than this: it also includes fair copies of legal documents, papal letters, themata for visitation sermons, and other matter

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largely pertinent to the administration of the see of Dublin and Glendalough from the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries. How Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments, Misc. Ch. 5822 arrived in Durham is not known. This roll contains the Constitutions of Archbishop Thomas Minot, promulgated in Kilkenny for the Dublin diocese. RCB, Dublin Diocesan Records, D 6/1 (Crede Mihi); copied by various scribes, though mainly by one who was working 1279±83; Latin; parchment; 58; modern pencil foliation; 270mm 6 193mm; occasional ¯ourishing is applied to litterae notabiliores, some anthropomorphic grotesques feature and in the latter part of the manuscript, rubrication is added in blue and red; generally in good condition, but there is occasional staining and dirtying; preserved in a medieval wrapper of plain parchment, on the front cover of which is written in a later hand in ink: Crede Mihi | No 54 Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments, Misc. Ch. 5822; copied by one scribe in the later fourteenth century; Latin; parchment; ¦ membranes; later fourteenth-century ink numeration on membranes 3 to 6; mb. 4: 570mm 6 232mm; no rubrication, but there is occasional penwork in®lling of some of the principal text capitals, and a human face on mb. [7]; generally in good condition, but part of the head of mb. [1] is torn away, and there is a little fading and staining; preserved together with Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments, Misc. Ch. 5821±5835 in a modern box. OSSORY The Red Book of Ossory The Red Book of Ossory contains for the most part fair copies of documents relating to the diocese of Ossory, synodal decrees, statutes, papal bulls, the French proverbs of Nicholas Bozon, and the famous cantilenae and contrafacta attributed to the fourteenth-century bishop of Ossory, Richard Ledrede (though some are in fact derived from Walter of Wimbourne's Marie Carmina). The Red Book is better known to students of Middle English poetry for the opening snatches of secular songs which preface the religious cantilenae and contrafacta, probably in order to indicate the tunes to which they were to be sung. RCB, D/11/1/1 (Red Book of Ossory); twelfth- to sixteenth-century materials, mainly pertinent to the diocese of Ossory, copied by various scribes from c. 1360 to the sixteenth century; Latin (English, French); parchment; iv + 80 (the last leaf is a raised pastedown); seventeenth- or eighteenth-century ink foliation; f. 5: 298mm 6 215mm; f. 70: 302mm 6 217mm; Textura or display script is occasionally used on some litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though there is some rubbing and staining in places, and some text is faded; medieval binding of reversed sheepskin (once coloured red but whose colour, except for on the insides of the covers, has now worn off) on oak boards, with modern repairs.

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4.8 Antiquarian compilations There are two major collections of early antiquarian documents of relevance to the Repertory, and manuscripts belonging to these collections have been assembled together for description, excepting only those more appropriately accommodated under one or other of the headings into which the Repertory documents have otherwise been classi®ed. The antiquarians in question were Sir George Carew and Sir James Ware. After the Carew and Ware Collections are thirdly noticed Miscellaneous compilations (section 4.9 below). Cumulatively considerable, these latter compilations nevertheless represent projects of antiquarian compilation far less ambitious than those of Carew and Ware. Manuscripts are presented alphabetically by repository within each of the three collection subheadings. The Carew Collections Sir George Carew (1555±1629) had a long association with Ireland. Educated at Broadgates Hall (later Pembroke College), Oxford, he soon after went into military service. In 1575, he served as a volunteer in the army in Ireland under Sir Henry Sidney (see below under section 4.10 Households). Carew became captain of the garrison in Leighlin, co. Carlow, for a few months in 1576 during his brother's absence from the post. He was subsequently made lieutenantgovernor of co. Carlow and vice-constable of Leighlin Castle in the same year. By 1583, he had become sheriff of Carlow. His friend Sir John Perrot (see below under section 4.10 Households), the Lord Deputy, knighted him in 1586. Later that year, he left for London, where he briefed Elizabeth I's advisers about the problems encountered in governing Ireland. He returned as master of the Irish ordnance in 1588, and held this post until 1592 when he was appointed lieutenant-general of the ordnance in England. In 1599, the political unrest in Ireland required his expertise, and in 1600 he was made president of Munster (a post he held until September 1603). He was active in the Battle of Kinsale in 1601. He retired from Ireland in 1603 after Elizabeth's death, to return only once in 1610 in order to report on the condition of the country with a view to the plantation of Ulster. He died in 1629, and is buried in the parish church of Stratford-on-Avon. Carew's strenuous military career did not preclude his antiquarian interests, and he counted among his friends William Camden, Sir Robert Cotton and Sir Thomas Bodley. Carew was particularly interested in Irish history. His papers inspired the account of the Irish revolt of 1599±1602 published in 1635 after his death by Sir Thomas Stafford (reputedly Carew's illegitimate son), under the title Pacata Hibernia (see section 5.4 under Garryduff, co. Tipperary, s.a. 1601). Carew had bequeathed Stafford his books and manuscripts. From Stafford they passed to Archbishop Laud, and from Laud many passed to Lambeth Palace Library, where they remain. A few others of concern to the Repertory are preserved in the Bodleian Library (see Oxford, MS University College 103 above and Bodl., MS Laud Misc. 613 below). LPL, MS 603 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries, copied by

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4. The Documents

various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English (Latin); paper; xxvi + 180 + xi (¯yleaves iii-xii, paginated in modern pencil 1±21, odd numbers only, and ¯yleaves xiii-xxvi, paginated in modern perncil 1±25, odd numbers only, and which include a table of contents); seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 25: 300mm 6 205mm; f. 168: 301mm 6 206mm; strapwork is sometimes applied to litterae notabiliores and there is some display script; generally in good condition, with most documents mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letter: D; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW | 603 LPL, MS 607 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English (Irish, Latin); paper; x + 254 + ii (¯yleaves iii-x, foliated in modern pencil 1±8, include a table of contents); seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 131: 225mm x172mm; display script occasionally features; generally in good condition, though some letters are faded or otherwise damaged at the edges of leaves, and most documents are mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and on whose spine is stamped in gold: CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 607 LPL, MS 612 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland during the government of Sir William Russell, 24 June 1594 ± 26 May 1597, copied principally by one scribe in the early seventeenth century; English (Latin); paper; vii + 117 + lxiv (¯yleaves iv-vii include a table of contents); seventeenth-century ink foliation; 348mm 6 228mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letters: HH; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBL. | LAMBETH. | CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 612. LPL, MS 614 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning Irish history and state affairs from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English (Latin); paper; xi + 294 + vi (¯yleaves iii-xi, foliated in modern pencil 1±9, include a table of contents); modern pencil foliation; f. 230: 294mm 6 198mm; f. 260: 293mm x195mm; strapwork and display script are occasionally used; generally in good condition, with documents mounted on guards; nineteenthcentury binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letter: L; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 614 LPL, MS 616 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English (Latin); paper; xv + 604 + ii (¯yleaves iv-xv, imperfectly foliated in modern pencil, include a table of contents); seventeenth-century ink foliation; f. 64: 318mm 6

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215mm; strapwork and display script are occasionally used; generally in good condition, with documents mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letters: LL; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBL. | LAMBETH. | CAREW. | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 616. LPL, MS 621 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning ecclesiastical and state affairs in Ireland from the sixth to the seventeenth centuries, copied by various scribes but chie¯y by the same scribe as copied MS 612 above in the early seventeenth century; English (Irish, Latin); paper; viii + 185 + ii; modern pencil foliation, running 1±12, followed by a seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±172; 340mm 6 225mm; display script is occasionally used; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letters: NNN; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBL. | LAMBETH. | CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 621. The Book of Howth The Book of Howth is the name by which the sixteenth-century parchment codex, LPL, MS 623 is more familiarly known. It was formerly kept amongst the archives of Dublin Castle, but somehow migrated from there into the hands of Sir George Carew. It principally contains chronicle matter for Irish history, drawn from various sources, from early times until the sixteenth century. LPL, MS 623 (Carew Papers); copied by various scribes in the sixteenth century; English (Latin, French); parchment; xxv + 199 + ii; modern pencil foliation, running 1±21, is applied to ¯yleaves iv-xxv, and is followed by two sixteenth-century ink foliations, the ®rst one, running 1±22, followed by a single unfoliated leaf, and then the second, running 1±178; 268mm 6 202mm; display script occasionally features; in good condition; modern binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letter: P; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW | 623 LPL, MS 627 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland from 4 November 1584 to 30 January 1596, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; English; paper; ii + 253 + ii; modern pencil foliation; 283mm 6 205mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, with documents mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letter: S; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBL. | LAMBETH. | CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 627. LPL, MS 629 (Carew Papers); miscellaneous documents concerning state affairs in Ireland from 29 September 1602 to 5 November 1611, copied by various scribes (some material is printed) in the early seventeenth century; English; paper; xviii + 214 + i (¯yleaves iv-xviii, foliated in modern pencil 1±15, include a table of contents); seventeenth-century ink foliation (a modern pencil

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foliation is coextensive with the early one, but is intermittently applied); f. 31: 302mm 6 195mm; display script occasionally features; generally in good condition, with documents mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letters: TT; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: BIBL. | LAMBETH. | CAREW | MSS. | COD. | CAREW. | 629. Bodl., MS Laud Misc. 613; miscellaneous historical materials concerning Ireland from the twelfth century to 23 July 1599, copied mainly by Sir George Carew c. 1615±17; Latin (English, French); paper; ii + 168 + ii; early seventeenth-century ink pagination, running 1±322, completed in modern pencil, running 323±42; 335mm 6 228mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather with modern repairs to the spine, with traces of two former green fabric fastening thongs on the front and back covers, and whose front and back covers are stamped with the arms of the Carew family in gold, and surmounted by the letter: I; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: I; beneath this are af®xed three labels: h. . .j | F | 98.; Laud; 613 The Ware Collections Sir James Ware (1594±1666) left an important collection of manuscripts containing transcriptions of documents, or originals (or both) which were for the greater part pertinent to Irish history. Ware's father had come to Ireland as secretary to Sir William Fitzwilliam (on whom see below under section 4.10 Households). Ware entered Trinity College Dublin in 1610 and graduated with an MA in 1616. While there, James Ussher encouraged his antiquarian interests. Ware also became acquainted with Irish men of letters, including An Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh (²1670), who translated Irish materials for him. Ware was knighted in 1629, and in 1632 he succeeded to the of®ce of auditorgeneral formerly held by his father. Later he attached himself to Sir Thomas Wentworth, ®rst earl of Strafford (1593±1641), to whom in 1639 he dedicated his De Scriptoribus Hiberniñ. (Wentworth was by this time Lord Deputy.) Ware's career was chequered during the Commonwealth, and from 1651 until the Restoration he lived in London, where he befriended several English antiquarians. In 1660 he returned to Dublin, living in the old family house in Castle Street. He died in 1666, and was buried in St Werburgh's Church. His books and manuscripts, in many cases added to and annotated by his son Robert, were purchased by Henry, second earl of Clarendon, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in 1686. From Clarendon, the Ware manuscripts were dispersed, chie¯y to the British Library, and some to the Bodleian Library in Oxford. The manuscript in Armagh Public Library, a history of Dublin compiled and probably copied by Robert Ware from his father's papers, opens the description of the Ware manuscripts given here. Armagh, Abbey Street, Public Library of Armagh; no shelfmark; copied by Robert Ware, c. 1678; English (Latin); paper; viii + 157 (counting interleaved paper slips, some of which are in Sir James Ware's hand) + xxxii; seventeenthcentury ink pagination, running 1±252, completed in modern pencil, running

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253±302; 325mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: HISTORY | ANTIQUTIE | OF | DUBLIN | MSS. | BY | ROB: WARE | 1678. BL, MS Additional 4784; materials concerning Irish history, from about the ®fth to the seventeenth centuries, compiled (and partly copied) by Sir James Ware, and copied also by various other scribes, including Robert Ware, in the seventeenth century; Latin (English, Irish); paper; iv + 255 + x; modern pencil foliation; f. 93: 301mm 6 200mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, with quires mounted on guards; modern binding of red half leather (inside whose front cover is pasted the Ware arms in gold, taken from a previous, seventeenth-century binding), and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CLARENDON | MSS | PRESENTED BY | REV. J. MILLES | BRITISH LIBRARY | ADDITIONAL MS. | 4784; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 687; and: D.1 BL, MS Additional 4791; materials concerning Irish history, from about the fourth to the seventeenth centuries, compiled (and partly copied) by Sir James Ware, and copied also by various other scribes, including Robert Ware, in the seventeenth century; Latin (English, Irish); paper; iv + 210 + iv; modern pencil foliation; 300mm 6 194mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of red half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CLARENDON | MSS. | VOL. XLIV | BRITISH | LIBRARY | ADDITIONAL | MS. | 4791; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 169; and: d BL, MS Additional 4792; materials concerning Irish history, including a portion of the Annals of Loch CeÂ, from about the sixth to the seventeenth centuries, compiled (and partly copied) by Sir James Ware, and copied also by various other scribes, including Robert Ware, between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries; English (Irish, Latin); paper and parchment; vii + 288 + vi; modern pencil foliation; f. 30: 259mm 6 191mm; f. 138: 279mm 6 186mm; rubrication is applied in certain sections, and some litterae notabiliores feature; generally in good condition, with some leaves mounted on guards; modern binding of red half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CLARENDON | MSS. | PRESENTED | BY | REV. J. MILLES | BRITISH | LIBRARY | ADDITIONAL | MS. | 4792; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 684; and: C BL, MS Additional 4796; materials concerning Irish history, from prehistory to the seventeenth century, compiled (and partly copied) by Sir James Ware, and copied also by various other scribes, in the seventeenth century; Latin (English, Irish); paper; iv + 158 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 187mm 6 150mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, with quires mounted on guards; modern binding of brown half leather (inside whose front cover is pasted the Ware arms in gold, taken from a previous, seventeenth-century binding), and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: COLLECTANEA | DE | REBUS | HIBERNICIS | PRESENTED | BY J. MILLES. | BRIT. MUS. | ADDITIONAL | MS. | 4796; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 168; and: H.1

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BL, MS Additional 4799; materials concerning Irish history, from about the seventh to the seventeenth centuries, copied by various scribes, including An Dubhaltach Mac Firbhisigh, for Sir James Ware, in the seventeenth century; English (Greek, Latin); paper; iii + 74 + vii; modern pencil foliation; f. 55: 308mm 6 194mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of red half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CLARENDON | MSS. | PRESENTED | BY | REV. J. MILLES | BRIT. MUS. | ADDITIONAL | MS. | 4799; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 170; and: E Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 484; historical notes and materials, copied by various scribes between about the ninth and seventeenth centuries, the hand of the item excerpted for the Repertory being that of Sir James Ware, writing 9 July 1664; English (Latin, French); paper and parchment; 147; seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±84, completed by a modern pencil foliation, running 85± 89, and which begins after a gap of 54 unnumbered leaves; f. 68: 215mm 6 155mm; some rubrication is applied in the medieval parchment sections; generally in good condition, but certain of the paper leaves are partially torn, and certain of the parchment ones are stained; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped the arms of the Ware family in gold, and with a modern repaired spine, on which is stamped in gold: MS. | Rawl. | B. 484 Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 496; miscellaneous annals and historical extracts, including the Repertory item, the Clynn annals, running from prehistory to 1349, copied chie¯y by Sir James Ware, with some additions by Robert Ware, in the seventeenth century; Latin; paper; iii + 89 + iii; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 298mm 6 223mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenthcentury binding of plain parchment, at the top of whose spine is written in ink: 496; and at the bottom of which are af®xed the labels: hRajwlinson; and: 496 Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 498; fair copies of deeds and instruments pertinent to the Hospital of St John the Baptist without the New Gate, Dublin, copied by two main scribes in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, with various additions in other hands until 1486; Latin (English); parchment (a paper deed is interleaved between ff. 19±20); iv + 219 (not counting any deeds stitched later to leaves) + iii; modern pencil foliation; f. 118: 282mm 6 188mm; headings to deeds in the earlier part of the manuscript are rubricated; generally in good condition, though ¯y- and endleaves are a little stained; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped the arms of the Ware family in gold, and at the top of whose spine is written in white ink: 498; and at the bottom of which is af®xed a label: hRawlinjson

4.9 Miscellaneous compilations NLI, MS 104; materials dated between 1319 and 1743 relating mainly to the church of St Werburgh in Dublin, copied by John Lyon, archbishop of Dublin, in the eighteenth century; English; paper; 29; unnumbered (the foliation

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adopted in the Repertory begins counting at the very ®rst leaf of the manuscript); 200mm 6 160mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the recto of the ®rst leaf and the verso of the last are strengthened with paper; nineteenth-century binding of brown cardboard, whose front and back covers are detached, whose spine is badly damaged, and on whose front cover is stamped in ink: MS. | 104 NA, 2/469/10 (item 93); the third part of item 93 contains the pertinent Repertory item, a nineteenth-century antiquarian copy by J. G. A. Prim of a will, 30 April 1627; English; paper; 19; the third part has a modern ink pagination; 324mm 6 203mm; no decoration; in good condition; contained in a bundle with thirteen other items, and all in a modern Manila envelope, stamped on the front in ink: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; the envelope is preserved with others in a modern cardboard box. NA, 2/469/10 (item 112); nineteenth-century antiquarian copy by J. G. A. Prim of a will, 31 December 1604; English; paper; 46; modern ink pagination; 316mm 6 203mm; no decoration; in good condition; contained in a bundle with ®ve other items, and all in a modern Manila envelope, stamped on the front in ink: IRISH MSS. COMMISSION. ± ORMOND DEEDS.; the envelope is preserved with others in a modern cardboard box. RIA, MS 12 E 2; antiquarian compilation copied by Charles Haliday in the mid-nineteenth century of various documents, chie¯y relating to Dublin, dating from the medieval period to the mid-eighteenth century; English (French, Irish, Latin, Norse); paper; i + 227 + i; contemporary ink pagination; 222mm 6 189mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of black half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: M.S. | HISTORICAL | NOTES. | CITY. PORT. | AND | HARBOUR OF | DUBLIN. | II. | CHAS. HALIDAY; at the bottom is af®xed a label: 12 | E | 2 TCD, MS 591 (E. 3. 28); antiquarian compilation copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the pertinent Repertory item (the Dublin Chronicle, ff. 1±28v, covering the years 1408±1566), copied by one scribe in the second half of the sixteenth century; English (Latin, Irish, Greek); paper; ii + 84 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 7: 305mm 6 205mm; f. 14: 305 x 207mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though some fraying around the edges of leaves has obliterated portions of text; seventeenth-century binding of white leather, on the spine of which is written in ink: E. | 3. | 28; and lengthways beneath this: Mayors and Sheriffs of Dub: &c.; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 591 TCD, MS 772 (E. 4. 11); antiquarian compilation copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Latin (English, Greek); paper; iii + 65 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 208mm 6 145mm; no decoration; in good condition; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: USHER'S MEMOIRS OF IRELAND &c.; and beneath this: E. 4 | II. TCD, MS 786 (D. 3. 16); antiquarian compilation, including Sir Parr Lane's News from the Holy Isle and Peter Finglas's Breviat, copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the pertinent Repertory items, ff.

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146 and 224, copied in the seventeenth century; Latin (English, Irish, Greek, Hebrew); paper; 229; modern pencil foliation; f. 146: 210mm 6 163mm; f. 224: 210mm 6 156mm; no decoration; there is some damage and wear to opening and concluding leaves; seventeenth-century plain parchment wrapper, on the spine of which is written in ink: 786 | D | 3 | 16 | Corbes; and on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: 786 TCD, MS 842 (F. 3. 16); antiquarian compilation mainly of ®fteenth- and sixteenth-century materials, copied by various scribes in the ®rst half of the seventeenth century; English (Latin, French); paper; ii + 256 + ii; seventeenth-century ink foliation, adjusted later to a modern pencil foliation which omits blank leaves; 312mm 6 197mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment, with a loosened spine on which is written lengthways in ink: Historical Collections; above this is written in the same ink: Class: F. | Tab: 3. | No. 16. BL, MS Additional 4763; letters and documents concerning Irish history, from about the ®fth century to 1680, and copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; English (Latin); paper; iii + 509 + iii; modern foliation alternating between ink and pencil (1±337 ink, 338±82 pencil, 383±464 ink, 465±96 pencil, 497±508 ink, 509 pencil); f. 183: 287mm 6 190mm; f. 451: 300mm 6 195mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, with leaves mounted on guards; nineteenth-century binding of maroon half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: COLLECTIONS | RELATING | TO | IRELAND. | PRESENTED | BY THE | REV. DR. MILLES. | BRIT. MUS. | ADDITIONAL | MS. | 4763.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 168; and: K.6 4.10 Households Household documents are grouped here under the name of the family to which they pertain, in alphabetical order. These families are: Boyle, Butler, Devereux, Fitzwilliam, Perrot and Sidney. The documents are for the most part sets of accounts, and in the case of the Boyle family also include the diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, ®rst earl of Cork. (It might be noted that the contents of this family archive are distributed between two repositories, CHL in Derbyshire and the NLI, Dublin.) Boyle Sir Richard Boyle (1566±1643) was born in Canterbury and entered Corpus Christi College, Cambridge in 1583. After spending some time in London at the Middle Temple and then a short period serving as clerk to Sir Richard Manwood, chief baron of the exchequer, he came to Ireland in 1588, where he seems to have made a point of acquainting himself with in¯uential people. He was brie¯y imprisoned in 1592 by Sir William Fitzwilliam (on whom see below) on an embezzlement charge. In 1595, he married his ®rst wife, a Limerick heiress who died in child birth. A rebellion in Munster left him destitute, and he also managed to fall foul of Sir Henry Wallop, treasurer of

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109

Ireland. However, he successfully defended himself against Wallop's accusations before the court of Star Chamber in London, and also drew attention to Wallop's own malpractices. Wallop was succeeded at once by Sir George Carew, and soon after this through Carew's in¯uence Boyle was appointed clerk of the council of Munster. Carew, who was also lord president of Munster, advanced Boyle's interests generally. He chose him to relate the victory over the Irish rebels at Kinsale to Elizabeth I in December of 1601. Boyle purchased at a bargain price from Sir Walter Raleigh fertile lands in cos. Cork, Waterford and Tipperary, and he managed these with great skill. He was created a knight in 1603, and in this year he also married his second wife. Various high of®ces followed, culminating in his creation on 6 October 1620 as Viscount Dungarvan and ®rst earl of Cork. Though ®nancially checked at several turns by Sir Thomas Wentworth, against whom Boyle quietly but strenuously intrigued, he went in due course as a witness to Wentworth's trial in London in 1641. Shortly after his return, the 1641 rebellion broke out, and he took arms against the rebels with his sons. He died on 15 September 1643, and is buried in St Mary's Church, Youghal, co. Cork. The materials described here, apart from Boyle's diaries, are accounts and estate papers prepared by various of his stewards. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 1 (items 136 and 160); item 136 was copied by Thomas Jarie for 10 June 1605, and item 160 by John Robins for 20 March 1606 [1396 ± 20 March 1606]; English; paper; item 136 is a bifolium, endorsed: To Jarie his Accompt of 70li sr; item 160 is also a bifolium, endorsed: Robins Accompt of xxxiiijli dd 20 martij 1605; modern pencil foliation; item 136: 305mm 6 202mm; item 160: 405mm 6 155mm; no decoration; in good condition; Volume 1 is in two parts, each bound in a modern brown binder, and both preserved in a box. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 8 (items 55 and 107); both items were copied by the same scribe, probably Abraham Bates, for 11 June and 10 August 1617 respectively [4 April 1617 ± 23 March 1618]; English; paper; item 55 is a single sheet, endorsed: 17 Junij 1617 Abrahams accompt at the sittinge h.jab' Corcke this xxjth of June 1617; item 107 is also a single sheet, endorsed: 25 Augusti 1617 Abrahams accompt of my Chardges to the Assizes of Corck; unnumbered; item 55: 314mm 6 206mm; item 107: 315mm 6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; Volume 8 comprises 208 unbound items, each item numbered in red and arranged in chronological order, and preserved in a cardboard box. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 9 (item 80); item 80 was probably copied by Robert Mintrems, 8 October 1618 [25 March 1618 ± 10 March 1619]; English; paper; bifolium, endorsed: 8.t October 1618 Robert Mintrems eReceiptf accompte for Receiptes and disbursement at the Sessions at Bandon Bridge; unnumbered; 307mm 6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; Volume 9 comprises 187 unbound items, each item numbered in red and arranged in chronological order, and preserved in a cardboard box. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 14 (item 1); item 1 was copied by Thomas Farmer, 25 March 1623 [25 March 1623 ± 24 March 1624]; English; paper; bifolium, endorsed: xxvo Marcij 1623 A bill of my disbursments, with the remayn of moneys yet in my Custodie. delivered vp to your Lordship the daie

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and year above written. Th ffarmer./; unnumbered; 302mm 6 206mm; no decoration; in fair condition but the ink is faint, and there is some tearing along crease lines; Volume 14 comprises 339 unbound items, each item numbered in red and arranged in chronological order, and preserved in a cardboard box. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 19 (item 105); item 105 was probably copied by John Walley, as part of his weekly accounts and disbursements from 29 September 1630 to 27 January 1639 [29 September 1630 ± 24 March 1639]; English; paper; 18; unnumbered; 350mm 6 234mm; no decoration; in fair condition, but there is some staining and a little tearing; Volume 19 comprises 133 unbound items, each item numbered in red and arranged in chronological order, and preserved in a cardboard box. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 25; diary written by Sir Richard Boyle, and bearing dates between 24 March 1577 and 23 December 1623; English; paper; iii + 176 + ii; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 336mm 6 222mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but leaves towards the end are repaired with lisse and the very last leaves are fragmentary; preserved in a nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: EARL | OF | CORK'S | JOURNAL CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 26; diary written by Sir Richard Boyle, and bearing dates between 20 May 1573 and 1 January 1634; English; paper; i + 188 + i; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 350mm 6 230mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in an eighteenth-century binding of plain parchment, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: E. OF CORK'S | MSS. | JOURNALS. | VOL. | 2. CHL, Lismore Papers, Volume 27; diary written by Sir Richard Boyle, and bearing dates between 1 January 1634 and 29 September 1643; English; paper; i + 197 + viii; seventeenth-century ink pagination, running 1±391 (odd pages only), and completed in modern pencil, running 393±7; 342mm 6 243mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the opening and ®nal leaves are repaired with lisse; preserved in an eighteenth-century binding of plain parchment, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: E. OF CORK | MSS. | JOURNAL | VOL. | 3. NLI, MSS 6240 and 6243 (twin manuscripts); both copied by John Walley, 25 March 1639 ± 28 September 1641; English; paper; MS 6240: 177; MS 6243: 194; unnumbered; 380mm 6 250mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century bindings of plain parchment over cardboard, originally held shut (to judge by fragments on MS 6234) by two green fabric fastening thongs, now missing; in a seventeenth-century hand on the front cover of MS 6240 is written in ink: The Booke of accounptes [the date 1639 appears, and the monogram IW appears twice]; on the spine of MS 6240 is written in modern ink: MS 6240 [underneath which is af®xed a seventeenth-century label: 1639]; in a seventeenth-century hand on the front cover of MS 6243 is written in ink: The Booke of acounptes concerninge Lif®nen fordge and the slittinge milne [the date 1639 appears, and the monograms RC and BW]; on the spine of MS 6243 is written in modern ink: MS 6243

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NLI, MS 6895; copied mainly by one scribe, possibly Thomas Jarie, 24 June 1604 ± 30 September 1610; English; paper; 48; seventeenth-century ink pagination on even pages only; 348mm 6 239mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the outer leaves are stained and damaged; fragments of a seventeenth-century paper cover, detached, are extant front and back; preserved in a modern blue Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: MS 6895 NLI, MS 6897; copied mainly by John Walley, with a few entries in the hand of Sir Richard Boyle, 29 September 1626 ± 28 September 1632; English; paper; 325 + i (detached); unnumbered (the foliation adopted in the Repertory begins counting at the very ®rst leaf of the manuscript); 380mm 6 248mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the binding is now detached; seventeenth-century binding of white skin over cardboard, on the front cover of which is written in a seventeenth-century hand in ink: A WEEKE BOOKE OF RECEIPTES AND DIhSBURSEMENjTES | R 1626 C; and on the spine of which is af®xed a label: 1626 | 1; beneath this is af®xed a label: Ms 6897 NLI, MS 6898; copied mainly by John Walley, 29 September 1631 ± 28 September 1636, with a memorandum, dated 12 May 1634, on f. [169v] in the hand of Sir Richard Boyle; English; paper; 333; unnumbered (the foliation adopted in the Repertory begins counting at the very ®rst leaf of the manuscript); 352mm 6 234mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenthcentury binding of brown leather on wooden boards, on the front cover of which is written in a seventeenth-century hand in ink: RICHARD EARLE OF CORKE; [various modern annotations on the front cover are not noticed here]; and on the spine of which is af®xed a label: 1631; beneath this is af®xed a label: 2 NLI, MS 6899; copied by John Walley, 29 September 1636 ± 24 March 1638; English; paper; 197; unnumbered (the foliation adopted in the Repertory begins counting at the very ®rst leaf of the manuscript); 378mm 6 252mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of white skin over cardboard, with traces of two green fabric fastening thongs, and on the front cover of which is written in a seventeenth-century hand in ink: RC | The Booke of accoumptes | concerninge the furnace and | fordge at killmaleo | No 29 | [the monogram BW. appears] | 1626; and on the spine of which is written in ink: MS. 6899; above this is af®xed a label: 3 NLI, MS 6900; copied by John Walley, 29 September 1641 ± 29 March 1645; English; paper; 181; unnumbered (the foliation adopted in the Repertory begins counting at the very ®rst leaf of the manuscript); 436mm 6 324mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the binding is loose and scuffed; seventeenth-century binding of white skin over cardboard, with traces of two green fabric fastening thongs, and on the front cover of which is written in a seventeenth-century hand in ink: RC | No 29; and on the spine of which is written in ink: MS 6900; beneath this is af®xed lengthways a label: 1642

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Butler The Butler household accounts and inventories described here (apart from the Red Book of Ormond, described under a heading of its own) coincide with the last years of Walter Butler (1569±1633), eleventh earl of Ormond. On his father's death and before he was yet one year old, Walter Butler was placed under the guardianship of his uncle Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond. In 1599, he led a portion of his uncle's army, defeating Redmond Bourke at Ormond, and on another occasion driving him from his castle of Drehednefarney. In 1600, Owen Grane and the O'Mores entered Kilkenny, and burnt his uncle's house at Bowlike. Butler fell upon them and recovered much of what they had plundered. He succeeded to the earldom of Ormond and Ossory on the death of his uncle in 1614, but the succession was successfully contested by Sir Richard Preston (later sixteenth earl of Desmond) before James I. Butler refused to recognize James's award, and was consequently committed to the Fleet prison in 1617, where he remained until 1625, when a large part of his estate was restored to him (the 1630 inventory of the earl of Desmond's chattels in Kilkenny Castle which is contained in NLI, MS 2552, described below, witnesses to this temporary acquisition of the castle and other Ormond estates by the earls of Desmond). Butler lived for a short while afterwards in his grandson's house in Drury Lane in London, but returned to Ireland, where he died at Carrick on 24 February 1633. He is buried in Kilkenny. The Red Book of Ormond The Red Book of Ormond is essentially a terrier and cartulary pertaining to the Butler-Ormonds, and is the oldest Irish family register of its kind extant. It also contains records of quitclaims, grants and covenants. NLI, MS 2530; documents from the twelfth century (27 December 1192) onwards, mainly of Ormond concern, copied by one main scribe in the fourteenth century, and with some additions by various others in the ®fteenth and sixteenth centuries (the latest date is 20 August 1547); Latin (English); parchment; iv + 55 + iv; modern ink foliation; 280mm 6 198mm; no decoration; in fair condition, but the leaves have been shrivelled by ®re, and are mounted in frames; nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: RENTALIA | ET | CARTULARIUM | TERRARUM | PRáNOBILIS | FAMILIá | LE BOTILLER, | POSTEA COMITUM | ORMONDIá, | IN HIBERNIA. NLI, MS 2549; copied probably by John Shee, 25 February 1630 ± 26 January 1633; English; paper; iv + 36 + xii; modern pencil foliation; 400mm 6 165mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is some slight damage at the top right-hand corner of leaves, some leaves are strengthened with lisse and some damp mottled; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS 1629. ± 1632. NLI, MS 2552; copied by various scribes, 6 March 1628 ± 12 May 1652; English; paper; iii + 24 + vii; modern pencil foliation; f. 9: 570mm 6 210mm;

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no decoration; generally in good condition, though some leaves are strengthened with paper reinforcements; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: INVENTORIES. 1628. ± 1652. | VOL. I; added in modern ink between: INVENTORIES. 1628. ± 1652.; and: VOL. I; is: Ms. 2552 Devereux Sir Walter Devereux (1541±1576), ®rst earl of Essex and second Viscount Hereford, was raised on his family's estate in Wales. He came to court on Elizabeth I's accession, and performed various military services for her in England. In 1573, he undertook to colonize Ulster as a private adventurer and to bring it under English control, having been granted in return territory in co. Antrim on favourable terms. (A year earlier, a somewhat similar grant had been made to Sir Thomas Smith for the colonization of the Ards, co. Down, a project which had met with no success.) Part of Devereux's expedition left England in 1573, but storms scattered his ships and he landed himself with dif®culty at Carrickfergus. His attempts to secure the region, like Sir Thomas Smith's before him, foundered; his soldiers were fractious and the Lord Deputy, Sir William Fitzwilliam (on whom see below), who had never approved Devereux's plans, refused aid. Devereux appealed to the queen, who ordered Fitzwilliam to assist. When early in 1574 Devereux called upon Fitzwilliam, the latter sent only a perfunctory band of Palesmen, and these deserted. With disease and famine rife in his Carrickfergus base, Devereux escaped to the Pale in 1574 with what remained of his army. Fitzwilliam asked him to visit Gerald FitzJames FitzGerald, fourteenth earl of Desmond, in June of that year on a fact-®nding mission to see if Desmond's designs could be ascertained. After this embassy, Devereux turned to Ulster once again. In October he invited one of his Irish enemies, Mac Phelim, to a conference in Belfast, and at the banquet laid on for the occasion had Mac Phelim, his wife and his brother, seized and sent to Dublin where they were subsequently executed. Elizabeth's Ulster policy vacillated, however, and in May 1575, she ®nally wrote to Devereux telling him that his enterprise was at an end. When in November 1575 the Lord Deputy Sir Henry Sidney (on whom see below) visited the region that Devereux had endeavoured to plant, he found it quite uninhabited. Devereux retired to his Welsh estate the same November, yet he still pressed on with his un®nished Irish business. He was appointed earl marshal of Ireland by Elizabeth in 1576, and after selling some of his estate to pay off debts, he returned to Dublin in July of that year. However, stricken by dysentry, he died on 22 September 1576, and lies buried at Carmarthen. PRO, SP 65/9; copied by one scribe, 1 May ± 31 October 1575; English; paper; iv + 140 + iv; stamped ink foliation; 419mm 6 287mm; display script and strapwork are sometimes used on litterae notabiliores; in good condition; sixteenth-century binding of plain parchment, with traces of two red and white fabric fastening thongs, and on the front cover of which is written in display script, embellished with strapwork (incipit): The prouince | of vllester within | The Realme of | Ireland | The chargies of | of the Quenes Maiestie in | That prouince and the like | of the Earle of Essex Lorde | generall there . . . ; also

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on the front cover is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY Fitzwilliam Sir William Fitzwilliam (1526±99) had formed a link with Ireland already by 1547, when he leased some land there. He was made vice-treasurer and treasurer at wars in Ireland, a post he held from 24 July 1559 to 1 April 1573. He was also elected MP for co. Carlow in 1559. During absences of Sir Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex and Lord Deputy of Ireland, between 1560 and 1562, Fitzwilliam was appointed Lord Justice by Elizabeth I. Throughout the 1560s he made several visits to England, but returned to Ireland early in 1571, and was appointed Lord Justice again at the beginning of April on the departure of his brother-in-law, the Lord Deputy Sir Henry Sidney (on whom see below). Fitzwilliam came himself to be appointed Lord Deputy and took the oath in January 1572. The of®ce was a costly one, nor was he in the best of health. He campaigned successfully in 1574 against Gerald FitzJames FitzGerald, fourteenth earl of Desmond, obliging him to submit at Cork in September of the same year. Nevertheless, Lady Fitzwilliam, concerned for her husband's health, went to England in 1575 to secure his recall. Her entreaties were heeded, and Sir Henry Sidney returned as Lord Deputy on 12 September 1575. After that, Fitzwilliam remained in England for twelve years, but on 17 February 1588 he was for a second time appointed Lord Deputy, and returned to Dublin on 23 June 1588 (the previous Lord Deputy, Sir John Perrot, had just vacated of®ce; on whom see below). Fitzwilliam's quarrel during this period with Sir Richard Bingham, lord president of Connacht, intrudes into the Repertory (see section 5.4 under Galway, s.a. 1589). Bingham had been charged with extreme harshness in the conduct of his presidency, so Fitzwilliam went out to pacify the region and enquire into Bingham's conduct. Bingham protested his innocence of the charges alleged against him, and he prevailed, causing Fitzwilliam to be reprimanded by Elizabeth. After some six years in of®ce as Lord Deputy, Fitzwilliam returned very sick to England in 1594, and died at Milton in 1599. All the documents except one (NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 55) are sets of household accounts prepared during his second sojourn as Lord Deputy of Ireland. The one exception, again household accounts, belongs to the end of the period of his ®rst appointment to the of®ce of Lord Deputy. Though the documents span the better part of twenty years, all were prepared by the same household steward, Alexander Westlake. NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 30; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 19 April 1590 ± 4 April 1591; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 34 sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; *505mm 6 305mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; in fair condition, but in places sheets have been gnawed, especially around the bottom edges; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand in display script with strapwork: Irelande Thaccompt of Alexander Westlake; also in modern pencil: 30 | 1590

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NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 31; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 5 April ± 2 October 1591; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 21 (wrapper added to 21); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 400mm 6 303mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, if a little stained; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of ye Stewarde of Thoushould to the Right honorable ye Lord Deputy of Irelande Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for half a yeare wantinge vj dayes begining the vth. of Aprell 1591 and endinge the seconde of October following Anno 1591; also in modern pencil: 31 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 32; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 28 November ± 25 December 1591; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 14 (wrapper added to 14); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 393mm 6 271mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though the wrapper is damaged; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in modern pencil: Nov ± Dec | 1591 | 32 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 33; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 26 December 1591 ± 22 January 1592; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 10 (wrapper added to 10); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 390mm 6 300mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; in good condition; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of the Stewarde of Houshoulde to the Right honorable the Lord Deputy of Irelande Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for one Monthe Conteynynge xxviij Dayes begining ye xxvjth of December 1591 and endinge the xxijth of January Ffollhowingje Anno 1591; also in modern pencil: 33 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 34; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 23 January ± 19 February 1592; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 11 (wrapper added to 11); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 380mm 6 270mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though there is some staining; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of the Stewarde of Houshoulde to the Right honorable the Lord Deputy of Ireland Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for one Moneth Conteyninge xxviij dayes begining ye xxhiijj of January 1591 and endinge the xix th of Ffebruary followinge Anno 1591; also in modern pencil: 34 34 | Jan ± Feb | 1591 [2] NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 35; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 20 February ± 18 March 1592; English; paper; 9; sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 405mm 6 303mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying; on the dorse of the ninth sheet is written in modern pencil: Feb ± March | 1591 (2) | 35

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NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 36; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 18 February ± 17 March 1593; English; paper; 10; sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 405mm 6 285mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; in good condition; on the dorse of the tenth sheet is written in modern pencil: Feb ± March | 1592 [3] | 36 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 37; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 19 March ± 15 April 1593; English; paper; 12; sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 409mm 6 301mm; display script is used for litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though the bottom edges are a little frayed; on the dorse of the twelfth sheet is written in modern pencil: Mar. 91 (2) ± Apr 1592 | 37 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 38; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 11 June ± 8 July 1592; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 11 (wrapper added to 11); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 398mm 6 303mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though there is some dirtying; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of the Stewarde of Houshoulde to the Right honorable the Lord Deputy of Irelande Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for one whole Monethe Conteyninge xxviij Dayes begining the vjth of June and endinge the viijth of July nexte followinge Anno 1592; also in modern pencil: 38 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 41; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 1 ± 28 October 1592; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 10 (wrapper added to 10); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; *410mm 6 305mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores and on wrapper; generally in good condition, but in places the wrapper and some sheets have been gnawed; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of the Steward of Houshoulde hto thej Right honohrable thej Lord Dephuty ofj Ireland Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for one whole Monethe Conteyninge xxviij Dayes begining ye ®rst of October and endinge the xxviijth of the same followinge Anno 1592; also in modern pencil: 41 41 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 42; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 3 October ± 27 November 1591; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); wrapper + 12 (wrapper added to 12); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 390mm 6 290mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; in good condition; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of ye Stewarde of Houshould to the Right honorable ye Lord Deputy of Ireland Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for two monthes Conteyninge lvj Dayes begining ye iijde of October 1591 and endinge the xxvijth of November followinge Anno 159h2j; also in modern pencil: 42 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 44; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 5 August ± 1 September 1593; English; parchment (wrapper) and paper

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(sheets); wrapper + 11 (wrapper added to 11); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 390mm 6 270mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though some pieces are missing from the left edge of some sheets; preserved in a contemporary parchment wrapper, on which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: Thof®ce of the Stewarde of hHoujshoulde to the hRightj honorable the hLordj Deputy of Irelande Thaccompte of Alexander Westelake Esquire . . . for one monethe conteyninge xxviij dayes begining the vth of Auguste 1593 and endinge the ®rste of September 1593 nexte followinge Anno Domini 1593; also in modern pencil: 44 | 1593 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 45; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 12 May ± 8 June 1594; English; fragments of parchment (wrapper) and paper (sheets); fragmentary wrapper + 8 (wrapper fragments on 8); sheets gathered at the head and sewn with string in a sheaf; unnumbered; 410mm 6 300mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, apart from the fragmentary wrapper; on the dorse of sheet [8] is written in modern pencil: 45 | 1594 NRO, MS Fitzwilliam Irish 55; copied probably by Alexander Westlake, 1 January 1574 ± 31 December 1575 (a memorandum about hostings to the north of Ireland, inserted before the ®rst leaf and uncounted here, bears dates between 12 September 1560 and September 1561); English; paper and parchment; i + 86 + ii (last endleaf is of medieval parchment); unnumbered; 290mm 6 200mm; strapwork is applied to some opening litterae notabiliores; in good condition; contemporary binding of parchment over cardboard covers, on the front cover of which is written in a sixteenth-century hand: A booke of Ordenarye payments Perrot Sir John Perrot (1527?-1592), reputedly the bastard son of Henry VIII, was educated at St David's in Wales. He was presented at court, ®rst to Henry VIII and then after Henry's death to Edward VI, who knighted him at his coronation. For a short time in the reign of Mary he was committed to the Fleet prison for sheltering heretics. On his release he served under the earl of Pembroke in France. He was chosen to be one of the bearers of the canopy of state at the coronation of Elizabeth I. During the ®rst years of the new queen's reign, his time was divided between attendance at court and his Pembrokeshire estate. After the rebellion in Ireland of the captain of the Desmond FitzGeralds, James Fitzmaurice FitzGerald, in 1568, Elizabeth decided to establish a presidential government in Munster, and Perrot was offered the post in 1570. He arrived in Dublin in 1571, took his oath before Sir Henry Sidney (on whom see below), proceeded to Cork, and subsequently to Kilmallock, recently burned by Fitzmaurice. He encouraged the fugitive inhabitants there to return and fortify their town. He waged various campaigns in Munster against Fitzmaurice, who eventually submitted, if temporarily, and accepted a pardon. Perrot returned to England and Wales in July 1573. His next major involvement in Irish affairs came in 1584 when he was appointed Lord Deputy. He again undertook extensive campaigns,

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this time mainly in Ulster. But his relations with certain of the power-brokers of the English administration in Ireland were stormy, and sowed the seeds of his eventual downfall. Sir William Fitzwilliam was appointed to succeed Perrot as Lord Deputy on 17 February 1588, arriving in Ireland later that year. Perrot surrendered the sword of state to him on 30 June 1588, and returned to England. Treason charges had been preferred against him, and he died in London a prisoner in the Tower in 1592. The surviving Perrot household documents of concern to the Repertory are a set of accounts dating from the period of his incumbency as Lord Deputy, and a description of the composition of his household, dating c. 1584±5. PRO, SP 63/119 (item 32.II.); copied by one scribe, ?24 September 1585 [2±30 September 1585]; English; paper; i + 185 + i; modern ink foliation; 551mm 6 165mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1585. | SEPTEMBER.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 119; above this is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY Bodl., MS Add. C. 39; miscellaneous documents concerning domestic and state matters in Ireland, copied by one scribe, c. 1570±87; English (Latin); paper; 70; modern pencil foliation; 301mm 6 206mm; rubrication features occasionally, as well as some strapwork and display script on litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though approximately 100 leaves have been excised between ff. 69 and 70; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, originally fastened with three green fabric thongs, only traces of which remain, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: MS. | Add. C. | 39 Sidney Sir Henry Sidney (1529±86) spent his boyhood at court, where he was much in the company of the young Prince Edward. On Edward's accession in 1547, Sidney was made a gentleman of the privy chamber. He was knighted in 1550, and married the following year. He went to France in 1551 (as did Sir John Perrot) to assist in the negotiations for the marriage of Edward VI with the daughter of Henry II. On Mary's proclamation as queen in 1553, he promptly tendered her his loyalty, and so escaped the fate that befell many members of his wife's family. In 1554 he went to Spain to seek rati®cation of the marriage articles drawn up between Mary and the Spanish King Philip, and later that year, all the grants made to him by Edward VI were con®rmed in recognition of his service. (King Philip even stood as godfather to Sidney's eldest and more famous son, Philip.) Sidney accompanied Sir Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex, to Dublin in 1556 in the capacity of vice-treasurer and member of the Irish Council after Sussex had been appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, and he followed Sussex on various Ulster campaigns. During an absence of Sussex in England, Sidney was appointed Lord Justice, and surendered the sword of state to Sussex again on his return. However, upon Mary's death in 1558, Sidney was once more entrusted with the sword, and con®rmed in his of®ce by Elizabeth I on her accession later the same year. Sussex returned to Ireland in 1559 and Sidney, who had in the meanwhile been appointed lord president of the Welsh

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Marches, surrendered his vice-treasurership to his brother-in-law Sir William Fitzwilliam and left for home. He ®xed his Welsh residence at Ludlow Castle, but contrived to spend much time at court. He was engaged on various diplomatic missions from 1562, but came back to Ireland late in 1565 as Lord Deputy. A progress through Waterford, Youghal, Limerick, Galway and Athlone promptly followed, and after that a visit to Ulster. Upon returning to Dublin, he had the castle rebuilt. Early in October 1567, he went back to the court in London, but was at ®rst coolly received and his policies in Ireland criticized. He retired for a while to his family seat at Penshurst, but by the spring of 1568, he had reinstated himself at court again, and was once more appointed Lord Deputy. He landed at Carrickfergus on 6 September, and formally received the sword of state on 28 October. Late in 1568, he visited Kilkenny and Waterford. The summer of 1569 saw him on campaigns in the south, and passing through Kilkenny again on two occasions. But Sidney had become disaffected by the attention that Elizabeth I was giving to the complaints made against him by Sir Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, and he left Dublin for England again on 25 March 1571, having seen Sir John Perrot installed as president of Munster and having left his brother-in-law Sir William Fitzwilliam in charge. Once more Sidney divided his time between Wales and the London court, but in due course was for the third time appointed Lord Deputy. He landed near Dublin on 14 September 1575, and received the sword from Fitzwilliam in Drogheda, on account of a plague which was then raging in Dublin. He set out at once to pacify Ulster, now in some chaos after the failed attempts at colonization by Sir Thomas Smith and the ®rst earl of Essex, Sir Walter Devereux. Having achieved a temporary peace, he returned to Dublin, but promptly set out again for Kilkenny, where he was courteously entertained by Ormond. From there he went to Waterford, to Cork (where he spent Christmas) and then on to Limerick, where he was received with pomp on 4 February 1576. He left Limerick later that month, passed through Athlone, and was back in Dublin by mid April 1576. At Christmastide in 1577, he was in Kilkenny, negotiating terms of agreement between the earl of Desmond and the current president of Munster. But Elizabeth was ®nding Sidney's administration too expensive, and his letter of recall arrived on 23 April 1578. He put his affairs in Ireland in order and surrendered the sword in September of the same year. Eventually he retired to Ludlow Castle, where he died on 5 May 1586. His body was removed for burial at Penshurst on Elizabeth I's orders. The documents surveyed here are mainly from his household accounts, and those that can be dated with con®dence fall largely within the earlier periods of Sidney's Irish administration. KAO, U 1475 018; copied probably by Robert Holdiche, in a formal bookkeeping hand, 5 April 1556 ± 29 September 1559; English; paper; 27; modern pencil foliation; 580mm 6 403mm; strapwork is employed on some litterae notabiliores throughout; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila binding. KAO, U 1475 021; copied probably by Robert Holdiche, in a formal bookkeeping hand, 1557±8; English; paper; 13; unnumbered; 210mm 6 300mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved with four other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: 1560

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KAO, U 1475 025/1; copied probably by Robert Holdiche, in a formal bookkeeping hand, 19 July 1556 ± 1 January 1558; English; paper; 220 + i (thirteenth-century parchment endleaf); unnumbered, the notional foliation ascribed here counted from the very ®rst (blank) page with which the manuscript begins; 285mm 6 223mm; no decoration; in good condition; preserved in a sixteenth-century parchment binding, reinforced with three leather thongs across the spine. KAO, U 1475 027/3; copied by one scribe, with `Rewarde' notices written in the formal book-keeping hand of Robert Holdiche opposite some entries in the lefthand margin, 25 April ± 18 July 1559; English; paper; 11; unnumbered; 305mm 6 208mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but a vertical tear runs from the top to the middle of each leaf; preserved with three other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front of which is written in ink: U 1475 027/1±4 KAO, U 1475 028/1; copied probably by Arkenval (also Arkinvald) Perken, ?1556 ± 30 August 1559 (accounts directed to Robert Holdiche, and signed by A. Sydney); English; paper; 7; unnumbered; 310mm 6 220mm; no decoration; in good condition; stitched loosely at the head in a sheaf; preserved with twenty-nine other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/1±30 KAO, U 1475 028/14; copied by one scribe, the same as was responsible for U 1475 028/19 below, and who was conceivably Robert Holdiche, though here writing less formally (accounts directed to Robert Holdiche, and signed by A. Sydney), possibly between 1556 and 1558; English; paper; 3; unnumbered; 310mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; bifolium with inserted singleton; preserved with twenty-nine other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/1±30 KAO, U 1475 028/19; copied by one scribe, the same as was responsible for U 1475 028/14 above, and who was conceivably Robert Holdiche, though here writing less formally (accounts directed to Robert Holdiche), and bearing various dates from 23 September in either 1556, 1557 or 1558; English; paper; 2; unnumbered; 302mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; bifolium; preserved with twenty-nine other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/1±30 KAO, U 1475 028/44; copied by one scribe, either c. 4 April 1558±9, 1566±7 or 1569±70 (accounts directed to Robert Holdiche); English; paper; 1; unnumbered; 315mm 6 210mm; no decoration; in good condition; single sheet; preserved with sixty-®ve other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/31±92 KAO, U 1475 028/47; copied by one scribe, possibly between May 1556 and March 1557 or between July 1557 and 30 August 1559 (accounts directed to Robert Holdiche); English; paper; 1; unnumbered; 200mm 6 172mm; no decoration; in good condition; single sheet; preserved with sixty-®ve other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/31±92 KAO, U 1475 028/57; copied by one scribe, probably between either May 1556 and March 1557 or July 1557 and 30 August 1559 (accounts directed to Robert

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Holdiche); English; paper; 1; unnumbered; 308mm 6 212mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, but there is a little staining; single sheet; preserved with sixty-®ve other items in a modern Manila folder, on the front cover of which is written in ink: U 1475 028/31±92 KAO, U 1475 031; copied by one scribe, February 1565 ± 29 September 1568; English; paper; i + 105 + i; sixteenth-century ink foliation; 280mm 6 378mm; strapwork is applied to some litterae notabiliores; in good condition; preserved in a sixteenth-century parchment binding with traces of two green fabric fastening thongs, and on the front cover of which is written in ink in a sixteenth-century hand: A book of Accompts of housholde In Irelande from August 1566 vntyll September 1568 KAO, U 1475 034; copied by various scribes, ?29 September 1567 ± 29 September 1570; English; paper; i + 144 + i; unnumbered; 430mm 6 310mm; strapwork is applied to some litterae notabiliores throughout; in good condition; preserved in a modern Manila binding, on the front cover of which is written in pencil: U 1475 | 034 4.11 Irish State Papers The documents preserved in the Irish State Papers comprise a miscellaneous collection which traverses various aspects of the government and administration of Ireland. The documents include, inter alia, letters, tracts, legal instruments and accounts. Rather than distribute their descriptions between the different subject categories under which they might technically be classed, it has seemed preferable to keep them together and to treat them as a repository, with one sole exception: the household accounts of Sir Walter Devereux, ®rst earl of Essex and second Viscount Hereford, which have been described under Households (section 4.10 above). In presenting each description, the date of the particular Repertory item is given, followed by the earliest and latest dates of the contents of the whole volume in square brackets. The material on which a Repertory item is written is speci®ed, not the materials of the entire volume. Measurements similarly refer only to Repertory items within a particular volume, as do likewise the number of scribes at work, the language(s) employed, the decoration used and the condition of the document(s). Unless otherwise stated, documents in Irish State Paper volumes may be assumed to have been mounted on guards. PRO, SP 60/3 (item 18); copied by one scribe, 28 April 1536 [2 January ± 24 November 1536]; English; paper; i + 206 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 33: 213mm 6 304mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in ink: PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE; and on the spine of which is stamped in ink: IRELAND. | HEN. VIII. | 1536; above this are af®xed the labels: S.P.; and: 60; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 3 PRO, SP 60/4 (item 32); copied by one scribe, July 1537 [24 January ± 31 July 1537]; English; paper; i + 188 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 305mm 6 206mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though mottled by damp;

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nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | HEN. VIII. | 1537. | JAN. ± JULY; above this are af®xed the labels: hS.jP.; and: 60; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY PRO, SP 60/9 (item 41.I.); copied by one scribe, ¦ August 1540 [2 January ± 30 December 1540]; English; paper; i + 275 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 304mm 6 215mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | HEN. VIII. | 1540.; above this are af®xed the labels: S.P.; and: 60; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: No. 9 PRO, SP 61/2 (item 18); copied by one scribe, 12 July 1541 [12 July 1541 ± 10 December 1550]; English; paper; ii + 201 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 303mm 6 209mm; a little display script is used; in good condition; modern binding of green cloth, the front and back covers of which are detached, and on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | EDWARD VI. | 1549 | & | 1550. | S. P. O. | 1861.; above this are af®xed the labels: S.P.; and: 61; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 2 PRO, SP 63/3 (item 67); copied by one scribe, ?5 May 1561 [13 January ± 30 May 1561]; English; paper; ii + 210 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 176: 305mm 6 209mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the second leaf of the document is a little torn at the edge along what was an original crease line; modern binding of green cloth, on the spine of which is stamped on a green leather panel in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | 1561 | JAN-MAY; above this are af®xed the labels: S.P.; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 3 PRO, SP 63/9 (items 74 and 76); each item is copied by one scribe, item 74, ?17 December 1563 and item 76, 20 December 1563 [8 September ± 31 December 1563]; English; paper; iii + 184 + iv (endleaf i is a bound-in modern letter and memorandum); modern stamped ink foliation; a little display script is used in item 74; f. 157: 303mm 6 208mm; f. 162: 305mm 6 206mm; in good condition; modern binding of green cloth, on the spine of which is stamped on a green leather panel in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | 1563 | SEP ± DEC; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 9 PRO, SP 63/13 (item 18); copied by one scribe, 3 January 1565 [1 April ± 30 June 1565]; English; paper; iv + 200 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 304mm 6 214mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green cloth, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | 1565 | APR ± JUNE; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 13 PRO, SP 63/40 (item 52.I.); copied by one scribe, with various signatures, 25 May 1573 [3 April ± 29 May 1573]; English; paper; i + 207 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 305mm 6 212mm; display script occasionally features; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the

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spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1573. | APRIL. ± MAY.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 40 PRO, SP 63/54 (item 17); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Sir Henry Sidney, 15 December 1575 [6 ± 29 December 1575]; English; paper; i + 128 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 303mm 6 209mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND | ELIZABETH. | 1575. | DECEMBER.; above this are af®xed two labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 54 PRO, SP 63/55 (item 19); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Sir Henry Sidney, c. 27 February 1576 [5 January ± 30 June 1576]; English; paper; i + 192 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 303mm 6 207mm; display script is sometimes used for personal and place-names; in good condition; nineteenthcentury binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND | ELIZABETH. | 1576. | JAN. ± JUNE. ; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 55 PRO, SP 63/68 (item 23); copied by one scribe, with various signatures, 9 August 1579 [2 ± 31 August 1579]; English; paper; i + 127 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 298mm 6 206mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1579. | AUGUST.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 68 PRO, SP 63/104 (item 24); copied by one scribe, 20 August 1583 [4 August ± 28 September 1583]; English; paper; i + 240 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 291mm 6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1583. | AUG. ± SEPT.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 104 PRO, SP 63/137 (item 10.XII.); copied by one scribe, 14 October 1588 [1 ± 31 October 1588]; English; paper; i + 215 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 296mm 6 203mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1588. | OCTOBER.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 137 PRO, SP 63/143 (item 12); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Sir William Fitzwilliam, 9 April 1589 [1 ± 30 April 1589]; English; paper; ii + 177 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 308mm 6 206mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1589. | APRIL.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY

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PRO, SP 63/144 (items 4 and 56); each item is copied by one (and not the same) scribe, 6 May 1589 and 4 May 1589 respectively [3 ± 31 May 1589]; English; paper; i + 255 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 8: 308mm 6 204mm; f. 88: 298mm 6 223mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1589. | MAY.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 144 PRO, SP 63/146 (item 7.I.); copied by one scribe, who wrote both formal and informal varieties of script, with various signatures, 9 Augugst 1589 [1 August ± 30 September 1589]; English; paper; i + 211 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 312mm 6 209mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1589. | AUG. ± SEPT.; above this are af®xed the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 146 PRO, SP 63/148 (item 39); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Sir Richard Bingham, November 1589 [3 ± 29 November 1589]; English; paper; i + 170 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 335mm 6 225mm; no decoration; in fair condition, though the item is stained and its right edge damaged; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1589. | NOVEMBER.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; and: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 148 PRO, SP 63/149 (an unnumbered item between items 64 and 65); copied by one principal scribe, and bearing dates between March 1573 and 20 January 1589 [3 ± 29 December 1589]; English; parchment; i + 258 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 703mm 6 508mm; strapwork is occasionally applied to litterae notabiliores; generally in good condition, though f. 216 has lost a little text along the crease folds in the parchment; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1589. | DECEMBER.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 149 PRO, SP 63/151 (items 76 and 96); item 76 is copied by one scribe, and item 96 probably by John Ball, 18 April 1590 and April (or later) 1590 respectively [1 March ± 30 April 1590]; English (Latin); paper; i + 260 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 209: 303mm 6 199mm; f. 259: 297mm 6 197mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1590. | MAR. ± APRIL.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 151 PRO, SP 63/155 (item 35); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Donoghe O Connor Sligo, November 1590 [2 October ± 30 November 1590]; English; paper; i + 86 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 281mm 6 202mm; no

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decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELANhDj | ELIZABEThHj | 1590. | OCT ± NOV.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 155 PRO, SP 63/159 (item 13); copied by one scribe, with the signature of John Bingham, 16 July 1591 [26 July ± 31 August 1591]; English; paper; i + 129 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 287mm 6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH. | 1591. | JULY ± AUG.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 159 PRO, SP 63/161 (item 24); copied by one scribe, November 1591 [1 November ± 30 December 1591]; English; paper; i + 168 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 302mm 6 214mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND | ELIZABETH. | 1591. | NOV. ± DEC.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 161 PRO, SP 63/163 (item 68.I.); copied probably by Richard Sheregold, with various signatures, 18 March 1592 [2 January ± 31 March 1592]; English (Latin); paper; i + 150 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 304mm 6 209mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in black: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | 1592. | JAN ± MARCH.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 163 PRO, SP 63/180 (item 6.II.); copied by one scribe, 29 September 1594 ± 29 September 1595 [1±30 June 1595]; English (Latin); paper; ii + 199 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 304mm 6 199mm; a little display script is used; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL | 180; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: S.P.; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 180 PRO, SP 63/181 (item 71); copied by one scribe, end of July 1595 [1±31 July 1595]; English; paper; ii + 220 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 299mm 6 192mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL | 181; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 181 PRO, SP 63/186 (item 11); copied by one scribe, 10 January 1596 [1 January ± 29 February 1596]; English; paper; i + 315 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 312mm 6 218mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green

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half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL | 186; above this is af®xed the label: SP 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 186 PRO, SP 63/191 (item 8.I.); copied by one scribe, ?6 July 1596 [2 ± 31 July 1596]; English; paper; ii + 285 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 298mm 6 196mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL. | 191; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 191 PRO, SP 63/198 (item 24); copied by one scribe, 18 March 1597 [1 March ± 30 April 1597]; English; paper; ii + 383 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 295mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL | 198; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 198 PRO, SP 63/200 (item 83.I.); copied by one scribe, 9 August 1597 [1 July ± 30 September 1597]; English; paper; ii + 367 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 303mm 6 197mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL. | 200; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 200; between: IRELAND | ELIZABETH; is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY PRO, SP 63/202/Part 1 (items 45 and 73); item 45 copied by one scribe, with the signature of W [= William?] Paule, and item 73 by one scribe, with a signature, 2 February 1598 and 28 March 1598 respectively [3 January ± 29 March 1598]; English; paper; ii + 317 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 126: 303mm 6 205mm; f. 243: 302mm 6 197mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL. | 202 | PT. 1; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 202 | Part 1; between: IRELAND | ELIZABETH; is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY PRO, SP 63/207/Part 4 (item 109.ii.); copied by one scribe, August 1600 [1 July ± 31 August 1600]; English; paper; i + 311 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 304mm 6 205mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL. | 207 | PT. 4; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 207 | Part 4; between: IRELAND | ELIZABETH; is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY PRO, SP 63/208/Part 1 (item 9); copied by one scribe, with the signature of Meyler Magrath, archbishop of Cashel, 15 January 1601 [4 January ± 31 March 1601]; English; paper; ii + 333 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 19: 306mm

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6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | ELIZABETH | VOL. | 208 | PT. 1; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 208; between: IRELAND | ELIZABETH; is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY PRO, SP 63/209/Part 2 (items 210 and 213A); each item is copied by one (and not the same) scribe, November 1601 and 2 December 1601 respectively [1 October ± 27 December 1601]; English; paper; 453; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 243: 297mm 6 204mm; f. 250: 293mm 6 208mm; no decoration; in good condition; unbound and preserved in a cardboard box, on which are respectively the labels: SP; 63; Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; 209; Part 2 The materials gathered in PRO, SP 63/214, make this particular volume of the Irish State Papers an unusual one. Many of them seem to be the work of Meredith Hanmer (on whom see endnote 115 to How a bullock is to be divided, before 1604, in section 5.2), and relate to Irish history, especially to Waterford. Possibly Hanmer was intending to write a history of this city. The dated documents in Hanmer's compilation run from 23 October 1511 to 1599, but in fact it covers a longer period, reporting matter from the twelfth century on. PRO, SP 63/214 (items 38, 39, 42 and 43); each item is probably copied by Meredith Hanmer, before 1604 [c. twelfth century ± 1599]; English; paper; ii + 320 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 221: 290mm 6 193mm; f. 223: 171mm 6 190mm; f. 231: 299mm 6 198mm; f. 256: 298mm 6 196mm; f. 271: 303mm 6 189mm; no decoration; in fair condition, though each item is damaged and fragile; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND. | ELIZABETH, | VOL. | 214.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and: 214 PRO, SP 63/215 (item 52); copied by one scribe, 5 May 1603 [24 March ± 31 December 1603]; English; paper; i + 300 + i; modern stamped ink foliation; 298mm 6 203mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | 1603. | STATE PAPER OFFICE; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 215; above this is written within a gold circle in ink: 215 PRO, SP 63/217 (item 13); copied probably by Richard Bourke, fourth earl of Clanricarde, 26 February 1605 [4 January ± 16 December 1605]; English; paper; i + 280 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 323mm 6 221mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather whose covers are detached, and on whose front cover is af®xed a label: Produce | on | SPECIAL | INSTRUCTION | ONLY; and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | 1605. | STATE PAPER OFFICE; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: S.P.; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 217; above this is written within a gold circle in ink: 217

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PRO, SP 63/230; copied in its entirety by two main scribes, between ¦ April and 14 December 1609 [29 September 1608 ± 14 December 1609]; Latin (English); paper; ii + 221 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; f. 208: 289mm 6 195mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | 1610. | STATE PAPER OFFICE; at the top of the spine is af®xed a label: S.P. | 63; and between: 1610.; and: STATE PAPER OFFICE; is af®xed a label: 230; above this within a gold circle is af®xed a label: 230 PRO, SP 63/231 (item 43); copied probably by Sir Arthur Chichester, 29 May 1611 [1 January ± 26 December 1611]; English; paper; i + 301 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 284mm 6 196mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather whose covers are detached, and the top half of whose spine is missing; on the spine is stamped in gold: STATE PAPER OFFICE; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 231; above this is written within a gold circle in ink: 231 PRO, SP 63/253 (item 72); copied by one scribe, 14 October 1632 [13 January ± 17 December 1632]; English; paper; ii + 274 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 305mm 6 212mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | CHARLES I | VOL.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 253 PRO, SP 63/255 (item 13); copied probably by Thomas Richardson, 9 February 1635 [10 January 1635 ± 31 December 1636]; English; paper; ii + 389 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 306mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | CHARLES I | VOL.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 255 PRO, SP 63/256 (item 48); copied probably by Sir Thomas Wentworth, 21 August 1637 [7 January 1637 ± 29 December 1638]; English; paper; ii + 319 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 282mm 6 194mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | CHARLES I | VOL.; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 256 PRO, SP 63/345 (item 50); copied by one scribe, 8 May 1661 [January 1661 ± 31 December 1663]; English; paper; ii + 323 + ii; modern stamped ink foliation; 235mm 6 226mm; display script is occasionally used; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: IRELAND | CHARLES II | VOL. | 345; above this are af®xed respectively the labels: SP; and: 63; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: 345 PRO, MS C. 66/2995; copied by one scribe, 8 May 1661; English (Latin); parchment; 38; unnumbered; mb. [1]: 635mm 6 257mm; some litterae notabiliores feature; in good condition; membranes are stitched serially to form a continuous roll; on the outer membrane is af®xed a label: C | 66 | 2995 | REPAIRING DEPARTMENT

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4.12 Letter collections The presentation of descriptions of items found in Letter collections follows that adopted for items in the Irish State Papers (and for one of the items listed under Administrative documents). A Letter collections item is dated, and this date followed by the earliest and latest dates of the contents of the whole volume in square brackets. Measurements refer only to Repertory items, as do the number of scribes identi®ed, the use of decoration, the condition of the document and the notice of the languages used. Dublin, National Library of Ireland (NLI) NLI, MS 2303; letter of Richard Rothe to Viscount Falkland, 13 September 1628 [6 June 1628 ± 7 February 1631]; English; paper; vi + 177 + vi; modern stamped ink pagination; p. 71: 312mm 6 205mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though sometimes there is damage along the crease lines where the letters were once folded; ®ne, nineteenth-century binding of blue leather, on the front and back covers of which are stamped in gold the arms of the dukes of Ormond, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold at the top the same arms, beneath which: ORMONDE MSS | VOL. 3. | LETTERS & PAPERS. | FROM | 9 JUNE 1628 | TO | ¦ FEBRUARY 1630±31; at the bottom is af®xed a label: MS 2303 London, British Library (BL) BL, MS Lansdowne 92; letter of John Denham to Sir James Ley, 7 February 1612 [February 1611 ± 15 July 1612]; English; paper; xi + 211 + x; modern pencil foliation; f. 143: 301mm 6 195mm; f. 145: 278mm 6 177mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of brown half leather, and on the front and back covers of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Marquis of Lansdowne, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: HICKES | PAPERS. | 1610±1612. | BRIT. MUS. | LANSDOWNE | MS. | 92.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 75; and: d Oxford, Bodleian Library (Bodl.) Bodl., MS Carte 61; letters, that on f. 294 copied by two scribes and signed by Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy, 31 January 1607, and that on f. 346 copied and signed by William Ravenscroft, 8 March 1607 [3 May 1585 ± 8 October 1613]; English; paper; ii + 529 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 294: 308mm 6 200mm; f. 346: 305mm 6 200mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though right-hand margins have suffered some damage; nineteenth-century binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: CARTE PAPERS | 1585 ± 1615 | IRELAND | 61

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San Marino, California, Huntington Library (HL) HL, HA 15057; letter of Sir Robert Jacob to Sir John Davys, 16 January 1609; English, paper; bifolium; unnumbered; 306mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in good condition; details of the binding not supplied. Shef®eld, Shef®eld City Archives (SCA) SCA, WWM Str. P 7; letter of Sir Thomas Wentworth to Archbishop William Laud, 10 July 1637 [November 1636 ± May 1639]; English; paper; iii + 191 + iii; part paginated, part foliated, in near-contemporary ink; p. 39: 430mm 6 290mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of white cardboard. 4.13 Early printed books Twenty-nine early printed books of concern to the Repertory are listed below. (This ®gure excludes the 1644 playbill Titvs, or the Palme of Christian Covrage, which is detailed under Post-1642 documents, section 7.2.) Their title pages are given in chronological order according to their year of publication, even where the item of interest in a particular book is to be dated earlier than the year of the book's publication. STC and Wing numbers are given after each entry wherever appropriate. POLYDORI VERGILII | VRBINATIS ANGLICAE HISTO | RIAE LIBRI XXVI. | SIMON GRYNAEVS LECTORI. | Anglia Bistonio semper gens inclyta Marte, | Quanta, quibusq; animis nongentos mille per annos | Gesserit, imperium ®rmans adamante reuincto, | Intulerit quoties uicinis gentibus arma, | Seu procul eiecit populantem ®nibus hostem, | Seu domuit sñuos immania colla tyrannos, | Maxima magnanimuÃm POLYDORVS facta uirorum | PrñclareÁ latia primus canit omnia bucca. | [device ± a tree, to the left of which: PALMA; and to the right of which: BEB.] | Indices rerum singularum copiosos & usui | egregio futuros, adiecimus. | Cum gratia & priuilegio Cñsareo. | BASILEAE, APVD IO. BEBELIVM | ANNO M. D. XXXIIII. The vocacyon | of IohaÅ Bale to the | bishoprick of Ossorie in Ire | laÅde his persecuioÅs in ye same /& | ®nall delyueraunce. | [device ± to the left, demure man attended by horse, to the right, menacing man with snarling dog] | The English ChristiaÅ / The Irishe Papist. | } God hath deliuered me from the snare of the | hunter / & froÅ ye noysome pestileÅce. Psal. xcj. | } If I must nedes reioyse / I wil reioyse | of myne in®rmytees. ij. Cor. xj. [All printed in black letter.] 1577. | THE | Firste volume of the | Chronicles of England, Scot- | lande, and Irelande. | CONTEYNING, | The description and Chronicles of England, from the | ®rst inhabiting vnto the congquest. | The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the | ®rst originall of the Scotes nation, till the yeare | of our Lorde .1571. | The description and Chronicles of Yrelande, likewise | from the ®rste originall of that Nation, vntill the | yeare .1547. | Faithfully gathered and

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set forth, by | Raphaell Holinshed. | AT LONDON, | Imprinted for George Bishop. | God saue the Queene. STC: 13568a [`The description . . . .1547.' printed in black letter.] } In this volume are con- | tained all the Statutes from the tenthe yere | of king Henrie the sixt, to the xiiii. yere of our | moste gracious and soueraygne lady Queen | Elyzabeth, made and established in her highnes | Realme of Irelande | [device ± a quartered shield, surmounted by crown to either side of which is written: E; R; the whole within the garter: : HONI : SOIT. QVI : MAL :: Y : PENSE ::] STC: 14129, published in 1572 by Tottle. [`moste gracious and soueraygne lady Queen | Elyzabeth, made and established in her highnes | Realme of Irelande' printed in black letter.] The Image of Irelande, | with a discouerie of VVoodkarne, wher- | in is moste liuely expressed, the Na= | ture, and qualitie of the saied wilde Irishe Wood= | karne, their notable aptnesse, celeritie, and pronesse | to Rebellion, and by waie of argumente is manife= | sted their originall, and ofspryng, their descent and | Pedigree: Also their habite and apparell, is there | plainly showne. The execrable life, and miserable | death of Rorie Roge, that famous Archtraitour to | God and the Croune (otherwise called Rorie Oge) | is likewise discribed. Lastlie the commyng in of | Thyrlaghe Leonaghe the greate Oneale of Ire= | lande, with the effecte of his submission, to the right | honourable Sir Henry Sidney (Lorde Deputie of | the saied lande) is thereto adioyned. Made and deui= | sed by Iohn Derricke, Anno 1578, and now pu= | blished and set forthe by the saied authour | this present yere of our Lorde | 1581, for pleasure and | delight of the well | disposed rea= | der. | Imprinted at London by | John Daie. | 1581. STC: 6734 [All printed in black letter, except for the italics, personal names and dates, including `Anno 1578'.] PAVLI IOVII NOVO ± | COMENSIS EPISCOPI NVCERINI | REGIONVM ET INSVLARVM | atque Locorum: | DESCRIPTIONES: | videlicet | BRITANNIAE, | SCOTIAE, | HYBERNIAE, | ORCHADVM, | Item | MOSCOVIAE ET LARII LACVS, | VIBVS (VT EIVS OMNIA SCRIPTA A HOC POSTRE- | mo volumine complecteremur) de Piscibus Romanis libellum | vereÁ aureum adiunximus. | BASILEá, | [rule] | Anno Salutis humanñ, M.D.LXXVIII. HIERONY- | MI CARDANI ME= | DIOLANENSIS MEDICI, | DE RERVM VARIETATE, LI- | BRI XVII. Iam denuoÁ ab in numeris | mendis summa cura ac studio repur- | gati, & pristino nito- | ri restituti. | ADIECTVS EST CAPITVM, RE- | rum & sententiarum notatu dignissima- | rum INDEX utilissimus. | [device ± a hand emerging from a cloud and striking a rock with a hammer.] | Cum Gratia & Priuilegio. Cñs. Maiesti. | BASILEá, | PER SEBASTIANVM | HENRICPETRI. [This is the title page of the second edition by S. H. Peter, of 1581; the ®rst edition, also by him, was issued in 1557.] RICHARDI | Stanihursti Dubliniensis | DE REBUS | IN HIBERNIA | GESTIS, LIBRI | QVATTVOR, | Ad carissimum suum fratrem, clarissimumqÂue virum, | P. PLVNKETVM, Dominum Baronem Dunsaniñ. | Accessit his

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libris Hibernicarum rerum Appendix, ex | SILVESTRO GIRALDO CAMBRENSI | peruetusto scriptore collecta; | Cum eiusdem STANIHVRSTI adnotationibus. | Omnia nunc primuÁm in lucem edita. | LVGDVNI BATAVORUM. | Ex of®cina Christophori Plantini. | M.D. LXXXIIII. THE | SECOND VOLUME | OF THE PRINCIPAL NA- | VIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAF- | ®ques and Discoueries of the English Nation, made by | Sea or ouer-land, to the South and South-east parts of the | World, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: | Diuided into two seuerall parts: | Whereof the ®rst containeth the personall trauels, &c. | of the English, through and within the Streight of Gibraltar, to Al- | ger, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barbary, to Alexandria and Cairo in AEgypt, to the Isles | of Sicilia, Zante, Candia, Rhodus, Cyprus, and Chio, to the Citie of Constantinople, to diuers parts of Asia minor, to Syria and Armenia, to Ierusalem, and other places in Iudña; As also to A- | rabia, downe the Riuer of Euphrates, to Babylon and Balsara, and so throught the Per- | sian gulph to Ormuz, Chaul, Goa, and to many Islands adioyning vpon the | South parts of Asia; And likewise from Goa to Cambaia, and to all the | dominions of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty | Riuer of Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chon- | deri, to Pegu, to Iamahai in the kingdome of Si- | am, and almost to the very fron- | tiers of China. | The Second comprehendeth the Voyages, Traf®cks, &c. | of the English Nation, made without the Streight of Gibral- | tar, to the Islands of the AcËores, of Porto Santo, Madera, and the Canaries, | to the kingdomes of Barbary, to the Isles of Capo Verde, to the Riuers of Senega, Gam- | bra, Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and Benin, to the Isles | of S. Thome and Santa Helena, to the parts about the Cape Buona Espe- | ranza, to Quitangone neere Mozambique, to the Isles of Comoro and | Zanzibar, to the citie of Goa, beyond Cape Comori, to the Isles | of Nicubar, Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the maine land of Malacca, and to the king- | dome of Iunsalaon. | By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher, and sometime Stu- | dent of ChristChurch in Oxford. | Imprinted at London by George Bishop, | Ralph Newbery, and Robert Barker. | ANNO 1599. STC: 12626a BRITANNIA, | SIVE | FLORENTISSIMORVM | REGNORVM ANGLIá, | SCOTIá, HIBERNIá, ET | Insularum adiacentium ex intima antiquitate | Chorographica descriptio: | Nunc postremoÁ recognita, plurimis locis magna accessione | adaucta, & Tabulis Chorographicis | illustrata. | GVILIELMO CAMDENO Aucthore. | LONDINI, | Impensis GEORGII BISHOP & | IOANNIS NORTON. | M.DC.VII. STC: 4508 A | New. Description | OF IRELAND: | Wherein is describes the dispositi- | on of the Irish whereunto they | are inclined. | No lesse admirable to be perused then credible | to be beleeued: neither vnpro®table nor vnplea- | sant to bee read and vnderstood, by those wor- | thy Cittizens of London that be now | vndertakers in Ireland: | By Barnabe Rich, Gent: | Malui me diuitem esse, quam vocari | [device ± ¯ower encircled by motto: HEB DDIM HEB DDIEV] | Printed at London for Thomas Adams. | 1610. STC: 20992

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A | CATHOLICKE | CONFERENCE BE- | TVVEENE SYR TADY Mac. | Mareall a popish priest of VVaterforde, and | Patricke Plaine a young student in Trinity | Colledge by Dublin in Ireland. | Where in is deliuered the certayne ma- | ner of execution that was vsed vpon a po- | pish Bishop, and a popish Priest, that for seueral | matters of Treason were executed at | Dublin the ®rst of February, now | last past. 1611. | Strange to be related, credible to be beleeued, and pleasant | to bee perused. | By Barnabe Rych, Gent. Seruant to the Kinges most | excellent Maiestie. | Malui me diuitem esse quam vocari. | LONDON | Printed for Thomas Adams. | 1612. STC: 20981 CERTAINE | PIECES OF THIS | AGE PARABOLIZ'D. | viz. Duellum Britannicum. | Regalis Iustitia Jacobi. | Aquignispicium. | Antidotum Cecillianum. | By THOMAS SCOT | Gentleman. | [rule] | Scire tuum nihil est. | [rule] | [foliate cartouche] | [rule] | LONDON | Printed by Edward Grif®n for Francis Constable, and | are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the | white Lyon in Paules Church| yard. 1616. STC: 21870 [This is the second enlarged edition; STC: 21869 is the ®rst.] HISTORIá | CATHOLICá IBERNIá COM= | PENDIVM. | DOMINO PHILIPPO AVSTRIACO IIII. | Hispaniarum, Indiarum, aliorum regnorum, atque mul | tarum ditionum regi Catholico, monarchñque | potentissimo dicatum. | AD. Philippo Osulleuano Bearro Iberno. | [coat of arms] | Cum facultate S. Inquisitionis, Ordinarij, & Regis. | [rule] | Vlyssippone excusum aÁ Petro Crasbeeckio regio | typographo anno Domini 1621. THE | STATVTES | OF IRELAND, | BEGINNING THE THIRD | yere of K. Edward the second, | and continuing vntill the end of the Parlia- | ment, begunne in the eleuenth yeare of the | reign of our most gratious Soueraigne | Lord King IAMES, and ended in the | thirteenth yeare of his raigne | of England, Fraunce, and | IRELAND. | NEWLY PERVSED AND | EXAMINED WITH THE PAR- | liament Rolls; and diuerse Statutes | imprinted in this Booke, which | were not formerly printed | in the olde booke. | Anno Dom. M.DC.XXI | DVBLIN, | Printed by the Societie of STA- | TIONERS, Printers to the | Kings most excellent | MAIESTIE. | Cum Priuilegio Regiñ Maiestatis. STC: 14130 THE | IRISH HVBBVB, | OR, | THE ENGLISH | HVE AND CRIE | BREIFELY PVRSVING | the base conditions, and most notorious | offences of this vile, vaine, and | wicked AGE. | No lesse smarting then tickling. | A merriment whereby to make the wise to laugh, | and fooles to be angry. | [rule] | By BARNABY RICH Gentleman, and Seruant to the | Kings most excellent Maiestie. | Mounted aloft vpon the worlds great Stage. | I stand to note the follies of this Age. | Malui me diuitem esse quam vocari. | [rule] | LONDON, | Printed by Aug: Mathewes, for Iohn Marriot, and are to be | sold at his shop in Saint Dunstons-Churchyard | in Fleet-street. 1622. STC: 20989 PACATA HIBERNIA. | IRELAND | APPEASED AND | REDVCED. | OR, | AN HISTORIE OF THE LATE | Warres of IRELAND, especially within the Province | of MOVNSTER, vnder the Government of Sir George Carew, |

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Knight, then Lord President of that Province, and afterwards | Lord CAREVV of CLOPTON, and Earle | of TOTNES, &c. | Wherein the Siedge of Kinsale, the Defeat of the | Earle of TYRONE, and his Armie; The Expulsion and | sending home of Don Iuan de Aguila, the Spanish Generall, | with his Forces; and many other remarkable passages | of that time are related. | Illustrated with Seventeene severall MAPPES, for the | better understanding of the Storie. | IuVENAL. SAT. 10. | Bellorum Exuviñ, truncis af®xa trophñis | Lorica, & fractaà de Casside buccula pendens, | Humanis majora bonis creduntur:- | [device ± winged skull, resting on a bone crossed by a scythe, and surmounted by an hourglass; beneath device is motto: NON PLVS] | LONDON, | Printed by AVG: MATHEVVES for ROBERT MILBOVRNE, | at the Signe of the Greyhound in Pauls | Church-yard. 1633. STC: 23132 THE | HISTORIE | OF | IRELAND, | COLLECTED | BY THREE LEARNED AVTHORS | Viz. | MEREDITH HANMER | Doctor in Divinitie: | EDMVND CAMPION | sometime Fellow of St Johns | Colledge in Oxford: | and | EDMVND SPENSER | Esq. | DVBLIN, | Printed by the Societie of Stationers, Printers to the | Kings most Excellent Majestie. 1633. STC: 25067a CONSTITUTIONS, | AND | Canons Ecclesiastical, | Treated upon by The | Archbishops and Bishops, | And the rest of the | Clergy of IRELAND; | And Agreed upon by the | KING'S Majesties Licence | In their Synod Begun and Holden at | Dublin, Anno Domini 1634. And in | the Year of the Reign of our Soveraign | Lord Charles, by the Grace of God | King of Great Brittain, France and | Ireland the Tenth. | [rule] | Dublin, Printed by Andrew Crook and Samuel Helsham; And are to | be Sold by Samuel Helsham at the Colledge-Arms in Castle-street. STC: 14264 THE | ROYALL | MASTER; | As it was Acted in the new | Theater in Dublin: | AND | Before the Right Honorable the Lord | Deputie of Ireland, in the Castle. | Written by IAMES SHIRLEY. | ± Fas extera quñrere regna. | LONDON, | Printed by T. Cotes, and are to be sold by Iohn Crooke, and Richard | Serger, at the Grayhound in Pauls Church-yard. 1638. STC: 22454 ARTICLES | TO BE INQVIRED | of by the Church-wardens and | Questmen of every Parish in | the Lord Primates Visitation | Metropoliticall. | [rule] | [device] | [rule] | DVBLIN, | Imprinted by the Society of Stationers, Prin= | ters to the Kings most excellent | Majestie. 1638. STC: 14265.9 ARTICLES | TO BE | Inquired of by the | CHVRCH-WARDENS | and QUESTMEN of every Parish, in | the ordinary Visitation of the Right Reverend | Father in God GEORGE by divine | Providence Lord Bishop of | CLOYNE. | [rule] | [device] | [rule] | DVBLIN, | Imprinted by the Society of Stationers, Prin= | ters to the Kings most excellent | Majestie. 1639. STC: 14265.7

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St. PATRICK | FOR | IRELAND. | The ®rst Part. | Written by James Shirley. | LONDON, | Printed by J. Raworth, for R. Whitaker. 1640. STC: 22455 Landgartha. | A Tragie-Comedy, as it was presen- | ted in the new Theater in Dublin, | with good applause, being | an Ancient story, | Written by H. B. | HORAT. | Hunc socci cepere pedem, grandesq; cothurni. | Printed at Dublin Anno 1641. Wing: 5751 NARCISSVS, | OR, | The Self-Lover. | By JAMES SHIRLEY. | Hñc olim ± | LONDON, | Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and | are to be sold at his shop, at the | Signe of the Princes Armes in | St. Pauls Church-yard. | MDCXLVI. Wing: 3480 POEMS &c. | By | JAMES SHIRLEY. | Sine aliquaà dementiaà nullus Phoebus. | LONDON, | Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be | sold at his shop at the signe of the Princes | Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard. | 1646. Wing: 3481 LES | VOYAGES | ET | OBSERVATIONS | DV SIEVR | DE LA | BOVLLAYE- | LE-GOUZ | GENTIL-HOMME ANGEVIN, | OuÁ sont deÂcrites les Religions, Gouuernemens, & situations | des Estats & Royaumes d'Italie, Grece, Natolie, Syrie, | Palestine, Karamenie, KaldeÂe, Assyrie, grand Mogol, | Bijapour, Indes Orientales des Portugais, Arabie, Egy- | pte, Hollande, grande Bretagne, Irlande, Dannemark, | Pologne, Isles & autres lieux d'Europe, Asie & Affrique, | ouÁ il a seÂjourneÂ, le tout enrichy de Figures; Et | Dedie aÁ l'Eminentissime Cardinal Capponi. | [device] | A PARIS, | Chez GERVAIS CLOVSIER au Palais, sur les degrez de la Saincte Chapelle. | [rule] | M. DC. LIII | AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY. RERUM | HIBERNICARUM | ANNALES, | Regnantibus HENRICO VII. HENRICO VIII | EDWARDO VI. & MARIA. | Ab anno scil. Domini MCCCCLXXXV, ad annum | MDLVIII. | Per JACOBUM WARáUM | Equitem Auratum. | DVBLINII, | Typis & Impensis JOHANNIS CROOK, | Typographi Regii. | MDCLXIV. Wing: 847aA A | COLLECTION | OF ALL THE | STATUTES | Now in Use in the | Kingdom of Ireland; | WITH | NOTES in the MARGIN: | AND | A Continuation of the Statutes made in the Reign of the late | King Charles the First, of ever blessed Memory: | And likewise the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, with the rest of the | Acts made in the Reign of His Majesty that now is, CHARLES the | Second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, to | the Dissolution of the Parliament, the Seventh of August, 1666. | AS ALSO | A Necessary TABLE or Kalendar to the Whole Work, | Expressing in Titles the principal Matter therein contained, for | the Ease and Advantage of the READER. | DVBLIN, | Printed by Bejamin Tooke, Printer to the King's Most | Excellent Majesty. An. Dom. M.DC.LXXVIII. | Cum Gratia & Privilegio Regiñ Majestatis. Wing: 356

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Each of these will be introduced by a short preface. Belfast, Public Record Of®ce of Northern Ireland (PRONI) A preface by Sir Thomas Phillips (²1636) introduces the collection of fair copies of London Company documents that is now preserved as PRONI, T. 510/2. It also contains maps of northern plantation towns. (For further information on Phillips, see endnote 193 to Coleraine, s.a. 1628, in section 5.4.) PRONI, T. 510/2; documents dated between 1610 and 1629, copied mainly by three scribes, one of whom is chief, in the seventeenth century; English; paper; viii + 152 + ii; modern pencil pagination, running 1±10, immediately followed by a seventeenth-century ink pagination, running 1±148 and continued in modern pencil, running 149±57, and with p. 157 coinciding with the start of a ®nal, seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 1±45; 365mm 6 241mm; no decoration; modern binding of mauve cloth, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: PUBLIC RECORD | OFFICE (N.I) | TRANSCRIPT | CLASS (2) | No. 510 Brussels, BibliotheÁque royale Albert Ier (BR) The Codex Salmanticensis contains an important compilation of Latin vitae of Irish saints. It migrated from Ireland and came to rest in Salamanca's Irish College, founded in 1592. From here it derives its name. It was eventually acquired by the BibliotheÁque royale Albert Ier in Brussels. BR, MS 7672±4 (Codex Salmanticensis); saints' lives, copied by at least three scribes in the late fourteenth century, possibly at Clogher, co. Tyrone; parchment; Latin (Irish); ii + 175 + iii; various foliation systems, the most adequate being one of the two seventeenth-century systems, in (red) ink; f. 89: 328mm 6 228mm; f. 173: 237mm 6 231mm; some rubrication in red and blue is applied to capitals, and occasional zoomorphic ornament features; generally in good condition, though the parchment varies in quality; seventeenth-century binding of pigskin on wooden boards, on the spine of which is written in ink: MS SALMATICh. . .j de SS. Hiberh. . .j Dublin, Jesuit Archives, 36 Lower Leeson Street The Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (the Generalate Archive of the Society of Jesus in Rome) is believed to hold one manuscript of present concern, the account of Fr William St Leger of the Jesuit mission in Ireland (with the heading incipit: `Missio Societatis Jesu in Hibernia ab initio ad vsque annum salutis 1655tum'). However, it has not proved possible to locate the original in the Generalate Archive, and so a late nineteenth- or early twentiethcentury transcription made by the Irish Jesuit John McErlean (1870±1950), and preserved in Dublin, Jesuit Archives, 36 Lower Leeson Street, has been consulted instead. St Leger's account covers the years 1641±50 and 1655±62.

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Dublin, Jesuit Archives, no shelfmark; the `Missio Societatis Jesu in Hibernia ab initio ad vsque annum salutis 1655tum' by Fr William St Leger, copied by Fr John McErlean in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century; paper; Latin; 42; modern pencil pagination; 264mm 6 207mm; no decoration; in good condition; four unbound paper quires, the ®rst three of twelve leaves, the fourth of six, preserved with another, less satisfactory, transcript of the `Missio' in a contemporary cardboard folder, on the front of which is a label bearing the following pencil inscription in McErlean's hand (later additions in ink are ignored): Hist Prov Hib | Missio Soc. Iesu | ab initio ad 1655±62 | auctore | P. Gul. Salignero Dublin, Marsh's Library In 1699, Narcissus Marsh, archbishop of Dublin, established next to St Patrick's Cathedral the library that still bears his name. Apart from possessing one of the two extant manuscripts containing the Latin liturgical Visitatio Sepulcri play from Dublin, Marsh's Library also holds two manuscripts containing the Latin vitae of saints. One of these is another important collection comparable to that of the Codex Salmanticensis, the famous Codex Kilkenniensis, MS Z 3.1.5, and the other, MS Z 4.5.5, principally contains the most complete known version of the vita of St Kentigern (see Appendix 6.10 (vii) ). Dublin, Marsh's Library, MS Z 3.1.5 (Codex Kilkenniensis); the vitae of Irish saints, copied by one main scribe in the mid-®fteenth century; Latin (Irish); parchment; ii + 122 + i; early seventeenth-century ink foliation, running 33± 158; 354mm 6 244mm (the width does not include parchment tabs let out from the sides of several leaves throughout the manuscript); rubrication is applied throughout, and litterae notabiliores are frequently touched in red; generally in good condition, but extensive staining and dirtying discolour the ®rst and last outer leaves (the latter is also about a third of the size of the others), and several quires have parted from the binding; seventeenth-century binding of brown reversed leather, on the spine of which is af®xed a label: Z 3. | 1. | 5 Dublin, Marsh's Library, MS Z 4.5.5; the vitae of SS Serf and Kentigern, copied by one scribe in the ®rst half of the thirteenth century; parchment; Latin; i + 62 + i; modern pencil foliation; 196mm 6 151mm; rubrication is applied to litterae notabiliores in red or in green, and they may be ¯ourished either in red or in green, depending upon what contrasting colour is chosen for the littera notabilior itself; generally in good condition, though there there is some soiling; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on whose partially damaged spine are af®xed respectively the labels: Z4. | 5. | 5; and: MS. | 264 Dublin, Royal Irish Academy (RIA) It is not known for certain who wrote the history of Kerry that RIA, MS 24 K 43 contains, though possibly its author was one Father O'Sullivan, active in the mid-eighteenth century.

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RIA, MS 24 K 43; a history of Kerry, copied by one scribe c. 1750; English (Irish); paper; iii + 35 + iii; eighteenth-century ink pagination; 185mm 6 145mm; no decoration; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the front cover of which is af®xed a label: 24 | K | 43; and on spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: hHIjSTORY OF KERRY. O'GORMAN MSS.; at the bottom is af®xed a label: 24 | K | 43 The History of Ireland in RIA, MS 1135 (24 G 15) is in fact an early manuscript version of Meredith Hanmer's work of the same name ®rst published in 1633 (on Hanmer, see The Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland, s.a. 1591±1604, endnote 113). RIA, MS 1135 (24 G 15); materials from prehistory to 1602, copied by one main scribe (with the initials J. H.) some time in the ®rst half of the seventeenth century; English (Irish, Latin); paper; iii + 243 + i; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 330mm 6 205mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the earlier leaf edges are damp stained; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, much damaged, and on whose spine is stamped in gold: HhISTORYj | OF | IhRjELANhDj Dublin, Trinity College (TCD) A miscellany of matter largely concerning Ireland is to be found in TCD, MS 581 (E. 3. 18). It includes such items as a copy of Patrick Finglas's Breviat of the getting of Ireland, accounts of the journeys in Ireland undertaken by Sir William Russell, by Sir Thomas Radcliffe, earl of Sussex and by Sir Henry Sidney, plus chronicles, genealogies, historical tracts and letters. TCD, MS 581 (E. 3. 18); antiquarian collection copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (including the progresses of Sir Henry Sidney, ff. 94±7v, between 14 February 1567 and 22 November 1568, copied by one scribe in the later sixteenth century); Latin (English); paper; ii + 110 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 94: 310mm 6 205mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though fraying around the edges of some leaves has partially obliterated text; seventeenth-century binding of white leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: C:E | T:3 | No. 18; and lengthways beneath this: Modus tenendi Parli: &c.; at the bottom is af®xed a label: 581 London, British Library (BL) Only the ®rst item in this composite manuscript falls within the chronological range of the Repertory, and is an account of a journey through Ireland undertaken by Sir Robert Devereux in 1599. On Sir Robert Devereux, see section 5.4 under Clonmel?, s.a. 1599, and endnote 191. BL, MS Additional 12562; miscellaneous documents dated between April 1599 and the nineteenth century, copied by various scribes from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries; English; paper; v + 15 + ix; modern pencil foliation; 303mm 6 203mm; no decoration; in good condition; modern binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: VARIOUS | PAPERS. | MUS. BRIT. | PRESENTED | BY | SEVERAL | PERSONS | 12, 271. | 12, 562.

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| 14, 059. | PLUT. | CXXXIII.G; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 133; and: G. 10 The Topographia Hiberniae of Giraldus Cambrensis, a description of Ireland which he wrote c. 1185, survives in several manuscripts. It underwent various redactions. For the life of Giraldus and for the selection of BL, MS Arundel 14, see endnote 63 to the Topographia Hiberniae, s.a. c. 1185, in section 5.2. BL, MS Arundel 14; the Topographia Hiberniae, copied by one scribe in the ®rst half of the thirteenth century; Latin; parchment; v + 32 + ix (endleaves i-v derive from a liturgical manuscript containing plainchant notation); modern pencil foliation; 265mm 6 192mm; rubrication is generally applied to headings, and litterae notabiliores may be rubricated in red or in green and ¯ourished either in red or in green, depending on which contrasting colour was selected for the littera notabilior; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the earls of Arundel, and on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: ARUNDEL | 14. | BRIT. MUS. | GIRALDI CAMBRENSIS. | TOPOGRAPHIA | HIBERNIá, ETC.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 163; and: c.6 The mendicant miscellany preserved in BL, MS Harley 913, a manuscript well known to students of Middle English verse, may originally have been compiled in Waterford (though some of its texts have Kildare af®liations). It contains religious and secular matter in English, French and Latin. BL, MS Harley 913; possibly all copied by the same scribe c. 1330; English (French, Latin); parchment; i + 64 + xiii; modern ink foliation; 140mm 6 93mm; rubricated in blue and red; generally in good condition, though some leaves are stained and faded, and quires are mounted on guards; nineteenthcentury binding of brown leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Harleys, earls of Oxford, and on the spine of which is stamped in gold: ANCIENT | ENGLISH | POEMS, | ETC. | BRIT. MUS. | HARLEY | 913.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 693; and: A.5 John Dymmok's `A treatice of Ireland', as BL, MS Harley 1291, f. 2 calls it, was evidently copied some time shortly after 9 September 1599, when the journal of the events that it narrates ends. It belongs to a genre of works in English during this period intended to introduce Ireland and matters of Irish interest to English readers. Of Dymmok's life very little is known (see further section 5.4 under Kilkenny, s.a. 1599, and endnote 557). BL, MS Harley 1291; copied chie¯y by one scribe some time shortly after 9 September 1599; English; paper; ii + 43 + xxxi; modern pencil foliation; 207mm 6 155mm; display script occasionally features; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of maroon half leather, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the arms of the Harleys, earls of Oxford, and on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: HARLEY | 1291. | BRIT. MUS. | J. DYMMOK. | TREATISE ON IRELAND.; at the top and bottom of the spine are af®xed respectively the labels: 69; and: B.3

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4. The Documents

The miscellany contained in BL, MS Stowe 180 includes papers relating to state, ecclesiastical, local and other affairs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, followed by various eighteenth-century poems. BL, MS Stowe 180; copied by various scribes from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries; English (French, Latin); paper and parchment; i + 229 + ii; modern pencil foliation; f. 41: 309mm 6 194mm; no decoration features in the section of the manuscript which is of present concern, though ¯ourishing is occasionally used elsewhere on litterae notabiliores; in good condition; modern binding of green half leather, on the spine of which is stamped in gold: POLITICAL | PAPERS, | ETC., | XVI-XVIII CENTT. | BRIT. MUS. | STOWE | 180.; at the top of the spine is af®xed a label: 576 Oxford, Bodleian Library (Bodl.) MSS Aubrey ¦ and 8 are both working miscellanies, compiled (and partly copied) by John Aubrey from materials which together constituted his Brief Lives, a collection of biographies of various sixteenth- and seventeenth-century notables. On Aubrey's life, see under section 7.2 in the Post-1642 documents, s.a. c. 1680. Bodl., MS Aubrey 7; sixteenth- and seventeenth-century biographical data, copied by various scribes, though mainly by John Aubrey, c. 1690; English (Latin); paper (f. 13 parchment); ii + 20 + i; modern pencil foliation; f. 20: 291mm 6 172mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the edges of some of the earlier leaves have been repaired with lisse; nineteenthcentury binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: MS. AUBREY. 7. LIVES. PART II. Bodl., MS Aubrey 8; sixteenth- and seventeenth-century biographical data, copied by various scribes, though mainly by John Aubrey, c. 1681; English; paper (®rst leaf parchment); i + 109 + i; modern pencil foliation (this foliation is not added to pieces of paper subsequently attached to certain leaves); f. 44: 295mm 6 185mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though the lisse used to strengthen the outer edges of some leaves is cracked and ¯aking; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: MS. AUBREY. 8 LIVES. PART III. The poet Edmund Spenser was resident in Ireland from c. 1577, and wrote his View of the Present State of Ireland in 1596 while on one of his short visits to England (for further biographical details, see section 5.2 under View of the Present State of Ireland, s.a. 1596 and endnote 118). Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 478; Edmund Spenser's View of the Present State of Ireland, copied by one scribe c. 1600; English; paper; iii + 113; 199mm 6 158mm; in good condition; no decoration; seventeenth-century ink foliation; contemporary wrapper of plain parchment, with traces of two green fabric fastening thongs front on the back, and on the spine of which is af®xed a label: hRawlinjson; beneath this is af®xed a label: 478 Like the Codex Salmanticensis and the Codex Kilkenniensis (on both of which see above), Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 505 (the Codex Insulensis) contains an

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important set of vitae of Irish saints. It is reckoned to be a direct copy of MS Rawlinson B. 485, and is probably to be associated with AughuistõÂn MaÂg RaÂidhõÂn (1350±²1405), canon of Saints' Island on Lough Ree, co. Longford, a few miles from Kilkenny West, co. Westmeath, where MS Rawlinson B. 485 was made. Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 505 (Codex Insulensis); a Latin vita of St Patrick, other  engusso (`Martyrology of Oengus'), copied Latin vitae and the Old Irish FeÂlire O chie¯y by three scribes, the second of whom, the copyist of the saints' lives, was  Duibhidhir, who worked probably late in the fourteenth one Mattheus O century; Latin (Irish); parchment; modern pencil foliation; i + 220; 375mm 6 256mm; rubrication in red and blue features in the Latin section, with occasional historiated capitals and ¯ourishing, and in the Irish section, there is rubrication in red, green, mauve and yellow, with some zoomorphic interlace; generally in good condition, though some leaves are a little stained by damp; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is written at the top in white ink: 505; and at the bottom of which are af®xed two labels: hRawlinjson; and: hB.j 505 One work only is contained in Bodl., MS Tanner 444: the Descriptio itineris Capitanei Iosiae Bodley in Lecaliam, written by Sir Josias Bodley in 1602 and narrating his expedition to Lecale in co. Down. On Bodley's life, see section 5.4 under Lecale, s.a. 1602 and endnote 624. Bodl., MS Tanner 444; Josias Bodley's Itinerary into Lecale, copied by one main scribe early in the seventeenth century; Latin; paper; iii + 8 + iii; modern pencil foliation; 250mm 6 190mm; some display script features; in good condition; nineteenth-century binding of brown half leather, on the spine of which is stamped lengthways in gold: JOSIAS BODLEY; beneath this is stamped in gold: TANN. | 444. The miscellany contained in Bodl., MS Tanner 458 is mainly of Irish interest. It includes amongst other things transcriptions of Archbishop Ussher's works, Sir Parr Lane's Character of the Irish, Italian matter concerning the origin and growth of papal power, matter concerning Scotland and Holland, sermons and some of the letters of Bishop William Bedell. On Sir Parr Lane, see section 5.1 under Character of the Irish, early seventeenth century, and endnote 43. Bodl., MS Tanner 458; copied by various scribes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Latin (English, Italian, French); paper; i + 266 + ii; modern pencil foliation; 243mm 6 185mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of brown leather, on the spine of which is written in white ink: 458; at the bottom of the spine is af®xed a label: Tanner Oxford, Corpus Christi College The manuscript of the fourth part of Fynes Moryson's Itinerary in Ireland is preserved in Oxford, Corpus Christi College, MS 94. On Fynes Moryson, see section 5.2 under the Itinerary of Fynes Moryson, c. 1613, and endnote 135. Oxford, Corpus Christi College, MS 94; copied by three or four scribes, one of whom was Fynes Moryson, in the ®rst quarter of the seventeenth century;

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4. The Documents

English (Latin); paper; i + 344 + i; sixteenth-century ink foliation; 345mm 6 218mm; no decoration; generally in good condition, though some leaves are a little faded, and the spine is slightly damaged at the top and bottom; early seventeenth-century binding of brown reversed leather, originally fastened with two thongs, now missing, and on the spine of which are af®xed two labels: E. | 4. | 1.; and: MS. | C.C.C. | C. 94 Oxford, Exeter College A unique, anonymous tract on the government of Ireland and the character of its people is preserved in Oxford, Exeter College, MS 154 (item 2). It is undated, but the hand of its copyist belongs to the ®rst quarter of the seventeenth century. Given that Elizabeth I is referred to as being deceased, the tract must have been composed sometime after 1603 (and various references to `the late rebellion,' probably meaning the Siege of Kinsale, suggest that the events of in 1601 were still fresh in mind). In fact, other internal references make it clear that the tract was composed between 1607 and 1625. Oxford, Exeter College, MS 154 (item 2); copied by one scribe in the ®rst quarter of the seventeenth century (but after 1603); English (Latin); paper; 142; modern pencil foliation; 327mm 6 204mm; no decoration; in good condition; early seventeenth-century binding of white parchment, fastened with two green fabric thongs on both front and back covers, and at the top of whose spine is written in ink: Marches | of Wales; beneath this in a later ink: CLIV; and beneath this are af®xed two labels: 14; and: 77 Paris The author of the De Praesulibus Hibernie, John Lynch, was born in Galway in 1599 or 1600. He was educated by the Jesuits in France, and ordained priest by Richard Arthur, bishop of Limerick, in 1625. In c. 1630 he was appointed archdeacon of Tuam, and on the surrender of Galway to Commonwealth forces in 1652 he ¯ed to France where he spent the rest of his life, dying there some time before 1674. His De Praesulibus Hibernie, a work heavily dependent on the De Praesulibus Hibernie Commentarius of Sir James Ware, was written in 1672, and is an account of the Roman Catholic bishops and archbishops of Ireland from the earliest times until his day. The Mazarine manuscript formerly belonged to the Oratoire de Saint-Magloire, whose superior, Fr. Louis Abel de Sainte-Marthe, had urged Lynch to undertake the work. The Paris copy is evidently the work of a French scribe, and conceivably copied from Lynch's holograph. Paris, BibliotheÁque Mazarine, MS 1869; annals of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Ireland from the earliest times until the seventeenth century, copied probably by a French scribe in the late seventeenth century; Latin; paper; iii + 636 + iii; seventeenth-century ink pagination; 296mm 6 183mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment, on the spine of which is written in ink: HISTORIA | RELIGIONIS CATHOLICá | IN HIBERNIA; beneath this is af®xed a label: H | 2871

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Rome The collections of the Barberini Library in Rome now form part of the Vatican Library. MS Barberini Latini 2466 was offered as a presentation copy by Peter Lombard to Pope Clement VIII in 1600. He laid out its title page in a manner reminiscent of printed books of the time, and indeed his work, the De Hibernia Insula Commentarius, came to be printed in 1632 under the title De Regno Hiberniñ Sanctorum Insula Commentarius. Here, the title page and a description of the manuscript will be given, followed by the title page of the 1632 edition; the excerpt in the Repertory is necessarily taken from the holograph manuscript. DE | HIBERNIA INSULA | COMMENTARIUS STROLMATICUS | ROMAE | CONSCRIPTUS, ET OBLATUS | SANCTISSIMO PATRI ET D. N. | CLEMENTI PAPAE OCTAVO, | ANNO SANCTO SECULARI | MDC. | A | Petro Lombardo Hiberno, Atrium & Sacrñ Theo: | logiñ Doctore, ac nuper Professore in Univer: | sitate Lovaniensi; nunc veroÁ pro eadem | commissario ad sedem | Apostolicam | Indicem capitum huius voluminis require | in eius ®ne folio 160 Rome, Vatican Library, MS Barberini Latini 2466; Peter Lombard, De Hibernia Insula Commentarius, copied by the author c. 1600; Latin; paper; v + 161 + iii; seventeenth-century ink foliation; 265mm 6 195mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment, on the front cover of which is stamped in gold the coat of arms of the Vatican, and at the top of the spine of which is written in ink: 102 | 257; beneath this is af®xed a label: Barb. lat. | 2466; at the bottom of the spine is written in ink: XXXII DE | REGNO | HIBERNIá | Sanctorum Insula | COMMENTARIVS, | Authore Illustriss. ac Reuerendiss. Domino | D. PETRO LOMBARDO Hiberno, | Archiepiscopo Ardmachano, totius eiusdem Regni | Primate, olim in Alma Vniuersitate Louaniensi | S. Theol. Doctore, & quondam Prñposito | Ecclesiñ Cathedralis Cameracensis, &c. | [device ± IHS in a sun] | LOVANII, | Apud Viduam STEPH. MARTINI. 1632. Thurles (co. Tipperary) St Patrick's College, Thurles, holds the unique manuscript of the Triumphalia Chronologica de Coenobio Monasterii Sanctae Crucis Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis in Hibernia, a work written by Malachy Hartry, OCist., in 1640. On Hartry, see section 5.4 under Ballychalatan, s.a. 1623, and endnote 156. St Patrick's College, Thurles, no shelfmark; the Triumphalia Chronologica de Coenobio Monasterii Sanctae Crucis Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis in Hibernia by Malachy Hartry, followed by the Synopsis Nonnullorum Sanctorum Illustriumque Hibernorum Monachorum Cisterciensium (written 7 August 1649), both copied by one mid-seventeenth century scribe, with various later eighteenth-century additions; Latin (English); parchment; 50; eighteenth- or nineteenth-century ink foliation; f. 20: 293mm 6 216mm; extensive illumination and rubrication, with strapwork added to several litterae notabiliores; in poor condition, with much staining and rubbing, and many leaves repaired

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4. The Documents

with lisse; unbound in quires and singletons, and preserved in a modern brown leather satchel. Uppsala University Library (UUL) On Philip O'Sullivan Beare, the author of the Zoilomastix whose manuscript is described below, see section 5.2 under the Historiñ Catholicñ Iberniñ Compendium, s.a. c. 1584, and endnote 107. On the Zoilomastix itself, see section 5.2 under the Zoilomastix, s.a. 1625, and endnote 139. UUL, MS H248; the Zoilomastix, copied by Philip O'Sullivan Beare, c. 1625, with various later additions in his own hand; Latin (Irish); paper; iii + 353 + iii; modern pencil foliation; f. 133: 214mm 6 154mm; f. 134: 216mm 6 155mm; no decoration; in good condition; seventeenth-century binding of plain parchment, at the top of whose spine is written: 8; and 44; and on the spine of which is written in ink: Manuscripto d'Istoria d h. . .j. Wiltshire Record Of®ce (WRO) On the life of John Clavell (1601±43), the author of the extract taken from the manuscript described below, see the headnote to Appendix 6.5. WRO, MS 865/502 (item 2); miscellaneous notebook, including poems, recipes, epitaphs, elegies and draft letters, copied by John Clavell at various times between c. 1620±40; English; paper; 45; modern pencil pagination, odd numbers only, running 1 to 89; text written from pp. 1±37 (pp. [38]-39 are blank) and also written from the back, upside down, from pp. [88]-[40]; 295mm 6 200mm; no decoration; in fair condition, but there is some fading throughout, and p. 89 is detached; six unbound gatherings, sewn together with leather thongs, and in modern pencil on p. 89 is written: Clavell | 2d wife Isabel | Fitzgerald d. of | E. of Kildare; on the front cover is written: 865/502 p. 1; and preserved in a bundle with two other items. 4.15 Miscellaneous books These are listed here in chronological order according to their year of publication. W. Edmundson, A Journal of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, and Labours of Love in the Work of the Ministry, of that Worthy Elder, and Faithful Servant of Jesus Christ, William Edmundson (London, 1715). Memoirs of the Right Honourable The Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Deputy General of Ireland (London, 1722). W. R. Chetwood, A General History of the Stage (Dublin, 1749). T. Wilkes, A General View of the Stage (London, 1759). W. Harris, The History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin (Dublin, 1766). C. Vallancey, Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, 6 vols (Dublin, 1770±1804).

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J. Ferrar, The History of Limerick (Limerick, 1787). R. Hitchcock, An Historical View of the Irish Stage, 2 vols (Dublin, 1788). State Papers. King Henry the Eighth. Part III. 2 vols (London, 1834). John d'Alton, The History of the County of Dublin (Dublin, 1838). J. C. Erck, A Repertory of the Inrolments on the Patent Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol. 1, Parts I-II (Dublin, 1846±52). H. F. Hore and J. Graves, The Social State of the Southern and Eastern Counties of Ireland in the Sixteenth Century (Dublin, 1870). G. Hall, An Historical Account of the Plantation in Ulster (Belfast, 1877). A. B. Grosart, ed. The Lismore Papers (First Series), viz. Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and `Great' Earl of Cork, 5 vols (London, 1886). G. E. Bentley, The Jacobean and Caroline Stage, 7 vols (Oxford, 1941±68).

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5 The Records

5.1 Not precisely localized or dated Old Irish CoÂrus Iubaile 1 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 20, p. 644 col. a ... Os na fogradhaibh ®led .i. tamhan drisican obhlaire. cumal doÂib .¦rl±. . . . ...

5

5

p. 644 col. b ... Ce he in gradh ®led is comoÂr eneclann riana uirned a ngradh ¦ iarna uirneth ni hannsa in drisic ¦ teiscin .i. in tinnscetlaid .i. is cutruma a eneclann in tan is tinnscetlaid ¦ in tan is drisiuc .i. in tan is gradh ¦ deismerecht air. eneclann teiscin is cuma fri drisic .i. uair is e in drisic feÂin sin. ... Old Irish LaÂnellach Tigi RõÂch ¦ Ruirech 2 NLI: MS G 7, col. 29 ... Arsesatar druth sceo eter dan dib condelbrae .i. for lar airtherach in tigi Arsesatar ailti airdnemthi aurchoilli .i. co nemthesib ¦ aire ¦ forseoirecht Arsesatar cornaire araith cuslennaich airthiur . . . ... Line 2 druth] read druith; sceo] possibly a word missing after sceo; dan dib] read in di; 3 ailti airdnemthi] possibly read aili dairnemthi.

Old Irish Law tract concerning mouth crimes 3 BL: MS Egerton 90, f. 12 col. a ... Cin beil do ithe meirle .¦ munadh1 ¦ maidhem. 1 .i. na crosan. ...

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5. The Records: 5.1

147

Old Irish Tecosca Cormaic 4 RIA: MS 132 (23 D 2), p. 8 ... A ui cuinn acorpmaic ar cairpre caidet Adha fhlatha |p. 9| fhlatha & cuirmthighi ni hannsa ar corbmhac costudj im deghfhlaith lasamhna do lochrand . . . soichlige do daÂilemnaibh dianlam ag fodhail fochraibi ag timthirecht tigerna do charthain mesrugud senma sceluccad ngoirit gnuisi faoilid failti fri daÂma taoi fri comhod coicerta mbindi. At ied sin adhae ¯atha & cormthighi ar corbmac fri cairpre. p. 22 ... A ui cvind acorbmic ar cairbre cia mesam frisambia coindelg duit ni hannsa fer con ainbli cainti . . . ...

5

10

Line 6 coicerta] read coicetla.

Old Irish  tgid 5 Bretha E TCD: MS 1433 (E. 3. 5), Part 1, p. 37 col. b ... bla clesamnaig cles .i. Slan donti eam nas na go clis in nairdi no na hubla clis in nairdi Masa clesa neamaicbeile iat is ®ach ®ancluichi indtu i laithrind ¦ ®ach cola cluiche indtu a .uii.arlaithrind Masa clesa aicbeile iat is ®ach cola cluichi indtu cid gah laithrind cid a .uii.arlaithrind. IS ed is clesa aicbeili ann cach cles arnabia rind no faebur. IS ed is clesa nemaicbeile ann cach clesarna bia rind na faebur. IS ed is laithrind and a tuitim ime ima cuaird i baile i mbi. IS ed is .uii.arlaithrind and andul uad imach i ciana. ... p. 44 col. b ... Ma robenad barr ameoir o bun na hingne otha aduban suas de coirpdiri ¦ eneclann fo truma na cneidi no ma roferad fuiligud air ac buain a ingni de is eiric fuiligthe do and Mas oduban suas robenad de a ingu eiric bainbeime ann ¦ ingu eiti don timpanach ar son aithgena masade dobenad. ... . . . eiric giunta co lomad a ciabaib na crosan ¦ na scoloc ¦ na ningen mñl ¦ i cathair a ruisc ¦ a ®ndfad a malach no caithir no fesoc no a nulcha na fear . . . ... Line 6 arnabia] read ara mbia.

Old Irish Di Astud Chirt ¦ Dligid 6 TCD: MS 1433 (E. 3. 5), Part 2, p. 14 col. b ... Cisne .iii. mic nagaibead urtechta ¯atha la FeÂniu ...

5

10

15

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148 5

5. The Records: 5.1

mac cumaili.1 mac muc saide.2 mac biride.3 ... 1 .i. dhaire 2.i. ingen daerfuidre a mathair K mac ingene in sencleithi 3.i. bancainte ... Old Irish Uraicecht Becc 7 RIA: MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote), p. 342 col. b

5

10

15

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. . . Fichi ®r en®r acun drisiuc .x. sceoil agin taman .uii. sceoil agin oblairi. . . . IN aidmneach drisiucin ¦ in teisclemneach tamain ¦ in buaibleorach oblairi ¦ desmirecht seo aran aidmnig ndriusiucan. A ben uil isin cuili in tabraid biad do duine in tabrai dam aben ban saill loim ¦ aran. Ata form meni tuga biad im dorn. berat theneach aben ban is indisfet dom deaan ¦ desmirecht so arin tuiscleimnig tamuin Taili in mbairgin ¦ blog don blonaig moir. maith du mathair ¦ tatair taile in mblathaig ina deoig ¦ desmiricht seo din arin mbuaibleoraig obloiri. Do neoch rangamar do mnaib albanach is erennach isi in mñl mairgindach isi in cairgindach remendach ... p. 347 col. b ... Cruit .i. cruit ar timpan sin K cruit uirri bodein is e ñndan ciuil indsein .i. is e ñndaÂn oir®ded dliges sairi .i. dliges eneclainn ceni mteid la hordain .i. gengu rab imaille re huasal acht a beth ar aigidh a ñnur sairi boairech tuise do .i. eneclann in boairi tuisi do .i. tuisech na mboaireach .i. in boairi is ferr da fuilet cetra ba na eneclainn . . . ... p. 348 col. a ... aes ciuil .i. cronanaig ¦ air®did .i. fedanaig oilcena .i. uili cena .i. monaig .i. bid ar monaib a neach isna hñnaigib ocus araid .i. doniad in arugecht .i. in indus cedna na gilli urraith luamain .i. luamairet na hetair 7 comail .i. doniad in cerd comaind 7 daime .i. marbaid na sitcaire 7 creccoire .i. doniad crecad glas arna roscaib 7 cleasamnaig .i. cuirid na goo clis a nairde 7 fuirseoire .i. donia in fuirseoracht asa mbelaib 7 bruigedoire . doniad in bruigedoracht asa tonaib 7 fodana olceana .i. drochdana uili cena is a hincaib oga mbiad .i. is a hincaib an caich aga mbi siat ata eneclann doib is as direnaiter .i. is as sin erniter eneclann doib nis ta saire cena fo leith. ... Line 23 donia] read doniad; 24 bruigedoire . doniad] read bruigedoire .i. doniad.

Old Irish CoÂrus BeÂscnai 8 TCD: MS 1316 (H. 2. 15a), Volume 4, f. 29v col. a ... Fled domonda .i. ¯ed doberar do macaib bais ¦ droch dainib .i. do druthaib ¦ caintib ¦ oblairaib ¦ bruidiraib ¦ fuirseoraib ¦ merlechaib ¦ geintaib ¦ merdrechaib

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¦ drochdainaib arcena do neoch na tabair ar comain talmanda ¦ na tabair ar fhochric nemda is dilis iarum do deman in ¯ed sin ...

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Line 2 domonda] over ®rst o is written: K e.

Old Irish Bretha CroÂlige 9 NLI: MS G 11, p. 445 ... Ata di mnai dec hi tuait aroscuile cain otrusa la FeÂniu. . . . be rinnuis1 . . . is focruic focrenaiter na mna so dia ®nib ni dingbail |p. 446| dingbaidter dibh. ... 1 .i. in ban®le no in bancainte Et cid fodera ni don be rinnais is e in fath ñir iar setaibh dligid darinne ¦ noca netirdibiginn a eneclainn im dvine ñr iar setaib do denumh p. 448 ... Ata .iii. hi tuaith folongaiter folug mboairec. ni tormaig ni fora notrus a mmiad nach a nemthes nach a ndliged1 nach a cendgelt drui dibergad cainte.2 AR is techtta la dia a ndinsed oldas a cumdac3 ... 1 .i. in cainte no in dibergac 2.i. in drisiuc 3An drui ¦ in cainte ¦ int airi echta tochus in bo airech uil acu and sin in tan ata log tincisin bo airech doibh . . . p. 450 ... Dlomthair a urcoillte ina otharliugu len ni licter fair hi teg druith1 na dasachtaig.2 na ecuind3 na docuinn4 na ñs necraite ni fertar cluichi fair hi tig . . . ni gairther gairm. ni grithaidter muca ni fertar scannail ni curtar ilach. na gair cocluiche.5 . . . ... 1 .i. co rath 2.i. fa tabarr in dlai fulla 3.i. int ecodnach bec K mer can rath 4.i. no dñ a codnaigetu in mer cen rat K in mac bec 5.i. golium cona clviche in tres bundsach . . .

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Line 9 .iii.] read .iii.ar; 16 otharliugu] read otharligiu; licter] read leicter; 18 curtar] read cuirther.

Old Irish Di ChetharsÇlicht AthgabaÂla 10 BL: MS Egerton 88, f. 61 col. b ... Ni gaibter athgabail druith1 na dasachtaidh2 na oin3 na oinmiti4 na haimbil5 na at athgabail a cond bertai a cinta ¦ a raith 1 .i. co rath 2.i. fo dabarr an dlai fulla. 3.i. onan fir 4.i. femen 5.i. duine nabi bil urlabra ...

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Old Irish Di ChetharsÇlicht AthgabaÂla 11 BL: Harley 432, f. 6 col. a ... Nis gaibet ecuma airechta. na aurcuillte rath1 na ecoir nadma. na uais nairechta 1 .i. mug ¦ fuidir ¦ fulla. .i. bard ¦ lethcerd ¦ cainti. ... 5

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f. 6 col. a ... IN fñndledach ¦ int urfocrach ¦ in bard ¦ in lethcerd ¦ in cainti ¦ in sui ri rigdamna ¦ in mac beoathar is gor Kcan indligthech nemurfaemad a toicheda nach a nemlecud do gabail na hathgabala im les nech .ii. |f. 6 col. b| no co tucat urrad marñn leo ma fogabait he ar comlog . . . ... ¦ frecra da nemdetin dligid acin bard ¦ acin lethcerd ¦ acin cainti . . . ...

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f. 9 col. a ... im dingbail aurcuilte a reir lega ... .i. biada urcuillti . . . .i. na lecter fair i tech druith na cainti .i. arna rocuilli in lobur .i. mna ¦ con. ...

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f. 9 col. d ... IM gaire ndruith1 im gaire mire2 1 .i. co rath .i. nesam in biad ¦ int etach ro caith®thea riu. 2.i. ben mer .i. gin rath. ...

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f. 8 IM gaire ndruith im gaire mir ¦rl± . . . ... . . . Cuic bai smacht nemdenma gaire in druith co norbo ¦ co nobloirecht. is aire is bec in smacht Deich mbai smacht nemdenmha gaire cach mire is aire is mo smacht ina smacht in druth ar ni hair®digh . in mer ¦ ni bi ferann aici Muine roib orba no obloirecht acin druth is commor smacht a gaire risin mer cin rath ... f. 10v col. a ... Athgabail treisi sloiged ... f. 10v col. b ... im cinaid do mic do ingine do huai do mna fochraice do ®r taistil do murchurti do druith1 do oblaire2 . . .

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.i. co rath 2.i. fuirseoir ... Old Irish Di ChetharsÇlicht AthgabaÂla 12 TCD: MS 1336 (H. 3. 17), Volume 1, f. 16v col. a ... do druth .i. Masa druth ac rig a aonur Kcha nfuil urrunus don coirpdire don ®ne in tan sin IS ed is druth ac rig a ñnur ro gob do laimh beth for chintuibh aindisidhe IS ed is druth itir rig ¦ tuaith ann a coimedecht ac in rig ¦ nonchur gobh do laim beth fo chintuibh ...

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Old Irish On the forms of distraint 13 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 13, p. 378 col. b ... A fuirech ifaichi cainte nofir nadfuilnget gruaidhi arni daimside dligiuth itir do duine. . . . ... Old Irish Heptads 14 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 487, f. 57 col. b ... mac rindile . . . ... .i. mac inti rindes neach o oil in cainti . . . ... f. 58 col. b ... raith ar uais ¦ urguirt . . . ... .i. in lucht arar urguir dliged dul a rathaighis. .i. bard ¦ lethcerd ¦ cainti ¦ freacra da nemtarrachtain. ... f. 58v col. a ... eccosc namat. ... .i. namuitt uma ecosc .i. ni suil ni srub .uii.mad neneclainni inn .i. rocet cen chvibdus ... f. 60 col. b ... tech rindile . . .

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... .i. tech inti ñras o oil .i. in cainte. .i. do fein na .u. set ¦ a trian do ®r na hathgabala ¦ frecrad da nemtharrachtain sein K is frecrad do nemhdeittin do ara indlighthighe. . . . ... Old Irish Heptads 15 TCD: MS 1336 (H. 3. 17), Volume 1, f. 67v col. b ... . . . An druth co sundradach isi a aithne gacha nomadh briathur atbeir do fõÂr amuil ro bui conull clocuch meallach suirg ainm .ii. do ...

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f. 68v col. a ... IN druth isi a aithne co sunnraduch .i. gacha nomadh briathur adbeir do ®r amuil robui conull clocuch .i. meallach suirg ¦ boicmeall ainm .ii. do IN druth isi a aithne .i. magaeth immorro anud berur res ini do gni Ma druth immorro ni den ani adberur res uair tibet cini targair tur caididh cini craitur ... Line 9 den] read deni; tibet] ? read tibid; caididh] read cainidh.

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Old Irish Bretha im Fhuillema Gell 16 TCD: MS 1316 (H. 2. 15a), Volume 2, f. 15 col. b ... Techta fuillema gill cacha mna rindas1 la ma doroth is diles do suidiu aige ®ne caich dara ndichet cenn agell dorinnad. corofuigle diainchuib. tregabla set imtha dano techta fuillema gill cacha ®r rinnas rosuidiged ic comdire2 otha tigernbardd coruicce driscona isinunn fuillem diangellaib. 1

.i. in banbhard 2.i. rosuidhiged iad imcutrumus diri risin manbaird .i. tri leathuingi Old Irish Quotations from law tracts 17 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 25, p. 874 ... Daernemid tra .i. fodana na graid si tuas ¦ comeneclainni iat ¦ na pipairedha ¦ na clesamnaigh ¦ na cornaireda ¦ na cuislennaig. . . . ... Old Irish MõÂadsÇlechta 18 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 3, p. 15 col. a (blank)is lir togarmand techtaite miadlechta . . . oinmit midhlach reim riascaire sindach brothlaighe// ...

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p. 16 col. a ... Oinmit fer mitir im drochmnai e¦ onaf co ndentar megahr ¦ fonachtaide .i. fosgenigh ni dligh dire in fer sin ... Reimm dno .i. fuirseoir K druth nach fer dobeir remmad fo corp ¦ a enech ni dligh dire uair teit asa richt ar belvib sluagh ¦ sochaidhe// Riascaire .i. loingsech in sin arimgaib a chenel ¦ a fhine colith cain ¦ rechtge ¦ bidh o riasc do riasc K o sleib K riascaire .i. rathmaighe dñr do ¯aith ¦ eclais ni dliginn dire Sindach brothlaighe .i. bruar cach bidh do iter dilis ¦ indilis K cuma lais cidhbedh bruidhes K domeala ...

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p. 17 col. a ... Cainte fear ara rosar a biad tresin ainim aire// Line 1 (blank)is] read Cis.

Old Irish Epistle of Jesus 19 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 220 ... Druith ¦ cainti ¦ gobainn ni imtiagat ann. an dobertha doib isin tshollomain doberar doib aõÅg luain. ... Old Irish CrõÂth Gablach 20 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 2, p. 6 col. b ... Co sernar tech rig. ... techti fri sudhi inõÂar. DaaÂma iar sudhiu. Eccis iar sudhib. Crutti iar sudhi. Cuslennaigh cornairi clesamnaigh an airtiur foitsi. ...

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Old Irish Uraicecht na RõÂar 21 TCD: MS 1432 (E. 3. 3), p. 17 col. b ... . . . Tamhan.1 ®che drect lais. leith sreapol adire ¦ nõÂ heola i feadhaibh ¦ canaidh fris. for cach amail as beir fenecus. nõÂronad roscadha randa. ®r for agad thamhain teisgleimnigh treabna ñireacta. 1

.i. creat chuaine ina ®led inso. ... Drisiuc leanaid ininichaibh caich .x. ndrechta lais. ¦ screapal |p. 18 col. a| adhiri. Obhlaire1.u. drecta lais. leathscreabal adire

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.i. fuirseoir gan dan ¦ dan do earbann. meabhraigheas. amail ita ata. form minatarrda biadh im dord dagian teÂgnach nocho chel is indisfead da drochsgel: . . . ... Line 2 sreapol] read screapol; 3 fris] ?read tres.

Old Irish Law tract concerning livestock and other topics 22 BL: MS Egerton 88, f. 3v col. a ... Cair cia laisin coir milcu. ni hannsa. la ¯aith. cair cia laisin coir oircne. ni hannsa. occbriugaid .¦ liaigh .¦ cruitire .¦ rigan. ...

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Old Irish Penitential commutations 23 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 512, f. 42v col. a ... . . . Ar atat araile pecta dib ni dligat dilgud a peinne . . . |f. 42v col. b| . . . amal ronrogabsat ®ngala ¦ duine orcni ¦ duine taidi .¦ amal rogabsat diberga ¦ druidechta ¦ caintechta . . . ... Line 2 pecta] the letter v written above c in this word.

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Late Old Irish Frithfholaid rõÂg Caisil fria thuatha 24 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 339 ... Frithfolaidh caisil frisna deissib . . . Legai o dail mugaide Cruitire o chorco che Cerda ¦ umaige o cerdaige Rechtaire for blicht o boindrige Dan ¦ eÂcsi o muscraige ... . . . Druith ¦ dorsaide o chorco modrad . . . ... Late Old Irish Bretha Nemed deÂidenach 25 TCD: MS 1317 (H. 2. 15b), p. 144 col. b ... Vrgart saighidh go nonbhar .i. lethcerd, bard, caÂinte, mac beoathar, deoradh, daormhanach, feirghnia, fer miodhbha, mbruigher, ¦ bothach. ...

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p. 147 col. a ... Abair a Neire co dimhed graÂdha ®leadh do ghraÂdhaibh tuaithe¡ Do-eimh Ruire rioghraidh. Do eimh saoi slogh. Do eimh ollamh tuath. . . . Do eimh Tamhan

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triar. Do eimh Obhlaire faithche. Do eimh bard loirge laÂr. Do eimh bard sgine sgiatha gaÂib; . . . ...

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p. 151 col. b ... Ocht ndaÂorbhaird ceÂdamus .i. CvÂlbard, SruÂbhard, bard loirge, drisioc, cromlvatha, Sirthe, Rionnaidhe, ¦ longbhaÂrd. ... p. 151 col. b ... . . . Cis baird beÂrda do ionchvibh airer aire, ¦ nach berdaid aire¡ beÂlaire oÂibheÂl. aras can ceird cvlbard, cenmoÂtha bard srvÂibhe, svaill lais longbhard luindemh dhõÂobh drisivc, di thracht i lvaith lenus, labair sior Siortha, sloihnnj go reÂil Rionnaidhe, resgaibh logha lohngjbhaÂrd, lochtaibh feith fri daÂn gan dire dõÂh. . .j p. 152 col. a ... . . . Ro miodhair Neire nemhedh gach baÂird fri gradha feÂne; ®onnathar rioghbard, tighernbard. bo bhard. longbard, bard buaignech, bard bomma. tamhan drisivc. obhlaire. srvth do aill. la hollamhain in aonghradh gaibhther, . . . tamhan dian did loing baÂnshrotha bhaÂrd mbinn, miter fri hairigh tuõÂsi, . . . drisioc do-grinn go teoÂra certle comnadhma cidh echttar chriocha imdhearga, miodhchvÂarta tighe moir. ... p. 156 col. b ... . . . Suidhighthe drisiug aoinfher airshiuÂl ar bheulaibh foichlõÂ. Suidhighthe Dul dõÂbhech a aonar edir agus caindell: A Mhoraind.

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Line 12 opposite in right margin: daorbaird.

Late Old Irish Bretha Nemed deÂidenach 26 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 24, p. 869 ... Ceist cit lir baird do chuissin .xui .i. ocht soerbaird ¦ ocht ndoerbairt na hocht ndoerbaird citus .i. culbaird iar cul bissen ¦ srubbrad .i. atber asa sruib hi sanaiss risinti dia ndena ingebad do a duain. Bard lorce .i. lorc ria hucht. Drissiuc .i. duiniu ger goirt Cromm luatha .i acoini huassin tenid. Sertiu .i. oblaire. Rinnid .i. rinne conaig. Lorgbard .i. snah.jthh.j ¦ delge connaig do gres ara dan. ... Line 6 Lorgbard] read Longbard; snah.jthh.j] an indistinct letter before and after -th-.

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Late Old Irish Advice to a prince 27 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 106v col. a ... Mac in chornaire fon corn . . . ... Mac in chruittiri foÂn cruitt issed nachassluitt moalle. ... Mac in timpanaig na teÂt isse abeÂs gabail gres glan. ... Mac ind fhiled cosin daÂn mac in druith allus glaÂm ngeÂr ... Late Old Irish The twelve names of the fool 28 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 14, p. 423 col. a ... Tri druith ®l and ¦ da ainm decc ®l orro. in bobreith ¦ in bocmbell ¦ in mellach suirig an righ druth ¦ in rindinech ¦ in druth go rath se hanmanna sin ar in duth co rath. in caeptha ¦ in ®nelogh baeth ¦ gaeth ¦ in fer leth chuind .iiii.re hanmanna sin ar in fer leth cuind. in salach duth ¦ in mer gan rath da ainm sin ar in mer gan rath. ... Lines 3 and 5 duth] read druth.

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Late Old Irish Mo cosc duit, a Doidhin mic Nine 29 BL: MS Egerton 88, f. 40v col. a ... . . . ¦ ni bi raith friut eigis na bard na cainti arnat aorat dligud sgcheo inndligud .i. ar na haorait tu ¦ tu ar dligud ¦ iatsom ar inndligud. . . . ... ¦ ni bi raith friut bobre .i. epertaigh na mb[e]o. na buice .i. an ceo do buaic .i. in fer leth cuinn. na boicmell .i. fo a mbit na mill buic fo bragaid. ar ni tualaing incoiscet a cuimni. .i. nocha cuimnech iat um teagosc caich. |f. 40v col. b| ¦ inann in bobre ¦ in buicmeall ¦ in meallach suirig ¦ in righ dhruth ¦ in rinnainech ¦ in druth go rath .i. druth go rath sin. Inann in buicne ¦ in caoptha ¦ in ®neloighi baoth gaoth ¦ in fer leth cuinn. .i. fer leth cuinn sin. Inann in salach druth ¦ an mer gin rath ¦ mer gin rath. ... Late Old Irish Irish Triads 30 RIA: MS 967 (23 N 10), p. 10 col. b ... Tri mic . . . galgairt®de dala druth fursire oirce ...

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Late Old Irish Irish Triads 31 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 4, p. 87 col. a ... Treidhe nemtighther crvit. goltraiges. gentraiges suantraiges. Flescach ¦ emnad ¦ cairched acon timpanach imarcraigh crvitirecht acon crvitire indiu na nagvidsin. Imfhocraibh timpanachta acon timpanvigh indiu na nagaidh sin. Late Old Irish Irish Triads 32 BL: Cotton Nero A. vii, f. 144 ... . . . A tri nemtiger croosan rig a oile righ a teighe righe a brond. Late Old Irish Do druÂthaibh ¦ meraibh ¦ daÂsachtaibh 33 BL: MS Egerton 88, f. 6v col. a ... In rindenach dno is eiside in meallach suirig is for ®ne bis a cin sidhe. In rig druth dno a cin side & a coland eric do gach at go K a cin for dot nurgair. hMjad orgain airrleach ro hoirg nech na bid neach donurgaire cia for fuich isuidiu is teachta gach druth in a cinta. ...

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Line 4 hMjad] M partially cut away by binder's knife; airrleach] read airrleachta; ro hoirg] read ro hoirr; for fuich] read fo ruich.

Late Old Irish Sanas Cormaic 34 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 18 . . . Cainte acaine .i. cainis .i. cu aris cend con for sin cainti arisin ann dan fris. ... col. 77 ... Remm nomen do fuirseoir fobith cach riastardñ dobeir for a agaid ...

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Middle Irish O'Davoren's Glossary 35 BL: MS Egerton 88, f. 85 col. a ... Dogrinn .i. tobac ut est drisic dogrinn co tri certle cum .i. toibgi in drisiuc cuma naidm fri tri certle is ®u screpal . . . ... f. 85v col. b ... Drisiuc .i. intõ is dris ar leatartaighi .¦ is cu ar amainnsidhe K ar anble ...

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f. 89v col. b ... Lond .i. occal vt est luindum dib drisiuc .i. is e is occal dib in drisiuc uair is he ollam na bairdne ... Long .i. dluighe vt est tamon dian loing ban srotha bard mbind .i. in tamon dlviges co hobond ®r srotha na bairdne binde ... f. 93 col. a ... Tamuin .i. borb vt est nitam mac nidom ferthamain .i. nidom ferr thamain nidom borb K nõ tamain fõÂr cin eolas ... Line 2 .i.1 ] read ut; 16 .i.1 ] read ut with superscript t in manuscript.

Middle Irish Later recension of Uraicecht Becc 36 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 9, p. 178 col. b ... INt ollam cruitir ¦ timpanaidh .iiii. bai a neineclainn cechtarde dib ¦ ni ®l ni dia nasrothaib acht screpal a innracais masa indraic ¦ manib indraic nochan fuil nach nõÂ Middle Irish Verses on honori®c portions 37 NLI: MS G 3, f. 22v col. a ... An tairr dona trenferaibh in druim dona dranairibh in cend dona sgelaigibh in cen dona duanairibh 5

A cruachait do crosanaib ma cennaib coirigtir a nndelg dia ®adhaigibh a hairnõÂ dia heoinmidib : : ... Middle Irish FõÂachairecht 38 TCD: MS 1336 (H. 3. 17), Volume 6, f. 230v col. b ... . . . Madh gresa oclaic K caintidh ticc and is graacc gracc congair no as grob grob ¦ i lleith ad diaigh congair ¦ asa tecaid na gressa ...

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f. 231 ... Mad os dorus congair Cainti no gresa do lucht comaitechta righ tic ann ...

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Late Middle Irish CoÂir Anmann 39 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 19, p. 590 col. a CaõÂnti .i. oÂnõ is cainis cu ar cend con for caõÂnti ag amhustraigh. unde crithenbheÂl cainti. CrithinbeÂl .i. beÂl nachrither .i. ara neimhnighe ¦ ara theintemhlacht nambrõÂathar uÂadh ar is nemhnech brõÂgahthra indaÂna iter. K cridenbeÂl .i. a cridhe inabheÂl .i. aruÂn in abheÂlu ar nõ gheibed som iter for ruÂn dõÂa cluinedh. K critherbheÂl .i. beÂl nacrithir ar ise ceÂt chaõÂnti dobhaõÂdh rõÂgh chainnell oÂtengaidh artuÂs eÂ. ... Late Middle Irish Dia mor dom imdeghail 40 RIA: MS 535 (23 P 2; Book of Lecan), p. 345 col. a ... Banchainti breitheamain buiden ger gataide gill anraid gelentech gu gloir cach gluin . ascebthar ñr ®ther cascebthar clñ ®ther trascebthar trñth®der uantenid truimm Uid trom leo in tachmosan bid truag atuar iscbail do ®ter dig®ter uan tenid h.jenid . mna drvtha deamnacda druith ¦ drochcante dñscor sluag di chuibsech in domain dein ... p. 345 col. b ... Crossana cruitir cliara ciuil cornairi cethirn cach cuanberla cach cheana adchid . dig®ter dil®ter adruin in duileaman do reir a duthrachta cach ina olc dib ...

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Early Modern Irish Fifteen Signs of Doomsday 41 Â i Mhaoilchonaire), f. 97 col. a BL: MS Additional 30512 (Leabhar U . . . Uch cuir®ter deÂinleith an uair sin na forimthigh ¦ na gobreathaig na cosnumhaigh ¦ na colaigh na drvithi ¦ na cainti ¦ na crosanaigh na heritegai ¦ na dibergaigh na merrligh ¦ na hetvrigai na goid na gloraig na cainti na banchainti na dimsaigh na craesaigh na fergaigh na dunmarthaig lucht ®ngaile ¦ mebla ¦ lucht gach vilc ele . . . ... Line 3 hetvrigai] read heÂtvridai; goid] read goÂich; 4 dunmarthaig] read dunmarbhthaig.

Early Modern Irish O'Mulconry's Glossary 42 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 94 ... . . . Cainti a cane .i. o choin ar is anble .¦ aursaire a ndan dib linaib. . . .

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col. 122 ... Taman .i. fograd ®led fo cosmvilis in tamain crand dia mbentar a barr sic ille cin manchaine ni dlig acht athgin. ... Early seventeenth century Character of the Irish 43 Bodl.: MS Tanner 458, f. 32v ... The Lords, & chief Gentlemen (excepting some few) have likewise their humors, whom Rimers, & Harpers make swell till they burst. . . . ... f. 35v

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. . . and let not their shadows be valued more than their bodies worth, for never yet was there Record to be found of any Irish Heroes but such as Rimers, & Harpers have obtruted to fancie. . . . ... Before c. 1640 Tiar taÂinig tuÂs na senma 44 The Book of The O'Conor Don, f. 15 ... A ta anivgh ag nioclas dall. ar chert ar chvmus nemhonn mõÂr cvradh cheoÂil na banbha. bvnadh eoÂil na healadhna ... Before c. 1640 A NioclaÂis, nocht an gclaÂirsigh 45 RIA: MS 203 (Stowe E v 5), p. 341 ... A nioclaÂis nocht an chlaÂirsech leÂig imtheacht don fhvaraÂn sin seinn ilcheoÂla naoidhe anos o nimtheoÂbha m®abhras. ... Before c. 1640 Mo-chean d'altrom an oirbheirt 46 RIA: MS 3 (23 L 17), f. 154v ... DõÂol na nemhgha Nioclas dall. a dhiolsa an ccrvit gan chonchlann an dallsa dhisi idir. is isi dannsa an oir®digh ...

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Before 1645 Orpheus oÂg ainm Eoghain 47 RIA: MS 11 (Stowe E iv 3), p. 176 ... Orpheus oÂg ainm eoghain . laÂmh naÂch tais a tteÂidcheolaibh meoir sgaÂthbhrastiugh blaÂth binn . traÂth da athbhaisdigh deÂirinn. ... Deacair ceol mar e dfaõÂghil . ceol eoghain võ allvÂraÂin ...

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Before c. 1650 CõÂa an saoi le sinntear an chrvit 48 RIA: MS 308 (23 M 16), p. 97 CeeÂf[õÂa] an saoi le sinntear an chrvit, lea nõÂocKethfar nimh gach nvadh lvit, tre gho[r]radh gvith bhinn a claÂr, mur srvth linn f ehfoghar norgaÂn; ... p. 98 ... Tadh[a]g o cobhthaicc crv[i]th corcra, branaÂn breÂagtha ban[n]trachta, vÂaithne iuÂil frithir gach foinn, crithir an chivil san choigilelf ; ...

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The text has been extensively corrected in another hand, at which time most of the punctuation noted here was added.

Before c. 1654 Â Eachach 49 Mo-chean d'Eoghan O TCD: MS 1382 (H. 5. 10), p. 49 Mo cheann deoghan o eachach do lean an seoladh srvthadh do lvÂith a mheoÂr ccaÂol ccleathach ar cheol tsreathach chaoÂmh chrutach ... p. 51 ... LeoÂghan saÂor go cceim ccalma meoghan feÂin nach faon meanma a ccomhdhail ndrvadh craoi ccorma s dval colbhadh ag saoi na seanma ...

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Before c. 1654 D'eÂis an daingin do radas-sa d'EÂireannchaibh 50 TCD: MS 1382 (H. 5. 10), p. 51 ... a eamvinn albnaigh admhaim feÂin gvr sibh ar cheill ar cneasdacht na seanma an treÂanfhear si Line 3 si] read sin.

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Before c. 1654 BruthghaÂir beannacht id bhaitheas anuas do ghnaÂth 51 TCD: MS 1382 (H. 5. 10), p. 52 ... Bruthghair beannacht ad bathcios anvas do ghnaÂth a chvid ghraidh ghlacas an creann crvit cvardach caidh le srvthaÂn seanma snasda go svadhach saÂmh an dubhaÂn alla do bhainis a clvasaibh chaÂich ... Before c. 1654 OileÂan CarruÂn lagluÂb lõÂomhtha leÂir 52 TCD: MS 1382 (H. 5. 10), p. 52 ... OileÂan carrunn laglub liomhtha leÂir foileim ainivÂil teacht dvinn sõÂnte le brvith sheÂis taigivir fhraischivil chaoin ateÂad tug me ag maochtnughadh feadh chvig noidhche ndeÂag 5.2 Not precisely localized but dated 513±34 Lebor Bretnach 53 RIA: MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote), p. 208 col. a . . . Murcertach mac erca in tan sin i uail rig breatan ig foglaim gaiscidh iar na dichur a herinn ar na crossana do marbadh ¦ iar na dichor post a halbain ar marbadh a seanathar .i. loairnd rig alban . . .

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600 BoÂrama 54 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 212v col. b ... Ba handsin taÂnic glasdaÂm caÂinte meic rõÂg herend cona noÂnbor caÂinte imme. Diarraid airigthi barsna luchtairib. Atbert brandub ris in tu feÂin dobeÂra beÂim naeoÂil dait [in] no in messi. ISs ed atbert in caÂinte tabairsiu ar se. Dorat immorro brandub in naeÂl sin coire ¦ dobert noÂi naisle doÂenbeÂimmum anõÂs. Atnaig in caÂinte. ica fheÂgad. dar brethir ar se bar in caÂinte nõ tidnacul |f. 213 col. a| mogad acht tidnacul rõÂg. . . . Ocus is andsin ro raÂid cummascach. Cia gabas in teg foraind. Messe ar brandub. Ba handsin atrubairt glasdaÂm caÂinte. na deÂntar

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emebulf fhormsa ar se uair ro chathius do bõÂad. Ni dinÇgentar ar brandub. Dring risin tech ar se ¦ linÇg dar feÂice in tige ¦ linÇg dar barr na lasrach immach. ¦ bid slaÂn duit uÂainne. Atchluiniu suÂt a chummascaig ar in caÂinte. Geib meÂtachsa immut ar in caõÂnte ¦ eirc immach. . . . ...

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626 MionannaÂla 55 BL: MS Egerton 1782, f. 58 . . . Ro bui dana druth ®achna meic baetaÂin ag cloistecht rissin comraÂd sin .¦ a chluas rissin tech. Ro attaigh iartain comgall comad hind aenfhecht foghabadsam bas .¦ atigerna issin chath .¦ amail rabui hi comaentaigh atigerna hifus issin traeghul combiadh himmaillõÂ fris hi ¯aithius nimiv. Ro raÂid comgall do dheÂna dia amlaid .¦ amail ataÂisiv hifus hic molad do thigernv biasv co honoÂrach hig cloistecht ra ceol mbinn muinntire nimiv hig molad micc muiri. . . . ...

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637 Cath Muighe Rath 56 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 292 . . . ¦ ro chodail congal iarsin reciuin fhogar na cusleann cõÂuil ¦ re forcad faidhemail fuasaidech ®r trvag na teÂd ¦ na timpaÂn ghatadall daigthib ¦ dformnadaib eand ¦ ingen na suÂad ga saÂr sheinm . . . ... 678±83 CaÂin Fhuithirbe 57 TCD: MS 1337 (H. 3. 18), Volume 10, p. 248 ... . . . etualaing .i. cainti. dibergaidh .i. tvilidghithi. . . . Escoman .i. cainte ¦ dibergaig . . . ... 721±2 Cath Almaine 58 BR: MS 5301±20, p. 5 Ra frithaighid iad iar ttain, ¦ ra baÂil don athair andearbadh maille, ¦ tainicc a ndeireadh oidhche do cum an taighe iraibhe an mac ba sine, ¦ ra bhaoõ acc cloisteacht frisin teach sin; as dõÂgaÂir tra, salach ra bhaÂs san taigh sin. Ra bhattur fuirseoiri, ¦ cainteadha ¦ eachlacha, ¦ obloÂiri, ¦ bachlaigh ag beceadhoig, ¦ acc buireadhaigh ann. Dream ag oÂl, ¦ dream na ccodladh, ¦ dream og sgeathraigh, dream occ cusleannaigh, dream oc featchuisigh. Timpanaigh ¦ crvithiri og seanmaimh; dream og imarbhaghadh ¦ oc reasbagaibh. Ad chuala Feargal amlaidh sin Âõad. agas tainig iar sin dinnsoiccidh an taighe dherrid i rabha an mac assoÂo, ¦ ra bhaoi ag cloisteacht risan teach sin, ¦ nõ chuala nach nõ ann acht |p. 6| acht atluccadh bvidhe do Dhia gach nõ fuarattar, ¦ cruitireacht ciuÂin bõÂnd, ¦ duana molta an coimdheadh ga ngabail, . . .

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p. 8 ... . . . Donnbo immorro mac baintreabtaighe eisidhe dferoibh rois, agasnõ deachaidh la na aidhchi a taigh a mathar imach rõÂamh, ¦ nõ raibhe in eirinn uile budh |p. 9| budh caoõÂmhe, no budh ferr crvth, no delbh, no denamh inaÂs. Ni rabha ineirinn uile budh griubhdha, no budh segaine inaÂs, ¦ as uadh budh ferr rann espa, ¦ risgeÂla for domhon. ase budh ferr do ghleÂs ech, ¦ do indsma slegh, ¦ d®ghe folt, ¦ budh fer riaichni na einech de quo dicitur. Aille macaibh Donnbo baidh, binne a laidhe luaidhid beoil, ... As andsin aspert fergall fria DonnboÂ; deÂna air®dedh dvÂin a DoinnboÂ, fo bith as tu as deach air®didh fail ineirinn .i. i cvisigh, agas i cuislendoibh, ¦ icrvitibh, 7randaibh, 7raidsechoibh, 7rigsgelaibh eirenn, ¦ isin madinsi imbarach do beramne cath do laignib. Ac ar Donnbo nõ cumhgaimsi ar®dedh dhvitsi anocht, ¦ nimtha aongniomh dibh sin vile do taidbhsin anocht, ¦ cipsi aÂirm irabhaisi amarach, ¦ imbeoÂsa do dheÂnsa air®dedh dvitsi. DeÂnadh immorro an rioghdrvth hua maighleÂine air®dedh dhvit anocht. Tugad hua maighleni chuca |p. 10| chuca iarttain. Ro gabhsaidhe og indisin cath ¦ comramha leithe Cuinn, ¦ laigen, o thoghail Tuama Tenbath .i. Deanda rõÂgh in ra marbhadh Cobhtach Caolbhregh, conigi anaimsirsin, ¦ nõ ba moÂr codalta do rinnedh leo inaidhchi sin ra meÂd egla leo laigen, ¦ la meÂid na doininne .i. uair aidhche fheÂle ®nniain gaimhridh sin. ... Ra gabhadh annsain an druth hua maighleine, ¦ do radadh fair geim druith do dheÂnamh, ¦ do rigne, ba maÂr, ¦ ba binn an gheimsin, go mair geim ui Magleine oÂsin ale oc drvthaibh eirenn. Ra gadadh achenn [iarrain] iarttain dfergal, 7ra gadadh a cenn don drvÂth. Ra baoi mac alla gheimi an drvith sin aiKeefor go cenn tri la ¦ tri noidhche. As de asmberar geim ui maigleine og tafan na fer san monaidh. . . . 721±42 Bretha Nemed toõÂsech 59 BL: Cotton Nero A. vii, f. 135v . . . cia roich teisctiu teiscsleimim tuath o taman co fochluc . . . ...

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f. 138 ... . . . ni toipgither tresa tamun . . . ... f. 138v . . . Romorad mac fuirmid mainech a tincur o ollvm go hoblaire . . . ...

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f. 143 ... . . . suide ballorb bard dis i tigh enfer imuigh suide drisig aonar airshiul ar beluiuh fochlai suigidte dul dibech aonar iter bi .¦ coindill a moraind

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f. 143v ... A moraind a maine a mochta abuir frium co miter nert cach naosad nemedh ar is a nemtesaib doecclamar cach direch dana dligid imus forosnam dicedul do cenduib cedul nanomuin cethirriach cato cach suad sloinde lanlaidhe labru cin esbaid briugus can tesbaid neimither leath ceard. Air®diud coir comKeadfais cach lin i tig megrac [r] mid cuarta soindsce for coimgne co corus coibnes cata cana concana bairdne ... . . . beire dlighed driscon direch dligid dil cach cuma don abond dligid dilud cach ecuma na comallathar dliged dorenar aor a molad arasõÂreiu rosaid aor oldas an moladh ar dia ndamhad drisecc dliged ni dlig dire acht fogni feile do anble arisim ainble noccuib deirigh do tuaith do neoch do ainme ecc[e]oir . . . f. 144v ... Co dvl dorenur dligid dul diandliged dama do cach coir cuma ina mainbte main ar us dis dliges dul a tvaith toiscide Dvl dis aonar do drisecc de sin ni dlig drisec ni ina mainbte main Line 15 eadf of comKeadfais noted for insertion from right margin; 16 [r] subpuncted.

1137 Annales Hiberniñ 60 TCD: MS 574 (E. 3. 20), p. 153 ... Grif®th ab [b] Conan princeps Northwallie natus in hibernia ex muliere hibernica ®lia regis Eblanñ aliter Dublin. duxit secum ex hibernia lyras, tympanas cruttas cytharas Cytharizantes 1166 Annals of the Four Masters 61 RIA: MS 1220 (Stowe C iii 3), f. 566 (altered to 516) ... An dall vÂa conallta .i. giolla maire righ druÂth erenn deÂg do vÂibh brõÂvin acheneÂl ... 1168 Annals of the Four Masters 62 RIA: MS 1220 (Stowe C iii 3) , f. 568v (altered to 518v) ... AmhlaÂoibh mac Innaighneorach ard ollamh erenn i ccrvitirecht deÂcc c. 1185 Topographia Hiberniae 63 BL: MS Arundel 14, f. 20v col. a De Gentis istius |f. 20v col. b| in Musicis instrumentis peritia incomparabili. In musicis solum instrumentis commendabilem inuenio gentis istius diligentiam. In quibus pre omni natione quam uidimus incomparabiliter instructa est.

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Non enim in hiis sicut in britannicis quibus assueti sumus instrumentis tarda & morosa est modulatio. uerum uelox & preceps. suauis tamen & iocunda sonoritas. Mirum quod in tanta. tam precipiti digitorum rapacitate musica seruatur proportio. & arte per omnia indemni. Inter crispatos modulos organaÂque multipliciter intricaÂta. tam suaui uelocitate. tam dispari paritate. tam discordi concordia¡ consona redditur & completur melodia. Seu diatessaron. seu diapente corde concrepent. semper tamen a .b. molli incipiund. & in idem redeunt. ut cuncta sub iocunde sonoritatis dulcedine compleantur. Tam subtiliter modulos intrant & exeunt. sicque sub obtuso grossioris corde sonitu gratilium tinnitus licentius ludunt. latentius delectant. lasciuiusque demulcent¡ ut pars artis maxima uideatur artem uelare. Tanquam si lateat prosit ferat ars deprensa pudorem. Hinc accidit ut ea que subtilius intuentibus & artis archana acute discernentibus internas & ineffabiles comparant animi delitias¡ ea non attendentibus sed quasi uidendo non uidentibus. & audiendo non intelligentibus¡ aures potius honerent quam delectent. & tanquam confuso inordinatoque strepitu inuitis auditoribus fastidia pariant tediosa. Nota de instrumentis hybernie. Wallie. & Scotie. Notandum uero quod Scotia & Wallia hec propagationis. illa commeationis & af®nitatis gratia. hyberniam in modulis emula imitari nituntur disciplina. Hybernia quidem tantum duobus utitur & delectatur instrumentis. cithara scilicet & timpano. Scotia tribus. cithara timpano. & choro. Wallia uero¡ cithara. tibiis. & choro. Eneis quoque utuntur cordis. non de corio factis. Multorum autem opinione hodie Scotia non tantum magistram equiparauit hyberniam¡ uerum etiam in musica peritia longe preualet & precellit. Unde & ibi quasi fontem artis iam requirunt. De commodis & effectibus Musice.

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. . . |f. 21 col. a| . . . Unde & animosis animositates. & religiosis pias fouet & promouet intentiones. Hinc accidit ud episcopi & abbates & sancti in hybernia uiri citharas circumferre. & in eis modulando¡ pie delectari consueuerint. Qua propter & sancti Keiuini cithara ab indigenis in reuerentia non modica. & pro reliquiis uirtuosis & magnis usque in hodiernum habetur. ... 1269 Annals of Connacht 64 RIA: MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1), f. 20 col. a ... Aed hua ®nn sai senma ¦ airpitig mortuus est ... 1299 Justiciary Rolls 65 (27 July) (mb 29 obverse and dorse) ... Afterwards on Monday before the feast of S. Peter ad vincula, a. r. xxvii., came [Will. Fanyn] with his force, . . . Nich. son of John Warner Oroddy minstrel, . . . came into the demesne land of the Earl, and there slew Ric. Crispe

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an Englishman, and Adam Ogloerne an Irishman of the earl, and took David Ayleward an Englishman, and led him bound to the Garthe and detained him there in prison for three weeks, and robbed the betaghs {`tenant farmers'} of the Earl, of Clonlayr, Balylayn, and Rosmor, of goods to the value of 20l. and more. ...

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1357 Annals of the Four Masters 66 RIA: MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 108 ... Donnslebhe mac cerbhaill saÂormaighistir senma et airpheteach do budh ferr ina aimsir feÂn deÂcc ... 1360 Annals of Ulster 67 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 74 col. a ... Gilla na nñm o connmaidh ollam tuad muman e.i. re timpanachtf deg. ... Line 2 e.i. re timpanachtf ] insert from left margin.

1364 Annals of Ulster 68 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 74v col. a ... Bran o brain saõÂ timpanaigh dec ... 1379 Annals of the Four Masters 69 RIA: MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 124 ... Villiam mac an ghiolla caoich meic cerbaill dearscaightheach gaoideal i seinm do eÂcc 1399 Annals of the Four Masters 70 RIA: MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 138v ... Baothgalach mac aedhagain saoi choitcionn i ffeÂineachus ¦ in seinm ¦ fear tighe naidheadh nairdeirc ¦ Giolla na naomh mac concobhair meic aedagain ard ollamh i ffeÂineachus do eÂcc ...

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1405 Annals of Ulster 71 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 81v col. b (1 January) ... Kal. ianair .ua. fa. Anno domini .M.o cccco. uo. Gilla Dvibin mac Cruitin do eg in bliadhain si .i. ollam hui briain .i. sai re seinm ¦ re senchus ¦ re hoirrdercus Erenn. ... 1408 Patent Rolls 72 PRO: C. 66/379, mb ¦ ob (29 July) ... Willielmus Dodmore alias dictus Willielmus Blyndharpour qui in obsequio Regis in comitiua carissimi ®lij Regis Thome de lancastre Senescalli Anglie & locumtenentis Regis in terra sua hibernie super salua custodia eiusdem terre moratur habet litteras Regis de proteccione cum clausula volumus per vnum annum duraturum . . . ... 1433 Annals of Ulster 73 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 87v col. a ... Aedh hua corcrain .i. sai cruitire do eg in bliadhain si ... 1467 Annal fragment 74 Bodl.: MS University College 103, f. 54 ... . . . Mac meic i conmuig an tsleibe .i. murchad mac tomais, seindsear oittedh ereann re seinm ana aimsir dfagbail bais an bliadain sin. . . . ...

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1489 Annals of Ulster 75 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 103 col. a ... Athairne hua heoghasa dheg in bliadhan si .i. mac seaain hui Eoghusa .i. fer dana ¦ foghluinnti maith ¦ macamh onorach etir gallaibh ¦ ghaidhealaibh ¦ bud bhinn lamh ¦ bel ...

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1490 Annals of the Four Masters 76 RIA MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 238 ... Fionn va hanghlvinn primh thiompaÂnach erenn deÂcc ... 1496 Annals of Ulster 77 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 109v col. b ... Florinti hua CorcraÂn ¦ a bean dheg a caislen hui raighilligh .i. sai cruitire e¦ fhir thedf ¦ fer budh roibhind do bel ¦ do laim. ... 1497 Annals of Ulster 78 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 112v col. a ... Uilliam og mac uilliam mic gilla ruaidh .i. sai fhir thed dheg in bliadhain. ... Line 2 in bliadhain] probably read in bliadhain si.

1509±34 A breviat of the getting of Ireland 79 TCD: MS 842 (F. 3. 16), f. 30 ... Item that noe Irish mynistrells Rymouers, Shannaghes {`storytellers' < senchaidhe}, ne Bardes messengers come to desire anie goodes of anie man dwellinge |f. 30v| within the English pall {`Pale'} vpon payne of forefeiture of all their goodes, and their bodyes to be imprisoned at the Kings will/. ... 1520 Senchas Geraltach 80 RIA: MS 756 (23 E 26), p. 290 ... Mviris mac tomais mac Semus mac geroÂid, iarla ann 10. iarla .¦ fa poisit gin choimpraÂid an mviris sin .¦ fer is mo ar ar doirtedh na graÂsa ¯aÂithemhanta; . . . .¦ ro bho daÂigh lõÂon tabhartha tochair .¦ briste berna a mbõÂdh ina fhairiadh air aniomad .¦ nõ haro mbeÂodhacht dvghdaÂrvibh .¦ dollamhnaibh. deÂigsibh. & d®lidhibh. deisrectoibh .¦ dobhloraib .¦ do lucht gacha ceirde ar chena . . . ... 1534 Ordinances for the Government of Ireland 81 ... Item, that no Yryshe mynstrels, rymours, shannaghes {`storytellers' <

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senchaidhe}, ne bardes, unchaghes {`foolish women', `travelling clowns' < oÂinsigh}, nor messangers, come to desire any goodes of any man dwellinge within the Inglyshrie, uppon peyne of forfayture of all theyr goodes, and theyr bodyes to prison. ... 1534 Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVI 82 ... . . . agriculturam cñterasque artes non magnopere exercent, prñter musicam, cuius peritissimi sunt, canunt enim cum uoce, tum ®dibus eleganter, sed uehementi quodam impetu, sic, ut mirabile sit, in tanta uocis linguñque atque digitorum uelocitate, posse artis numeros seruari, id quod illi ad unguem faciunt. . . . ... 1537 Robert Cowley to Secretary Thomas Cromwell 83 PRO: SP 60/4, f. 91v (July) ... Harpers Rymors Irishe Cronyclers Bardes and Isshallyn {`poets', `minstrels' < aos ealadhna} comonly goo with praisses to gentilmen in the english pale praysing in Rymes otherwise callid danes {`poetry' < daÂn} their extorciouns Robories and abvses as valiauntnes/. whiche reioysith therin in that their evell doinges./ And procure a talent of Irishe disposicion and conuersacion in theme/ whiche is likewise convenyent to bee expellid/. ... 1537 Annals of Ulster 84 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 489, f. 124 col. a Brian mac cormaic I chianain soei fhir thed do dhul deg in bliadhain ... Line 1 in bliadhain] probably read in bliadhain si.

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1537 The Justice Luttrells Booke 85 ... Item, for that Iryshe beggers, rymors, bordes, comyn wemen, pardoners, pypers, harpers, and suche lyke, have bygyfte money, and ther sustenaunce of the peoplle, and spyeth the countrey to ther enymyes, and set oute to them ther goodes, wherby they be ofte robbeid; that it be orderid that none shalbe sufferid to come emongest thEnglyshe men, for by ther Iryshe guyftes and minstraunlcye they provokeith the peoplle to an Iryshe order. And, to thentent that every begger shalbe knowen, from whens he comyth, that none |p. 509| none be sufferid to begge, but in the paryshe where he dwellyth a serten tyme befoe. ...

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1541 Ordinances for Connacht and Thomond 86 LPL: MS 603, f. 25v (12 July) ... Item similiter constitutum est quod nuncij histriones aut ceteri munerum exquisitores in solempnitatibus natalis domini aut pasche aut alio quorumque tempore decetero admittatur nec aliquo modo eis tribuatur sub pena perdicionis vnius Auris. . . .

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Line 2 nuncij] read nulli nuncij; 4 admittatur] read admittantur; eis] read munus eis.

1541 Ordinances for Munster 87 LPL: MS 603, f. 30 (12 July) ... Item. similiter constitutum est quod nulli nuntij histriones aut ceteri munerum exquisitores in solempnitatibus natalis domini aut pasche aut alio quocumque tempore de cetero admittantur nec aliquod munus eis tribuatur sub pena perdicionis vnius auri

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Line 5 auri] read auris

1542 Edict of the Irish parliament 88 (13 June) . . . And that all Proctors & pardoners going about in any country or countries without suf®cient authoritie, & all other idle persons going about in any countrey, or abiding in anie citie, borough or towne, some of them vsing diuers & subtile, crafty & vnlawfull gaines & playes, and some of them fayning themselues to haue knowledge in phisicke, phisnomy, palmestry, and other craftie sciences, whereby they beare the people in hand that they can tell their destinies, diseases & fortunes, & such other like fantasticall imaginations, to the great deceit of the K. subiects, shall vpon examination had before two Iust. of P. whereof the one shalbe of the Quorum, if he by prouable witnesse |p. 208| nesse be found guilty of any such deceits, be punished by whipping at ii. daies together, after the maner before rehearsed: & if he eftsoones offend in the said offence, or in any like offence, then to be scourged ii. daies, and the third day to be put vpon the pillory from ix. of the clock till xi. before noone of the same day, & to haue one of his eares cut off: and if he offend the third time, to haue like punishment with whipping, standing on the pillory, & to haue his other eare cut off. . . . . Line 4 gaines] read games.

1553 De Ossoriensi Diocesi 89 BL: MS Additional 4796, f. 34v . . . Tempore vero eiusdem Antistitis in Anglia, nobilissima ac fñlicissima regina Maria christianñ verñ ®dei defensatrice regnante, permittitur pax Ecclesiñ, et gaudet omnibus suis pristinis priuilegijs, antiquis viribus et libertatibus suis; et

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erat congratulatio magna in Clero et populo, cum hymnis et canticis, cum tripudijs et triumphis per vicos et plateas ciuitatum et oppidorum, glori®cantes et laudantes Deum, et eius ancillam reginam Mariam. . . . 1553 Annals of Loch Ce 90 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 130v ... . . . tadhg mac ruaidri I chomhdhain .i. ollam erenn .¦ alban re sinm deg ... 1560 Edict of the Irish parliament 91 (12 January)

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. . . And it is ordeined & enacted by thaucthoritie abouesaid, yat if any person or persons whatsoeuer after ye sayde feast of S. Ihon Baptist shall in any enterludes, playes, songs, rimes or by other open words, declare or speake any thing in derogacion deprauing or despising of the same boke or of any thing therin conteined or any part thereof, yat then euery such person being thereof lawfully conuicted in forme abouesaid, shal forfait to ye Queene our soueraign Lady her heirs & successors for the ®rst offence an C. marks, and if any person or persons beinge once conuict of any such offence, eftsones offende against anye of the last recited offences, and shal in forme aforesayd, be thereof lawfullye conuyct, that then the same persone so offendynge and conuicte, shall for the seconde offence forfayt to the Queene our soueraigne Lady, her heirs and successours fower |f. 135v| fower hundreth marks, & if any person after he in forme aforesaid, shal haue ben twise conuict of any offence concerning anye of the last recited offences shall offend the thirde time, and be thereof in fourme aforesaide, lawfully conuict, that then euery person so offending & conuicte, shall for his thirde offence, forfaite to our soueraigne Ladye the Queene, all his goods and cattles, and shall suffer imprisonment during his life, . . . 1561 Information for Ireland 92 PRO: SP 63/3, f. 176 (5 May) ... The secounde´ sourte is the shankee {`storyteller' < senchaid}; which is to saye in Englishe they petigrer {`genealogist'} they haue also great plaintye of cattell; where´ withall they do sucker the rebells./ They make the ignoraunt men of the country to belyue that the {`they'} be discended of Alixander the great, or of Darrius, or of Ceasar´ or of some other notable prince which makes the ignoraunt peple to rune madde, and carithe not´ what they do; the which is verye hurtfull to the realme ... |f. 176v|

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Nowe comes the rymer´ that made the Ryme with is Rakry {`reciter' < reccaire} the Rakry´ is he that shall vtter´ the Ryme and the Rymer´ him selfe sittes by

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with the captin verie proudlye/ he bringes with him´ also his harper; who please {`plays'} all the while that the Raker singes the Ryme/ also he hath is barde which is a kinde of folise fellowe/ who also´ must haue a horse geuen him/ the harpere must haue anewe safereofne shurte and a mantell and a haccnaye/ and the rakry muste haue xx or xxx kine/ and the Rymer´ him´ self´ a horse and harnes with anage to ridde one a siluere goblett´ apere of´ bedes of curale with. buttens of siluere/ and this with moreK eye loke for to haue/ for reducinge the people to the/f distruxione of the comen wealth/ and to the blasfemye of god/ and this is the beste thinge/ that ye Rymers causith them to do/ |f. 177| The fowrth sorte of´ Rymers is calleid´ ®llis {`poets' < ®lid} which is to saye in englishe a poete/ Those men haue great store of´ cattell and vse all the Trades of´ the others/ with an adicione of prophicies/ Thies ar great [´blasphemiie of god and´ to the great] mayntayners of whitches and other vile matters to the great blasphemye of god´ and to great impoferisinge of´ the comen wealth And´ as I haue saied´ of the fowre secktes;/ ar devided in all places of the fowre quarteres of´ Irland´ as Wlster/ Lainster mvnster and Conet/ {`Connacht'} and some in methe/ {`Meath'} and some in the Ilandes [byk] beyonde Irland/ as the Land of Sainctes the yncebeof®ne/ yncsturke yncsmayne and yncclire/ {`Inishbo®n, Inishturk, Inishmaan and Inisheer'} Thes Ilandes. ar vnder the rule of homaile {`O'Malley'} and the {`they'} are verie plesaunt. and´ feartile/. plentie of´ woode watter´ and erabell grounde pasture & ®she and averye Temperat ayer´ Their be many Braunches belonginnge to the fowre sortes as they {`the'} gogathe/ {`squat thing'? < gogadaÂn?} which is to saye in englishe the glutayne for one of´ them will eate ij or iij galons of´ Butter at a sitinge half´ a muttoun/ and an other calleid the Carvage {`gambler' < cearrbhach} he is muche like the habram mane/ {`Abraham-man', `vagrant'} and comenlye he goithe nakid/ and carise disses {`dice'} and cardes with him and he will playe the heare of´ his head´/ and his eares´/ and thies be mantained by the rymers Ther is a sorte´ of women that be calleid´ the goyng women they be great blasphemers of. god´/ and they rune frome countrye to countrie/ soynge sedicione amongest the people/ they ar comen to all men; and if. any´ of them´ hapen to be with childe/ she will saye that it is the great' Lorde adyoninge/ wherof´ the Lordes ar glade/ and dothe appoincte them to be nvrysed´/ Ther is ane other sorte that is callied the´/ Mannigscoule´/ {`walking women'?, `prostitutes'? < mna siubhail?} there order is for to singe and´ the chyfest of them most haue but one eye. and he is callied Lucas´/ they do muche harme

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1563 Orders to be taken by the earl of Desmond in Munster 93 PRO: SP 63/9, f. 157 (?17 December) Item for asmoch as no smale enormities doth growe within those shires by the Continuall recours [y] of certaine ydle men of lewed demeanor called rymors Bardes & dice pleers called carroghes/ {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} who vnder pretenchej of ther travaile do bring privie intellegence betwene the malefactors inhabiting in those seuerall shires & els wheare within the landKetof [of] the great distruccione of true subiectes/ That orders be taken with the said erle Lordes and gentlemen that none of those sectes nor other like evill persons be suffred to[o] travail within ther/ rules as the statutes of Ireland do apoint & that

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proclamacion be made accordingly/ & that whosoeuer after the proclamacione shall mainteine or suffer any such ydle men within ther seuerall Territories, that he or they shall paie such fynes as to the descrecion of the said Comissioners or presidentes for the tyme being shalbe thought good. Item for that those Rymors do by their ditties & rymes mad to diuers lordes & gentlemen in Ireland in the comendacion & highe praies of extorcione [for] Rebellion rape Raven & other iniustice eencoragef [en¯ame & encence] those Lordes & gentlemen toKerather tof [embrace &] follow those [abomynable] vices ethan to leave themf [as principall vertues]/ & for making of such rymes [gret] rewardes are geven by the said Lordes & gentlemen [as by some C markes some more and some lesse] That for abolishing of so henous an abuse orders be taken with the said Erle Lordes & gentlemen that none of themKefromf hencefourth do geve eny [f.] manor of rewarde for any such elewd rymesf [folly] And he that shall offend thorders to paie for a fyne to the quenes Maiestie double the value of that he shall so paie & that the Rymor that shall make any such rymes or ditties shall make fyne according the discrecione of the said Comissioners & that proclamacion be mad accordingly/.

c. 1566 Britannia 94 ... . . . Habent etiam hi magnates suos Historicos qui res gestas describunt, Medicos, Poetas, quos Bardos vocant, & Citharoedos, quibus singulis sua prñdia assignati sunt, & singuli sunt vnoquoque territorio eÁ certis & singulis familijs, scilicet Breahani, vnius stirpis & nominis, Historici alterius, & sic de cñteris, qui suos liberos, siue cognatos in sua quilibet arte erudiunt, & semper successores habent. . . . p. 789 . . . Musica inprimis delectantur, citharaÂque maximeÁ chordis ñneis quas aduncis vnguibus numeroseÁ pulsant. ...

1571 Sir John Perrot's Ordinances for Munster 95 LPL: MS 614, f. 230 ... Item that all Carroughes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} Bardes Rymors and commen ydellmenKeand womenf with in this provynce makinge Rymes bringing of messadges and commen players att Cardes to be spoilled of all their goodes and cattaill and to be putt in the nexte stockes theire to remayne till they shall ®nde suf®cient suertie to leve that wicked thrade of life and to faule to other vn upacion ... Lines 6±7 vn upacion] probably read occupacion.

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1571 The Historie of Ireland 96 One of®ce in the house of great men is a tale-teller, who bringeth his Lord on sleepe, with tales vaine and frivolous, whereunto the number give sooth and credence. . . . ... p. 19 ... There is among them a brother-hood of Carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} that professe to play at Cards all the yeare long, and make it their onely occupation. They play away Mantle and all to the bare skinne, and then trusse themselves in strawe or in leaves, they |p. 20| they waite for passengers in the high way, invite them to a game upon the greene, and aske no more but companions to hold them sport, for default of other stuffe they pawne portions of their glibbe {`forelock of hair'}, the nailes of their ®ngers and toes, their privie members; which they lose or redeeme at the curtesie of the winner. ...

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1571 A table of matters in the Council Book 97 BL: MS Additional 4792, f. 138 (after 1 April) Against bardy {`bards'} Carroghs {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} and rimors fol .56. ... 1573 Articles applied to the earl of Desmond and his brother John 98 PRO: SP 63/40, f. 129 (25 May) ... Item that the sayde Sir Iohn shall not vse ne keepe within his house anie irishe Bard, karroghe {`gambler' < cearrbhach}, or Rymour but to th uttermost of his power he hoe to remove them from those partes of Mounster./ ... 1575 Fiants of Elizabeth I 99 (22 June) ... Pardon to . . . James reigh O Shaghnes, piper, . . . 22 June, xvii. ... 1576 Sir Henry Sidney's Ordinances 100 NLI: MS 8065 (item 4), f. 154 (21 July) ... Item. that none of the foresaid gentlemen. freholders or other in habitances aforesaid, Do either kepe; maynteyne or suffer anny Carraghers {`gamblers' <

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cearrbhaigh}, Rymours, Bardes or harpers, But suche harpers only, as they will kepe in their owne howse, and will aunswere for, and that no suche person go hensforth abrode vpp and downe the countrie, in anny suche lewde sorte, as heretofore they have been accustomed to do, vppon payne of hanging./. ... 1577 A playne and perfect description of Irelande 101 ... Dauid ®tz Giralde, vsually called Dauid Duffe, borne in Kery, a Ciuilian, a maker {`poet'} in ye Irish, not ignorant of musike, skilfull in phisike, a good and a generall craftes man, . . . His shoes, his pattens, hys cloke, hys cote, the ryng that he dyd weare, with a signet therin very perfectly wrought, were all made by hym. He played excellently on all kyndes of Instruments, and sang thereto his owne verses, which no man coulde amend. In all partes of Logike, Rhetorike, & Philosophie he vanquished all men, and was vanquished of none. ... f. 28 col. a ... GreÂedy of prayse they be, and fearefull of dishonor, and to this ende they esteme theyr Poets, who write Irish learnedly, and pen their sonets heroicall, for the which they are bountifully rewarded, if not, they send out libels in disprayse, whereof the Lordes and gentlemen stand in great awe. . . . ... f. 28 col. b ... Their noble men, and noble mens tenauntes now and then make a set feast, which they call, coshering {`banqueting' < coÂisir}, whereto ¯ocke all theyr retayners, whom they name followers, their rithmoues {`rhymers'}, their bardes, theyr harpers that feÂede them with musike, and when the harper twangeth or singeth a song, all the company must be whist, or else he chafeth like a cutpurse, by reason his harmony is not had in better price. ... 1578 Regionum et insularum atque locorum descriptiones 102

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She ®lles them then with Vskebeaghe {`aqua-vitae' < uisce beatha}, and wine an other while. O that is cheare in bowles, it beauti®th the feaste: And makes them loke with dronken noules {`noddles'}, from moste vnto the leaste. Now when their gutts be full, then comes the pastyme in: The Barde and Harper mellodie, vnto them doe beginne. This Barde he doeth report, the noble conquestes done, And eke {`also'} in Rimes shewes forthe at large, their |sig. Fii v| their glorie thereby wonne. Thus he at randome ronneth, he pricks the Rebells on: And shewes by suche externall deeds, their honour lyes vpon. And more to stirre them vp, to prosecute their ill: What greate renowne their fathers gotte, thei shewe by Rimyng skill. And thei moste gladsome are, to heare of Parents name: As how by spoilyng honest menne, thei wonne suche endlesse fame. ...

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Woodcut 3, glosses A, B, C and D A

Now when into their fenced holdes, the knaues are entred in, To smite and knocke the cattell downe, the hangmen doe beginne. One pluckethe off the Oxes cote, which he euen now did weare: Another lacking pannes, to boyle the ¯esh, his hide prepare. C These theeues attend vpon the ®re, for seruing vp the feast: B And Fryer smelfeast sneaking in, doth preace {`thrust himself'} amongst the best. Who play'th in Romish toyes the Ape, by counterfetting Paull: For which they doe award him then, the highest roome of all. Who being set, because the cheere, is deemed little worth: Except the same be intermixt, and lac'de with Irish myrth. D Both Barde, and Harper, is preparde, which by their cunning art, Doe strike and cheare vp all the gestes, with comfort at the hart. 1579 Orders taken by the Lord Chancellor and Council of Ireland PRO: SP 63/68, f. 39v (9 August) ... Item that they proclayme all suche persones as vnder coullour to leade blind

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folkes, or vnder pretence of harpers bardes Rymers or other mynstralsys and all loose, and ydle people havinge no master, to be taken as fellows, and yf anie suche be taken, the same to be broughte to the provoste marshall, which shalbe Keappoyntydf [executed] by marshall lawe to be executed as [followeth] for fellons. ... Line 4 fellows] possibly read fellons.

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1579±83 A discourse for the reformation of Ireland 104 Oxford: MS University College 103, f. 108v ... Item that all the Brehons, Carraghes {`gamblers'
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c. 1584 Historiñ Catholicñ Iberniñ Compendium 107 ... Donatus Macrahus cognomento Niueus Ibernus vir apud populares suos frugalitate & libera- |f. 107| liberalitate notissimus Momoniarum prñfecto Anglo, quem hospicio acceperat, non modo lautum, splendidumque conuiuium instruxit, sed etiam domesticos suos chorñas, atque ludos exhibere iussit. Paucis inde diebus prñfectus hospitem Corchacham accersitum vltimo suppli-

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cio af®cere imperauit, causatus viro probo, & frugali non fuisse substantiam alendñ tantñ familiñ parem, atque adeo tot domesticos, non nisi furtis, rapinis, vel alijs artibus vetitis (quod nullo modo probatum est) ab eo ali, necesse fuisse. 1584 Sir John Perrot's notes for the reformation of Ireland 108 LPL: MS 614, f. 260 ... Item that your Lordshipes give commandment that no harper rimer carow {`gambler' < cearrbhach} or vallient beger sholl passe here the sayed parisses {`parishes'} but sholbe put in the sayed stokes and pwnnissid acordinge ther desserttes 1584 De rebus in Hibernia gestis 109 ... Inter cenandum adest citharista, oculis sñpe captus, musicis minimeÁ |p. 39| minimeÁ eruditus qui chordarum pulsu (sunt autem ex ferreis aut ñneis ®lis non ex neruis vt alibi ®t, contextñ) animos accumbentium relaxat. Non plectro aliquo, sed aduncis vnguibus sonum elicit. Atque licet in musicis neque numeros expleat, neque modum, aut sonorum accentum obseruet (siquidem teretes scientis aures perinde ac sarrñ stridor, facileÁ offendit: ita omni ordini obstrepit) tamen vulgus hominum rudi eius harmonia vniceÁ delectatur. QuoÁd si aures tuas, pulsis ®lis, peregrinari intelligat, aut si hominis laudem, vlla ex parte, minuas, furere quidam, & tamquam rabiosulus, bacchari videbitur. Nam vt illius cognitionem ore laudes pleniore, non modo petit, veruÁm etiam exigit. Viuit, hac nostra ñtate, Crusus, ad lyram, post hominum memoriam quaÁm maximeÁ insignis. is ab illo incondito strepitu, qui incontentis, secumqÂue discordantibus ®dibus ®t, plurimuÁm abhorret: contraqÂue eo modorum ordine, sonorum compositione, musicum obseruat concentum, quo auditorum aures mirabiliter ferit, vt eum citius solum quam summum citharistam iudicares. Ex quo intelligi potest, non musicis lyram, sed lyrñ musicos hactenus defuisse. Vtuntur etiam Hibernici, loco tubñ, lignea quadam ®stula, callidissimo arti®cio fabricata: . . . |p. 40| . . . Hoc genus sistri, apud Hibernicos, bellicñ virtutis cotem esse constat. Nam vt alij milites tubarum sono, ita isti huius clangore, ad pugnandum ardenter incenduntur. ... 1584 Sir John Perrot's letter to Justices of the Peace 110 NLI: MS 8013, bifolium, f. [2] (18 December) ... That two pettie counstables be chosen and sworne within euery parish, and they to apprehend and send to ye gaole vagabonds, Idle persons, spyes, carraghes {`gamblers'
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c. 1588 Taghaim TomaÂs rogha is roghraÂdh 111 BL: MS Additional 29614, f. 46v ... Mna dha ttochmarc oÂr da bhronnadh seoÂid da ttogha deÂigsidhibh oÂig ag svirghe oÂl ar fhõÂontaibh ceol ar chaoine a caolghlacvibh daÂn da eÂisteacht daÂimh dha reÂighteach mna dha mbreÂaga ar bhreÂag aireacht agus raingce tõÂmpcheall tõÂnte ig bvidhin tsingmhi treÂin nertmhvir ... 1589 Annals of Loch Ce 112 BL: MS Additional 4792, f. 30v ... . . . daoighre o dvibhgenain doine ro bhind suilcvir dhec. ... 1591±1604 The Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland 113 RIA: MS 1135 (24 G 15), p. 21

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They are much addicted to Musick generally and you shall ®nd but verry few of their Gentry either man or woeman but can play on the harp; alsoe you shall not ®nd a house of any account without one or two of those Instruments, and they always keep a harper to play for them att their meales, and at other times, as often as they have a desire to recreate themselves, or others which comes to their houses therewith: . . . ... 1591±1604 Customs of the Irish 114 PRO: SP 63/214, f. 231v ... The Rimers & carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} idle losels diche . . .j play their clothes &c It' his stone an othh. . .j be reded vidi mundum coopertum foeno. carnerh. . .j Iesters thefes & partakers, straglers The Irish geven to enquir after newes. . . . Rathes . . . f. 256v ... Idle & harkeng after newes Carowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} &c & sowers of lresKewaterfordf ...

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1591±1604 How a bullock is to be divided 115 PRO: SP 63/214, f. 271 The head to the smith tong & feet neck to the butcher ij small ribbes that goe with the hind quarter to the tayler kidneys to the phisitian mary bones to doKenfy lader {`strong DoÂnall'? < Domhnall laÂidir?} the strongest man in the house. vdder to the harper liver to the carpenter & a peece to the garran {`gelding' < gearraÂn} keper ...

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1596 Letter of Sir Henry Wallop and Sir Robert Gardener to Burghley 116 PRO: SP 63/186, f. 27 (10 January) . . . And one Barrett sometime Sir Iohn Perrottes harper a man of noe desart havinge agraunt of ffortie marke in ffee from her Maiestie, vnder which manie of thies landes passed at the said smale rates, being sent for by diuers warrauntes from the lord Deputie and Counsell to haue discovered some of thies deceipte therein vsed, disobeyed the same, and is by practize departed, and as is Creddeblie enformed gon to the Rebelles in vlster. ... 1596 Bishop of Cork to the Lord Chamberlin 117 PRO: SP 63/191, f. 49 (c. 6 July) ... Item that some streight order may be taken for idle persons as caroughes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh}, hazardes, Rimers, bardes, & harpers which runne about the countrey not onely eating the laboures of the poore, but bring newes & intelligenses to the rebells agaynst her Maiestie, and bruite false tales amongst her subjectes which breedeth great mischief: And also the Rithmers doo make songes in comendacions & prayses of the treasons, rebellions, spoylinges & prayeinges, & theveinges made, to the greate encoraging of such a people as this is not well stayed vndKerf governement. Item that all Lordes & gentlemen be commaunded, that they keepe noe idle men but such as are of®cers in their houses, for the Lordes & gentlemen vse to take quiddyes {`cuddies', `evening portions' < cuid oidhche} & night suppers vpon their tenantes, & vpon others which are not their tenantes which is a greate nourisher & maynteyner of vagabundes & idle persons. ffor when they goe to those quiddyes & night suppers, then those bardes caroughes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} Rithmers, hazardes & harpers ¯ock after them in great multitudes, to the mayntenaunce of idlenesse & great grevaunce & impoverishinge of her Maiesties subjectes as they daylie complayne of the same. Yt were good if order were taken that these quiddyes, night suppers, coyne {`billeting' < coinnmed}, & livery, if they be lawfull to be taken were turned into certeyne

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rent, for then they would not maynteine soe many, if they were maynteyned vpon their owne charges as they doe now vpon other mens costes. And the Shriffes of the countyes are in fault for these idle men, for neyther they nor their of®cers will apprehend any of these idle persons, because they shall gett nothing' by the[y]m, for they will not serve but for pro®t, they serve themselves but not her Maiestie: . . . 1596 View of the Present State of Ireland 118 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 478, f. 44v ... Iren There is amongst the[re] Irishe a Certaine kynde of people called the bardes, which are to them in steade of Poets, whose profession is to sett forth the prayses and disprayses of men, Noe: theire Poems or rymes the which are had in so high regard and estymacon amongst them, that none dare displease them, for feare to rvn into reproch, through theire offence and to be made infamous in the mouthes of all men, for theire vearses are taken vpp with a generall applause, and vsuallie sounge at all feasts metinges |f. 45| [feastinges] feast metinges, by certaine other persons whose proper function that is, which also receyve for the same greate rewardes, and reputacon besides: ... Iren: It is most trewe that such Poetes as in theire wrytinge, doe laboure to better the manners, and through the sweete baite of theire numbers to steale into the yonge spirites a desire[s] of honour and vertue to be had[e] in greate respect: But these Irishe Bardes are for the most parte of a nother mynde, and so farr from Instructing yonge men in morall discypline, that they them selues doe more deserve to be sharpelie discipled, for they seldome vse to Chuse vnto them selues the doinges of good men, for the ornamentes of theire poems, but whomsoever they fynde to bee most lycentious of lyfe most bold and lawlesse in his doinges, most dangerous and desperate ::/ |f. 45v| desperate in all partes of disobedyence, and rebellious disposition, him they sett vpp and glori®e in theire rymes, him they prayse to the people, and to young men make an example to follow:/ . . . he will fynde him self such busynes as shall soone busie all about him, In which yf he shall fynde any to praise him and to giue him encorragment, as those Bardes and rymers, [did] doe for lyttle [note] rewarde or a share of a stollen cowe, then waxeth he most insolent and half madd, with the loue of him self, and his owne lewde deedes, And as for words to sett furth such lewdnesse yt is not hard |f. 46| for them to giue agoodlie glose and painted shewe there vnto, borrowed, even from the praises which are proper vnto vertue [h] yt self as of a most notorious theif and wicked outlaw, which had lyved all his tyme of spoyles and robberies one of theire Bardes in his praise said, that he was none of those Idle milkesopps that was brought vpp by the fyersyde, but that most of his dayes he spent in armes and valiant enterprises, . . . And amongst some of the Irishe not smallye accompted of for the same when it was ®rst made, and sunge vnto a person of high degre they were bought as there manner is for fortie crownes:/ . . . |f. 46v| . . . Next to this theire is another much like |f. 47| much lyke, but much more [lyke] lewde and dishonest, and that is of theire Carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} which is a kynde of people that wander vpp and downe gentlemens howses lyvinge onely vpon Cardes and

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dyce, the which though they haue little eor nothingf of theire owne, yett will they playe for much monye, which yf they wynne they waste most lightlie, and yf they loose they paye as slenderlie, but make recompence with one stealth or another, whose onelye hurte [are] eisf not that they them selues are Idle losells {`good-for-nothings'}, but that through gaminge they drawe others to lyke lewdenes and ydlenesse, And to these maye be added another sorte of like loose fellowes, which doe passe vpp and downe amongst gentle men by the name of Iesters, but are in deed notable rogues and partakers not onelie of [notable] emanief stealthes by settinge forth other mens goodes, to be stolen, but also privie to manye traytorous practizes and comon Carriers of newes, with desyre whereof yow would wounder how much the Irishe are fedd, . . . Eudox: This argueth [ag] sure in them a greate desyre of |f. 47v| desyre of Innouacion, and therefore these occasions which nourish the same are to bee taken awaye, as namelye those Iesters Carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} Monashite {`walking women', `prostitutes' ? < mna siubhail ?} and all such straglers, for whom me semes, the shorte ryddance of a marshall were meter then any ordynance or prohibytion to restrayne them / There fore I praye yow [refrayne them] leaue all this rabblement [of] of such loose runnagates and passe to some other customes: . . . ... f. 105 ... . . . But yett afterwardes leest any one of these should swarue or any that is tyed to a trade should afterwardes not followe the same according to this Institution, but should stragle vpp and downe the Countrye or myche in Corners amongst there freindes, idlye as Carrowe {`gambler' < cearrbhach} and Bardes Iesters and such lyke, I would wishe that there were a provost marshal appointed in euerie shire which should contynewallie walke through the Countrie with half dozen [of] or half a score, horsemen to take vpp such loose persons as they should ®nde thus wandring, whom he should punishe by his owne aucthoritie |f. 105v| aucthoritie with such paines as the persons should seme to deserue, for yf he bee but once so taken ydelye roginge he maye punishe him more lightlie as with stroockes or such-like / But yf he bee found againe so loytring he maye scourge him with whipps or roddes / After which if he bee againe taken lett him haue the bitternes of the marshall lawe . . .

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1598 William Paule to Sir Robert Cecil 119 PRO: SP 63/202/Part 1, f. 128 (2 February) . . . ffor Thomas mc Morris entituled a Baron from the Curte of Spaine His the verie same shaghaird knaue that was in England, & followed the frenche king in Sir Henry Untons tyme, in the nature of a Iester, & willyam mc Morris Is his elder brother. . . . ...

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c. 1600 Notes for the reformation of Ireland 120 LPL: MS 607, f. 131 ... Bardes. all their poetryes tending, to ye furderance of vice and to ye hurt of ye englishe. ... Carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh}. Dicers and Carders Haunting gambling howses. spending their wynninges loosely:/ and paying their losinges with stealthe and making many lyke them selves. Iesters. setters of Robberyes, and newes carryers, meetinges, vpon a Rathe or Hyll, for parlys, vpon wronges betwene town and Towne. whither resort all loose people. ... 1600 De Hibernia Insula Commentarius 121 Vatican Library: MS Barberini Latini 2466, f. 47 ... . . . Tradunt prñterea scriptores alioqui, gentem hanc inhospitam, in hoc ut apparet eam traducentes . tanquam si non esset hospitalis: At reuera hospitalitatem usque adeo colit / ut prñter cultiorem vrbium magni®centiam in hospitibus tractandis; . . . In quo of®cio exhibendo perplures sic excedunt moderamen, et delectum iustum; ut uelut neglecta debita cura prouidendi in futurum liberis suis, et familiaribus, totos se distendant, ut in dies singulos suppetat., quod omnibus aduentantibus etiam mimis, atque bardis uti uocant erogent. . . . |f. 47v| . . . Musica delectantur et poesi. . . . 1601 Archbishop of Cashel to Sir Robert Cecil 122 PRO: SP 63/208/Part 1, f. 19 (15 January)

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. . . And yf this be suf®cient meanes to meintayne my self and my Children as the world nowe is, who dare not to departe from me for their doinges concerninge that service, I leave to your honurable Consideracion, protestinge that I haue no lesse than i7 persons men and women dispersed throughout all mounsterKefollowinge Iames ®tz Thomasf in disguised maner, some lyk fooles, others lame, Counterfait blinde iesters and such like, of which every one must haue some consideracion for their travaile although nothinge perfourmed. . . . 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 123 (18 March) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 159| . . . John O Linche, harper, . . . |p. 161| . . . 18 March, xliii. ...

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1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 124 (30 March) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 172| . . . Owen mcEa na bralie, piper, . . . |p. 174| . . . 30 March, xliii. ... 1601 Charges against Patrick Crosbie 125 PRO: SP 63/209/Part 2, f. 250v (2 December) ... The said Crosby his surname is mc y Crossane one of the mere Irishrie whose cheif ancestor hath ben cheif Rymer to O Moore and Occonnor, and to most of the rest of the mere Irishe of Leinster, and the said Rymer called mc y Crossan and yet the said Crosby denies to be descended of the said Mc Crossane, but onely of Englishe blood, & surname, which is not so of my owne knowledge, for the said Crosbies mother is of the Moores & his ffathers mother is of the kellyes of Clanemalyrie/.

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1603 Edict of the Lord President and Council of Munster 126 BL: MS Harley 697, f. 143v (20 January) . . . Wee haveinge entered into a due Consideracion of theire future saufetie from the incursion of those wicked Traitors, haue thoughte it ®tte to sette forthe and publishe this her Maiesties Proclamacion hereby in her Highnes name to declare proclayme and pronounce, that the Marshall of this Province is streightelie Charged and Commaunded to execute by Marshall lawe All manner Bardes, rymers, harpers, Stokeghes {`young men'? < stoÂcaigh?}, Clubbuers {`vagrants'?} and all manner of vagrant and maisterles persons which he or any other hereto aucthorized shall fynde travaileinge or resydeinge within this Province or any parte thereof, in the end of Tenne daies nexte after the publishinge of this presente Proclamacion withoute the lycense or pasporte of his Master Capten or knowne Marshall Of®cer being a knowne Subiecte ready to be shewed. . . .

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1603 Edict of the Lord President and Council of Munster 127 BL: MS Harley 697, f. 141 (27 January) Wee greete yow well, whereby by her maiesties Letters pattens {`patent'} vnder the broad Seale of this Realme bearing date at dublin the second day of Nouember in the xxxxi th yeare of her highnes most happy Reigne theire is Committed and geven vnto yow power and Authoritie to execute by marshall Law in and throughout the whole province of Mounster all Idle men sturdie beggers vagabons harpers Rymers bardes that should be found travayling or resteing with in the same and not having in a readines to be shewed A letter or bill vnder his Lord or masters hand to testifye whose sarvantt he is and yet doth not the same authoritie granted yow by pattens extend any further then to geve

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your selfe power for executing, the said Marshall Lawe without deputinge or appoynting any othire person vnder you so to do . . . 1605 Earl of Clanricarde to Viscount Cranborne 128 PRO: SP 63/217, f. 38v (26 February) ... good my lord hasten my leaue for ther is great difference betwene the sounde of cormacks harpe and ye tune and harsh sounde of a cowe or garran {`gelding' < gearraÂn} for here is [nothing else] noe other musick: . . . ... 1607 William Ravenscroft to Sir John Davies 129 Bodl.: MS Carte 61, f. 346 (8 March) ... I am commanded by Sir Io Egerton to recomend him vnto you and to put you in mynd of his Irish harp. And so with a million commendations I rest Your very true deuoted frend W Rauenscroft ... 1607±10 Sir Tobias Caul®eld's accounts 130 (4 September 1607 ± 1 November 1610) ... An Irish harp 0 10 0 ... 1607±16 A treatise on the government of Ireland and the character of the people 131 Oxford: Exeter College MS 154 (item 2), f. 57

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Another sorte are scholasticall felloweshippes, or fraternities some professe the lawes I meane the Irish Brehaine lawes, others professe Phisicke, others professe poetry, and philosophie, others professe Antiquitye and Cronologie, others professe Musicke whereof some are for the Harpe, and others to singe rymes, and Irishe Ballades. And all these doe Carrie such Correspondence, and reciprocacions in their professions Concerning their manie opposicions against the English gouernement, as they may be said to be, but seuerall Braunches of one stocke, or tree, for howe soeuer they seuere in the professions and sciences, yet it is apparant that euery of them doth appropriate him selfe to the dependancy of some Irish Lorde, and that they haue Landes bestowed vpon them of olde by some Irish Lorde, or other for the Maintenance of eyther of theire professions. Which they hould at this day Theis are they which doe recorde the remembrances of all the Actes of the Irishry in all ages. theis are the roote of this Nationall Evill, . . . Further out of their Common practise this is made evident and that in three degrees, f®rst by praysing and extraordinary Commending, and extolling of the actes of the Irishry be they euer soe wicked

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especially such as are or haue beene eyther practized or executed against the English, they stirre vp their desyres and kindle their imaginacions and thoughtes with such longinge to attempte the like as is past Compare. And surely their Course of proceedinges./ in Effecting this is worthye the Considering./ |f. 57v| Considering . ffor that theis extollinges are Commonly in poetrye, and at all their assemblies eyther for Marriadges, burialles, or other devise their harpes must attend and play and one of theis poetes or Antiquaries sitte by, and this fellowe having acquainted some one of the house and with his purpose and by that [purpose] meanes, the gent' of the house, or some of his guestes, harkening after such Matters haveing notice thereof, must entreate this fellowe very earnestly to sing to the harpe and by this devise having stirred an expectation in all the assemblie of some great Matter they procure such attention of hearing as though it had beene a sermon. And then they begin with some divine Matter, or ther, But after they prceede to their praysinges of Rymes, which surely and must be the Cause of a Number of great Evills./ ... f. 59 ... Another kind of theis Sodalities are a rougueshe kind of people some are stoute beggers, some are professed whores, or common woemen, and are therefore Called Trauailing Woemen, some are kerroghes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} or gamsters, other Counterfeite fooles or Iesters others are messengers, and Carriers of letters and the like and all theis doe Continually travaile from ffeast to feast from meeting to meeting, all the kingdome ouer, and are neuer permanent in any one place, and they live onely by begging, and that in such a fashion, as they will constraine men to be liberall vnto them, eyther by railing or other wise but vnder pretence of this Covert of beggerie this poison is much inhaunced. ffor if anie matter of negotiation be a foote, and purposed to be spied ouer amonge all theis idle iealous broode, or if anie nouelties eyther forraine or domesticall be stirring, or if anie revolte or trecherous attempt be intended, theis be the instrumentes, that doe whisper them at all tymes from one to another of all the Irish faction Theis be the Conduites that carry and Convey theis Evills from place to place, theis doe diuulge and scatter this reprobate opinion in euery Corner of that kingdome and theis doe ioine theis ®erbrandes together and helpe to make vp a formall fyer of all manner of Treasons and villainies, Nay theis are often vsed to sett townes and villages on fyer in the night tyme whereas they be harboured for pitty and commiseracion of their pouertye. And in tymes of Hostilitye theis doe relieue the rebelles with victualls and munition and doe serue for Espialls to give all possible intelligence to thenimie of anie proiect intended againste them . . . ...

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f. 63 . . . Other Customes the Irishrye have, which may prove dangerous in suddaine attemptes and theis are light sett by, because they seeme to be but recreacions or sportes, some are proper to their kierne; as dauncing with naked swordes, some to their Musitianes and Minstrells, as their Bagg piperes, their harpers singing Rymers, and Bardes, some to Iesters, and Counterfeite fooles, which

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they will owlowry. some are Common to all sortes, as their running at a Ball, with a Hurlett; and Coyting of stones, some to the great men Nobilitie and gentry, as their great huntinges and all or most of theis are expressely forbidden by statutes enacted in that kingdome. And surelye as their be devises to gather assemblies, and to keepe them in exercise of Armes, soe they be plaine inhabillmentes for suddaine assaultes, and surprises, especially those sword dauncers, the Hurlett Coytes and bagpipers, and very manie markes and notes which preserue the memory of the Irishry. But for the harpers, rymers Bardes and Iesters they be the spurris that drive them in a Carreare into all Enormityes, And they doe soe strangely insinuate into the good opinion of all sortes, as by that meanes they may prosecute their sleightes, and devises as they desyer, soe as besides their dailie and howerly whisperinges of this nacionall disparity which they doe practise in euery Corner, vpon all oportunities, Kethey do likewisef serue for espialls for the Irishrye as well for discouering of anie proiecte or matter of service intended against them, as alsoe of oportunityes for the Irishe to execute anie of their wicked and malicious purposes Therefore |f. 63v| Therefore the vse of the Irish Harpe and singing of Irish songes is ®t to bee forbidden, and is not Convenient to be suffred in that Common weale together with theis idle Iesters, Bardes and Rymers which of latter dayes are marvailously encreased, and doe range vp, and downe with more libertye, then euer was suffred, and it hath beene observed, that theis hath beene euer the forerunners and presages of revoltes and rebellions in that kingdome. . . . 1610 A New Description of Ireland 132 ... There are other Septes {`classes'} or professions, namely of Bardes, which are in manner of Poets or Rythmers, which do nothing but ®t and compose lies. Then they haue Harpers, and those are so reuerenced among the Irish, that in the time of Rebellion, they will forbeare to hurt either their persons, or their goods, |p. 38| goods, but are rather inclined to giue them, & are verie bountifull, either to Rymers or Fooles. Then is there a certaine brotherhood, called by the name of Karrowes {`gamblers'
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and euery profession hath his |p. 39| his particular Decorum, I cannot commend them for their Ciuility, nor they do not superabound in honesty: their Vertue is, they will do nothing but what their Fathers haue done before them.

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CAP. XI. Of the maner of the Irish Coshering {`banqueting' < coÂisir}, and of the credulity in beleeuing of Lyes. THere is amongst the Irish, a kinde of feasting or banquetting, which they call Coshering, & this is the manner of it; Good company both of men and women being drawne together a feasting, to entertaine the time betweene meales, they haue their Rythmers & their Harpers; the one, to sing, and the other, to play: the songes that they vse to sing, are vsually in the commendation of Theft, of Murther, of Rebellion, of Treason, and the most of them lying ®xions of their owne Collections, inuented but of purpose, to stirre vp their hearts to imitate the example of their Ancestors, making repetition how many Cowes they had stoln, how many murthers they had committed, how many times they had rebeld against their Prince, and what spoiles and out-rages they had done against the English. ... 1611 Sir Arthur Chichester to the Earl of Salisbury 133 PRO: SP 63/231, f. 121 (29 May) ... The Lord of Howth beinge in England, a leude fellowe in the condition of a Rimer or Iester putt himselfe into the companie of Sir Roger Iones and other gentlemen beinge assembled for their priuate disportes, and in all his speechies he did extolle and magne®e the Lord of Howth and his Actions, which they well endured for a tyme, but by his contineued Meathode, and manner of speakinge they conceiued att last that the partie was sett on worke by some turbulent person to disturbe, and disquiett them, wherupon Sir Roger commaundedKehimf to leaue his talkinge in that manner, to which he replyed he wowlde not for that the Lord of Howth was the most wourthie and valeant man in the Kingdome/ It is true sayd Sir Roger he is a valeant man in deed amonge cowards/ . . . ... 1611 Acts sent from England for the Irish parliament 134 LPL: MS 629, f. 31v ... An act agaynst all such as calling themselues gents horsemen, or kerne liue losely, and foly without any certaine meanes or Trade of life, as alsoe against rymers Gamsters, Stokeaghes {`young men'? < stoÂcaigh?}, vagabondes, and Beggers, and for the releife, of the poore and impotent. This acte to be compownded, and framed out of the seuerall actes made in 39 of Queene Elizabeth in England and sithence./ ...

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c. 1613 Itinerary of Fynes Moryson 135 Oxford: Corpus Christi College MS 94, f. 257 ... . . . yea some of old English ffamilyes degenerating into this Barbarisme, haue changed their names after the Irish tongue, . . . yea some of the most licentious take themselues Nicknames suitable to their wicked dispositions, . . . And withall they despise our titles of Earles and Lords, which so weakens the great mens estimation among them, as they must cast them away, and assume their old barbarous names whensoeuer they will haue the power to lead the people, to any rebellious action. ffor in those barbarous names, and nick names, the Irish are proude to haue the rebellious acts of their forefathers sung by their Bards or Poetts, at their ffeasts and publique meetings. . . . ... f. 259 ... The wilde or meere Irish haue a generation of Poets, or rather Rymers vulgarly called Bardes, who in their songs vsed to extoll the most bloudy licentious men, and no others, and to allure the hearers, not to the loue of religion and Ciuill manners, but to outrages Robberies living as outlawes, and Contempt of the Magistrates and the kings lawes. . . . All goodmen wished these knaues to be strictly curbed, and seuerely punished. ffor the meere Irish, howsoeuer they vnderstood not what was truely honourable, yet out of barbarous ignorance are so affected to vayne glory, as they nothing so much feared the lord Deputyes anger, as the least song or Balladd these Rascalls might make against them, the singing whereof to their reproch |f. 260| their reproch would more haue daunted them, then if a Iudge had doomed them to the Gallowes. They had also an other [manner]Kerabblef of Ieasters which vsed to frequent the Tables of lordes and Gentlemen continuall tellers of newes which comonly they reduced to the preiudice of the publike good. Agayne the Irish in generall more specially the meere Irish, being sloathfull and giuen to nothing more then base Idlenes, they nourished a third generation of vipers vulgarly called Carowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh}, professing (forsooth) the noble science of playing at Cards and dice, which so infected the publique meetings of the people, and the priuate houses of lordes, as no aduenture was too hard in shifting for meanes to mantayne these sports. And indeed the wilde Irish doe madly affect them, so as they will notKeolyf play and leese their mony and mouable goods, but also [mitigate]Keingagef their lands, yea their owne persons to be ledd as Prisoners by the winner, till he be paid the mony, for which they are ingaged. It is a shame to speake but I heard by credible relation, that some were found so impudent, as they had suffered themselues to be ledd as Captiues tyed by the parts of their body which I will not name, till they had mony to redeeme themselues. Could a Prouost Marshall be better imployed then in hanging vpp such Raskalls and like vagabond persons. . . . ...

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f. 286 ... It is true that they rather know not then despise the rules of honor, obserued by other nations, That they are desyrous of vayne glory, and fearefull of infamy, appears by their estimation of these Bards or Poetts, whome they gladly heare sing of their prayse, as they feare nothing more then Rymes made in their reproche. . . . f. 654 ... . . . This Idlenes also makes them to loue liberty a boue all thinges, and likewise naturally to delight in musick, so as the Irish Harpers are excelent, and their solemne Musicke is much like of strangers, and the wemen of some partes of Mounster, as they weare Turkish heades {`headdresses'} and are thought to haue come ®rst out of those partes, so the {`they'} haue |f. 655| pleasant tunes of Moresco {`Moorish'} Danses./ ... f. 657 ... ffor the witts of the Irish, they themselues bragg that Ireland yealdes not a naturall foole, which bragg I haue hard diuers men con®rme, neuer any to contradict. My honored lord the late Earle of Deuonshyre, till his dying day kept an Irish man in fooles apparrell, and Commonly called his lordships foole, but wee found him to haue craft of humoring euery man to attayne his owne endes, and to haue nothing of a naturall foole. . . . f. 662 ... Touching Pastimes. They exceedingly delight in playing at Cardes and dyce, espetially at dyce, and professed gamsters goe about, carrying Cardes and dyce with them, and they will not only play for all the mony and Clothes they haue, but euen for the members of their body at a rate of mony, suffering themselues to be tyed by those members (euen the shamefull partes) and so to be led about, till they can free them by paying the rate of mony. They delight much in dansing,Kevsingf no Arte of slowe measures or lusty galliards, but only Country [vsing] danses, whereof they haue some pleasant to beholde, as [Ballurdye], Balrudry {`Balrothery'}, and the |f. 663| and the Whipp of Duneboyne {`Dunboyne'} and the daunse a bout a fyer (Comonly in the midst of a roome) holding whithes {`withies'} in their handes, andKebyf Certayne straymes {`movement of persons in the same direction'?} drawing one another into the fyer and also the Matachine daunse {`Matachin dance', a variety of sword dance} with naked swordes, which they make to Meete in diuers comely postures, and this I haue seene them often daunse before the lord Deputy in the houses of [diues] Irish lordes, and it seemed to me a dangerous sport, to see so many naked swordes so neere the Lord Deputy and cheefe Commanders of the Army, in the handes of the Irish kerne, who had ether lately beene or were not vnlike to proue Rebells./ ...

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Line 33Keolyf ] readKeonlyf; last two words (`and the') cropped at the bottom by the binder's knife.

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1620 A Discourse of Ireland 136 BL: MS Stowe 180, f. 41v ... . . . The lady of the house meets you with her trayne. I have instructed youKebeforef how to accost {`greet'} them. Salutations paste, yow shall be presented with all the drinkes in the house, ®rst |f. 42| ®rst the ordinary beere, then aquavitñ, the secke {`sack'}, then olde ale, the lady tastes it you must not refuse it. The fyre is prepared in the middle of the hall. where you may sollace your self till supper time. . . . They feast together with great iollyty and healths around, towardes the middle of supper, the harper beginns to tune, and singeth Irish rymes of auncient making. If he be a good rymer, he will make one song to the present occasion. Supper being ended. It is at your liberty to sitt vp, or to depart to your lodgeing, you shall have company in both kindes, when you come to your chamber. Do not expect canopy and curtaynes. It is very well if your bedd content you, and if the company be great. you may happen to be bodkin in the middle. . . . Should I enter into a discourse of the conditions of the people, theyr pollicyes. theyr assemblyes called parly hills, theyre husbandry, theyr huntings, which are strange kind of excursions the passages. |f. 42v| the passages of theyr lyves, the antickes at theyr buryalls, I could tell as much as most of my time, but I liste not to make it a labour. . . . c. 1621 News from the Holy Isle 137 TCD: MS 786 (D. 3. 16), f. 146 ... But for that kearne be of a large extent See by that name what vermine here are ment 1 Bard 2Rimer 3Harper with tale rime and songe incite the rest like bontefeux {`incendiaries'} to wronge 4 Horsboy and 5Carroghe {`gambler'< cearrbhach} 6Bastard and the 7younger brother to hell and shame they prostitute their mother whoe giues them all to Idlenes to nourse that makes them such as Circe could noe worse f. 146v These were the great lordes followers followinge still Like furies for to execute their will ...

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1623 Advertisements for Ireland 138 TCD: MS 842 (F. 3. 16), f. 198v . . . the assemblyes to Christenings Mariages. funeralls & other solemne meetings there are wonderfull; whether some=tymes ¯ocke 3 or 400 horse & dubble as many foote to feast & riot it out for 3 or 4 dayes together at the Charge of the dead or married Couple & their friends to their vtter vndoeing for euer which I perswade me is no where else; these meetings be Called in Irish Banishes {`white nights'?, i.e., `sleepless nights'? < baÂn + oidhche?} & Cosheries {`banqueting' < coÂisir}; where neuer are absent Certaine routes of Idle & loose Rogues. by them tearmed bardes Caroughes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh} rymers Irish Harpers pipers & others of their kinde; That Realm swarmes with more vagarent persons & beggers then any other land because they are not restrayned with [. .]in the parishes where they were borne as they be heere. but are suffered to rainge where they please . . .

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1625 Zoilomastix 139 Uppsala University Library: MS H. 248, f. 133 . . . Hinc vero Richardus Stanihurstus nec aures, nec tactum videtur habuisse, dum experientia, concordiaque scriptorum ®de reclamante, musicos Ibernos vituperauit. Inter coenandum, inquit, adest citharista oculis sñpeÁ captus, . . . quam summum citharistam iudicares: Citharoedus (crede mihi Stanihurste) vix ullus reperiri potest magis oculis captus, quam tu es mente cñcus: qui si prñstitisses historicam ®dem, ®des numquam ferreas, sed ñneas, vel argenteas lyrñ, & tympano a musicis nostris aptari, tradidisses. Illi lyram summis digitis, tympanum plectris pulsant: & utroque instrumentis iuxta vnanime bene sentientium iudicium ita excellunt, ut non vnus apud eos Crusus, sed quam plurimi nu- nu- |f. 133v| numerosa harmoniñ dulcedine audientium animos miri®ceÇ permulceant. Crusum quidem cñcum, & Dionysij Obrienis Fornoniñ comitis lomnaehñ principis musicum fuisse, accepi. Eius ñtati rippar fuit Cormakus Mac diarmuda genere quidem Ibernus, sed Anglicis modulis clarissimus, qui tam oculis, quam lyra prñstans, Elizabethñ reginñ, & Iacobi regis AngliñÁ animos lyra recreabat. átate nostra Nicolaus cognomento cñcus lyricorum princeps, longeÇ [eter] suauissimus extitit. Nuisius [Mac diarnachñ principis Allñ . .] eOduoennanus.f musicus proauorum nostrorum tempore [m]K emusicorumf lyricorum prodigium. . . . Lyra autem,KeDauidisque regis Psalmis tam celebratof tympano, & asca, idest utriculo vetustissimis instrumentis, postea [. .] e. . ordinef cithara, tuba, militari tympano, & ®stula, vel tibia, vel calamo Iberni utuntur. . . . ... Iuxta Musicñ quoque concentum arte saltandi dexterrimi, & agilissimi aliqui Iberni sunt. Sunt & alij stupendo ingenio lusores maximeÁ aleñ: . . . |f. 134| . . . PrñtereaÁ Latrunculorum ludum nonnulli callent. quid foliorum, quid tesserarum, quid talorum, quid pilñ, quid trochi, quid aliorum ludorum, lusuum, atque spectaculorum genera persequar? De ludis pauca dixisse, satis est. . . . ...

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1632 Sir Richard Boyle to Captain Charles Price 140 PRO: SP 63/253, f. 221 (14 October)

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Noble Captaine Price I cannott but with much thanfullnes accknowledg your kind respectes to my son, and the favours you did him when heKewasf in England, whereof I will ever reteigne a gratefull memorie, and as god shall enhable mee, be willing to requite yt; (blank) & his bearer Mr Edmond Hunt hath in chardg to present my honored lord the lord Keeper with an Irish Harpe, and the good Lady Coventry with a runnlett of milde Irish Vskebath, sent vnto her Ladyship by my youngest daughter Peggie, . . . ... Line 5, blank space of some 30mm before &.

c. 1634 Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn 141 Franciscan Library, Killiney, co. Dublin: MS A 14, f. 18

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. . . Gibe aderadh foÂs gurab cosmail na BRiotnainigh, & gaoil na noÂsaibh, & na mbesaibh re ceile re cheÂile. oÂir mar bhõÂos an gaodhñl nemhchomhaightheach fa biadh do thabairt an aisccidh uÂaidh, As mar sin bõÂos an BRiotaineach. Mar bhios foÂs cion ag an Eirennach ar na seanchaidhibh, ar an aÂos daÂna, ar na bardaibh & ar aos seanma na celairseach, bõÂdh ashamhail sin do chion ag an mBRiotaineach ar an drving cceÂdna, & bõÂd mar sin cosmail re ceÂle amoran do bhesaibh oile, . . . 1635 Edict of the Irish parliament 142 (26 January ± 21 March, prorogued to 24 March)

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... And bee it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all persons calling themselves Schollars, going about begging, all idle persons going about in any Countrey either begging, or using any subtile craft or unlawfull games or playes, or faigning themselues to have knowledge in Phisiognomie Palmestry, or other like crafty Science, or pretending that they can tell Destinyes, Fortunes, or such other like phantasticall imaginations, all persons that be, or utter themselves to be proctors, procurers, patent-gatherers, or Collectors for Gaoles, prisons, or Hospitalls: all Fencers, Beare-wards, Common players of Enter-ludes, & Minstrels wandring abroad, all Juglers, and wandring persons, and Common-labourers, . . . all such as wandring, pretend themselves to be Egyptians, or wander in the habite, forme, or attire |p. 457| tire of counterfeit Egyptians, shall be taken, adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and sturdy beggars, and shall sustain such punishments, as are appointed by a Statute made in the three and thirtieth yeare of King Henry the eight, chap. 15. in this Kingdome, against Vagabonds, or be otherwise dealt withall, by sending them to the house of Correction in the County where they

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shall be found, as the Justices of the peace of the said County, or to any one, or more of them, shall be thought ®t. ...

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5.3 Localized but not precisely dated BALLYNABANABA (co. Galway) Before c. 1418 The customs of UõÂ Mhaine 143 RIA: MS 535 (23 P 2; Book of Lecan), f. 83v col. a ... . . . A crvitireda .i. huõÂ longargain o baile na banabai ¦ a chornaireda o lis na cornairega .i. huõÂ sidachain. . . . ... CLANCAHILL (co. Cork) 1584±1639 Torchoir ceoÂl Cloinne Cathoil 144 RIA: MS 5 (23 D 4), p. 140 ... Torchoir ceoÂl cloinne cathoil rug orra eÂg anachoin teidhm bhus gomh sõÂorvidhe sin dol da siogvidhe seanma

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Mvisigtheach dorcha domhoin conchubhur mac Comghealaigh a ccvÂis ghaÂire a ngniomh doiligh re sõÂol ndaÂire dealuighidh ...

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p. 141 ... Glac luÂthbhras ionar lia gean dallaÂn forghoill na bh®leadh gloÂr bvÂidh budh clisde croidhe cisde rvÂin na rioghroidhe

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Taigivire a theÂd tivÂn a chor mar ta aniv is neamhthvar meanman luÂth saor an rõÂmheoir mhire ar bh®ghleoir caol ar ccrvitire ...

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Before 1548 The Chain Book 145 BL: MS Additional 4791, f. 149 The Pageant of St Georges day to be ordered & kept as hereafter followeth.

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The Major of the yeare before to ®nde the Emperour & Empress with their followers well apparelled that is to say the Emperor with 2 Doctors & the Empress with 2 Knights & 2 Maydens to beare the traynes of their Gownes well apparelled. And St Georg to pay their wages. Item mr Mayor for the time being to ®nd St Georg a Horsback & the wardens to pay 3s 4d for his wages that day And the bailives for the time being to ®nd 4 Horses with men upon them well apparelled, to beare the poleaxe, the Standard, and the Emperor & St Georges swordes Item the elder mr of ye yeald to ®nd a Mayd well aparelled to lead the Dragon. And the clerk of the market to ®nd a good Line for the Dragon. Item the Elder warden to ®nd St Geo. with 4 Trumpettors & St George to pay their wages. Item the yonger warden to ®nde the King of Dele & the Queene of Dele & 2 Knights to lead the Queene of Dele, with 2 Maydens to beare the trayne of her goune, |f. 149v| all wholy in black apparell, and to have St Georges chappell well hanged & apparelled to every purpose with cushins . . . . . . . russhes & other neccessaries belonging for said St Georges day ... co. KERRY Before 1597 Ca sõÂoth don cheoÂl do-chuala 146 The Book of The O'Conor Don, f. 14v ... NioclaÂs dall nach dall croidhe. do sheinm so snõ sõÂodhuighe ni fvighthe fer a lenta. san choilce mear mvÂiseaca ... Line 3 mvÂiseaca] read mvÂiseacdha

KILKENNY (co. Kilkenny) 24 July 1317 ± c. 1361 Red Book of Ossory 147 RCB: D 11/1/1, f. 70 ... Attende lector quod Episcopus Ossoriensis¡ fecit istas cantilenas pro vicariis Ecclesie Cathedralis sacerdotibus & clericis suis ad Cantandum in magnis festis & solaciis ne guttura eorum & ora deo sancti®cata polluantur cantilenis

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teatralibus turpibus & secularibus / et cum sint cantatores¡ prouideant sibi de notis conuenientibus secundum quod dictamina requirunt¡ Second half of the sixteenth century? Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis 148 ... Bull-beating was a favourite amusement with our ancestors. By the . . . red book of Kilkenny we are informed, that in the city was a lord of bull-ring. There are statutes for lessening the expences |p. 396| expences of his banquet, and an order for John Fitz Lewis to pay thirteen pounds on being discharged from this of®ce. He was afterwards called the mayor of bull-ring. The direction of this sport was, in most considerable towns, committed to the care of some reputable batchelor, who was able to contribute to the expences attendant on it; the gild in Kilkenny supplied the rest; a certain sum was allowed for his banquet, and he had his sheriffs; his election was annual by the citizens, and during his of®ce he was Guardian of the batchelors, and on their marriage was entertained by them, so that he passed his time in festivity and good chear. . . . ...

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TARA (co. Meath) Middle Irish Temair toga na tulach 149 TCD: MS 1322 (H. 3. 3), f. 3v col. b ... Drai ®dcellach fuirseoir faon. cuislendach clesaidhi claon colpta a cuit feola ier fõÂr. in tan tiagdõÂs i tech righ Rigtech cuit senmoiri saor. caisleoir is cerda ma raon cornoiri buindire ar brõÂg . deidi romeldis midmõÂr. ...

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YOUGHAL (co. Cork) Before 1616 An Irish Banqvet 150 The tables stood full crownde with daintie dishes, Enough to satis®e the idle wishes Of longing Wiues, or Maides grown greene & sickly, With eating fruite, and doing nothing quickly. Huge h hands of butter not yet fully blew, With qniuering custards of a doubtfull hue. Stewde prune, and bread that passeth Malahane {a soft cheese < mulachaÂn}. And honny sweeter farre then sugar cane. Greene apples and such plenty of small Nuts, That therewith safely one might ®ll his guts,

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Though he were sure the Cookes were Irish sluts. The goblets sweld with pride, themselues to see, So full of French and Spanish wines to be. Nectarlike Vsqua-bath, or Aqua-vitñ, (mighty And browne Ale growne in yeeres and strength most Was there as plentifull as k Bonniclabbar {`Bonny-clabber', clotted milk < bainne clabba}, That euery guest his cleane lickt lips might slabbar In full satiety, till they were crownde With Bacchus wreathes, and in still slumber drownde. The ®dling l Spheeres made musicke all the while. And riming m Bardes braue meeter did compile To grace this feast: When n Phoebus standing vp Tooke in his greasie ®st a greasier cup And drunke to Daphnes health. Bacchus replide And straighway quaft another to the bride Of Mulciber. This health past all along. Then Mars his feather wagde amongst the throng Carowsing Pallas health (braue wench and wise) Which draught cost bonny o Cupid both his eyes, Straining to pledge it. . . . ... Line 6 qniuering] read quivering.

5.4 Localized and dated ACHONRY (co. Sligo)

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1603 Fiants of James I 151 (19 April) (Patent roll 1 James I, Part 3, obverse) ... General Pardon to . . . |p. 24 col. a| . . . Cormuck O'Connowghane of the same, harper, Gillepatricke O'Finane of the same, harper, Shane boy O'Fynane of the same, harper, Edmond oge O'Finane of the same, harper, Brian Dorrogh O'Finane of the same, harper, . . . Irriell McDonnell Keogh O'Higgin of the same, harper, . . . Owen O'Higgin of the same, harper, . . . |p. 24 col. b| . . . ± 19 Apr. 1st. ...

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ANNAGHMORE (co. Offaly) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 152 (6 May) Pardon to . . . |p. 66| . . . Gillaglasse O Seloive, of Anaghmor, harper, . . . James O Selive, of same, harper, . . . ARD (co. Fermanagh) 1396 Annals of Ulster 153 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 80 col. b (8 February) ... Matha hua luinin .i. aircinnech na harda .i. fer cerdach ealadhnach etir dhan ¦ shenchus ¦ sheinm ¦ leighinn ¦ ealadhnaibh ailibh .ii. a eÂg Âõ 6. idus februarii. ... 1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 154 (22 March) Grant to Patrick Savage; of the of®ce of seneschal of that portion of the territory of the Arde in the north of Ireland, of which his late father Rowland was captain. To hold during good behaviour, with the pro®ts appertaining; with power to assemble and command the inhabitants for defence; to punish malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rhymers, Irish harpers, and idle men and women; and to hold a court baron. . . . 22 March, xiv. ARMAGH (co. Armagh) c. December 1427 ± September 1430 Letter of Cardinal Jordan de Ursinis to Archbishop John Swayne 155 PRONI: DIO 4/2/3, f. [55] . . . Prorectis nobis ex parte dionisij Occulean presbiteri decani ecclesie Ardm' supplicacionibus . . . ipsius confessione dilegenter Audita si inueneritis eum Arma portando ad taxillos & alios illicitos ludos ludendo concubinam tenendo tabernas ortos vineas prata blada & Alia loca uetita & inhonesta intrando . . . Line 1 Prorectis] read Porrectis; 2 dilegenter] read diligenter.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Ballychalatan BALLYCHALATAN (co. Tipperary)

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1624 Triumphalia Chronologica de Coenobio Monasterii Sanctae Crucis Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis in Hibernia 156 f. 20v (c. April) ... Edmundus O Ryan eÁ pago Bally cholatan incola professione auletes, seu ®stulator annorum 22. aÁ Pascate anni 1623. vsque ad mensem Aprilem anni sequentis aurium bene®cio priuatus, peregrinari ad sancte crucis choejnobium pergit, lignum salui®cum visitauit, ac inter orationis verba audiendi munus facile obtinuit ministrante illud R. P. fr. Ioanne O Dea, qui tunc parocho, nunc veroÁ Abbate de Petra fertili: dictusque Edmundus ad proprios cum gaudihoj festinat. ... BALLYEDMOND (co. Wexford) 1552 Fiants of Edward VI 157 (10 February) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 129| . . . Hugh boy, of Balliedmond, piper; . . . ... BALLYGRUNNAGH (co. Kilkenny) 1293 Quit-claim of Walter Balf 158 NLI: MS D 397 (2 May)

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Vnuersis ad quos presens scriptum peruenerit Walterus ®lius Dauid Balf salutem in domino sempiternam Noueritis me pro me heredibus meis & assignatis remisisse renunciasse & omnino quiet'clamasse Willelmo ®lio Ricardi de Rupe heredibus suis & assignatis omne ijus meum et claimum que habui seu aliquo tempore quocumque iuris titulo habere poteram sexaginta acris terre arabilis cum pertinenciis in Ballychaunegane . . . Hiis testibus. Iohanne de rupe Philipo Halstyne Henrico de rupe Iohanne clerico Waltero Le Harpur Iordano albo Dauid de Bath & aliis Datum apud Ballygrunnagh in crastino apostolorum Philipi h& Iajcobi Anno Regni Regis Edwardi vicessimo primo Line 1 Vnuersis] read Vniuersis.

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BALLYMACROSSAN (co. Offaly) 1550 Fiants of Edward VI 159 (10 June) ... . . . Pardon to Ouin oge M'Crossan, of Ballym'crossan, rymor. ± 10 June, iv. ... BALLYMOTE (co. Sligo) 1603 Fiants of James I 160 (19 April) (Patent roll 1 James I, Part 3, obverse) ... General Pardon to . . . |p. 23 col. b| . . . Brian buy O'Clabby of the same, piper, . . . Owen O'Mowrigane of the same, harper, . . . Moellony O'Daly of the same, harper, . . . |p. 24 col. b| . . . ± 9 Apr. 1st. ...

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BALLYPIERCE (co. Carlow) 1605 Fiants of James I 161 (5 December) (Patent roll 3 James I, Part 2, dorse) ... General Pardon to . . . Brian McTirlagh, piper, of Ballipiers, . . . |p. 88 col. a| . . . ± 5 Dec. 3rd. ... BALLYSHANNON (co. Donegal) 1597 Sir Conyers Clifford to the Lord Deputy and Council 162 PRO: SP 63/200, f. 232v (9 August) ... . . . The companies with me had now lyved fyve daies and nightes continually in Armes, with much scarsitie of vittualles as euer men indured, and yet my self not beleving the new rumor, and being in as smal hope of the howse, and so of the countrey, thought it better to indure for that tyme, rather then to leaue it after so much necessitie and mystrye. But my honorable good Lord and the rest, that night a Harper that I had sent vnto Orwarks, came vnto me, and assured me your Lordship was gonn and bydd me be assured, for he had seen a lettre sent from your honor vnto me which thenemy had intercepted, and told me parte of the contentes, and with all told me Cormok mc Baron the next

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mornynge wold be theare with .200. horse, and ¦ or 800 Shott, which in deed proued trewe . . . ... BALLYSHEENAN (co. Tipperary) c. 1460±80 Decair comhall don chumhaidh 163 BL: MS Additional 33993, Part 1, f. 14 ... DeõÂs abaile nambõÂdh sõÂnn . in ceol ele inuair do clvinõÂm . svirgi rem deoõÂr do donna . cvimhne an cheoil do cualamar . ... BALTIMORE (co. Cork)

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1413 Chronicle 164 LPL: MS 623 (Book of Howth), f. 254v (25 December) ... 1413: Symon Wickin Maior of waterford is iourney on Ohidriskoll Christmas eve one thowsand four hundred & thirtene Anno primo henrici quinti. Symon wickin Maior of the citie of waterford Roger walsh and Thomas Saultes Bayliffes in the ®rst yere of his Maioralty with a band of men [and] in armor in a shipp of the forsaid citie went on christmas eve towardes Baleutemore, and at night on christmas [eve] day at supper tyme landed his men and in good order came to the gate of O hidreskelles great howse or castell within the said haven and called to the porter willing him to tell his Lord that the Maior of waterford was come vnto the haven with a shipp of wyne, And that he would gladly come in to see his Lordship Vpon notice therof geven by the porter to O hidriskoll, the gate was sett open and the Porter presently taken by the Maior and putt aside & so the Maior entred into the great hall where O hidriskoll and his kinsmen and frendes sitting at boordes, made ready to |f. 255| to supp, Comaunded o hidriskoll and his company not to move or feare, for he would not nor ment not to drawe no mans blood of the same howse more then to daunce and drinck, & so to departe, with that the said Maior toke vp to daunce O hidriscoll and his sonne, the Prior of the ffriary, O hidriskolls three brethren his vncle and his wief, & having them in their daunce, The Maior comaunded every of his men to hold fast the said persons, And so after singing a Carroll came away bringing with them aboorde the said shipp the said O hidriskoll and his company saying vnto them they should go with him to waterford to sing their Carroll and make merry that Christmas. And they being all aboorde made sayle presently and arryved at waterford St Stevens day at night, where with great ioy receued they were with lightes/ ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Branganstown

203

BRANGANSTOWN (co. Louth)

1329 Annals of Connacht 165 RIA: MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1), f. 32v col. a ... Sir seon mac feorais iarla lugmaig .i. ant aen barun dobabeoda ¦ dobobrigmhuire ¦ dob ferr enech ¦ dopo mo tindlaicti dobi anerinn domarbhadh a®ll damhuinntir fein .i. dogallaibh oirgiall ¦ moran dogallaibh ¦ dogaidhelaib maithi domharbhadh maroen ris. & ri nasenma .i. maelruanaid mac cerbaill .i. in gilla caech. ¦ derbrathair aili do domarbhadh maroen ris ¦ ni fer cotaniccc na coticcfa choidchi achomhmaith dotimpanach. ...

1329 Annals of Ulster 166 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 69 col. b ... IN cñch mac cerbaill .i. mñlruanaigh ñn raga timpanach erenn ¦ alban ¦ in domain uile ¦ ni derbthair a leitheid do thecht riamh o thus domain risin eladhain sin a marbadh fein ¦ derbrathair maith eile do ar in lathair. cetna ...

1329 Annals of Ireland 167 TCD: MS 574 (E. 3. 20), p. 380 ... 1329. in vigilia pentestes et beati barnabe apostoli dominus Iohannes [Iohannes] de Brimegham comes de Lowht occiditur contra eum & conspiraverant omnes de comitatu suo nolentes eum regnare super eos consilium fecerunt in unum et in multitudine magna armatorum congregati nulli de familia ejus parcentes eum cum 160. et amplius cum 2. fratribus ejus et de cognomine ipsius circa novem interfecerunt. In ista strage et eodem die Cam o'Kayrwill famosus ille timpanista et cytharista in arte sua fenix ea pollens prerogativa et virtute cum aliis tympanistis discipulis ejus circiter 20. ibidem occubuit. Iste autem (blank) vocatus cam .o.Kayrwyll quia luscus erat nec habebat oculos rectos sed oblique respiciens, et si non fuerat artis musice cordalis [aliis] primus inventor omnium tamen predecessorum et precedentium ipsum et contemporaneorum corrector, doctor et director extitit. ... Line 2 pentestes] read pentecostes.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± BreÂife BREÂIFNE (cos. Cavan and Leitrim)

1429 Annals of the Four Masters 168 RIA MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 167 ... Matha mac tomais võÂ ChvirrnõÂn ollamh na breifne, saoi coitchenn i sencus ,7 hi seinm do eÂcc ina tigh feÂin. ... BRITTAS (co. Dublin) 1570 Fiants of Elizabeth I 169 (29 August) ... Pardon to . . . John McODoran, piper, . . . of Brittas . . . Fine £5. At the suit of the archbishop of Dublin. ± 29 August, xii. ... BURRANE (co. Cork) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 170 (29 May) ... Pardon to . . . Daniel O Cullinan, of same, piper, Conoghor O Cullinan, of same, piper, . . . |p. 252| . . . ± 29 May, xliii. ... CAHIR CASTLE (co. Tipperary) c. 1583±96 Triall gach einfhir gu cuÂirt tTeaboÂid 171 RIA: MS 998 (23 F 21), p. 6 ... Longphort lionmhor domnaibh banda . bõÂthe beilbhinn . lan do chrutibh teÂdoibh taighiuir . is aos leighinn ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Cappervarget

205

CAPPERVARGET (co. Kildare) 1541 Fiants of Henry VIII 172 (27 January) (mb. 6) ... 34. Pardon to Owen Keynan, of Cappervarget, near Rathehangan, in the county of Kildare, harper, otherwise called Owen Keynan, servant of Gerald, late Earl of Kildare, otherwise Owen the Rhymer, otherwise Owen Keynan the poet, otherwise Owen Keynan Keyeghe, the blind bard; and Cornelius Keynan, of Cappervarget, harper, otherwise called Cornelius Keynan, son of Owen Keynan Keyeghe, otherwise Cornelius the bard. ± Jan. 27, 32o. ...

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CARBURY (co. Kildare) 1570 Fiants of Elizabeth I 173 (16 June) ... Grant to Henry Cowley, of Carberie, esq.; of the of®ce of seneschal of the barony of Carbrie or Breminghm's country; with power to assemble the inhabitants for the defence of the country; to punish by martial law, with death, loss of limb, or whipping, all malefactors taken in the barony; to banish and punish by all means, malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rimours, Irish harpers, idle men and women, and all such unpro®table members, and all who assist them; to parle {`parley'} with traitors and malefactors, and report to the deputy. An Irish custom of £10 sterling called quidrathe {`bounty portion' (?) < cuid + rath (?)}, and 40 pecks of oats, payable to the Irish captain, to be continued to Cowley, under the name of seneschal's fee. He is to hold a court baron. ± 16 June, xii. ... Line 3 Breminghm's] read Bremingham's.

co. CARLOW? 1576 Fiants of Elizabeth I 174 (21 June) ... Pardon to . . . Donyll McShane, piper, . . . 21 June, xviii. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Carmun

1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 175 (30 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 253| . . . Richen buoy McJames, piper, . . . |p. 254| . . . [30 May, xliii.] . . . CARMUN

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1079? The Fair of Carmun 176 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 165v col. a ... IS iat a aÂda olla. stuic. cruitti. cuirn chroes tolla¡ cuÂisig timpaig. cen trõÂamna. ®lid ¦ feÎnchlõÂara. ... Pipai. ®dli. ®r cengail. cnamfhir ¦ cuslennaig¡ sluaÂg etig engach egair. beÂccaig ¦ buridaig. ...

CARRICKBEG (co. Longford)

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1591 Fiants of Elizabeth I 177 (12 February) Grant to Patr. McEagan, gent.; the of®ce of seneschal of Correbeg alias Ballemckeagan, in the co. Longford. To hold during good behaviour with all pro®ts belonging to the of®ce. With power to call together the farmers and other inhabitants and command them for the defence of that town and lands, the public weal of the inhabitants, and the punishment of malefactors; he may prosecute and punish by all means malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rymors, Irish harpers, idle men and women, and other unpro®table members. ± 12 Feb., xxxiii. ... CARRIGNACURRA (co. Cork) 1603 Fiants of Elizabeth I 178 (3 March) ... Pardon to . . . Donell mcDonogh gankagh, piper, . . . |p. 130| . . . ± 3 March xlv. ... ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Carrignamuck

207

CARRIGNAMUCK (co. Cork) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 179 (29 May) ... Pardon to . . . Wm. oge O Downie, harper, . . . |p. 250| . . . 29 May, xliii. ... CASTLEROE (co. Kildare) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 180 (2 July) ... Pardon to . . . Rowry Albanagh, of Castlerowe, harper, . . . |p. 90| . . . 2 July, xliv. ... co. CAVAN 1583 Articles for Sir John O'Reilly 181 NA: 2/447/16, f. [67] (28 August) ... Shall not keep in his house any Bard, Carrogh {`gambler' < cearrbhach} or Rymer. ... CLANAWLY (co. Longford) 1589 Fiants of Elizabeth I 182 (28 October) ... Grant to Morogh mcTege O Farrall, gent.; of the of®ce of seneschal of the country of Cloneawlie, co. Longford. To hold during pleasure. With power to assemble the freeholders and inhabitants and command them for defence of the country, the public weal of the inhabitants, and the punishment of malefactors; to punish by all means malefactors and their followers which shall be malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rymors, Irish harpers, idle men and women, and all such unpro®table members; and to hold a court baron. ± 28 Oct., xxxi. ...

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208

5. The Records: 5.4 ± co. Clare co. CLARE?

1587 Fiants of Elizabeth I 183 (13 November) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 44| . . . Gillereogh alias Donogh O Hamine, harper, . . . 13 Nov., xxix. ... CLOGHAN (co. Offaly) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 184 (6 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 66| . . . Donell O Killyn, of same, piper, . . . 1607 Pardons of Sir Arthur Chichester 185 Bodl.: MS Carte 61, f. 294v (31 January) ... Gullipatricke mc Conohour mc kreadan of Cloghin harper ... 1607 Fiants of James I 186 (18 February) (Patent roll 4 James I, Part 2, obverse) ... General Pardon to . . . |p. 98 col. a| . . . Pat. McConoghor McKreadan of Cloughin, harper, . . . ± 18 Feb. 4th. ... CLOGH ICULLY (co. Limerick?) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 187 (7 August) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 32| . . . Melaghlin O Dowan, of Clogh Icully, harper, . . . |p. 34| . . . ¦ Aug., xliii. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Clonagh

209

CLONAGH (co. Limerick) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 188 (5 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 192| . . . Cosnige McGlannaghie, of same, piper, . . . |p. 193| . . . 5 May, xliii. ... CLONEGERAGHE (co. Wexford) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 189 (30 May) ... Pardon to . . . Rich. Forstall, of Clonegeraghe, harper, . . . |p. 254| . . . [30 May, xliii.] ... CLONEONRIE 1137 Annals of Clonmacnoise 190 TCD: MS 673 (F. 3. 19), p. 131 ... 1137 There was Boysterous tempestious windes this yeare yat it fell dowen Many Trees, houses, turrets, steeples & other things & whirled som into the seas. . . . |p. 132| . . . Moyle Issa Called Crossan ffyn a King & arch poet of Ireland in that king of Meeter which is called Crossanaght, (Crossanaght) Died at Cloneonrie in Leinster. ...

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CLONMEL? (co. Tipperary) 1599 Journey of Sir Robert Devereux through Ireland 191 BL: MS Additional 12562, f. 5v (25 May) ... . . . This daye my Lord lefte the Armie, & with certeine horse wente towardes Cammell where his Lordship was Royally enterteyned. There was two Orations made: one in Englishe: the other in Latten, one perswading to Clemencye, the other incitinge to rigour. Then called the traitor inimici {`enemies'} insteade of

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Rebelles, for which my lord reprehended them, declaringe there error: the vndeserued name of Ennime to any traitor and the difference of them boothe. ... Line 5 Then] read They or Then they.

CLOYNE (co. Cork)

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1621 The Dalway Harp 192 National Museum of Ireland |harmonic curve| EGO SVM REGINA CITHARVM is iad so dob. feidhmanaig. ag. Seaan. mac. Emaind. Gearalt. agcluain. an tan. doronadh. misi .i. ise. dobo. sdibardhann Semus mac Seaain ¦ Muiris breanach doba fhadhmandac ¦ Diarmaid mac Seaan bvtileir siona ¦ |harmonic curve, reverse| Seaan rudhan buitileir na beorach ¦ Pilip. mac. Domhnaill ba cocaire. ann anno Domini 1621 taidg o rvairc ba seomradoir an ¦ Semus ruisel ba marasgal tighe ¦ Mviris. mac. tumais ¦ Muiris mac Emainn ba giemanaig dheisgcredeacha iad so uiledho pilip Mac taidg m Ç e Craith ba tailivir. ann Donacdh mac taidhg na sar do ron |harmonic curve| giolla fpadrig mba Cridain doba fear ceoil ¦ oihrjafhidi damh ¦ da fhaighin ni bvdh fear is se do bheag ¦ Diarmaid mhac CridaÂin maille reir dias do tsÇaihebh glanna. dobhi agamsa dom alimhaen |harmonic curve, reverse| ¦ gac ean diabh so go ndearna. dia. grasa orta soinuile IGE & EB ME FIERI FECERVNT |forepillar| DONATVS FILIVS THADEI ME FECIT SPES MEA in DEO COLERAINE (co. Londonderry)

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1628 Records of the London Companies 193 PRONI: T. 510/2, p. 145 (July 15) ... A coppie of a certi®cate touching abuses offered to his Maiesties Commissioners Edward Har¯eite of Coleraine told me that they had provided themselues to haue entertained ye Commissioners at their coming to Coleraine with a play, the titleKeoff it was. Much adoe about nothing which play he purposed to haue Plaid but that they heard ye Commissioners [. .] Tooke a Song that was sung (they are come from seeing ye buildings soe much to hart. [ . . .] by them that they durst not play there play for feare of offending the Commissioners Theis words were spoken by Mr Edward Har¯eite vpon Sunday the 25 of MayKe1628f. in Mr Walmesleys house of Coleraine I being then present Witnesse my hand this 15o of July 1628 Edward Ellis Copia vera

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Cong

211

CONG (co. Mayo) 1226 Annals of Loch Ce 194 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 50 ... . . . Aedh mac dvinnsleibhe I shoclachain aircinneach cvnga sai canntairechta ¦ crotglesa maroen re gles do denvm do fein nach dernadh remhe .¦ ba sai in gac ceird idir dan .¦ grõÂbhdacht .¦ scrõÂbhend .¦ ar gach nealadvin do nõÂdh dvine do eg an bliadain sin ...

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co. CORK 1315 Justiciary Rolls 195 NA: 2/448/1, KB 2/7, p. 36 (12 June) (mb. 8 d) ... M[c]Keurfiartagh O Coyqnan, harper, accused of being a common robber and incendiary in that county and of being in the company of Nicholas and Adam sons of Robert de Cantelon' and other malefactors and felons of that county at the burning of the grange and haggard of John Kenefeg at Rathmelignan and at the robbing of the said John and of having art and part therein and of many other like robberies and arsons perpetrated by them in the said county, and likewise of being in the habit of coming to the houses of the liege men of the country as a minstrel to ask for alms, and if they were refused him, of endeavouring to rob them, comes and says that he is not guilty and puts himself upon the country. And David de Barry Philip Magnel Reymund son of Herbert, Adam le Whyte of Crogh, Nicholas son of Herbert, Reymund Beket, Maurice |p. 37| Scurlag, William Magnel, David son of Richard, Richard de Midia, David son of Gilbert, and John son of Nicholas, jurors, say that the said M[c]Keurfiartagh was not in the company of the said felons at the causing of any ®re or robbery. They say nevertheless that he is a common spy amongst the said felons and that he as an actor commonly begs hospitality (curialitates) from the liege men of the country and if anyone refused to shew him hospitality, he forthwith gets the said felons to take vengeance [against] euponf them, and they say that because John Kenefeg refused such hospitality to Mciartagh the latter got the said felons to take vengeance on John Kenefeg, and that they by his help more easily and willingly burnt the said grange and haggard and robbed John of divers goods found there feloniously and against the peace. ... 1584 Instructions for the earl of Desmond 196 LPL: MS 627, f. 79 (7 November) ... Yee shall diligently enquire and true presentment make of all such persons

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within this Realme of Ireland as Carry the names of Poetes, Cronyclers or Rymers, declaringe their names, dwellinge places, the Countyes they dwell in. And allso sett downe whom they appertayne vnto or serve, Or of whom for the most part they depend and followe, And who be their cheif mainteynhersj and vpholders f. 80v County Corck We ®nd that theese vnder writen persones are Poetes, Croniclers [or] e&f Rimers

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Seruauntes to

Cor mc mc desmond

Shaneghane odwuyneono a Cronycler de Afar lagh tegg Tieg Roogh odwuyne de eadem Cronycler William og odwuyne de eadem Cronycler Shane [og] Roe o Cahosy late of logh gir a Rimor Arish kyne [a Rimor] Bardes Gryvese mc garralt [a Rimor] Bardes William Sale a Rymor Bard Mvrrish ne gaslane Bard Tieg o thwoses of the granshagh [Rymor] a poete Gillissa on Canith alias on Cainty of Bordwyn in kenallmeycky Rymor Dormod og on Canty de [eadem] killine ne goilty in kenallmeicky Rymor Moylyn On Canity of lismor in Ibawn Rymor Owen Balluff on Canity Rymor Meolmvrry mc shane of Castetowne harper seruauntes to Owohny mc meolmvry his son de eadem harper the ffar gan anym his brother de eadem harper

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25

Dermod odwedy harper Rwshell oge odwedy harper william Roe odwedy harper

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mayterles

Ogyerane of Imokillyn Rymor Tieg og yerane Rymor Carebry man 35

40

45

vnder the som of Imokilly

Tieg ne Roligh omahowny Donogh mc meolmve omahowny Donogh mc Conogher mc donell omahowny ffynen mc Conogher mc donell omahowny Meolmvrry mc Ea omahowny Morihirtagh mc Ea o Mahowny Tieg mac daa mc qweilkwy Donall mc Conoghor mc donogh mc kilghy Richard mc william treidine Edmond kikragh Coneghor ne Bwoly son in law to william treidine Coneghor boy mc shain og mc anvoykane DermodKemc tegf mc shane og mc an vikane Dermod ny Cully nagh of fynagh

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± co. Cork

213

Cowongher mc Donell of the same alias magvily breigh Conogher Balluffe mc dermody mc ffynen Balluff Donogh mc Dermody mc Conor mc Tieg mc keyne boy Donell og oCoghlane h. . .j f. 81

Donell boy mc Tieg mc Tieg mc Conogher mc qwelqwy Tieg Roogh mc mac Donell mc conogher mc Donegh oqwelqwy Donell mac Donogh on Cainty Dermod mc shane mc [Tieg] conogher mc tieg mc kynvoy ffwo ne Bwoly cosen to Edmund ky keagh Conogher Roo o Coghlan Dermod mc Teg o leary Dermod Roo mc donell mc donogh oCallaghan Davyd Heydun ser Richard Morighirtagh mc Tieg mc donell o mahowny ffynen mac Dermody mc ffynen o herwye called mac yny coomyne Shane on tagherma Denish o®alihy

Seruauntes to Cormc mc Dermody

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55

60

65

William o fyalihy the of®cialles son Dermet ofyallihy Marcus mc owen an Arrint malefactor [ . . .] ffynen mc Conogher bogg o Mahowny an other malefactor William halpeny a lose maisterles ydell vacabonde & a common dronkarde Mary ny donoghye a she barde & Mary ny clanikye [an other] Rymers Odaly ®onne / donill oge mc [donill] Awlyve odaly Gwilisy [Cuys] odaly / Odaly is barde / all these foure dwell at the place called the Brosnycke Cormucke odaly the Lord Barrymore is rymer Iohn' mc donill a poet / I Iohn' mc Teige mc Gwillisy the Lord Roches Rymer Owen mc Craghe and his son Iohn' mc Owen croniclers & rymers Okyll in mc Cartye more is contrey a rymer and one that kepes may rymers & bardes togither calling them be the name of okyll is scoule {`his school'} / Cwnely okylle brother to the syd okill, a rimer Conoghor ny scolly a rymer of the late Erle of desmond & one that h. . .j f. 81v

An ydell [naghs] Man called commonly ye Barde Roo dwelling in the Lord Roches contrey

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85

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Cork ...

Line 15 Gryvese] ®rst e uncertain reading; line 22 goilty] uncertain reading; line 26 the] uncertain reading; line 29 mayterles] read maysterles; line 44 anvoykane] or an voykaire; line 45 an vikane] or an vikaire; line 65 tagherma] or tagherine.

1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 197 (25 April) ... Pardon to . . . John intlea, piper, . . . 1632 Introduction to the Sword Dance 198 WRO: 865/502, p. 13 (25 December) An introduction to the Sword daunce at Christmas 1632 At my Lord Barries in Ireland CORK (co. Cork)

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1576 Sir Henry Sidney to Privy Council 199 PRO: SP 63/55, f. 55v (c. 27 February) (23 December 1575) ... I passed from Dungarvan to Sir Iohn of Desmoundes, leaving Youghall, for that they were not (as they protested) able to receive me, and my traine, by reason of their great spoiles donne vpon theim, and their people, in the tyme of the rebellion of Iames ffytzmorris, and so passinge out of the countye of Waterfford entred the countye of Corck, and from Sir Iohns, came to the Lord Barries and the xxiijth of December last, arryved at the cittie of Corcke, where I was received with all ioyfulnes, tokens, and shewes the best they could expresse of their duetiefull thankes gevinge to her Maiestie. . . . 1576 Sessions held before Sir William Drury 200 (October) ... We present also that the most part of the lords of gent' of the countie of Corck, have cutt no paces in the highe waie, with in their countries . . . and further that no pointe, to speek of it, of that proclamacion then made, was not accomplyshed by none of them all accordinglie, not as mich as to to kepp the stocks in places appointed for to punyshe stowt beggers, Idell vacabounds, naked |p. 278| hasards, shamelesse ¯atringe slaves, (as to saie) Bards, Owlers, and manye such lick, whereby the foresaid lordes maie be lawfully suspected that they will soner nourishe mantaine and defende such rather then to see them punyshed accordinge to their desarts, &c. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Cork 1611 The Council Book of Cork 201 (14 October) ... James Kurtane, Drummer. ... 1612 The Council Book of Cork 202 (19 October) ... James Curtaine, Drummer. ... 1614 The Council Book of Cork 203 (17 October) ... James Curtane, Drummer. ... 1617 The Council Book of Cork 204 (20 October) ... James Curtane, drummer. ... 1618 The Council Book of Cork 205 (12 October) ... James Curtane is sworn drummer. ... 1619 The Council Book of Cork 206 (18 October) ... James Courtayne, drummer. ... 1621 The Council Book of Cork 207 (12 October) ... James Curtane, Drummer. ...

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1623 The Council Book of Cork 208 (27 September) ... James Curttane, and John How, Drummers. ... 1624 The Council Book of Cork 209 (18 October) ... James Curtane, Drummer of the city. ... 1625 The Council Book of Cork 210 (17 October) ... James Curtane, Drummer. ... 1626 The Council Book of Cork 211 (24 October) ... Morris Meskell, one of the Drummers, to have only half the offering due to the drummers. ... 1627 The Council Book of Cork 212 (22 October) ... . . . James Curtaine, Drummer. . . . ... 1630 The Council Book of Cork 213 (4 October) ... James Curtaine and John Hone, Drummers. ... 1631 The Council Book of Cork 214 (17 June) ... Whereas there hath been in former times used in this City a very barbarous and uncivil kind of sport upon Easter Tuesdays, May days, Whitson Tuesday, viz.,

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217

tossing of great balls, and hurling in the open streets with the small ball, great mischiefs have oftentimes happened, as the death of men, and many wounded and maimed in these sports, and many quarrels have followed, which were like to break out into a general tumult with the City, We therefore, the Mayor, &c., for abolishing these sports and preventing the mischiefs, and the rather that we have received directions from the Right Honorable. the Lord President, for abolishing of all such unlawful plays, ordain for a bye-law that said tossing and hurling in the street shall not be used the days aforesaid, nor any other, upon pain of 40s. And likewise, that any Mayor, &c., that shall permit hereafter such sports shall forfeit 20li. ster., and every Sheriff 10li. Provided this bye-law shall not hinder any lawful sports, as to bring home the Summer and Maypole, or other lawful exercises that the young men of the City shall use hereafter, only the hurling upon the streets to be given over. ... 1631 The Council Book of Cork 215 (3 October) ... John Hooe, Drummer. ... 1633 The Council Book of Cork 216 (21 October) ... David How fz. John, Drummer. . . . 1635 The Council Book of Cork 217 (16 October) ... David How, Drummer. ... 1636 The Council Book of Cork 218 (24 October) ... Morish Meskell, Drummer. ... 1637 The Council Book of Cork 219 (24 October) ... Morish Meskell, Drummer. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± The Creeve The CREEVE (co. Antrim)

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1577 Nodlaig do-chuamair don Chraoibh 220 The Book of The O'Conor Don, f. 149 (Christmastide) ... Nodlaic do chvÂamair don craoõÂbh . ollamhain FhoÂdhla dhentaÂoibh go [.] slios reÂidh an brogha bhvig . arobha o neill vn nodlvig ... Fedh amairc oÂn mvÂr amach . re faÂoidhibh cheoÂil na cathrach ge bheith me ar villinn gach ®r . nõ clvinim e mvn amsin ... DERRYMACLAUGHNA (co. Galway)

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1570 Fiants of Elizabeth I 221 (30 November) ... Grant to John Bourke, of Deremicklaghin, esq.; of the of®ce of seneschal of the barony of Clare, in the province of Conaught. To hold during good behaviour with all pro®ts belonging to the of®ce. With power to assemble the inhabitants for defence of the barony, to attack and punish by all ways malefactors and their adherents, rebels, vagabonds, rhymers, Irish harpers, and idle men and women; and to hold a court baron. The grant not to prejudice any rents or customs of the earl of Clanricarde. ± 30 Nov., xiii. ... DINGLE (co. Kerry)

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1589 The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf®cs and Discoveries of the English Nation 222 (3 ± 20 December) ... . . . Soone after the sicke and wounded men were carried to the next pricipall Towne, called Dingenacush, being about three miles distant from the foresaide hauen, where our shippe roade, to the Eastwards, that there they might be the better refreshed, and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend vpon them. Here we wel refreshed our selues whilest the Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares, and here we, who for the former extremities were in maner halfe dead, had our liues (as it were) restored vnto vs againe. ...

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DIRRIFADDAGHE (co. Tipperary) 1583 The good services of Piers Butler Fitz Edmund 223 PRO: SP 63/149, f. 215 (July) ... Item in Iulye 1583 at Dirrifaddaghe a greate fastnes towardes a greate bogge in the Countie of Tuperarie beinge in pursuite of Thomas of the mylle the saide Piers slewe one Bryen Reoghe Piper to the saide Thomas of the Myll ./ ... DONORE (co. Westmeath) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 224 (7 May) ... Pardon to . . . Dermot O Shanchan, of Donowre, harper, . . . |p. 197| . . . ¦ May, xliii. ... 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 225 (10 June) Pardon to . . . James O Nolane, of Donower, harper, . . . |p. 257| . . . 10 June, xliii. ... DONOURE (co. Cork) 1564±6 Fiants of Elizabeth I 226 ... Pardon to Richard O'Mullane, of Downenower in Kyneliaghe, harper. ... DOWNMOGAN (co. Kilkenny) 1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 227 (11 January) ... Pardon to . . . Conly mcFannyn fyn, late of Downmogan, piper, . . . Fine, 10s. each. ± 11 Jan., xiv. ...

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1569 Fiants of Elizabeth I 228 (4 March) ... Pardon to . . . Thady Credan, of the same, harper, . . . 4 March, xi. ... DROGHEDA (co. Louth)

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1536±53 Description of the Land-gavel of Drogheda 229 NLI: MS 9596, f. 49v ... ffrom the grounde of william preston which now is George garnetes Aforegainste the bolringe in Mithe side & so vnto sainct Iohns gate vn the southe side the said bolringe & vn the southe side sainct Iohns strete ... 1595 Memorandum of a report by Peter McMahon 230 PRO: SP 63/181, f. 215 (end of July) ... . . . this is reported by one called Peter Mc Mahon who saw the lettres aforesayed in the priests capcase beinge then in my lord of lowthes house, this Peter is nephew to the priest and sonne to a townsman of Tredathe and hymsellfe practicethe to play on the harpe, and is now in Irland/ DUBLIN (co. Dublin)

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c. 1157 Cronica Regum Mannie et Insularum 231 BL: MS Cotton Julius A. vii, f. 36v ... Ê . cÊ. xlÊ. iiiõÊ. cepit regnare godredus & xxx.ta tribus annis regnauit. de Anno . m quo multa memorie digna nar |f. 37| rari potuissent que nos breuitatis causa omisimus. Tertio anno regni sui miserunt propter illum dublinienses ut regnaret super se. Qui collecta nauium multitudine & copioso exercitu dubliniam uenit & gratanter a ciuibus cum magno tripudio susceptus est. . . .

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1171 The Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland 232 RIA: MS 1135 (24 G 15), p. 295 (25 December) ... Christmas drew on which the King kept att Dublin, where he feasted all the princes of the Land, and gave them rich and bountifull gifts, they repaired tither out of all parts of ye Land, and wonderfull it was to ye people to behold ye Majesty of soe puissent a prince, the pastime, the sport & the mirth, the continuall musick the Masking, mummings and strange shews; the gould ye silver and plate, the precious ornaments, the dainty dishes furnished with all sorts of ®sh and ¯esh; the wines, the spices, the delicate and sumptous banquetts, the orderly service, the comely march, and seemely array of all of®cers the gentlemen, the Esqrs. the Knights and Lords in their Rich attire, the Running att Tilt in compleKeafte harnis with Barbd horses where the staves shiverd and ¯ew in peices the plaine honest people admired, and noe mervaile, but now to more serious matter. ...

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Line 4 tither] read thither.

c. 1192±1200 Roll of the Dublin Guild Merchant 233 DCA: G1/1, mb. ¦ col. b ... .Symon le Harpur l l l l l l l l l l Sol. ... mb. 8 col. a ... Henricus le Harpur l l l l l l l l l Sol. ... c. 1200 Roll of the Dublin Guild Merchant 234 DCA: G1/1, mb. 11 d col. a ... Thomas Le Harpur l l l l l l l l l ... mb. 12 col. a ... Walterus le harpur l l l l l l l l l Sol ... mb. 13 col. a ... Iohannes Le Harpur. l l l l l l l l l. ...

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1246±7 Roll of the Dublin Guild Merchant 235 DCA: G1/1, mb. 32 col. b ... Willielmus le pipere ... c. 1260 Christ Church Deeds 236 ... Robert Oweyn grants to Wm., the piper, and Alice, his wife, land with buildings in St. Warburg's parish within the walls, Dublin . . . rent, 6 s. . . . ... 1279±83 Crede Mihi 237 RCB: Dublin Diocesan Records, D 6/1, f. 27 ... Ab illicitis spectaculis se abstineant. & precipue torniamentis/ Luctis/. & aliis vbi sanguinis effusio poterit formidari. Tabernas. & inhonesta conuiuia non frequentent. . . .

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1287 Christ Church Deeds 238 (30 June) ... Andrew Pollard grants to Roger, the harper, land in Fishamble Street, parish of St. John of Bothystrete, situate between the lands of Ralph de Webbleye and the Nuns of Tachmalyn, and extending from the street to the land of Henry Baret; rent, 14s. to Holy Trinity, 1d. to William, the cook, Christiana, his wife, and her heirs, and a penny or a pair of white gloves to grantor, also landgable to the king. ... 1297 Justiciary Rolls 239 (28 April) (mb. 17 d) ... It is found by the jury in which Roger le Harpour plaintiff, and Rob. le Feure put themselves, that Robert maliciously broke Roger's harp (cithara) by throwing a stone, to Roger's damage of 2s. Therefore it is adjudged that Roger recover 2s. and Robert be committed to gaol. ... 1307 Justiciary Rolls 240 (28 May) (mb. 19) ... Nich. de Eggefeld appears against John Prodhomme, Thomas de Penlyn, Will. le Pipere, Ric. de Molshaghelin, James le Holdere, Adam Coldsweyn, Ric. Bole

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and Milo Roger Raufuesknaue, of a plea wherefore when Nicholas, by Thomas le Holdere, his serjeant, caused certain cattle doing him damage at Blondeleston to be taken, and according to the law and custom of Ireland, wished to impound them, John and the others with Roger Rauf and Petronilla his wife, rescued the cattle, to Nicholas' damage of 100s. and against the peace. ... 1307 Justiciary Rolls 241 (8 July) (mb. 53) ... A day is given to Nich. de Eggesfeld, plaintiff, and John Prudhome and Will. le Piper, of a plea of trespass. To the quinzaine of S. Michael, at prayer of the parties, without essoin. Same Nicholas appears against Roger Rauf and Petronilla his wife, Thomas de Penlyn, Ric. de Mel . . ., James le Holder, Adam Goldsweyn, Ric. Bole, and Milo Rogier Raufesknaue, of a plea wherefore when [Nicholas] by . . . . le Holder his serjeant, caused to be taken certain cattle in damage of Nicholas at Bloundeleston, and according to law and the custom of Ireland, wished to impound them, |p. 447| Roger Rauf and the others with John Prudhome and William le Pyper, forcibly rescued the cattle, to the damage of Nicholas and against the peace. And they come not. And Roger Rauf and Petronilla, in the octaves of Holy Trinity last, were essoined, and had a day to this day. ... Therefore the Sheriff is commanded to distrain Roger and Petronilla by all their lands. And to take Thomas de Penlyn and the others, and have them at the quinzaine of S. Michael, to answer Nicholas, with John Prudhome and Will. le Piper. ... 1338 Account Roll of Holy Trinity Priory 242 (23 January) ... Item Tubaccionibus Justiciariorum qui fuerunt in Refect . . . ... Item Johanni Faytour Waffrer, ex dono eiusdem, iii d. Item cuidem parvo Cittheratori ex dono domini, iii d. ... 1395 Chroniques of Jean Froissart 243 BL, MS Royal 14 D.vi, f. 221v col. b (c. 2 February) . . . Or |f. 222 col. a| vous compteray ie la charge qui me fut baillee sur eulx et comment ien exploitay Car lintencion du Roi dangleterre estoit telle et fut que de maniere et contenance et habitz ilz fussent mis a lusage dangleterre / Car le Roy vouloit faire ces quatre Roys dirlande cheualliers Premierement on leur

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ordonna en la cite de Duuelin vng moult bel hostel et grant pour eulx et pour leurs gens / Et ie fuz ordonne a demourer auec eulx sans point yssir ne departir se trop grant besoing ne le faisoit faire / ie fuz ij. iours ou trois en leur compagnie pour eulx aprendre a congnoistre et eulx moy et Riens ne leur disoie fors tousiours apres leur voulente Et vex a ces Roys sceans a table faux contenances qui ne me sembloient ne belles ne bonnes. } Quant ces Roys estoient a table et seruiz du premier mets ilz faisoient seoir deuant eulx leurs menestrelz et leurs plus prochains varletz et mengier en leurs escuelles et boire en leurs hanaps et disoient que tel estoit lusage de leur pays / Et que en tou |f. 222 col. b| tes choses Reserue le lit ilz estoient tous communs ie leur souffry tout ce faire trois iours Et au iiij.e iour ie ®z ordonner tables et couurir en la salle ainsi comme il appartenoit et ®z les quatre Rois seoir a la haulte table / et les menestrelz a vne table bien ensus deulx et les varletz dautre part dont ilz furent par semblant moult courrouciez et Regardoient lun sus lautre et ne vouloient mengier et disoient que on leur ostoit leur bon vsage ou quel ilz auoient este nourris } ie leur Respondy a ce tout en Riant pour eulx appaisier et contentey et leur diz que leur estat nestoit point Raisonnable ne honnourable a estre ainsi comme en deuant ilz lauoient fait et quil leur conuenoit laissier et eulx mettre a lusage dangleterre / Car de ce faire il en estoit chargie et lui auoient le Roy et son conseil baillie par ordonnance . . . Line 20 contentey] read consentey?

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1436 Patent Roll 244 (1 April) ... Rex William Lawles marescallum Anglicorum ligeorum mimorum Hibernie (recitatur quod Hibernici mimi, ut clarsaghours, tympanours, crowthores, kerraghers, rymours, skelaghes, bardes & alii veniunt inter Anglicos Hibernie, exercentes minstralcias & artes suas, postmodumque vadunt ad Hibernicos inimicos & deveniunt inductores ipsorum super eosdem ligeos |p. 258 col. b| Regis, contra formam statutorum Kylkenny 40 E. III) assignavit ad dictos clarsaghours, &cetera, capiendum &cetera. Dublin, I Aprilis. ... 1455 Dublin Assembly Rolls 245 DCA: MR/5/1, mb. 6 (2 May) ... Also hyt was ordeyned yn the sayd semble {`Assembly'} that ‡e mayre & the baylyffes & Comynes schold ryd {`ride'} ‡e franches {`franchises'} of ‡e sayd Cytte h. . .j aftyre the fest of Trynyte Sunday &cetera then nexst folowyng &cetera.

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1456 Dublin Assembly Rolls 246 DCA: MR/5/1, mb. 8 d (23 April) ... Memorandum that hit was ordeyned & made By Asemble holdyn By Maire & Commynes ‡e ferd fryday next aftyr ‡e fest of Estyr ‡e yere of ‡e regne of kyng henry the syxt the xxxiiijKein the tym off phylype Bellewe Mayre of ‡e Cittie of dyvelyng' Iohn' Tankard & Thomas Savage Baylyfys of ‡e sayd Citte ‡at ‡e feys {`fees'} [‡at ‡e feys] that ‡e pyperys hadKebefor ‡ys tymf for hare {`their'} wachyng' abowt ‡e town' ‡at ys to say iihij dj of a hall ij d of a shope be yreryt {`raised'} & payet to ‡e making' of ‡e pypys of ‡e sayd Cytte for A yere Also hyt was grawnt by ‡e sayd semble that Thomas Trumpet schall have ‡e offyce ‡at collyn' Trumpet sumtyhmj hadKeduryng hys lyvef & he to receve yerely for hys labowre xl s ... 1457 Dublin Assembly Rolls 247 DCA: MR/5/1, mb. 9 d (13 May) ... Also hit grawnt by the sayd Semble that ‡e franches schold be ryd ‡e thorsday next folowyng ‡e wych was ryd by Mayre Iurees {`jureÂs', the aldermen} & Comines {`commons'} of ‡e sayd Cytte ... 1465 Dublin Assembly Rolls 248 DCA: MR/5/2, mb. 4 (4 October) ... Item hyt graunt by the Sayd Semble that Iohn Colleron & Robert hanwod schall be waytys {`waits'} within the Sayd Citte takyng for ‡er wagis as otherys hath don be for in the Sayd offyce that ys to sey iiij d of euery hall & ij d of euery schoope wyth in the sayd Citte & ‡er fyndynges {`maintenance'} on ‡e Iures & euery {`each'} of ‡em a liuere {`livery'} gown of Mayre & Baylyfys ...

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Line 2 hyt] read hyt ys.

1466 Dublin Assembly Rolls 249 DCA: MR/5/2, mb. 6 (24 October) ... Item hit is ordeynet & graunt by the Seide Semble that ffro thens forward suche persones as will cum to the Citte in the ffestes of Corpus Christi Seint George Seint Patrik for procession and pylgrymage and hors for Rydyng at Corperaunt {`Shrove Tuesday'} be fre with oute enny Wexacion {`hinderance'} cummyng

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Goyng and abydyng a day befor and a day after so that thei bryng no man his horse of the Citte owith them the wiche was stollo ... Item hit is ordeynet by the seide Semble that euery Constable in his quarter se that household h. . .j and there men haue wepyn accordyng to harre degre and compell by mercimentes {`®nes'} yonge menne to goh. . .j in holydayes whan the wedder ys acordyng and to punysh them for queytyng {`quoiting'} and other vh. . .j playes 1466 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/2, mb. 6 d (24 October) ... Item hit is ordeynet by the seide Semble that the Waytes of the Citte be assignet how ferre {`far'} they shall wache and poyntment of ther wages and that they fynd suerte {`surety'} not do departe. ... Line 4 do] read to.

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1469 Franchise Roll of the City of Dublin 250 DCA: Fr/Roll/2, mb. 2 (28 April) ... Iohannes Talbot pyper eo quod fuit apprentic' Iohannis Clare pyper ... Ricardus Bennet Piper ex gracia speciali ... 1481±4 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 251 RCB: P. 326/27/1/1, f. [1] (22 April 1481 ± 18 April 1484) ... Item for the makyng of ‡e pascall sepulcre wax and oure lady gawdees ... Item for makyng of the pascall sepulcre wax & oure lady gaudees

viij d viij d

1483 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 252 RCB: P. 326/27/1/1, f. [2v] (4±30 March) Item paied for vj li' wax ageyns Ester Anno regni regis Edwardi quarti xxiij to ‡e newe pascall price ‡e pound ix d' Summa 5

Item for ‡e makyng of ‡e same pascall & sepulcre waxe ...

iiij s vj d vj d

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f. [3] ... Item paied for makyng of ‡e pascall & sepulcre waxe

vj d

1484±5 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 253 RCB: P. 326/27/1/2, f. [2v] (18 October 1484 ± 29 September 1485) ... Item putt to ‡e battes {`lumps'} of ‡e pascale wax

iij li'

f. [3] Item payed for wax to ‡e pascale Item for makyng of the pascale ... o o + Item In' Richard White is hand of begging to ‡e Sepulcre wax o o + Item in a purse yn ‡e churche to ‡e same o o + Item to ‡e Sepulcre a keche {`lump'} of wax ...

xiij.d vj.d

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1486 Franchise Roll of the City of Dublin 254 DCA: Fr/Roll/2, mb. 17 (21 April) Willielmus Bathe Taborer' pro eo quod sponsauit Rosiam Dewnyshe liberam mulierem ... Willielmus Kenan f®dler' ex gracia speciali (31 July) ... Memorandum quod ordinatum fuit eodem die veneris quod Maior & Balliui equitabunt circa metas & bundas franchesie predicte Ciuitatis die lune proximo post festum sancte Anne tunc sequente ... 1487 Franchise Roll of the City of Dublin 255 DCA: Fr/Roll/2, mb. 17 (11 May) ... Iacobus hanwodd harper' ex gracia speciali ... 1488 White Book of Christ Church 256 RCB: C/6/1.2, f. 65 (4 September) ... Memorandum ‡at Thomas Meyler beyng Maire of ‡e Citte of dulyn' Wylliam

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Englysh & Robert Boys bailif®s of the seid Citte with ‡e Aldirmen & Comenys did Ryde ‡e ffranches of ‡e forseid Cittie ‡e fourth day of Septembre the yere of ‡e Reigne of kyng henry vijth ‡e iiijth In ‡is the seid Mayre and his bre‡erne toke ‡er way In ‡e name of god ®rst owte at the dammys gate and so forth by ‡e long stone of the stayn levyng al hallous on ‡er Right hand . . . 1493 Dublin Assembly Rolls 257 DCA: MR/5/3, mb. ¦ d (19 July) ... Reynold talbot Iames Barby & Iohn' seriaunt for ‡e bull ryng ... 1495 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 258 RCB: P. 326/27/1/4, f. [8v] (May? 1494 ± May? 1496) ... Item for makyng of ‡e pascall & seynt pulkyr is ly¿th {`Holy Sepulchre's light'} ... 1496±7 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 259 RCB: P. 326/27/1/5, f. [4v] (1 May 1496 ± 1 May 1497) ... Item for making of the pascale & Sepulcure light & v priketes ...

xj d

xiiij d

1498 The Chain Book 260 DCA: C1/2/1, f. 56v (20 July) Corpus christi day a pagent

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the pagentes of corpus christi day made by an olde law & confermed by a semble befor Thomas Collier maire of ‡e Citte of diuelin & IuriesKebaliffesf & communes ‡e iiijth friday next after Midsomer ‡e xiij yere of ‡e reigne of kyng henri ‡e vij th } Gloueres. Adam & Eve with an angill followyng berryng a swerde epeyn xl sf } Corvisers Caym & Abell with an avter & ‡er ofference peyn xl s } Maryners vynters shipcarpynderis & samoun takers Noe with his shipp apparalid acordyng peyn. xl. s } Weuers Abraham ysaak with ‡er avterKe& a alambef & ‡er offerance peyn. xl s } Smythis Shermen bakers sclateris Cokis & masonys. pharo with his hoste peyn xl s } Skynners house carpynders & tanners & browderes. for ‡e body of ‡e camell & oure lady & hir chile {`child'} well apereled with Ioseph to lede ‡e camell & Moyses with ‡e children of Israell and ‡e portours to berr ‡e camell peyn .xl. s

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h. . . j steynours & } hGoldsmjythis

peyntours to peynt ‡e hede of ‡e camell .xl s ‡e iij kynges of Collyne ridyng worshupfully with ‡er offerance with a sterr afor them peyn .xl. s } hopers ‡e sheperdis with an angill syngyng gloria in Exhceljsis deo peyn .xl. s h.j Corpus christi yild {`guild'} Criste in his passioun with iij maries & angelis berring serges {`tapers'} of wex in ‡er hand xl. s } Taylours pilate with his fellaship & his lady & his knyghtes well beseyne. peyn xl s h.j Barbours Anh. .j & Caiphas well araied acordyng xl s } Conpteours Arthure with knightes peyn xl s } f®sshers ‡e xij apostelis peyn xl s

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f. 57 } Marchauntes ‡e prophetes peyn .xl. s } BouchersKevjf Tormentours with ‡er garmentes well & clenly peyntid xl s } ‡e maire of ‡e bulring & bachelers of ‡e same ‡e ix worthies ridyng worshupfully with ther followers acordyng peyn. xl s The hagardmen {`stack-yard men'} & ‡e husbandmen to berr ‡e dragoun & to repaire ‡e dragoun a Seint Georges day & corpus christi day peyn [.xl. s] oxl s xl so

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f. 57v The pagentys of Corpus christi processioun Gloueres. Adam eve. with an Angyll folowyng. berryng a swerd Corviseres. Cayme & Abell with an Autere & hare offeraunce Marineres & Vynteres gshipcarpynds & samoun takersh Noe with his shippe Apparailed accordyng Weveres Abraam Isake with hare offeraunce & Autere Smythis e& shermen & bakerys sclaterys Cokys & Masonysf ffarao with his hoste Skynneres. The camell with the children of Israell e& housse carpenderes for ‡e bodi of ‡e Camel Steynours & peyntours for to peint ‡e Camalf gis hede skenners & Tannours to Mayntene ‡e hellyng {`covering'} of ‡e Camel with oure lady & cetera h The portours to bere ‡e Camell Goldsmythis the kynges of Cullyne hoperes the shepertes with an Angill syngyng. Gloria in excelsis deo Coorpus christi ¿eld {`guild'} Criste in his passioun with maries & Angelys Taylours Pilate with his felewshippe. & his wiff clothed accordyng Barboures Anna & Cayfas wel accordyng Cowtyoures [the ix worthy othir] Arthure with his knyghtes f®sheres Appostilles Marchaundes Profetys Bowcheres Turmentoures owith there A-Ray welbe Seyne {`well apparelled'}o o The Mayre of bolryng the ix worthyo Line 1 christi day a pagent] upper part of these words cropped at top of page. Line 10 avter] corrected from auter. Line 16 h. . .j] CARD, I, 240, read `and'; elsewhere the word is always written `&', and from what can be seen of the remaining ink, `The' may be a more plausible

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reconstruction (hiatus, 11mm). Line 17 hGoldsmj] CARD, ibid., reads `[Goldsmy]this', probably correctly (hiatus, 10 mm). Line 19 hopers] CARD, ibid., reads `Hoopers', but although the writing is now almost illegible, the spelling with single o is con®rmed by the available space (12 mm). Line 25 Conpteours] CARD, ibid., reads `Courteours' and notes that the manuscript was `indistinct'; only the third and fourth letters are unclear, however. Line 26 f®sshers ‡e] these words have been touched up with post-medieval ink, the ‡ altered to y. Line 32 xl s struck through, then twice replaced in an early-sixteenth-century hand. Line 37 shipcarpynds] read shipcarpynders. Line 49 Coorpus christi ¿eld] these words are apparently touched up. Line 54 Marchaundes] otiose a superscript above the -au-. Line 55 added text is in a later, sixteenth-century hand. Line 56 whole line is in a later hand, probably that of the earlier additions.

1498±9 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 261 RCB: P. 326/27/1/6, f. [8] (1 May 1498 ± 1 May 1499) ... Item payd for vij li' of wexKetof ‡e sepulcir' & pascal ...

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vij s.

h. . .j

d

1501 Franchise Roll of the City of Dublin 262 DCA: Fr/Roll/2, mb. 30 (7 May) ... Gregorius kinge taborer ex speciali gracia ...

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1504 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/3, mb. 12 d (3 May) ... Also it ys ordynet by ‡e sayd semle that Water Owrey schall hawe the offyce of ‡e trompetshyp of ‡e Citte hawyng {`having'} thherj for yerly xxvj s viij d hys gowne or vj s viij d hys Chamer {`chamber'} vhich hys apon the Mayr {`which is at the Mayor's expense'} for ‡e tyme beyng & he to gywe {`give'} atendenhcej daly vppon ‡e mayr &cetera ... 1505 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/3, mb. 12 (18 April) ... Item it is ordinet and grauntit by ‡e seyd Semble that ‡e mayster and wardynes of corpus christi yeld {`guild'} schall bere no pagyentes vpon corpus christi day bot scwch {`such'} pagyentes as ‡ei dide of old tyme ...

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1506 The Dublin Chronicle 263 TCD: MS 543/2/14, mb. 1 d ... Nycolas harbard maior the xxjte yer of kinge henre the vijth Iohn blanchfel and patrick harbartt balyfes This yer the pasyon of Cryste wasse pleytt {`played'} on the hogen gren ...

1509±10 Proctor's Accounts of John Andowe 264 RCB: C/2/(106), mb. 1 (24 June 1509 ± 24 June 1510) (25 December 1509, 2 February, 8 April and 27 May 1510) ... . . . Et de ± iij s j d solutis Thome Mayowe ludenti cum vijem luminibus in festo Natalis domini & puri®cacionis . hoc Anno Et de ± iij s vj d pro victualibus componencium paschalem & leuacione & deposicione eiusdem . Et de ± iiij s vij d solutis ludentibus cum Angelo magno & paruo ac dracone in festo pentecostes Et de ± iiij s ij d solutis pro victualibus eisdem ludentibus in diebus eiusdem festi hoc Anno ...

5

5

1512 Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande 265 . . . Ormond bearing in minde the treachery of the Dublinians, procured such as were the grauest Prelates of his Cleargie, to intimate to the Court of Rome the heathenish riot of the Citizens of Dublin in rushing into the Churche armed, polluting with slaughter the consecrated place, defacing the Images, prostrating the reliques, racing downe Aultars, with barbarous outcries, more like miscreante Sarazens, than Christian Catholiques. . . . The Legate vppon his arriuall, indicted the Citie for his execrable offence: but at length, by the procurement as well of the Archbyshoppe as of all the Cleargie, hee was weighed to gyue the Citizens absolution, with this caueat, that in detestation of so horrible a fact, and ad perpetuam rei memoriam, the Maior of Dublin should goe barefooted through the Citie in open Procession before the Sacrament, on Corpus Christi day, whyche penitente satisfaction was after in euerye suche Procession duely accomplished. . . .

1512±13 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 266 RCB: P. 326/27/1/8, f. [7] (1 August 1512 ± 9 October 1513) ... Item Rass' {`received'?} at esster to ‡e passkall & ‡e sepolker'

vij s

5

10

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... c. 1515±20 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts 267 RCB: P. 326/27/1/9, f. [3v] ... + Item payd for makyng of pascall & sepokr ly¿t ...

5

f. [4] ... + Item for makyng pascal & sepolker ly¿t ...

xx d

xx d

f. [7] Item payd for makyng of pascl & sepolkr ly¿t ...

xx d

Line ¦ pascl] read pascal

c. 1515±20 St Werburgh's Churchwardens' Accounts RCB: P. 326/27/1/10, bifolium, f. [1] ... Item payd for the makynd {`making'} of the pascall & sepulkyr ly¿th ...

5

5

10

f. [1v] ... Item payd for the makynde of the pascall & sepulkyr ly¿th ...

xx. d

xx d

1519 The History of the County of Dublin 268 (19 December) ... . . . ``Memorandum, that I, Thomas Netterville, the king's attorney, was with Sir William D'Arcy of Platten, knight, at Platten, the Monday next before the feast of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the year 1519, . . . Sir William shewed me that he and his cousin Sir Thomas Kent, being learning their Tenures and Natura Brevium with Mr. John Stret at Dublin, was tabled at Hugh Talbot's, the said Hugh then dwelling where the said John Dillon now dwelleth, and that Philip Bermingham, then Chief Justice of the King's Bench, at that time dwelled there, as Anne White dwelleth now, having one John Harper in his service, unto the which John Harper, the said Sir William and Sir Thomas, with other their companions on holydays resorted, to learn to harp and to dance at the said justice's place, . . . ...

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233

1523 The Dublin Chronicle 269 TCD: MS 543/2/14, mb. 2 d (20 July) ... . . . then deyde mawde darssey wyff to christoffer Wssher and one blake mondaie {`Black Monday', Easter Monday} followinge it raynede so sore that ye maior with his bretherne and comens coude nott goo to the wode {`wood'} but they all tarryede in Chrychyrche {`Christ Church'} in the witsontyde aftter was a greatte ¯ode and on saincte margett is tyme folowinge wase the lyff of saincte larens playyde one the hoggen' gren' ...

5

1525 The Dublin Chronicle 270 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 10v ... . . . this yer the frenchis of this Cittie was [.] redden . . . 1528 The History and Antiquties of Dublin 271 Armagh Public Library, no shelfmark, p. 140 (Christmastide) ... Thomas ®tz Gerrald Earl of Kildare, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Anno .one thousand, ®ue hundred, twenty Eight, was invited to a new play euery day in Christmas time, Alexander Vsher being then Maior, and ffrancis Herbert, and John Squire Bayliffs; wherein the Taylors acted the part of Adam, and Eue; the Shoomakers represented the Story of Crispin, and Crispiana. The Vintners acted Bacchus, and his story; The Carpenters presented the story of Joseph, and Mary. Vulcan, and what related to him, was acted by the Smiths; The Comody of Cñres, the Goddess of Corne, was acted by the Bakers: Their Stage was putt vp on Haggin-Green, now called the Colledg Green, on this stage the Priors of Saint Johns of Hierusalem, of the blessed Trinity, and of Allhallowes, caused two playes to be acted; the one representing the Passion of our Sauiour, the other the seueral deaths which the Apostles suffered. ...

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10

Line 12 Passion] corrected from passion.

1534 The History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin 272 (August) ... A.D. 1530. Sir William Skef®ngton was appointed lord deputy, and having landed near Dublin in August this year, together with the bishop of Meath, and the earl of Kildare, lately released from the persecutions of cardinal Wolsey, the mayor and citizens of Dublin met them in solemn procession on the green of St. Mary's abbey, and the recorder, Thomas Fitzsimons, congratulated the arrival

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of the lord deputy, and the earl (who was very dear to the citizens) in a pithy oration; . . . ... 1540 Inventory of the chamber of Leonard, Lord Grey 273 PRO: SP 60/9, f. 90 (7 August) ... Item a lute and a casse of Recorders ...

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10

1541 The Dublin Chronicle 274 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 14v (16 June) ... Anno domini Mo Vo xlij xxxiiijto henrie occtauie walter Tyrrell Maiore Thomas ffane and Iohn spenfeld bailli®s this yer Sir antony sellenger Deputie with the the kinges conyssiall {`Council'} held a parlament at Dublin and ther came to it the Irle of wormond {`Ormond'} the erle of Desmond the lord Barie makegillpatricke obrenens sonnes makcart mor with mane Irishe lordes and one carpus Christie Daye they rode about with the proKecefssion in the parlement Robes and the ix Wortheis {`Nine Worthies'} was [ply] played and the maiore bare the masse {`mace'} befor the Deputie on horse bake corpus / Cristie Daye the xvjth Daye of Iune Dominicall letter on b the prime on ther and the sondaie after [p] in sainete patrickes churche kinge henrie was proclamed king of Irlond and the next sondaye after the {`they'} had tormentes on horsback and after had Roninge at the ringe with speres on horse bake . . . Line 12 tormentes] read tornamentes

1541 Rerum Hibernicarum Annales 275 (16 June) . . . Epulas, Comúdias, & certamina ludicra quñ sequebantur, quid attinet dicere. . . . ...

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1541 Edict of the Dublin Parliament 276 PRO: SP 61/2, f. 36 (12 July) ... Item similiter constitutum est quod nulli mimj histriones aut ceteri Munerum exquisitores in solemnitatibus natalis domini aut pasche aut alio quocumque tempore decetero admittantur nec aliquid minus eis tribuantur sub pena perdicionis vnius auris ... Line 4 minus] read munus; tribuantur] read tribuatur

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235

1541 Treasurer's Book 277 DCA: MR/35, p. 3 (4 November) Memorandum that Olyver Stevins Meire of the boll ryng Nycholas kellye and Rycharde browne Sherreffes owith vpone Abill of ther handis iijxx & vli of Serpentyne powder {`gunpowder'} o‡er else vj d for euery li ...

5

1541±2 Treasurer's Book 278 DCA: MR/35, p. 21 (c. 10 November 1541 ± 10 November 1542) ... Item to the Mynstrallis in the Tolsell ther beyng my lord Deputie. Obrenen with dyuers o‡er strangers iij s iiij d ... 1542 Accounts of John Mos 279 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [6] ... Item the syngers of the passyon at brekfast ... f. [6v] ... hItemj to the ryngers vij pair glowes {`gloves'} Item the plaing of the resurrection ... f. [8] (8 June) ... Item corps christi day berrynge the fertor {`bearing the feretory'}

xd

xxj d vj d

1542 Christ Church Deeds 280 (3 April) ... Lessors in No. 1178 lease to John Cayn, yeoman, a house and messuage before the Bull rynge on the south side in Glasnyven wherein the said John now dwells, the small barn adjoining the east end of same, and the garden croft and half an acre of arable land also joining thereto, for 21 years: rent, 2s., with covenant for re-entry. (English). Dated 3 Apr., 1542. ...

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1542 Treasurer's Book 281 DCA: MR/35, p. 15 (25 July)

5

5

5

5

Item vpone mr maior & mr Treasorer is byll to Iamys Bycton for his lyuerye ... Item vpone Mr maior & mr Treasorer is bill to Iamys Bycton Trompetor for his half yere is wages due at l ... 1543 Treasurer's Book 282 DCA: MR/35, p. 28 (29 September) (1 November 1542, May 1543) ... Item to Iames Bicton for dimidium yere is wages ending at hallomaas Anno xxxiiijo Item to the said Iames for dimidium yeres wages ending at maij then next following ... 1545 Treasurer's Book 283 DCA: MR/35, p. 36 (20 January) ... Item [payd] delyueryd to Mr Coylloke for the Amendyng of the pypes by the bull Rynge ... Item for bycton ys lyvery ... 1545±6 Treasurer's Book 284 DCA: MR/35, p. 46 (29 September 1545 ± 4 November 1546) ... Item for a tonne gasgoyne {`Gascony'} wyne to the triumphe of the Daye of the proclamacion of the peax {`peace'} ... p. 47 ... Item to the mynstrals of the Cittie for ther lyuereis of the said yere ...

xxvjs viijd xxvjs viijd

xxvj s viij d xxvj s viij d

iij s xxx s.

viijli

xl s

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237

p. 48 ... Item to the Minstrals ... p. 49 ... Item to Iames bicton trompetor for his wages ...

xx s

iiijli xvj d

p. 51 ... Item to Iohn Ogan for bering of the Dragon the daye of the Tryumphe of the peax ... Item to Richard Stanton for riding of sainct George in the Daye of the Tryumphe of the peax ...

iij s

15

20

vijs

1546±7 Guild Book of the Carpenters, Millers, Helliers and Masons 285 DCL: MS 209, p. 153 (22 April 1546 ± 28 January 1547) ... Item more payt for tymyr {`timber'} to the Gamayll {`Camel'} Item more payt for viij hopys {`hoops'} Item more payt for Naylys Item more payt for the workmanschype [to my selfe] to Nycholus hoyll & phylype Iwnor mete drynke & wagys when they was dresyng {`preparing'} the gamayl ... 1546±7 Treasurer's Book 286 DCA: MR/35, p. 55 (29 September 1546 ± ¦ November 1547) ... Item to Iames bycton for his lyuery gowne ... Item to William Taboret in parte of payment of his wages of the Cittie

10

ix d viij d iij d

5

xx d

xxvj s viij d viijs

p. 57 (29 November 1546, 28 January, 2 February, May, 1 August and 1 November 1547) ... Item for ij hoggeshedes gascoyne wyne spent at the highe crosse the tryumph of the coronacion ls of our souerain Lord king Edwarde the Sixt

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... Item payed the xxix of November Anno xxxviij Henry viij to william Taboret for his lyuere ... Item payed to Iames bicton trompetor for his wages ofKelammas & halloumas quartersf [Candilmas & may quarters] Item payed to the said Iames for his wages of Candilmas & may quarters 1547±8 Treasurer's Book 287 DCA: MR/35, p. 60 (c. 29 September 1547 ± 29 January 1548) ... Item to bycton for his lyvere ...

xs

xxvj s viij d xxvj s viij d

xl s

1547±8 Treasurer's Book 288 DCA: MR/35, p. 68 (c. 29 September 1547 ± 6 November 1548)

5

10

5

Item to William Taboret for his wages xxv s iiij d for his lyverey x s and for his wages to the iorney with my Lord Deputie x s vj d by seuerall billes summa ... Item to Iames bycton trompetor for his wages Item to William Taboret more for his wages at the iorney with my lord deputie ... p. 69 ... Item William Denys Taboret for his wages ... 1548±9 Treasurer's Book 289 DCA: MR/35, p. 76 (29 September 1548 ± 5 November 1549) (1 November, 25 December 1548, and May 1549) ... ffyrst paid to William Taboret for his wages due at Cristenmas last past ... Item to Iames bicton trompetor for his fee due at the feast of halloumas Anno ijo Edwardi vj Item to the said Iames for his fee due at may last ...

xlv s x d liij s iiij d x s vj d

vj s viij d

x s. xxvj s viij d. xxvj s viij d.

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239

p. 77 (21 April and 29 September 1549) Item to Patricke Cawyll fydler for his wages due at Michelmas and Easter last past ...

xv s.

10

p. 79 (29 September 1549) ... Item to bulloke & Patricke ffydler for ther Michelmas wages last 1549 Treasurer's Book 290 DCA: MR/35, p. 71 (c. 21 April ± 30 July 1549) ... Item payd for certaine necessaries for the furnyture of the mustre and bictons lyuere for the stampe of the beggers signes making of mustre cotes ij payre of stockes in Oxmanton with ther chaynes & lockes ... 1549±50 Treasurer's Book 291 DCA: MR/35, p. 83 (4 November 1549 ± 4 November 1550) (29 September 1550) ... Item to Bulloke & Patricke ffydler for ther wages due for the halfe yere endyng at the saide Mighelmas Anno iiijto Edwardi vjti ...

xxx s

xli vj s vj d

xxx s

15

5

5

p. 84 (6 April and 29 September 1550) ... Item to the Mynstrals Patrick ffydler & bulloke for a halfe yere ending at Easter Anno eodem ... Item to Iames bycton Trompetor for his yeres wages ending at the said Mighelmas of Anno iiijto ... p. 87 ... Item for the Trompetor Iames byctons lyuere

xxx

s

10

liijs iiij d

xl s

15

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20

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... paid to Bulloke taboret for his wages due for the iorney of Rathmore ...

xxiij s

1550±1 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 292 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 119 (28 January 1550 ± 27 January 1551) payd to the mynstralis the daye of Richard tauerneres brekeffaste xijd ...

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10

1550±1 Treasurer's Book 293 DCA: MR/35, p. 93 (c. 10 November 1550 ± 10 November 1551) (29 September) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his quarters wages due at Michelmas Anno Kevtof [iiij] Edwardi vjti being due to hym but xiij s iiij d & he rec' so as he haith above his due vj s viij d ... p. 94 ... Item paid for Bictons Lyuere and for a banner for the Trompetor & soundry other necessary affayres for the Cittie as appered particulerlie by abill shewid to the Auditors by mr Mone & for the belmans lyuere 1551 Treasurer's Book 294 DCA: MR/35, p. 91 (c. 12 April ± 28 July 1551) ... Item for the restes of bictons wages tyll the tyme of his death ...

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xxs

xijli xviijs

xxs

1552 By-Law of the City of Dublin 295 RIA: MS 12 E 2, p. 39 (24 June) ... Where the Maior of the Bullring hath been accustomed of auld tyme to haue Certayne Wyne autt of every Tavern ± Ordered that the Maior of the Bull Ring have a Pottle of Wine aut of every Tavern within the Cittee, of such Wyne as there abroach ± he that will not pay same forfects 6s 8d ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1552±3 Treasurer's Book 296 DCA: MR/35, p. 107 (c. 29 September 1552 ± ¦ November 1553) ... Item for the Trompetors ¯agge ...

241

iiij s vj d

1552±3 Treasurer's Book 297 DCA: MR/35, p. 109 (c. 29 September 1552 ± ¦ November 1553) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for a halfe yeres wages ending at Michelmas last ... Item to mr Michell Pentney for the making the bankes {`benches'} in the Tolsell [and for] v li v s and for Roger Trompetors lyuery xlviij s ...

xxx s 5

vijli xiij s

p. 110 (2 April) ... Item to Roger trompetor for his Easter fe last past ...

xxx s

10

1553±4 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 118 (c. 29 September 1553 ± 6 November 1554) (25 March) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipende for one yere ending at Easter last past ...

iijli

1554 Dublin Assembly Rolls 298 DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 3 (26 October) ... Hit is agreid that if the Maire or shyrrives of the bolring for the tym being fynd any baudre {`bawdry'} within any house within the cittie or subbarbes, the awner of the house to be punishit at the discression of mr Maire of the cittie for the tym being ...

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1554 Dublin Assembly Rolls 299 DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 3 d (27 October) ... Hit is alsoo ordeyned by this said assemblee that the maior of bolring fro hensforthe shall haue no suche Money as was paied by the citizens nowe of late for setting forthe the ix worthies / But the mair of bolring fro hensforthe to haue according thauncient custume. And that the same pagentes be not neclectid by the Mairs of bolring herafter one {`on'} payne of xli sterlingK[to the cittie] And it is further ordeyned that thos yong men of the cittie that shalbe chosyn by the maior of bolring for tyme being to play any parte of the said ix worthies & they or eny of them hrjefusing hit forfait vj s viij d sterling to the said Mayr of bolring ... 1554±5 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 300 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 120v (25 July 1554 ± 5 July 1555) (13 and 24 June 1555)

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10

Item paid to Stewen Casse for playnge pilote a {`on'} corpus criste day Item payd for his dynner & his Ladies Item payed to the cottler for scowrynge of the sword ... Item paied for glowes {`gloves'} & trayees to pilot ... payed to the clerks to drink a midsomer day. payed for wheat against midsomer to make cakes payed for a dosing {`dozen bottles'} of ale

iis. irishe xiid irishe vid. irishe ixd Irish xiid. xs ixs

f. 121

15

20

payed for claret win a midsomer day payed for whit win amidsomer Day payd for Secke {`sack'} amidsomer day payed for making the wax against midsomer payed for ®re wod payed for bread & drink to them that made the waxe payed to themperowr payed for gloves for themperor & empres payed for ther breckfast & dinner payed for paynting the emperorrs hed ...

xviijd iiijs iijs xvd. iid. vid. iis ixd xviijd. xviiid

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1555 Treasurer's Book 301 DCA: MR/35, p. 121 ... Item for Roger Trompetors lyuery ... 1555 Treasurer's Book 302 DCA: MR/35, p. 118 (5 November) (14 April) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipende for one yere ending at Easter last past ...

243

xl s

iijli

1555 Proctor's Accounts of Gilbert Corey and Nicholas Miaghe 303 RCB: C/2/(107), mb. [1] (2 June) ... . . . Et de iijs solutis pro paruis cordulis occupatis circa spiritum sanctum in festo penthecostes . . . de iijs vjd solut pro fabricacione angeli thuri®cantis in festo penthecostes de ihijsj iijd pro cordis dicti angeli . . . ... 1555 Treasurer's Book 304 DCA: MR/35, p. 122 (5 November) (29 September) ... Item to Roger Tawerner Trompetor for one yeres stipende ending at Michelmas last ...

5

iijli

1556 Sir Thomas Radcliffe receives the Sword 305 LPL: MS Carew 621, f. 15 (26 May) ... . . . The Lord f®ts walters Pattent was then delivered vnto Iohn Parker Esq' Master of the Rolls, whoe read the sayd Pattent in open audience, Sir Anthony St leger humbly kneelinge before the Alter, and after his thankes given to Almighty God, rose vpp, and setting the sayd Lord f®ts walters in his place, tooke from Sir George Stanley the Sword and most humbly kneelinge vppon his knees, surrendred the sayd sword into the hands of the foresaide |f. 15v| aforesayd Lord f®ts walters accordinge to the Kings and Queenes Maiesties pleasure, which sword afterwards delivered to Sir Henry Sidney Knight Vitz treasurer. Then the right reverend ffather in God Hugh Coren Archbishop of Dublin Lord Chauncellor of Irelande Read the oath of the sayd Lord ®ts walters, and I Arthure Pursuivant at Armes held the Masse booke whereon he

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tooke his oath and that being donne the trumpetts sounded and drummes beate and then my Lord Deputy kneeled downe before the Alter, in his prayers to Almighty God vntill Te deum was ended & cetera. ... 1556 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 306 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 121 (4 June) ... paied to Stephan Casse for plainge on corpus Cristy daie paied for his glowes {`gloves'} paied for glowes to the Empres paied for ther dinner & brekefaste ... 1556 Treasurer's Book 307 DCA: MR/35, p. 133 (3 November) (29 September) ... Item to Roger Trompetor vpon four billes of his stypende for one yere ending at Michelmas 1556 ...

5

5

iis xiid vid. xviiid.

iijli

1556±7 The Dublin Chronicle 308 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 18v (25 July 1556 ± 5 July 1557) ... . . . in this yer the ix worthes {`Worthies'} was plaid and the maior gawe {`gave'} them a goodlie Dener and iiij trompeteres mony for ther paines that is to saye xx s sterling and found them horsses ... 1557 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 309 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 121 ... Paid to the Innor for the v standartes Paid to thempror for his paynes Paid for gloves to hym Paid for gloves to thempras Paid for ther brekefast & dyner ...

viiis ijs ixd. vid. iijs

1557 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 6 (16 July) It is ordeyned also by auctoritie of this Assemblye / that none shalbe henceforth

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245

chosen named & appointed to thof®ce of Maior of the bulring but that fyrst he shalbe witnessed hable by the companye of the bulring or the more parte of them that at his elecion & appointment shall fortuen to be present / And who som euer being soo witnessed hable & thervpon elected & appointed to that of®ce by the Maior & his bretherne after thauncient maner doo refuse the same / or dooth not by hym silfe or suf®cient deputie exercise & occupie it in all points & things accustomed shall forfait of his goods twentie pounds Irishe to the Treasorie of this Cittie / It is also ordeyned that the lyke ordre shalbe henceforth obserued for thelleccion of the Shiryves of the bulring / And who som ever being soo as afore named to that of®ce dooth refuse or nat exercise it in person or by deputie shall forfait of his goods ten pounds Irishe to the Tresorie of this Cittie / It is also ordeyned that euery baccheler being a yongeman of this Cittie that shall herafter refuse to waite vpon the Maior or Shiryfs of the bulring by nyght or daie for thexecucion & administracion of their charge without iust cause to be allowid by the Maior of this Cittie & his bretherne shall forfait for every default vj s viij d halfe to the Tresorie of the Cittie / And thother halfe to the maior & Shiryfs of the bulring ... 1557 Treasurer's Book 310 DCA: MR/35, p. 139 (9 November) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his said yeres stipend ...

iijli

1558 Fiants of Elizabeth I 311 (3 April) ... Pardon to Donald O'Lalor, of Dublin, harper; for the murder of Boolaghe McKegan, of Dublin, harper. ± 3 April, iv. and v. ... 1558 The Dublin Chronicle 312 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 18v (?23 April) ... . . . Also in this yer mr Raffe callffell came ower with saint gorge |f. 19| A horsebake . . . ... 1558 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 9 (22 July)

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... Thomas ®tz Symon ®tz Iohn Patrick Sarsfeld & William England late Maior & shyryves of the bolring debent vppon ther bill for lxxxli gonn poulder {`gunpowder'} xx iiij li gonn poulder. ... 1558 Dublin Assembly Rolls 313 DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 9 d (22 July) ... Sainct Georgis harnes as the saie {`as they say'?} with the cutler & ¯adge {`¯ag' ?} for fott men whit & Reade & ijstandardes for horsemen ... 1558 Treasurer's Book 314 DCA: MR/35, p. 148 (8 November) ... Item to Roger Trompetor vpon foure billes for the said yeres stipende ...

5

p. 149 ... Item more paid to Roger Taverner trompitor vppon foure billes for his wages ... 1558±9 Treasurer's Book 315 DCA: MR/35, p. 154 (29 September 1558 ± 29 September 1559) (7 April 1558) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his wages due for one yere ending at Easter 1558 ...

5

p. 159 ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his lyuery ...

iijli

iijli

lx s

iiijli

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

247

1558±9 Guild Book of the Carpenters, Millers, Helliers and Masons 316 DCL: MS 209, p. 33 (17 November 1558 ± 16 November 1559) ... Item paied agrotte {`a groat'} sterling for dressynge of the Gaymaylle {`Camel'} that is to say ijd sterling in nayles & ijd sterling in hopes {`hoops'}/. ... 1559 Dublin Assembly Rolls 317 DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 9 (20 January) ... Item it is ordeyned & agreed that euery haggard {`stack-yard'} man within the ffraunches of this Cittie shall paye [paye] for the reparacion of the dragon that haue ben don befoore this tyme xviij d / and from hensforth euery of them to paie yerelie for the maintenaunce of the said dragon & bearing therof on sainct Georgs daye and Corpus christi daie xij d to the Tresorer for the tyme being

5

5

1559 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/6, mb. 10 d (20 January) ... Item it is agreed that the Tresorer shall have allowance for Roger trompetor is lyuerey after x s sterling the yarde for this yere onelie 1559 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 318 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 121v (25 May and 23 June) ... Item payd for the emperor & empras ys brek fast and for ther Dener Item payd for gloves to the empror Item payd to thempror for hys paynys Item payd for gloves to the empras Item payd for Drynke to the company on corpus cryste ys Daye Item payd for busses {`rushes'} and fenell on saynt John ys ewen {`eve'} to the hall ... 1559±60 Treasurer's Book 319 DCA: MR/35, p. 164 (29 September 1559 ± 29 September 1560) (29 September 1560)

iiijs. ixd iiis vid xvd vid

5

10

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248

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipende for one yere ending at Michelmas 1560 ...

5

iijli

1560 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 3 (19 January) ... It is agreed that Roger Tawerner Trompetor shall haue iiij yardes and Corbet gonner thre yardes for ther gownes of suche cloth as mr Maior and Mr Treasorer shall thinke meh. .j for this present yere vpon the Citties Revenue / And they to haue hensforth ther lyuereis by Mr Maior for the tyme being of suche cloth as he gyve lyuereis to his of®cers / And the said mr Maior to haue allowaunce & payment therfore of the Citties Revenue 1560 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 320 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 122 payd to the iij chyldren of the quere {`choir'} ... payd for maken of the swords for thempror ...

iii.d xiid irish

1560 Treasurer's Book 321 DCA: MR/35, p. 167 (5 November) Item to Roger Trompetor for his lyuere to hym graunted by assemble ...

iijli

p. 169 5

5

Item to the hooper for mending the dragon & Lynen cloth & nails to the same Item for peanting the same ...

x s iiij d xij s

1560 The Dublin Chronicle 322 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 20 (23 and 30 June) ... Anno m vo and lx Crystopher Segraue maior Richard gallterne and Edward Barone sherreives . . . Item the xxiij of Iune landed at [Dublin] Dalkey the lord lefftenant therle of Suxexes also the sondaye the last of Iune he toke his othe in Cristchurche & ther [Rec] Receved the sword and gave to the tromperteres iijli sterling corrant mony of England ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

249

1561 The History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin 323 (5 June) ... A.D. 1561. The earl of Sussex, lord lieutenant, having taken the oath of of®ce in |p. 313| Christ-church, Thomas Fitzsimons, then mayor of Dublin, invited the lord lieutenant and council to dinner; after which he entertained them with a play, in which the Nine Worthies were acted; in the evening he gave them a sumptuous entertainment, after which the mayor and his bretheren with the city musick, attended the lord lieutenant and council to Thomas-court by torch light. ... 1561 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 10 (24 October) ... It is agreed & ordeyned by this said assemblie That corbet daly Gonner of the said Cittiy in respect & consideracion of his good seruyce done & to be done in ouersight and kepinge of the Citties ordenaunces shall haue yerelie ffower yardes of cloth such as the Trompitor shall have for his lyuere vpon the charges of the Tresorye of the Cittie ... 1561 Treasurer's Book 324 DCA: MR/35, p. 173 (4 November) ... Item for the Trompitores & the gonners lyuere ... p. 175 ... Item for the Trompitor and gonners liveries ...

5

5

v li v s

v li v s

5

1562 The Dublin Chronicle 325 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 21 (29 July) ... Item the wensdaye the xxix of the same monthe he was sworne in Saint patricke and ther receved the sword and the trehompeters had of the l shipp x l {`Lordship £10'} best corrant mony of England ...

5

1562±3 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 188 (29 September 1562 ± 29 September 1563) (29 September 1563)

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:53 ± b&b/ab/sh

250

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipend for iij quarters ending at Michelmhajs 1563 ... 1563 Treasurer's Book 326 DCA: MR/35, p. 177 (26 July) ... to Roger Trompetor for his wags by iij warauntes ...

xlv s

iijli

Line 2 wags] read wages.

1563 Treasurer's Book 327 DCA: MR/35, p. 179 ... the Lyuereis of the Trompetor & gonner graunted to them by assemble ... 1563 Treasurer's Book 328 DCA: MR/35, p. 180 (28 July) ... to Roger Trompetor for the said yeres stipende ... 1563 Treasurer's Book 329 DCA: MR/35, p. 185 (6 August) (25 December 1562) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for one quarter ending at christenmas 1562 ... 1563 Treasurer's Book 330 DCA: MR/35, p. 186 (7 November) (24 June) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipende of iij quarters ending at Mydsomer Anno predicto ...

vli vj s viij d

iijli

xv s

xlv s

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

251

1564 The Dublin Chronicle 331 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 26 (22 September) ... The fryday the xxij of the same monthe was the sayd Maior Robert Honorablie bured {`buried'} and the beste sword was cowerde {`covered'}/ wythe A nell {`an ell'} of sarrsnete lyne {`sarsenet linen'} the corpes vupon the heares {`hearse'} and the thre massis {`maces'} wythe the marssall bedele and trunpter and the [I] Trehompet had A nell and haelfffe of sarssenet then beinge offysheres Patricke Wryll swordberer Richard fytzsymond george spryngane Thoms lynane marc beres Nyclas whyt Marshall Roger tavernere trumpetere/ Then Dwelled the sayd maior Cusak the iiij house next vnto St mychellys pepe or condyd {`pipe or conduit'} on the northe syd in the hey stret {`High Street'} and the courpes was cared on vt {`carried on out'} of the neweyat {`New Gate'} and alonge the kye {`quay'} vnto chrystchurche and goynge at sourdie places {`subdued steps'} the trompeter soundeng a bounte {some sort of trumpet blast?} Calyd the dead soun and when he was bured he sounded the lareme {`larum'} wythe the loud trumpete 1564±5 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 204 (29 September 1564 ± 29 September 1565) (25 December 1564) ... Item to Rogere Taverner for one half yeres stipend ending at Cristemas 1564 ...

xxxv

s

5

10

15

h. . .j

p. 205 (2 April and 24 June 1564) Item more deliuered vnto the said Rogere Tauerner vpon ij warrauntes at Easter and mydsomer 1564 Item for the said Rogers liuery gowne. which coste ...

xxx s xlij s viij d

1565 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 1 d (18 May) ... Yt is ordeyned and agrede by thauctoritie of the said Assemblie that the Maior and Shhirivesj of the Bullringe of this Cittie for the tyme beinge shall have the moitie or halfendell {`half share'} of all the f®nes that is due and herafter to be due for kepinge of Inmakes {`inmates'} within this Cytthiej alsoo halfendell of f®nesKeof themf that settethe ther Tauernes for rent and settethe forthe h. . .j Ale by dussens {`dozens'} to vnmaried Women to be sold . and all them that kepethe eny hores in there howses contrarie to the Lawes in that Case provided and to punishe those vnmaried Women that shalbe found with child and to expell and Banishe them furthe of this Cyttie / the other moytie to the Cittie ...

5

5

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252

5

10

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1565 The Proctor's Accounts of Peter Lewis 332 TCD: MS 575 (E. 3. 21), f. 38v (20 June) ... Note that this presend day sir Nicolas arnold Lord Ivstes send to mr fyane then meyre of dublin be the consayll of my Lord primat adam loftes & my lorde of Myethe hywghe brady ij of the Quenys hey {`high'} commyssyoners send to all the parayshe churche in dublin that they schuld nat kepe corpus christi day hally day but that ewry {`every'} man & womane schuld worke as they dyde ewry other worken day in the wycke A pone A great penallytie & dyspleassure of throubull Tady hellyer wroght in sklattyng of the churche this thursday & with hym iij workemen in his taske ... 1565 The Dublin Chronicle 333 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 26v (20 June) ... Item the xx of Iune Sir Nicholoas [vnreue] arold lord Iustes had [a power to pawe] send vnto Master maior beinge Corpescies Crestie [Day] ys ewen {`Corpus Christi's eve'} that he shuld send his offyceres to all constabeles to giv warneinge that no arthyffyeares {`arti®cers', `workmen'} shold the Daye as holie daye ... Line 2 arold] read arnold; line 5 shold] a word missing (`keep'?) after shold.

5

1566 The Dublin Chronicle 334 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 22 (16 January) ... . . . And a twysday the {`they'?} cam to Thomas Fitz williames to myryonge he and his ladie vnto wenyday {`Wednesday'} at [.] xij of the cloke at non {`noon'} the sherewes {`sheriffs'} of this cittie christopher fagane and John whit Rood/ to myryonge. and ther meat with hyme as he came Ryden tawrdes this cittie with theresker {`their esker' ?} horsemen with the trompetter befor them and at the hooggen grene the maior and the worshepefull company the cit {`city'} met with [hyme] his [ladie] lord and toke the maior |f. 22v| By the hand . . . ... 1566 The Dublin Chronicle 335 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 28v (14 October) ... . . . he comanded his trompeter roger taurner and Nicolas whyt his marssall to make proclamacione that all men from xvj to xvj to repare vnto oxmantone grene and ther to muster . . .

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

253

1566 Treasurer's Book 336 DCA: MR/35, p. 209 (5 November) (14 April) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his stipende for halfe a yere ending at Easter 1566 ... Item for A trumpet to the Cittie whiche was delyuered to Roger Trompetor to be vsed & kept to the Citties vse

xxx s

5

xxvj s

p. 214 Item for the Trompetor & gonners lyveries ...

iiij

li

iiij s

1566±7 Treasurer's Book 337 DCA: MR/35, p. 225 (14 April 1566 ± 29 September 1567) (30 March and 24 June) ... Payed to Roger trompeter for his stipend for half ayere Endinge at Midsommer by twoo billes xxxti s and for his lyverie xl s intoto lxx s ... payed to Phillipe Drenam dromer for his stipend & anuyte {`annuity'} for one [whole] half yere endinge at Ester i567. by warrant xx s payed him more for mendinge his drome iiij s v d quarter ... Payed to George Springham for playinge the pagent iij hsj of Sainct George per warrantum p. 226 ... paid for the newe makinge of the Dragone withoutt warrant ...

10

5

10

xxvj s j d

1567 Dublin Assembly Rolls 338 DCA: MR/5/7 , mb. 12 (17 January) ... It is agreed that the Musicians of this Cittie shall haue an of®cer to levie tharrerages {`the arrears'} of ther stipend / and to call in the same henceforth from tyme to tyme or to take pawnes for it / Also that they shall haue suche libertie to aunswere the Earle of Kildare as mr Maior of this Cittie for tyme being shall see to be meet and not without his licence. It is also graunted that Thomas Quycke shalbe henceforth free from cesses and chardges soo that he shall serue in person as a drommer whensomeuer the Maior of this Cittie shall

5

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254 10

15

5

10

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

goo into the ®elde if the said Thomas be therunto required having reasonable stipend for his seruice It is agreed that Phillip Dryname Drommer shall haue fourtie shillinges Irishe by the yere and his lyuerey of the Cittie / and his table with the Maior for the tyme / so longe as he shall vse hym selfe honestlie in his seruice / And do vse diligence in attendaunce on the Maior and serue with his dromme in the ®elde & otherwise as the Maior for the tyme shall appoint hym and he to hh.j haue wages as a drommer during the tyme of his seruice in any iorney {`journey'} ... 1567 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 339 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 123 ... payd for bred, ale, wyne & blessys {`torches'}, when the lord Deputie ys controllor was with ows {`us'} in the hall iiis. iiiid. st. payd to the payntor for tremynge of the pagantte {`pageant'} for the Emperore & for the Crowen for the Emprace iis. st. payd for Drynke to hym iid. st. payd for the emproes glowes & for the emprace viiid. st payd for the tremynge of the emprores sword. vid. st payd for themprace ys breckfaste & Denner iis. st payd for themperor ys shoosse viiid. st ... 1567 Treasurer's Book 340 DCA: MR/35, p. 220 (17 November) (25 December 1566) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for a quarters stipend ending at cristenmas 1566 ...

5

1567±8 Treasurer's Book 341 DCA: MR/35, p. 230 (29 September 1567 ± 29 September 1568) (29 September 1567 and 29 September 1568) ... payed to Phillipe Drename drommer per quatuor warranta dicti maioris for his stipend for one whole yere endinge at Mighelmas .i568. ... payed to Phillipe dromer for his stipend for half a yere endinge at Mighelmas i567. per warrantum ...

xv s

xl s xx s

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin p. 231 ... payed for the lyveries Roger tawner Trompetor and Corbet daylie mr gonner per warrantum for viij yardes brode clothe ... payed Phillipe dromer for liverie beinge thre yardes brode clothe xxx s yrishe. and for a quarter and anayle {`an ell'?} blake veluetKeofor a scabbarde for the soordeof x s per warrantum Willielmi Sarsfeld & Iohannis ®tz simons Paid to Walter Caseye for v yardes dimidium broode clothe for the liveries of the Mvsicians at x s the yard per warraunt p. 233 ... Super predictum computantem for the Liveries deliuered to the musicians Lv s for Alexander quoyne is liverie xxvj s viij d. & for mony payed to Richard Conran for his stipend paid without suf®cient warraunt. Ls. in toto. ...

255

10

iiij li 15

xl s

lv s

20

25

vjli xj s viij d

1568 The Dublin Chronicle 342 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 25 (17 May) ... . . . the said shereff toke with hyme the mayer of the boldrenge {`Mayor of the Bullring'} the trompete and the Drome of the Cittie {`the city trumpeter and drummer'} and when he came home he gave them mony for ther payns and forther fourtene of the bost yonge mene of the Cittie went with vs as far ahouthe and went no forther for |f. 25v| Whyche thy payd a Breckfaste that Coste xxv s Corrant mony of England and swerne {`swore'} never to do the lyke/ ... Line 5 bost] read best.

1568 The Dublin Chronicle 343 TCD: MS 591 (E. 3. 28), f. 25v (10 August) ... Item the tenthe of Auguste the maior and comenes {`commons'} Rood the frenches {`franchises'} of the Cittie of Dublin:/ ...

5

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256

5

10

15

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1568 Civic entry of Sir Henry Sidney 344 TCD: MS 581 (E. 3. 18), f. 97 (26 October) ... Nota. that. on tewesday. beyng the .2.6. day of october anno .1.56.8. mr Robart Weston esquier and Lorde chancelor of Ierlande. to gether wyth sir Wyllyam . fyzwyllyams. tresorer forthe wars. Ierland. beyng the lordes Iusteces .dyd. mete. the honorable sir henry sydney. apoyntted. agayne to be the Lorde Deputye. of all Ierland. ther mettyng was abowght {`about'} the space. of .v. mylles. from the citey [of] at the wych mettyng ther was a very gooly {`goodly'} company abought the nomber of vjc. horses. in wych company cam the seryfes {`sheriffs'} of the citey of Dublyn with agrete comppany of the citisens very well apoyntted. also wythKeowthf the subberbes of the citey the maior of citey. wyth the aldermen. dydKesalute & wellcomf the sayd sir henry sydney and the the lordes Iustyces and on the bryge {`bridge'}. of the sayd cite. there was dyvers Iustices and men of Law and burgesses of the citye the wych also wecommed the sayd sir henry sydney Kt and entryng Into the citey. prosyded vnto the casteKellf and after hys entry inn to the sayd castell there was a good pele {`peal'} of gon shotte bothe of the sayd citey and castell. wyth the sounde. of trumpetteesf & of other musyke ... 1568 Treasurer's Book 345 DCA: MR/35, p. 222 (2 November) ... Item to Roger Trompetor for his fee or wages due for one yere quarter then ended Item for the Dromers Lyuerey ...

iij

li

xv s xxx s

p. 223

10

(29 September) ... .Item to Thomas Quycke for the lyuereis of iiij waites graunted for ayere ended at the said Michelmas 1568 ... 1568±9 Treasurer's Book 346 DCA: MR/35, p. 239 (29 September 1568 ± 29 September 1569) ... Ffor a liverie to the trompetor summa .xl. s ... p. 240 (24 June 1569)

[iijli] Lvs

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:53 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin ... To the trompetor for dimidium yeares stipend endinge att Midsommer i569 summa To the Dromer for the saide dimidium yeare stipend ... To Patricke Gygen for adrome per warrantum ... To Nicholas Sedgrawe for wyne and suger when the Lord Deputie was in the newhall to see the playe ...

257

xxx s

5

summa xx s xxvj s viij d

10

summa xiiij s viij d

1569 Dublin Assembly Rolls 347 DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 13 (21 January) ... It is lyke maner agreed that no baker Myller loader portor nor berrer from hensforth shall demaunde any offringes / And that the Maior & shiryves of®cers to haue their offringes according to the auncyent custum / And that the Trompetor shall bringe none in his company when he goo to any cittisens howse for his offring or outherwise vpon payne of forfaiture of his of®ce It is agreed for eschuing contrauersie that maye ryse on Shroftuysday in bearing balles that euery occupacion to keape ordre in ryding with their ballis as they are appointed to go with their pageauntes yn Corpus christi daye / by the chayne boke / Saving to euery man the auncyent preemynence of byrthe and mariadge ... 1569 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 13 (6 May) ... It is also agreid to that suche warrauntes as mr maior directid vnto mr ffyan Late Thresorer of this hCijttie for the liveries of the mvsicians and for payment of Condran is stipend and for the liverie of Alexander the mr of the beagers {`beggars' ?} shalbe allowed notwithstandinge anny matter to be obiected to the contrarie 1569 Treasurer's Book 348 DCA: MR/35, p. 234 (September) ... Wheareof He asketh to be allowed for the wadges of the Drome per tempus predicte and for the mendinge and reparacions of his drome the some of twenttie foure shillinges yrishe. . . . ...

5

10

5

5

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258

5

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1569 Treasurer's Book 349 DCA: MR/35, p. 237 (2±5 November) (25 December) ... Item for the drome is {`the drummer's'} wages for a quarter ended eat christemasf Anno i569 Item for Roger Trompetors wages for the saide quarter ... The dromers Liverie ... 1569 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 350 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 123 (7 March) ... payd for blessys {`®res'} to warme ous the vij of Marche payd to the payntor for paynten of the hed for thempror [& for the crowen] payd to thempror for hys paynys payd for mendyng of themprore ys sword ... 1569±70 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 247 (29 September 1569 ± 29 September 1570) (24 June 1570) ... Item to Roger Tawerner Trompetor for his stipend for one yeare endinge at mydsomer i570 per iiij warranta ...

5

p. 248 ... Item to Roger Tawerner trompetor for his liverie ... 1569±70 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 244 (29 September 1569 ± 29 September 1570) ... Item paid for the lyvery of the Musicians lvs. ...

xs xv s. xxx s

ixd. st. xviiiid. st. iis. iiid st vid st

iij li

summa xl s

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

259

1570 Dublin Assembly Rolls 351 DCA: MR/5/7 , mb. 15 d (20 January) ... It is agreid by the authoritie of this assemblie that the mvsicyans of this Cittie shall haue ther liverie coetes {`coats'} yearelye with a cognisaunce {`coat of arms'} of this Cittie vpon euerye Coote at the chardges of the Threasurie of this Cittie / In considerachionj wheareof and of ther salarye appointed the same mvsicians shall three seuerall dayes or nightes euerye weke as tyme of yeare shall require sarve in and throughoute the Cittie and subburbes as the like musicians doo in the Citties of Englande / & at the like howres. and that allowaunce shalbe made for ther liveries gywen {`given'} before this tyme. ...

5

10

1570±1 Treasurer's Book 352 DCA: MR/35, p. 253 (29 September 1570 ± 29 September 1571) (25 December 1570) ... Item paid for the liverye of the Mvsicians for one yeare ending at christams Lvs Anno i570 per warrantum ... Line 2 christams] read christmas.

1570±1 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 255 (29 September 1570 ± 29 September 1571) (29 September 1571) ... Paied to Roger Taverner for his stipend for ®ve quarters endinge at Michelmas 157i iij li xv s & for liuerye for a yeare endinge vt supra xl s in toto ...

vli. xvs.

5

1571±2 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 264 (29 September 1571 ± 29 September 1572) (6 April 1572) The saide accomptant askethe allowaunce for monnye payed to Roger Taverner in parte of his stipend for one haulfe Yeare endinge at Easter 1572 per duo warrant summa More payed to the said Roger for his lyverie per warrant ...

xxx s xl s

5

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260

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

p. 265

10

5

5

(24 June 1572) ... payed to Roger Taverner trumpetor for his stypend for one quarter endinge at midsomer i572 per warrantum summa ...

.xv s.

1572 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 18 d (18 July) ... It ys Agreid that Nicholas Caisshell Drommer shall haue three poundes Irishe per annum for his Wages with meate and dryncke with Mr Maior so that he attend vpon Mr Maior daylye and vsinge hyme seilfe honestlie & to goo to hostinges {`military expeditions'} Iorneys & outher vsuall places aswell abroode as in the Cittie he fyndinge suyrttie {`surety'} soo to do. ... 1573±4 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 287 (29 September 1573 ± 29 September 1574) ... More for the lyveries of the gonner & Roger Taverner Trompetor at xls viijd the peire per warrantum christofori ffagann maioris summa ...

iiijli. xvj s.

p. 288

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(11 April 1574) ... The saide accomptaunt askethe allowance for monnye paied to Roger Taverner trompetor for his stypend for one haulfe yeare. ending at Easter .i574. per ij whajrrantis dicti Maioris summa ...

xxx s.

1574 By-laws of the Trinity Guild of Dublin BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 20v ... ``Whearas divers prentizes and h. . .j of the bretherne of this company have wasted their Mrs. goodes; sum by pilfringe & stellinge, sum by playinge at vnlawfull games, sum ryotously & in excesse of aparrail to the greate hurte of their sayde Mrs & slaunder of this company, for remedye whearof yt is ordeyned, & for a lawe made in this assembly that from |f. 21| henceforthe, yff eny prentize or sarvante of eny brother off this company, do pilfer or steale, waste, spende or play abowe the vallue of xijd sr {`sterling'} of his Mrs Goodes,

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ether that he haunte taverns, or live viciouslye or beget awny woman with childe, that prentize so offendinge in any of the premises shalbe broghte by his Mrs to the tolsell, before the Mrs & Wardens of this company and they ®ndinge that he hathe offended in eny of the premises shall se hym striped naked, and also se hym punished with whippinge with greine birchen {`green birch'} roddes so muche as his faulte shalbe thoghte by them to have desarved; whiche punishment shalbe done by tow or foure men disgized, and in the presence of twelve or more other prentizes, who may by souche example be admonished: ... ...

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Line 2 h. . .j] this word seems to have been unclear to the transcriber. Judging by its context and the transcriber's attempt to reproduce it diplomatically, it may originally have read sarvauntes.

1574 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 23 (16 July) (2 August) ... It is also agreed that the fraunches and liberties of this Citie shalbe rydden abowt and vywed of thhej maior and Citizens the seconde day of August next following according the Ancient lawe provydhed inj that behaulf / And that such as have not observed the said lawe hervnto shall pay the fyne comprised. ... 1574 Treasurer's Book 353 DCA: MR/35, p. 357 (24 June) ... More the said . Accomptant is to be alowid; for the Stypend .of. Roger Taverner, for one quarter ending at mydsomer 1574 ...

xv s/

1574 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 24 (22 October) ... It is also agreid that Phyllipp dryname dromer shalbe admytted to the rowme {`of®ce'} of dromer of this Cittie duringe the pleasure of Mr Maior and Aldermen. Havinge by the yeare the Annuall stypend of ffowre poundes lawefull monny of Irland to be payed by thandes {`the hands'} of the thresurer for the tyme beinge at the ffeastes of Easter and Mighallmas by equall porcions and the saide Phyllipp to vse diligent attendance in proper persone. with fowre outher drommers to serue in suche places . of the Cittie as shall seame goode vnto Mr Maior and Aldermenn. ...

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1574±5 Treasurer's Book 354 DCA: MR/35, p. 277 (29 September 1574 ± 29 September 1575) (25 December 1572) ... Paied to Roger Tauerner trompetor for his Lyuerie xl s and for his stypend for one whole yere ending at Christmas 1572 per iiij warranta ... p. 279 (29 September 1573) ... To Roger Taverner for his stipend for one quarter ending at michallmas 1573 ...

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1574±5 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 294 (29 September 1574 ± 29 September 1575) (24 June 1575) ... More for mony [Lent]Kepayedf to Roger Taverner trompetor for his stipent for one yeare ending at midsomer 1575 per iiijor warranta Iohannis Vssher maioris ... (3 April 1575) Payed more to Phillip Drenam dromer for his stipent for halfe ayeare ending at Easter 1575 ...

vli

xv s

iijli

xl s

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1575 A table of matters in the Council Book 355 BL: MS Additional 4792, f. 138 ... Orders obserued in the Marches of Dublin against rimors harpers, & against Irishmens sendinge ther horses a foyninge {`thrusting'} into the Barony of Radowne with other good orders for followinge of stelthes. fo. 129. 130. ...

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1575 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/7, mb. 25 (29 April) ... It is agreid that all Cittizens from the Adge of Syxtene yeares to Threscore saving suche as are or have beane Maiors Sherives and Aldermen shall mvster euery May daye and at other Ordenarye Mvsters vpon payne of ij s fyne of euery One that shall make defaulte and that the Constable shall give warning of

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the same Order at the saide Mvstering dayes and shall have of the saide fyne viij d the Maior of the Boldrynge {`Bullring'} viii d and the Cittie Wourckes {`works'} to have the rest. ...

1575±6 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 299 (29 September 1575 ± 29 September 1576) ... The said Accomptant asketh more Allowance for mony payed to Roger Trompetor for Sarsnet & frenge for the baner of the Trompet & for making the same xxiiijs iiij d ob' quarter & for velvet for the Skabard of the sworde xs & for thre starres for the same iij s iiij d & for worckmanshipp xxj d quod per iiij o warranta Patricij Goughe tunc maioris ...

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xxxixs v d

10

(29 September 1576) Payed to Phillipp drename dromer for his Stipend for thre quarters ending at michaelmhasj 1576 iij li & for mendinge the Cittie Tent vj s viij d per warrantum dicti maioris

h. . .j

Payed to Roger Taverner for his stipend for one yeare endinge at Michaelmas 1576 per iiijor warranta dicti maioris

h. . .j

1576±7 Treasurer's Book 356 DCA: MR/35, p. 307 (29 September 1576 ± 29 September 1577) (29 September 1577) ... Payed to Phillip drename dromer for his Stipend for one whole yeare ending at mychaelmas 1577 per warrantum Iohannis gough maioris

h. . .j

Payed to Roger taverner trompetor for his Lyvery for Anno 1577 per warrantum Iohannis gough maioris

h. . .j

Payed to the saide Roger for his stipend for one whole yeare ending at Michaelmas 1577 per iiijor warranta Iohannis goughe maioris

h. . .j

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p. 309 (1576) Payed to Corbet dalie and Roger Tauerner for ther Lyueries for one yeare endinge at Anno 1575 per warrantum Iohannis vssher maioris ...

iiijli vs h. . .j

1576 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/8, mb. 1 (20 January) ... It is Agreid lyckwyse by the auctoritie of the saide Assemblie that Phyllyppe Dryname dromer shall have the [y . . .] stypend of ffowre poundes Irishe per Annum during the tyme of his goode service and obedience And that the Maior for the tyme being shall gyve hym his table and twoo yardes and A haulfe . broode cloothe for his lyverie / hee gyving goode and diligent attendance . vpon the Maior as A servinge mann ought to doo . and performing all suche covenantes as hee promysed before which is to instructe & learne fowre outher honnest yong menn to strycke the drome . and to be in Aredynes [to be in Aredynes] att all tymes when occasion shall serve on stacion dayes and outhers &cetera / accordinge the covenantes ageid with hym ... ?1576 A playne and perfect description of Irelande 357 (July) ... Michael ®tz Symons, scholemaister in Dublyn, a proper student, and a diligent man in hys profession, he wrote Orationem in aduentum comitis Essexiñ Dublinium. . . . ... 1577 A playne and perfect description of Irelande 358 ... . . . And, for the better training of their yougth in martial exploytes, the Citizens vse to muster foure times by the yere: on Black-monday, which is the morow of Easter day, on Mayday, S. John Baptist his eue, and saint Peter his eeue. Whereof two are ascribed to the Mayor & Shirifes, the other two, to witte, the musters on Mayday & S. Peter his eue are assigned to the Mayor and Shirifes of the bullering. The Mayor of the Bullering is an of®ce elected by the citizens, to be, as it were capitaine or gardayne {`guardian', `warden'} of the batchelers and the vnwedded youth of the ciuitie. And for the yeare he hath auctoritie to chastise & punishe such, as frequent brothelhouses, and the lyke vnchast places. He is termed the Mayor of the Bull ring, of an Iron ring that sticketh in the corne market, to which the bulles, that are yearely bayted, be vsually tyed: which ring is had by him and his company in so great price, as if any citizen batcheler happe to marry, the Mayor of the bulring & his crewe conduct the

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bridegrome vpon, his |f. 10v col. b| returne from Church, to the market place, & there with a soleme kisse, for hys Vultimum vale, he doth homage to the bull ring. ...

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f. 12 col. a S. George his lane, where in olde tyme were buylded diuers olde and auncient monumentes. And as an ensearcher {`researcher'} of antiquities may by the view, there to be taken, coniecture, the better parte of the suburbes of Dublyne should seeme to haue stretched that way. But the inhabitantes being dayly and hourely molested and preed {`preyed upon'} by their proulling {`prowling'} Mountaine neighbours, were forced to suffer their buyldinges fall in decay and embayed themselues within the citie Walles. . . . There hath beÂene also in that lane a chappell dedicated to saint George, likely to have beÂene founded by some woorthy knight of the Garter. The Mayor with hys brethren was accustomed with great triumphe and pageantes yearely on S. George his feast to repayre to that chappell, and there to offer. This chappell hath beÂene of late razed, and the stones thereof by consent of the assembly turned to a common Ouen, con- |f. 12 col. b| uerting the auncient monument of a douty, aduenturous, and holy knight, to the coalerake sweÂeping of a pu¯oafe baker. . . . ... 1577 Dublin Barber-Surgeons' Guild Accounts TCD: MS 1447 (item 6), f. 44 (22 July) ... PayedK eforf a pottell of seeke {`sack'} A mary mavdlyne day at nyght when I was [chossin] made mr to the chanclere and company of crystchorch

20

25

30

xij d [d] sterling

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1577 Dublin Assembly Rolls 359 DCA: MR/5/8, mb. 9 d (19 July) (10 August) ... It is lickwise agreed by thauctorytie afforsaid that the ffraunches of this Cittie shalbee Rydden by the tenth of August next following when mr mayor shall appoynt ...

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1577±8 Treasurer's Book 360 DCA: MR/35, p. 340 (29 September 1577 ± 29 September 1578) (25 December 1577) ... Payed to Roger Taverner for his Stipend for one quarter ending at christemas 1577 per warrantum

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egidij Allen maioris ... (7 April 1578) Payed to Phyllip drenam dromer for his stipend for halfe ayeare ending at easter 1578 ...

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1578 Patent Rolls Elizabeth I 361 (7 February) (mb. 3) ... 6. Depositions of witnesses taken in Chancery the 7th of February, 1578, in the suit in the preceding article mentioned. ± Sir John Plunkett, knight, Chief Justice of the Chief Bench, to the ®rst interrogatory deposes, ``that he remembers six several abbots, in the late abbey of Chanons, then called Saint Thomas Court, . . . and all that while he never heard or knew any of®cer of the Corporation of Dublin to serve any process within the site or precinct of the late abbey. His cause of knowledge is, that he attended upon his master, the Chancellor Fitzsimons, of Saint Patrick's, with his strollers singing ``balletes'' in the Abbot Brant's chamber, and afterwards attended upon Delahyde, the Justice of the Common Place, sundry times dining with Brante, and . . . was well acquainted with Robert Houth, then one of the of®cers of the Exchequer, who had his lodging, meat, and drink, in the abbey, and did not suffer any of®cers of the Corporation to enter within the precinct of the abbey . . . 1578 The History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin 362 (31 March) . . . The mayor of Dublin did not go to Cullen's-wood on black-monday, according to custom, in regard the weather was so foul and rainy, that neither bow-men nor shot could go abroad; and the mayor of the bull-ring, who used to be elected in St. Andrew's church-yard, was now chosen in the Tholsel.

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1578 Sir Henry Sidney observes the feast of St George 363 TCD: MS 772 (E. 4. 11), f. 18 (23 April) ... This yere the meireKeMr Alen nor the Sis. {`sheriffs'} Mr Segrawe. and Barrif went not to the wood on blacke monday be reson that the wether was so foule and rayney that nether bowe man nor shotte could go a brod and also they chosed ther meare of bowlering {`Mayor of the Bullring'} in the tolsel Vppon St Georges day the right honorable Sir Henrey Sidnay Lord deputey generall of Ireland, Lord presidenhtj of Wales [with his redd] edid ridef with a worthey companey to christ church in his [red] mantele coler and garter accompanied with a xxxvij fote clothes videlicetKeStyward and with me it wasf the controlor the pursifaunt {`pursuivant'} for the heraught the heraught him selffeKein other cot armourf and the [purfa] Sergant at armes with his mace

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the baryne of slane {`Baron of Slane'} which barid {`bore'} the sword. then the governor him selffe with the nobyletey all on fote clothes be sid {`besides'} a sixscore Gentelmen which went be fore them and the knight marshall which came with his men as a garde, haueing holebardes {`halberds'} in ther handes. the quere {`choir'} was hanged with blewe brodeclothe, on on the same was the armes of the companyons of the most noble order of the garter all gorgius ly wrought in metall [with ther s. . . .s] and ther haueing done his obesance iii times he offered at the aulter haue ing before him the pursifant for the heraught and the heraught with the gentel man vssher and the baron of Slane he came to his sete againe and seruice being done he went to the Kinges castell at his entrance was ea nouther pelef shot vj gret peces beside a traine of chambers. and so he kepte a royall feste and open house to such as wold come etc. 1578±9 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 322 (29 September 1578 ± 29 September 1579) ... payed to Phyllip drenam for his stipend ending vt supra per warrantum ...

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p. 324 (29 September 1578) ... payed to Roger Trompetor in parte of his Stipent for iij quarters ending at michaelmas 1578 per warrantum maioris Egidij Allen more for mony payed for peynting of the ¯agg for the trompet per warrantum ...

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xlv s iiij s

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p. 343 (25 December 1579) ... Payed to Roger taverner for his Lyvry per warrantum ... Item to Phyllip drenam dromer for his stipent for iij quarters ending at christemas 1579 per ij warranta ...

xls / iijli

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p. 344 (29 September 1579) ... Payed to Roger Taverner trompetor for his Stipend, for ayeare ending at michaelmas 1579 per warrantum Ricardi Rounsell maioris

h. . .j

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1579±80 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 325 (29 September 1579 ± 29 September 1580) ... payed to Roger Taverner for his stypent for ayeare ending vt supra

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1579±80 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 336 (29 September 1579 ± 29 September 1580) (24 June) ... Payed to Phyllip drenam for his stipend for iij quarters ending at mydsomer 1580 per iij warranta ... 1580±1 Treasurer's Book 364 DCA: MR/35, p. 328 (29 September 1580 ± 29 September 1581) (27 March and 29 September 1581) ... Payed to Phelip drenam dromer for his stipend for one yeare ending at Michaelmas 158i iiij li & for ayeard dimidium brodcloth graunted hym for the mending of his Lyvry xv s per v warranta in toto ... Payed to Roger taverner trompetor for the prise [h] of his Lyvry per warrantum maioris payed to Phyllip dromer for hym selfe & thre other dromers which served at the wod [of] ablackmonday per warranta walteri ball maioris ... 1580±1 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 351 (29 September 1580 ± 29 September 1581) ... Payed to Roger Taverner trompetor for his Stipend per warrantum walteri Ball maioris ...

h. . .j

iijli

iiijli xvs / xl s /

viij s /

iijli

1580 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 4 (22 July) ... Philip Driname Drom, made peticion to have his stipend of iiijli lawfull mony of Ireland hpaiedj hym during his lyfe, And that wher he receveth but a

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Clokcloth {`cloak cloth'} for his lyvery, the same hshalbe madej vp & augmented a gowncloth, And he will in respect therof traine vp thre yong men hto be drumsj to serve this Cittie, It is therfor agreed, by thaucthoritie of this Assemblie that the said Phillip hdejmening {`conducting'} him selfe in duetifull sort shall have the said Stipend of iiijli. lawfull mony hof Irlandj during his naturall lif, And that in liev {`lieu'} or stede of the said Clokcloth he shall hhave a gownjecloth, wherof the Maior for the tyme being to beare the Chardg of the clokcloth hand thej Cittie to beare the overplus, the said Phillip performing as is afforsaid, that is to say h[teach] andj traine thre yong men to serve vpon Stacion Daies as droms, and other tymes when hee & they shalbe thervnto required And yat he shall give his attendaunce as he thervnto he hath h. . .j ... 1580 Dublin Assembly Rolls 365 DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 4 d (22 July) (11 August) ... th h. . .j that the ffraunches [shalbe] of this cittie shalbe ridden the xj of Auguste hensujing if ther shalbe no cause of Strive or trowble that otherwise maie be a impediment thervnto at that tyme/. ... 1581±2 Treasurer's Book 366 DCA: MR/35, p. 332 (29 September 1581 ± 29 September 1582) (29 September 1582) ... Payed to Phyllip drenam dromer far his stipent for ayeare ending at michaelmas 1582 iiijli & for the Agmentacion graunted for his gowne per v warranta iiijli xvs / ... payed to Roger Taverner & Iohn hyll trompetors for ther Stypend at michaelmas 1582 iijli & ther Lyveries lxvj s viij d per v warranta Iohannis gaydon maioris vj li vj s viij d / ... 1581 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 12 (27 October) ... It is further Agreed by the Aucthorytie afforsaid / that Phillip drenam drommer shall have, in hopeKeas wellf of his dilligent Attendance vppon the mayor for the tyme being, as other service wherin he shalbe imployed, shall have as afee yearlie to be payed vnto hym by the Thresorer of this Cittie for the tyme being, during the naturall Lyfe of the said Phillip the som of foure poundes Current

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mony of England; And also he shall have euery daie, that he shalbe imployedKeby mr mayor for the tyme beingf in trayning of the yeouth of this Cittie, twelve pence sterling to be lickwise payed vppon the Thresory of this Cittie provided alwaie that eny foremer graunt of ffee of iiij li made vnto the said Phillyp hertofore shalbe vtterly voide, and in consyderacion that he shall well & honestlye demeane {`conduct'} hym selfe. 1582 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 14 (11 May) ... ffor as moch as Roger Taverner late Trompetor, recevid of mr mayor that nowe is, his Lyvery as dewe vnto his offyce, wherby nowe after his death, Iohn hyll trompetor Can not receve the same, yt is agreed not with standing that for this yeare / the said Iohn shall have a Cloke Cloth vppon the Chardge of the Revenues of this Cittie at the prise of viij s sterling the yearde / ... 1582 Dublin Assembly Rolls 367 DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 16 d (11 May) ... Iohannes hyll trompetor admissus fuit &cetera ex gracia speciali / ... 1582 Dublin Barber-Surgeons Guild Accounts 368 TCD: MS 1447 (item 6), f. 37v (21 July) ... Item A {`on'} mary mawdline ewne {`eve'} to the company of crystchorche

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to the querysters {`choristers'} the same nyght ...

ijs vj d sterling vjd sterling

1582±3 Treasurer's Book 369 DCA: MR/35, p. 364 (29 September 1582 ± 29 September 1583) (29 September, 25 December 1582, 1 April and 29 September 1583)

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more payed to Iohn hyll trompeter for his Stypent for aquarter ending at christemas [1583] 1582 xiiij s xj d ob' quarter, & for his said Stipend for iij quarters ending at michaelmas 1583 lx s & for his Lyvry xl s in toto v li xv s [xj d ob' quarter] ... More payed to david duke scole master for his paynes in playeng an enterlute {`interlude'} vppon blackmonday; per warrantum dicti maioris & aldermannorum xxvj s viij d ...

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1583 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 18 (18 January) ... Wheras the mayor & Sheryves of the bulring compleyned that the offycers of this Cittie, semeth to deny euery maye daie & other tymes of mvstering to serve their Chardge in mvsters, in plasing of men in warlick manner as hathe bene Accustomed, afyrming that they must have for ther paynes, the same being done altogether for the Countenance & Credyt of this Cittie, yt is Agreed by the Aucthorytie [of] aforsaid, that they shall attend at those tymes as hath bene Accustomed, & that the dromer for eche of the tymes shall have ij s vj d sterling: & no more & the trompetor shall also be . considered when he shalbe [cauj] cauled, according the good discression of the mayor of the bulring It is Agreed by the Aucthorytie Aforsaid that Iohn hyll trompetor shall have by way of Agmentacion of his former ffee xv s sterling: which maketh in the whole thre pounds sterling per Annum so long as he do demeane {`conduct'} hym self well & give dillygent attendance & that he enter in bond h. . .j ... 1583 Treasurer's Book 370 DCA: MR/35, p. 358 (27 June) ... More for mony payed to Phyllip drenam dromer for iij Calyvers vnstocked {`muskets without stocks'} iij Corsletes without Collers, iij burgonetes {`casques'} & xvij ¯aunders morryons {`Flemish helmets'}, per warrantum walteri Ball maioris ...

xxixs iiij d /

1583 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 20 (19 July) ... It is further agreed by the Aucthoryty aforsaid that the ffraunches of the Cittie shalbe hrydden at suchj tyme as mr mayor shall appoynt the same by procleymacion, & for as hmoche as itj hath not bene Rydden along whyle, & that Chardge must thervppon h. .j that mr mayor that nowe is, shall have & receve vj li xiij s iiij d hsterlingj of the Cittie revenues, & the payment herof to be aloved {`allowed'} vnto the Thresorherj ... 1583 Sir Henry Wallop to Sir Francis Walsyngham 371 PRO: SP 63/104, f. 52 (20 August) Right honorable, Whereas by our lettre of the 11th of this present vppon the arryvall of Sir Iohn Oreyly, with her Maiesties lettres, we aduertise your honour

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that the lettre from the LL, (wherunto we were referred for our direction towchinge our proceedinges with him) was not come to our handes: It may nowe please your honour to vnderstand that the 14th here of the same was deliuered vnto vs by blynde Crewse the harper./ ffurther I haue not to enlardge vnto your honour at this present only hereof I thought good to aduertyse yow, for the savinge your honours further trouble therin. And so most humbly I take leave this 20th of August 1583 ffrom Dublin. Your honours most assured & at commaundement. o H Wallopo 1583±4 Treasurer's Book 372 DCA: MR/35, p. 375 (29 September 1583 ± 29 September 1584) (29 September 1584) ... He is also to be alowed for so moche payed vnto the Lord deputies mvsycians for a play, per warrantum maioris & Aldermannorum ... More to Phyllip drename drom for his stypent Dewe for one yeare ending at michaelmas 1584 [vj] v li vj s viij d & for one yeard dimidium Cloth for his Lyvry xvs irishe in toto per iiijor warranta More to Iohn hyll trompetor for his stypent for one yeare vt supra iiij li & for his Lyvry xl s per iiijor warranta ... p. 376 (20 April) ... he is to be alowed for mony payed to iij dromes, atendant vppon mr mayor vppon blackmonday & other dayes of stacion per warrantum ... he is also to be alowed for making Certayne h. .jyns for the Cittie tent agaynst the daie of Ryding the fraunches per warrantum ...

xl s

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More he is to be Aloved for mony payed to Laborers to atend vppon mr Mayor the day of ryding the fraunches to breke downe the wayes ...

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p. 378 ... hMorej to be Alowed for so moche payed to mr Iohn hLennajn mayor for so mvche appoynted hym by hassejmbly for ryding the Cittie fraunches vj li h. .sj iiij d sterling quod facit irishe viij li xvij s ix d quarter / ...

30

1584 Dublin Assembly Rolls 373 DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 27 (January) Walter kenedy Clerk admissus fuit de gracia speciali franchise /. with Condicion that he shall attend with his boyes, wppon the mayor & sing on stacion Dayes & other tymes when he shalbe Callid vppohnj during hys life / 1584 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 26 (17 July) ... It is agreed by the Aucthority aforsaid that for as moche as the fraunches of this Cittie have not of Long tyme ben rydden to the great danger that the Lyberties therof for want of Ryding & perambulating the same, the Citties rightes are lycke to be extinguished for preventing wherof the Mayor of this cittie nowe god willing shall Ryde the same fraunches within xxti daies next and for that the Riding therof is thought wil be Chargeable vnto the magystrat being at great Chardges besides hfor thej Citties worship that he shall haue xx nobles sterling granted by the body of this Citty to mr Nicholas ball hthej last yeare had hthe same benj Rydden by him And that euery therd yeare hfrom hencejforth according the lawes provyded in that behalfe, eche mayor shall hout ofj his owne Chardges, without eny allowance of this Cittie, Ryde the same otherhwysej to paie the fyne layde downe in that behalfe without favor or grace 1584 Dublin Barber-Surgeons Guild Accounts 374 TCD: MS 1447 (item 6), f. 39v (22 July) ... the charges that the mr patricke drynan paid that day to the clergy bellis & curistors {`choristers'} for russhes one white grott {`groat'} for drinking for the ringers ...

5

10

iijs iiijd sterling iiij d sterling

5

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274

5

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15

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1584±5 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 383 (29 September 1584 ± 29 September 1585) (25 December 1585) ... Payed to Phyllip drenam dromer for his stypend for a quarter at christemas 1585 . xxvj s viij d & for the Increse of his Lyvry xv s per warrantum Willielmi Piccott Maioris which payment is within the tyme of Thomas Smith thesorer xljs viij d ... h. . .j for mony payed to Iohn hyll trompetor for his stypend h. . .j ending vt supra per warrantum dicti maioris vj li h. . .j Iohn hyll trompetor for the furnishing of h. . . tromjpet per warrantum thome Cosgrave maioris xxxiij s iiij d ... p. 384 (29 September 1585) ... Payed to Phyllip drom for his stypent for ayere ending at michaelmas 1585 v li vj s viij d, & for Agmentacion of his Lyvery xv s per iiijor warranta dicti maioris in toto

vj li xx d

1585±6 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 394 (29 September 1585 ± 29 September 1586) (29 September 1586)

5

Payed to Iohn hyll Trompetor for his stypend for one yeare ending at michaelmas 1586 [pro] iiij li, & for keping of the Clock, pro temps predicto xxx s, for keping the Mvnicion pro temps predicto graunted of Assembly xl s, & for his Lyvry xls vt supra per warrantum dicti maioris Payed to Phyllip drenam drom for his stypent for eiij quartersf ayere ending at michaelmas 1586 per iiij warranta ...

5

1586±7 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 399 (29 September 1586± 29 September 1587) (29 September 1587) ... The dischardge, the said Accomptant asketh alowance for mony payed to Phyllip drenam drom for his stypent for one whole yeare ending at michaelmas 1587 v li vj s viij d, And for the Agmentacion of his Lyvry by Assembly xv s in toto

h. . .j

iiij li

vj li xx d /

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin Payed to Iohn hyll trompetor for his stypent for one yeare ending at michaelmas 1587 . iiij li, And for keping the Clock pro temps predicto xxx s, for ouerseing & keping the Cittie mvnicion pro temps predicto xl s & for his lyvry xl s per quatuor warranta Richardi Rounsell maioris in toto ... p. 401 ... More payed to Phyllip drenam drom for his paynes in [frh. . .jing] etrayningf the Cittezens at severall tymes & for other causes iiij s sterling, & for carryeng the pykes to the grene xij d sterling per warrantum dicti maioris quod facit Irishe ...

275

ix li x s

10

15

vj s viij d

1586±7 Franchise Register 375 DCA: Fr/Reg/1, p. 279 (17 November 1586 ± 16 November 1587) ... 29: Pas: Newgent Henricus Musicus gratis: 34 ... 1587 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 42 d (21 July) ... . . . that alsoe yt is Agreed that the fraunches shalbe Rydden this yeare /. ... 1587±8 Treasurer's Book 376 DCA: MR/35, p. 409 (29 September 1587 ± 29 September 1588) (29 September 1588) ... h. . . chjardge the said Accomptant is to be alowed h. . .j of Phyllip drenam drom for ayeare hending atj mychaelmas 1588 iiij li sterling & the increse s h. . . ljyvry xj iiij d sterling per iiijor warranta Richardi hFagan majioris quod facit Irishe vjli j s viij d irishe / h. . .j alowed for the ffee of Iohn hyll trompetor h. . .j iiij li irishe / for keping the clock xxx s, & h. . .j & Clening the mvnicion xl s, for ayeare h. . . ut sjupra, & for his Lyvry xl s per [v] quinque h. . . mjaioris ix li x s / ...

5

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15

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30

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

p. 412 ... More to be alowed for so moche payed & disbursed for xiij fadem {`fathom'} of cord to serve for the Cittie tent xiiij d sterling iij ells canvas iij s sterling ij li [crsb] crosbowe yearne {`string'} ij s & a pece of lether to mend the holes of the tent xij d, & to Phyllhipj Drenam drom for workmanship vij s vj d per warrantum walteri Sedgrave maior xiiij s sterling quod facit ... p. 417 ... More to be alowed of the som of xxv li xiij s iiij d irishe chardged vppon this Accomptant for ij barrylls powder, delyvered to the mayor & Sheryves of . the bulring, vppon there bond / for as moch as this Accomptant have delyvered vpp the same bond, vnto mr Thresorer that nowe is ...

h. . .j

xxvjli xiij s iiij d

1588±9 Treasurer's Book 377 DCA: MR/35, p. 424 (29 September 1588 ± 29 September 1589) ... More to be chardged with abond h . . .j Mayor [of] & Sheryves of the bulrihng . . .j barr[e]ylls powder, wherin they sth. . .j xxvj li xiij s iiij d Irishe, & is lickwhisej Indebt vppon them in the said mh. . .j Accompt p. 427 ... More deliuered to Phylip drenam drom to be bestowed vppon the funerall of corbet daly late gonner of this Cittie, by concordatum of the mayor & aldermen x s sterling quod facit Irishe ... Item for so moche payed to the Quenes players coming to this Cittie, as a requittall of there good wylls in showing there Sporte in this Cittie by warrant of concordatum signed by the mayor & Aldermen iijli sterling quod facit Irishe ... p. 429 (29 September 1589)

h. . .j

xiij s iiij d

iiij li

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin ... Item to Phyllip drenam drom for his [yeare] ffee for ayeare ending at michaelmas 1589 per iiij warranta dicti maioris iiij li sterling quod facit Irishe ...

277 20

v li vj s viij d /

p. 430 (29 September 1589) ... Item to Iohn hyll trompetor for his fee, & for keping the Clock for ayeare ending at michaelmas i589 v li x s irishe, & for keping the mvnicion one quarter ending at christemas 1588 x s per quator warranta dicti maioris ... 1588±9 Treasurer's Book 378 DCA: MR/35, p. 431 (29 September 1588 ± 29 September 1589) ... More to be alowed for so moche payed to Nicholas Stephens, for & in consyderacion of so moche deliuered by hym to the Quenes maiesties players by mr mayors appoyntment, vppon hthjere departing taking leve ls sterling, & for so hmjoche dysbursed by hym to Therle of essex hhijs players, [may] making Sporte to the mayor li h& aljldermen xs sterling, in toto iij sterling per warrantum dicti hmajioris quod facit Irishe ...

25

vj hlij

30

5

iiijli

p. 432 ... More to be aloved for the som of xxvjd h. . .j parsell of his chardge for so moche owh. . .j Mayor & Sheryves of the bulring for h. . .j powder, for that Iohn wyrall one of h. . .j of the bulring is brought in by this h. . .j & remytted by mr Mayor tyll the sayd h. . .j payed & therfore this accomptant h. . .j of the some 1589 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 49 (17 January) ... Wheras hertofore the dromer Trompetor & gonner, having the h. . .j did Atend often in Clokes of dyvers Cullors, with h. . .j mr Mayor that nowe is, have nowe gyven Clokes h. . .j which they are knowne to belong to the Cittie, It is ordered

10

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20

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278 5

5

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& Agreed h. . .j said Clokes shalbe accompted as parselles of there said Lyvery, to the conteyning euery h. . .j yeards & ahalfe, & the overplus to be gyven them ether in mony or in h. . .j the badges being in nomber vj, wherof iij are bestowed uppon them this h. . .j 1589 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 50 (25 April) ... Wheras Thomas Long did pass vnto mr Lennan late thresorer, a bond of xxli sterling with Condicion for deliuering ij barraylls powder which he borrowed of the Citties store, & in respect of his default made by the tyme of deliuery there of the said bond is Chardged in the said Thresorers Accompt at xx li sterling, And for as moche as the said powder was borrowed for making sporte vppon maye daye & other tymes wherin the mayor of the bulring vseth sporte It is ordered & agreed that the Advantage of the said bond shall not be taken agaynst hym, but he deliuering vnto mr Thresorer that nowe is ij barraylls of good powder, he shalbe relesed of the said bond /// ... 1589 Inventory of the goods of Jacques Wing®eld 379 PRO: SP 63/144, f. 8v (6 May) ... Two payer of virginals // ij. a fframe for the virginals // j. ...

10

f. 9 ... Two Irish harpes./ ... One leute {`lute'} with Thomas Togwell servante to the sayde Iaques Wingfelde./ ...

5

1589 Account of Richard Hoper 380 PRO: SP 63/146, f. 41v (9 August) (17 May and 17 June) ... Singing menn By two warrantes signed by the barrons, thone dated of Christchurch xvijo maij 1589 sterling xiijs. iiijd. [et] Ke& thotherf xvijo Iunij 1589. sterling xiijs. iiijd. xxvjs viijd ...

5

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

279

1589±90 Treasurer's Book 381 DCA: MR/35, p. 441 (29 September 1589 ± 29 September 1590) (29 September 1590) More to be Chardged with the fyne of balls dewe . . . Ionas the vyrgynall maker, . . . at l s Irish a pece growing in the tyme of this Accompt ...

xxxij li x s

p. 443 (29 September 1590) ... More to Iohn hyll trompetor for his fee for one yeare ending at michaelmas 1590 aswell for his owne fee as for keping the Clock per iiij [er'] warranta dicti maioris

5

vli x s /

Item to Phyllip drenam drom for his fee for [ayyer] ayeare ending at michaelmas 1590 iiij li sterling quod facit Irishe v li vj s viij d, & his overplus of Lyvery graunted hym by Assembly xv s irishe per iiij warranta dicti maioris vj li j s viij d ...

10

p. 447 More to be alowed for the fyne of Ball of . Ionas the vyrgynall maker being sworn he . is not of abylyty ls, . . . ... 1589 Recognizance Book of the Tholsel Court 382 DCA: C1/J/3/1, p. 18 (23 December) ... Phillipus drenam drom recognovit se debere domine Regine v li Iohannes hyll trompetor recognovit se debere domine Regine v li ... 1590±1 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 453 (29 September 1590 ± 29 September 1591) (25 December 1591) ... More payed to Phyllip drenam drom for his fee for one quarter ending at christemas 1591 per warrantum Thome Smith maioris xx s sterling quod facit h. . .j

15

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280 5

10

15

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

... More to be alowed for so mochhej gypen for so moch disbursed by h. . .j trompetor for serving in proclamaciohnj dicti maioris xv s sterling quod facit ... p. 458 ... More to be alowed for so moche payed to . [apr] atrompetor that served in aproclamacion ij s viij d irishe & to ballowre for going to feche mr Recordor by mr Mayors dyreccion viij d irishe quod facit in toto ...

h. . .j

iij s iiij d

Line ¦ gypen] read gyven

5

5

10

15

1590 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 58 (23 October) ... It is lick wyse agreed for causes seeming good in this Assembly, that Iohn hyll Trompetor h. . .jing his own peticion to that effect shalbe dyscharged from his place or offyce of Trompetor hofj this Cittie ... 1591 Dublin Assembly Rolls 383 DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 61 (16 July) ... It is also agreed & Ordered for causes & Consyderacions seming good in this Assembly that Edward Gore & his Associates mvsytions, shalbe Admytted, & herby they Are Admytted to the place of weytes for this Cittie, to vse there Instrvmentes of howboyes {`hautboys'} & other Instrvmentes of mvsyke as occasion shall serve, as well in morninges as late in nyght tyme aboutes this Cittie twyse by the wyck In Consyderacion wherof It is Agreed by the Aucthorytie aforsaid, that euery Alderman shall paie vnto them yearlie eighten pence sterling, euery of the n nombers of xlviij shall paie them yearly twelve pence sterling, & euery of the iiij xx and xvj shall paie them nyne pence sterling, And also euery howse in this Cittie, other then the howses of the said persons shall paie iiijd sterling, The same to be payed euery halfe yeare [ending] durring our good Lyking of the said mvsicions, Provided that all festyvall & stacion daies they shall not be Absent but atend vppon mr mayor for the tyme being, And as for those of her [her] maiesties pryvie Counsell, & otheres gentlemen of good Accompte dwelling in this Cittie And all otheres repeyring to this Cittie, wee referr to there owne gettingÇ/

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

281

1591±2 Treasurer's Book 384 DCA: MR/35, p. 464 (29 September 1591± 29 September 1592) (29 September 1592) ... More to be alowed for so moche payed to . Phyllip drenam drom for his fee for iij quarters of ayeare ending at michaelmas 1592 per iij warranta dicti maioris iiij li & for the overplus of his lyvery xv s per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 467 ... More to be alowed for so mvche payed to Phyllip drenam drom for adrom bought of hym for the Citties vse, over & besydes a rym of an ould drom deliuered vnto hym the som of xl s irishe per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 470 ... More to be alowed for so moche payed by them to Iohn Trompetor for Attending the Sheryves to the meteing of therle of kyldare per warrantum dicti maioris ...

iiij li xvs /

5

10

xl s

15

iij s iiij d

1591 Dublin Assembly Rolls 385 DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 63 (22 October) ... It is Also ordered & agreed by the Aucthoryty aforsaid That Edward gore & his fellowes the waytes of this Cittie, shall, towards there better mayntenaunce, and to provoke them to vse there dylygens, have of euery alderman quarterly nyne pence sterling, of euery the xlviij six pence sterling euery quarter, and euery of the iiij xx and xvj iure sterling quarterly, with which they must content them selvis, for wee will graunt no farther alowance, other then formerly is graunted, They must Atend on festyvall & stacion dayes & other tymes when mr mayor shall appoynt. And also they must thryse in the wyck {`week'}, morning and evening goo about the Cittie at such howres as mr mayor shall thynck Convenient, And this to Contynue during our pleasurhej It is thought fytt that they shall kepe out all other mvsycions & mynstralls /

20

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1592 Deposition of Edward Sheregold 386 PRO: SP 63/163, f. 134v (18 March) ... The said Gilaughe further told this deponent and his brother Edmond Shergold, (who serveth mr: Henry Nowell as a Musicion and sometime was the said Gilaughes Scollor in dublin, to learne Musick and other partes) that her maiestie on Christmas daie in the yere of our Lord. 1592 sholde rise from her dinner sick, and that on Twelfdaie following, or by the fourtenth of Ianuarij after her maiestie sholde die./ ... 1592±3 Treasurer's Book 387 DCA: MR/35, p. 480 (29 September 1592± 29 September 1593) ... hMorej to be alowed for so moch payed to Iohn h. . .j sounding the Trompet at a proclamacion h. . .j dicti maioris ij s sterling quod facit Irishe ...

ij s viij d

p. 481

10

(29 September 1593) ... More to be alowed for the fee of hughe Iohns Trompetor for half ayeare ending at michaelmas 1593 warrantum Phillipi Conran maioris ...

15

p. 482 ... More to be alowed for the fee of Phyllip drenom drom for one yeare at michaelmas 1593 iiijli irishe & for the overplus of his Lyvery xj s iij d irishe per iiij warranta dicti maioris quod facit irishe

20

More to be alowed for so moch payed to the said Phyllip by Agrement of the Mayor & aldermen hinj respect of his demaund in the tyme of mr hdejvnishes mayoraltie xl s irishe by warrant of the hsaidj mayor & aldermen ...

xl h.j

vjli j s viij d

xl s

1593 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/9, mb. 68 (11 May) ... It is Agreed by the Aucthorytie aforsaid that hughe Iohnes shall have the place of Trompetor in this Cittie with such duties stypend & lyvery as Iohn

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

283

Trompetor had, the same to Contynue during his honest demeaner therin And that he Contynuing dureing his lyfe in this service, yt is agreed he shalbe admytted free of this Cittie And as for iij daies in the wyck to have of lybertie from attendance, which he requireth, the same is referred to mr Mayors discression & good will for the tyme being/. ... 1593±4 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 497 (29 September 1593 ± 29 September 1594) (24 June 1594) ... More to be alowed for so moch payed vnto hugh Iohns Trompetor for his lyvery iiij yeards Cloth at x s per yeard, & his wages or fee for iij quarters ending at mydsomer 1594 iij li irishe quod facit in toto v li per ij warranta dicti maioris ...

vli h. . .j

p. 498 (29 September 1594) ... More to be alowed for the fee of Phyllip drenam drom for ayeare at michaelmas 1594 iiij li sterling, and one yeard dimidium Cloth at x s Irishe the yeard per iiijor warranta Iames Iones vj li j s viij d Maioris ... 1594±5 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 508 (29 September 1594 ± 29 September 1595) (29 September 1595) ... The dyschardge the Accomptant asketh alowance for so mvch payed to Iohn Hyll Trompetor for his fee for halfe ayeare ending at michaelmas 1595 xl s sterling for his lyvery for halfe ayeare then ending, ij yeards brodcloth at vij s vj d sterling the yeard and for his . payns taken before he was last admytted for attendance & sounding for proclamacions iij s sterling quod facit in toto lviij s sterling per warrantum Thome gerruld maioris quod facit Irishe iijli xvijs viij d / ... hmojre to be alowed for the fee of Phyllip drenam drom hforj one yeare ending at michaelmas 1595 iiij li sterling & for the hoverpjlus of his lyvery dewe by the Cittie one yeard or h. . . hajlf at xj s iij d sterling per iiij warranta dicti maioris quod facit Irishe vj li j s viij d ...

5

5

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5

10

15

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284

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1594±5 Accounts of Mr Richardson 388 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [2v] (29 September 1594 ± 2 September 1595) (23 December) ... Item to make mery wyth my lords musitians for their paynes in [t] the quere & helping our vycars: alowid towards the vycars chardges xs ... vppon christemas evenes even at for makyng my lordes deputes [mon] musitians vjs & our vycars a brekffast ... for paper for priking songs & other vses about ... f. [9] (31 October) ... Delyverid to mr bullock in prest {`advance payment'} vppon hallou even my lordes musitons being in my chamber ...

5

5

ijs vjd

1594 Journal of Sir William Russell 389 LPL: MS Carew 612 , f. 9v (18 November) ... There were divers made shewes and my Lord Kildare on the one side and Warrahom St leger on the other side rann at ringe and Mr Malby and Mr Norton. And after went to [Be] Turrney {`tournament'} in armour. ... 1594±5 Disbursements made by Richard Hoper 390 PRO: SP 63/180, f. 23v (29 September 1594 ± 29 September 1595) (27 November 1594 and 3 February 1595) ... The singingmen By ij Warrauntes of the Barons of her maiesties o mo of christechurch Exchequer datis xxvij Novembris et 3 ffebruarij xxvj s viij d 1594 for theire fee or reward for singing in the said Courte after theire wonted manner. ... 1594±5 Treasurer's Book 391 DCA: MR/35, p. 516 (29 September 1594 ± 29 September 1595) (4 March) more to be alowed for so moch payed to seuerall Trompetors that served to publysh proclamacions, to

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin mete the Lord Deputie with the Sheryves &. Cittezens, & to attend the Sheryves vppon Shreftuesday by iij seuerall warrantes of the said mayor, the Cittie being then destytut of atrompetor viij s sterling quod facit irishe

285

5

x s viij d

1595 Dublin Assembly Rolls 392 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 4 (2 May) ... It is ordered and agreed by thauctoritie of thassembly aforsaid, That Iohn hyll trompetor shall have thoffyce of Trompetor within this Cittie during his honest and good demeanor therin and for the exercissinge of the same. he shall have iiij li sterling per Annum, his livery and diet with the Auncient perquisytes dew and apperteyning to the said Offyce; Provided alwaies that the said Iohn shall enter Bonde not to departe the service of the Cittie from hensforward in exercissing the said Offyce without the consent of the maior for the tyme being /./ ...

5

1595±6 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 519 (29 September 1595 ± 29 September 1596) (11 April) ... More to be allowed for so moch payed to Iohn hyll trompetor for his fee for one quarter ending at easter 1596 xx s sterling quod facit Irishe xxvj s vi hsj ...

5

p. 524 ... h. . . ajllowed for so moch payed to Iames . h. . .j bestowed emongst the pyoners that h. . .j path wayes at the Ryding of h. . .j warrantum dicti maioris xx s sterling quod facit Irishe

10

xxvj s viij d

p. 525 (29 September 1596) ... More to be allowed for so moch payed to Phhyllipj drenam drom for his fee for one yeare hendingj at michaelmas 1596 iiij li sterling & for the overplus hof hisj lyvery for that yeare xj s iij d sterling per h. . .j dicti maioris iiij li xj s iij d sterling quod facit Irishe ... p. 526 (25 December 1595, 11 April, 24 June and 29 September 1596)

h. . .j

15

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286

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... More to be allowed for so moch payed to Iohn hyll Trompetor for his fee for one quarter at christemas 1595 xx s sterling & his lyvery then iiij yeards Cloth at xxx s sterling, for his fee at mydsomer 1596 xx s sterling & at mychaelmas 1596 xx s sterling in toto iiij li x s sterling per iij warranta dicti maioris quod facit vj li ... more to be allowed for so moch payed to Iohn hhyllj trompetor for his fee for one quarter hendjing at easter 1596 per warrantum dicti maioris xx s sterling hquodj facit Irishe xxvj s viij d ... p. 530 ... More to be allowed for so moch payed to Phyllip drenam Drom for his Travayll in setting the wache nightly by Concordatum of the mayor & Aldermen xl s sterling quod facit Irishe ... 1595±6 Accounts of Mr Richardson 393 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [1] (29 September 1595 ± 20 August 1596) ... to make mery wyth my lordes musitians with vs.

5

5

f. [1v] (24 December) ... for the vickers casting their shongjes christmas even & wyth my lord deputies mhujsitins paper for prickyng songehsj for the quiristers {`choristers'} ...

liij s iiij d

vjs viijd

viijs xviijd

1596 Journal of Sir William Russell 394 LPL: MS Carew 612, f. 44v (1 and 2 January) ... lettres receiued from thearle of Clanricardes and from Mr Anthony Brabson certyfying the outrage of thenimy in Connought notwithstanding the Peace, and how some of the Kellies were gone out lately and burned and Prayed certen townes of Mr ffrancis Shannes. This night certen llords and gentlemen presented my Lord with a maske

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

287

... This daie the LLords and gentlemen who were of the maske, beinge before invited, dyned with my Lord where theyKeweref honorably feasted./ ... 1596 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 11 (16 July) ... Where Richard Lennan late Mayor of the bulring, Complayneth that Olyver Newgent, & lucas Pluncket, being appoynted then Sheryves of the bulring, refuseth to Contrybut to the Chardges & expences then bestowed & layde forth by the said Rychard, It is Agreed & Ordered by the Aucthoryty aforsaid; That mr Mayor & mr Recordor shall Consyder of the matter, And whatsoeuer Order shalbe taken by them, yf the said Newgent & Pluncket do not perform the same then they to be dysfraunchesed./ ... 1596±7 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 537 (29 September 1596 ± 29 September 1597) (29 September 1597) ... More to be allowed for so moch payed Phyllip drenam drom, for thuse of adrom which was vsed for this Cittie by agrement of the mayor & Alderhmenj vj s viij d sterling quod facit Irishe More to be alowed for [so] so moch payed the sahidj Phyllip for his fee for one yeare ending at michaelmas 1597 iiij li sterling & for the overplus of his lyhveryj this last yeare xj s iij d sterling per iiijor warranta dicti hmaiorisj quod facit Irishe ... p. 538 ... More to be allowed for so moch payed Iohn Malon to be deliuered to atrompetor that soundedKeseuerallf proclamacions from the lord deputy & Councell vj s sterling per iij warranta dicti maioris quod facit Irishe ...

10

5

h. . .j

5

h. . .j

10

viij s

15

p. 539 (27 March) More to be allowed for so moch payed to Alson lye for the lyvery of Iohn hyll trompetor her late husband xxx s sterling & for the fee dewe vnto hym for halfe ayeare ending at Easter 1597 xl s sterling

20

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

288

25

5

10

15

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

& keping the Cittie Clock in that tyme xv s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris & by order of Assehmjbly quod facit Irishe v li xiij s iiij d ... 1596 Dublin Assembly Rolls 395 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 12 (22 October) ... Where the ffraunches of this Cittie was Rydden by mr ffraunces Taylor late Mayor, It is agreed by the Aucthorytie aforsaid, that he shall have of the Cittie revenues the som of fyve pounds sterling towards his Chardges therin, to which we are the rather induced because the same was not Rydden in many yeares before that tyme, And yt is farther Ordered that the ffraunches shalbe Rydden euery therd yeare henceforward without eny Chardges to the Cittie vppon payne Conteyned in the lawe in that Case provided / fforasmoch as vppon the Rydeing of the ffraunches by mr Taylor late Mayor one Rychard Benet taylor afree man sworn to the ffraunches of this Cittie, Obstynatly & wylfully withstode mr Mayor & the rest, vsing, to his power, all the meanes he might to hynder the ffraunches & to dysinheryt this Cittie of that which of right belongeth to the same, Contrary expressly to his othe, It is therfore Ordered by the Aucthorytie aforsaid that he the said benet shalbe hence forth dysfraunchesed & vtterly secluded from the lybertie of this Cittie ffor Certayne Causes & Consyderacions moved in this Assembly, the fee of Iohn hyll Trompetor for keping the Cittie Clock being heretofore xxx s Irysh per Annum shalbe henceforth encresed to thyrtie shillinges sterling per Annum, during his good Attendance in keping the said Clock /

5

1596±7 Treasurer's Book 396 DCA: MR/35, p. 544 (29 September 1596 ± 29 September 1597) ... More he is to be allowed for so moch payed to Phyllip Drenam drom for his travayll iiij dayes with soldiors that Issued out of this Cittie to the movntayns by Concordatum of the mayor & Aldermen xx s sterling quod facit xxvj s viij d ir/ ... 1597 Examinations concerning the gunpowder explosion 397 PRO: SP 63/198, f. 80v (18 March) ... Robert Kenedie of Dublin merchant likewise sworne and examined deposeth that he this deponent bought of John Allen afore said and [Michell] Nicholus Allen for the prouision of the showe entended by the Citizens on black mondaie

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

289

and Maie daie last two barrelles of powder weying v xx li a peece at v li sterling the barrell or thereaboutes and further deposeth not. ... 1597 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 17 (8 April) ... Wher Peticion is Exhibited by Alsone Ley widoe, Late wife to Iohne hill trompetor of this Cittie. requiring. to have paiment. of certaine livries, and his stipend, being Trompetor, & keaper of the Cloke. It is therfore ordred, and agreed, that what is resting due till Estir. Last past, shalbe sattis®ed. and shee resorting to Mr Maior. maie obtain his warrant to Mr Thressurer of this Cittie. for paiment therof./. 1597±8 Treasurer's Book 398 DCA: MR/35, p. 548 (29 September 1597 ± 29 September 1598) ... More to be allowed for so moch payed . . . . . . & to atrompetor that sounded for a proclamacion ij s per warrantum dicti maioris iiij s More to be allowed for so moch payed Iohn brooke trompetor for sounding seuerall proclamacions by iij seuerall warrantes of the sayd Mayor ix s j d ob' irishe ... p. 555 (29 September 1598) ... More to be allowed for so moch payed Nycholas Byrn Trompetor for his fee for one yeare ending at michaelmas i598 per iiijor warranta dicti maioris iiij li sterling quod facit Irishe

5

5

10

h. . .j

More to be alowed for so moch payed Phyllip Drenam drom for his travayll in loking to the wache apoynted at the gates in mr Chaunberlhinsj tyme of mayoralty by warrant of mr weston mayor xx s sterling quod facit Irishe

h. . .j

More payed to the said Phyllip for setting the wache in mr westons tyme agreed vppon by hthisj Assembly xl s sterling by ij warrants of the said mayor facit

h. . .j

More to hym for his fee for one yeare ending michaelmas 1598 per iiijor warranta dicti maioris iiij li sterling quod facit Irishe More to be allowed for the overplus of his hlyveryj

5

15

h. . .j

20

25

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

290

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

in that tyme per warrantum dicti maioris one yeard Cloth

30

5

5

10

p. 556 ... hMojre to be allowed for so moch payed for faceing h. . . thej Trompetors gowne which was graunted h. . .j extraordynary vppon his Admyssion per hwajrrantum dicti maioris x s sterling quod facit Irishe ...

h. . .j

xiij s iiij d /

1598 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 21 (20 January) ... It is also agreed & Ordered by the Aucthoryty aforsaid that Nycholas Byrn Trompetor shall have the place of Trompetor in this Citty with the lyck fee that Iohn hyll latly had for the same, together with his lyvery yearly, during his good demeaner {`conduct'} & dyllygens in the place, And vppon Tryall of his good behavyor & service, wee wyll have farther Consyderacion of hym, as wee shall fynd the same/ 1598 Captain Charles Montague to Sir Henry Harrington 399 PRO: SP 63/202, part 1 , f. 243 (28 March) ... In theier retorne through ye Pale one of them being lycensed by his capten to furnish him self and his bretherne at dublin with weapons and necessaryes for her maiesties service; namely Arte o toole, was taken by Lea notwithstanding his protection, and within vij miles from dublin there bounde him to a may pole, and (the soldiors refusing to be ye actors of so barbarous a crueltye dangerous to them selfes) at his comandment and for rewarde of Artes horsse and weapons, a base man of Leas with [both] his thombes did thruste oute both his eyes./ for answering of which contempt and indignitye to ye State, the Councell tooke bond of Lea, who neuerthelesse vnder cullor of service, hopeth to shyfte yt of, and to kepe him self from reatche of ye Lawe. ... 1598±9 Treasurer's Book 400 DCA: MR/35, p. 563 (29 September 1598 ± 29 September 1599) (29 September 1599) More to be allowed for so moch payed to Edward deyse trompet for his fee for one quarter ending at mychaelhmjas 1599 per warrantum dicti maioris xx s sterling quod facit Irishe

h. . .j

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin ... More to be allowed for the [fee] hyre of a trompetor in meating the Earle of Essex vppon his ®rst Coming to this Cittie, & Therle of Ormond the same tyme ... p. 570 (10 November 1598, 25 March and 29 September 1599) ... More to be allowed for the fee of Nycholas . Byrn Trompetor for his fee for halfe ayeare ending xxvo marcij 1599 liij s iiij d & for his . lyvery then xl s per iij warranta dicti maioris More to be allowed for the fee of Phyllip drenom drom for vj wyckes ending x o novembris being the tyme of his death x s sterling & to Thomas Marshe drom Succeeding hym for iij quarters of ayeare & vj wyckes ending at mychaelmas 1599 iij li x s sterling per iiij warranta dicti maioris ... p. 572 ... hMjore to be allowed for the fee of a trompetor to hsjound iij seuerall proclamacions per warrantum dicti maioris ... hMorje to be allowed for so moch paid to george lye hdjeliuering an oracion vppon the Aryvall of htherjle of Essex by agrement of Assembly & per warrantum hdictij maioris iijl' xs sterling quod facit Irishe hMorje to be allowed for the pryce of iij barrylls h. . .j which was bought of thomas whyt xv l' sterling h. . .j ¦ barrylls were spent vppon the h. . .j of Therle of Essex into this Citty, & h. . .j barryll resteth in the hands of the h. . .jm for the Cittyes vse for all which h. . .j dysbursed by Concordatum of mayor & h. . .j facit Irishe

291 5

h. . .j

iiijli xiij s iiij d

v li vj s viij d

viij s

10

15

20

25

30

iiij li xiiij s viij d 35

xx li'

40

p. 573 More to be allowed for so moch payed for iiij ells sarsnet which servid as scarfes for leders vppon the receipt of the right honorable therle of Essex when the Cittezehnjs did [md] meete hym, xxvj s viij d per warrantum dicti maioris

xxxv s vhj dj 45

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

292

50

55

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

... More to be allowed for so moche payed to Iohn lales Ioynor for making the pewe wherin he stode that deliuered the oracion vppon the Coming of Therle of Essex iiij s iiij d sterling hperj warrantum dicti maioris quod facit ... p. 578 ... for nayles & other thinges in bewtyfyeng the place where the oracion was made vppon the Aryvall of therle of [Exsse] Essex ...

hv

s v dj

ij s viij d

1599 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 27 (19 January) ... It is alsoe Agreed by theaucthoritie aforesaid that Thomas Marshe. shall have the of®ce of drom. in this Cittie durring his good demenvre {`conduct'} therin with the Like fee. that phillippe drenam Late drom had. he vsing. dilligens in sownding. at all times. when he is Called. and vsing his attendans. vpon mr Maior. as becometh .///. ... 1599 The Friday Book of Dublin Corporation DCA: MR/17, f. 52v (18 May)

5

10

Where by the Auncyent Custome & vsadge of this Cittie the Mayor & Sheryves of bulring should be at Chardge in making a semly shoe {`show'} by muster & other wayes vppon Maye daye, And the Mayor & shryves of the bulring at this present [being] for good respects being tollerated withall this last Maye daye, & [were] comaunded by mr Mayor & Aldermen [the] to make the said shoe vppon Assencion daye, They lytle pondering there dutie, [but] edidf in Contemptuous maner [did] not perform the same, It is therfore resoved. in a meeting this daye that the Mayor & shryves of the bulring shalbe Caullid vppon before mr Mayor & Ceyttd {`cited'} for there Contempt aforsaid, and that they shall not be deliuered tyll they putt in suf®cient pawnes or enter in bond, (at mr Mayor Choyse, that they shall perform such farther order other {`either'} by fyne or ponishment as shalbe In¯yctid vppon them by the Mayor Sheryves comons & Cittezehnjs in the next assehmjbly/ Line 8 Caullid] uncertain reading.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1599±1600 Treasurer's Book 401 DCA: MR/35, p. 580 (29 September 1599 ± 29 September 1600) ... More payed for the lyvery of the mvsycions xij yeards Cloth at x s sterling the yeard by Order of Assehmjbly & per warrantum dicti maioris vj li sterling quod facit Irishe ... 1599±1600 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 585 (29 September 1599 ± 29 September 1600) ... more to be allowed for iij yeards Clothe for the lyvery of Edward dyose trompet at x s Irishe per yeard per warrantum dicti maioris ...

293

viij li

xx h. .j

5

5

p. 586 (24 June and 29 September 1600) More to be allowed for the fee of Edward . Dyose trompet for ayeare ending at michaelmas 1600 per iiij warranta geruldi yeong maioris iiijli sterling facit v li vj s viij d Irishe ... More to be allowed for the fee of Thomas Kelly drom for iij quarters ending at mydsomer 1600 per iij warranta dicti maioris iij li sterling & for his lyvery then one yeard dicti at x s Irishe the yeard xv s facit in toto iiij li xv s Irishe ... 1599 Dublin Assembly Rolls 402 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 32 (12 October) ... It is further agreed by the aucthority aforsaid vpon Consideracions movid in this assemblie that William Huggard mvsitian and the rest of his feloes mvsitians of this cittie shall haue the same allowance or stipend that formerly they had to be paid to them by euery Cittizen in sorte as the sameKewasf formerly graunted soe as they mvst not depart this citie without mr maiores licence and that not to exceed eight daies / and they mvst vse the Course accostomed for their wache three times euery wike ~ and yat [and] towards their bettir meintenans and Incurradgment thei shall haue of this Cittis Chardg twell {`twelve'} yeards of Clothe euery year for liuery Clokes the Cloth to be blewe or wachett {`watchet'} Cullur with the Cittis cognisans {`coat of arms'} which allowance they shall haue during ther good behavior and dilligent attendans

10

15

5

10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

294

15

5

10

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

boothe in the wache and in stacion dais and at all other times when the maior shall call them/ ... 1600±1 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 604 (29 September 1600 ± 29 September 1601) (29 September 1600 and 1601) ... more to be allowed for the fee of Thomas Kelly drom for one quarter ending at michaelmas Anno 1600 per warrantum geruldi yeong maioris xx s sterling & for a yeare at mychaelhmjas 1601 per iiij warranta Nicholai vj li xiij s iiij d burran maioris iiij li sterling facit Irishe ... More to be allowed for so moch payed to Iohn Brokes trompetor for his fee for ayeare ending at mychaelmas 1601 per iiij warranta dicti maioris iiij li sterling facit Irishe v li vj s viij d more for the lyvery of the said Trompet for this last yeare per warrantum dicti maioris iiij yeards at x s per yeard

15

20

5

p. 606 ... More to be allowed for so moch payed for making the ¯agg & other necessaryes for the Cittie Trompet per warrantum dicti maior xliij s sterling facit Irishe More for the lyvery of William huggard & his fellowes Mvsycions [y] xij yeards Cloth at x s sterling the yeard per warrantum dicti maioris vj li sterling facit Irishe ...

xl s

lvij s iiij d

viij li

1600 Dublin Assembly Rolls 403 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 35 d (11 April) ... Iohhannjes Pyreghan mvsycon admissus fuit &c/ quia impleuit terminum cum henrico Nugent mvsycon liberi homine defuncto & quia maritauit Amy Aspole liberam mvlierem &c ... Line 3 liberi] read libero.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

295

1600 Dublin Assembly Rolls 404 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 38 d (10 October) ... Item ItKeisf agreed by the aucthoritye aforsaid, that Edward Dioce, late trompett of this Cittie, shall have the of®ce, and place, that Bartholomy Waylshe late diceassid held, duringe his good behavior therin, and that he doe performe his dutye as well in Caringe his holbart {`carrying his halberd'}, at needfull and vsuall times, and dayes, for the gardinge of the Maior and Sheriffes, as other services belonging[inge] to his place, and withall he, doe by the next quarter assembly, ®nd securitye as well for his Continvance in his service, and not to departe this Cittie, or his place, without the licens of mr Maior and aldermen. It is farther agreed that Iohn Brooke Trompett shall have the place of Trompett of this Cittie duringe his good behavior therinKewith like stipend & perquisites as Edwarde Dioce late trompetor hadf he performinge his dutie as be comethe as well in carring in his holbarde at daies and times vsuall and neadfull, for gardinge mr mayor, and doynge his dutye as becomethe and withall that by [by] the next quarter assemblie he ®nd s[o]cuerity not to departe this Cittie or his place without the licens of Mr Maior & aldermen. 1601 A General History of the Stage 405 (7 September) ... . . . Mr. Ogilby the Master of the Revels in this Kign- |p. 51| Kingdom (who had it from proper Authority) inform'd Mr. Ashbury, that Plays had been often acted in the Castle of Dublin when Blount, Lord Mountjoy, was Lord Lieutenant here in the latter End of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. And Mr. Ashbury saw a Bill for Wax Tapers, dated the 7th Day of September 1601 (Queen Elizabeth's Birth-Day) for the Play of (y) Gorboduc done at the Castle, one and twenty Shillings and two Groats. But it is to be supposed they were Gentlemen of the Court that were the Actors on this Occasion. . . . 1601±2 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 612 (29 September 1601 ± 29 September 1602) (4 April) ... More to be allowed for the fee of Iohn Broke trompet for [halfe ayeare] aquarters ending at easter 1602 per warrantum dicti maioris xx s sterling facit Irishe xxvj s viij d ... p. 619 (25 December 1601 and 24 June 1602) ... More to be allowed for the lyvery of Iohn brokes

5

10

15

5

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

296

10

15

5

10

15

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

trompetor iiij yeards brodcloth at x s the yeard & his fee for one quarter ending at christemas 1601 & aquarter ending at mydsomer 1602 liij s iiij d per iij warranta dicti maioris in toto more to be alowed for the fee of thomas Kelly drom for his wadges iij quarters ending at mydsomer 1602 per iij warranta dicti maioris iij li sterling facit Irishe ...

iiij li xiij s

iiij li h. .j

1601±2 Treasurer's Book 406 DCA: MR/35, p. 620 (29 September 1601 ± 29 September 1602) ... More to be allowed for so moch dysbursed about the Making aconvenient place at St Catrens church to pronovnce an oracion vppon the retorn of my Lord deputy from Kynsale per warrantum dicti maioris iiijs iiij d sterling v s ix d ob' ... More to be allowed for the pryce of l li poulder spent by the Cittezens in ashowe {`a show'} vppon the retorn of the lord deputy from a Iorney at x d sterling the pound xlj s viij d sterling & for carryadge therof & other chardges xviij d sterling per warrantum dicti maioris & [v] lvijs vj d ob' aldermannorum facit Irishe ... More to be allowed for seuerall thinges don in repayring a stage for an oracion per warrantum dicti maioris ij s ij d sterling facit Irishe ij s x d ob' More payed for the lyvery of the Mvsycions xij yeards at xs sterling the yeard vj li sterling per warrantum dicti maioris facit Irishe

20

viijli

More to be allowed for so moch payed to mr fyrewelthe & mathewe lye for deliuering ij seuerall oracions vppon the lord Deputyes retorn from the Seage of Kynsale iijli sterling to eche of them by ij warrants of the sayd mayor vjli sterling facit Irishe viijli ... 1602 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 407 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 131v (24 June) for Rushes & Bushes {`rushes'} to the hall midsomer Day Itm to the phrojctors of St. Johns Church to the Vickars of the Church that song the service to the queirsters {`choristers'}

xviiid. xxs. iiiis. xii.d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin Itm spent vpon the Company in the hall vpon midsomer Day Itm spent the same Day vpon the company at the quenes Armys Itm to the musicions the day the Mr. was sworne ... 1602±3 Treasurer's Book 408 DCA: MR/35, p. 635 (29 September 1602 ± 29 September 1603) (7 April) ... More to be allowed for soe moche paid by concordatum datum vijo Aprilis anno 1603 :. for a hoggeshead of wyne sett in the streetes at the trivumphe of the Kinges proclayminge Kinge of England Summa. xijli sterling facit irishe ...

297 iiiis. ix . id. iiiis. s

h. . .j

p. 636 (29 September, 16 October, 18 and 25 December 1602 and 21 June 1603) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Iohn Brookes trompett for three warrantes, the one dated the xvjth of october 1602:. for a quarters stypend endinge at Michalmas Last before that date xx s sterling a seconde dated the xviijth of december 1602: for a quarters stypend due christmas next after xx s sterling & a thirde warrant dated the xxjth of Iune 1603:. xs sterling facit Irishe iijli vj s viij d ...

5

5

10

15

p. 637 (16 October, 29 September, 17 and 25 December 1602, 2 and 24 April, 12 and 24 June, 7 September 1603) More to be allowed for so mvche paid to Thomas Kelly drome for the ouerplus of his Lyuery due by the Cittie in mr Burran & mr handcockes yeares per warrantum dicti maioris [xxx] datum vijo Septembris 1603:. ff xxx s sterling; facit irishe ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Thomas Kellye drome of this Citty vppon fouer seuerall warrantes of the said maiors one dated xvjth of october 1602: for a quarters fee due at michalmas Last Before xx s sterling the second dated the xvijth of december 1602: for a quarters fee due at christmas next after xx s sterling the third dated the xijth of Iune 1603: for a quarters fee due at midsomer after xx s sterling & the fouerth dated ye second of Apriell 1603: for a quarters fee due

20

xl s 25

30

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

298

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

at Easter before that warrant xx s sterling facit irishe ...

35

40

45

50

55

60

5

vli h. .j

p. 638 (17 and 25 December 1602, 14 September 1603) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid for twelve yardes of wachett {`watchet'} cloath for the Mvsytions Liueryes for a yeare ending at christmas 1602.: at x s sterling the yarde graunted by assembly as appeareth per warrantum dicti Maioris datum xvijo decembris 1602Kevjli sterlingf viijli facit irishe ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to mr Iohn Brice alderman to be deliuered ouer to xvij pioners that Labored in the Riding of the franches per warrantum dicti maioris datum xiiijo Septembris 1603: xxv s sterling facit xxxiiij s irishe ... p. 640 (25 March 1603) ... More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to Iohn Brooke trumpett for a quarters fee due the xxvth of marche 1603: per warrantum dicti maioris xx s sterling facit irishe more to be allowed for soe mvch paid to Thomas Kelly drome for a quarters fee due the xxvth of march 1603: per warrantum maioris vt supra: xx s sterling facit irishe ... p. 642 (27 October 1602) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxvij octobris 1602:. for fouer yardes broad cloath deliuered to Iohn Brookes trompett for his Lyuerye at x s irishe the yarde ... 1602±3 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 709 (29 September 1602 ± 29 September 1603) (13 September 1603) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to a trompett by two warrantes dicti maioris data the xiijth of September 1603.: xxs sterling facit irishe ...

xxvjs viij d

xxvj s viij d

xl s

xxvjs viijd

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

299

1603 The White Book of Dublin Corporation 409 DCA: C1/2/2, f. 104 ... f®rst, in ye name of god ye maior, sheryfes, recordor, & aldermen accompanied with ye nomber of three hundred horse & aboue of ye Cittizens tooke their way out at ye dames gate, torning presently betwixte ye dames Mylls & ye Citty walls, & soe to ye ryver syde of Ann lyffy, riding directly eastward by ye water syde to ye Ringes end, & from thens eastward to Clarade, otherwyse called ye cleare Roade, & nowe called Poole Begge: & from thens to Ranielean nowe called ye barr foote, whear ye trompett sounding ye company came togeather & according ye auncient vsadge Richard Fitz Simons one of ye waterbaylyfes was called vppon & commaunded to ryde as farr into ye sea eastward from thens as he could being then loe water & thens to cast a speare as far as he could into ye sea: which he did, & soe farr extendeth ye franches of ye sowth syde of ye river & harborowe of Dublin: then they bent their course Sowthward as directly as thei could to ye blacke stone, nowe called ye blacke Rocke, opposyte against ye place whear ye sheryfes of Dublin doe keape courte vppon ye land, on ye west syde of ye newton of ye strone: wher ye trompett sounding ye company againe came togeather & rode westward all ye highe waie to ye chappell of Merrion: whear ye trompett againe sounding, ye company came togeather & consulted of their righte passadge ther: . . . |f. 104v| . . . by which they rode westward leaving yat diche on their right hand till they came to our Lady well, whear they stoode, & ye trompett sownded & from thens downe a short meire {`boundary road'} north west to ye meddowe under yat, . . . ... 1603±4 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 661 (29 September 1603 ± 29 September 1604) (29 September, 5 November, 14 and 25 December 1603) ... More for monnyes paid to Thomas Kellye drom vppon two warrantes dicti maioris thome for xx s sterling due for a quarters fee at Michalmas 1603:. bearing date the fyfte of November 1603:. the other for xx s sterling due for a quarters fee at christmas 1603:. dated ye xiiijth of december 1603:. makinge in all xl s sterling quod facit irishe ... p. 662 (25 December 1603, 27 January, 25 and 28 March 1604) ... More for monnyes paid to Iohn Brooke trompetor for halfe a yeares fee endinge at christmas 1603:. xl s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxvijo Ianuarij 1603: facit irishe

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... More for monnyes paid to Thomas Kelly drom for a quarters fee due ye xxvth of marche 1603:. xx s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxviijth of march 1604:. facit irishe xxvj s viij d ...

25

p. 663 (25 December 1603, 30 April, 23 and 24 June 1604) ... More for monnyes paid to Iohn Brooke trompetor for his Liuery due for the yeare endinge at christmas 1603:. vz: for iiij yardes broadcloath at x s irishe per yarde xl s per warrantum dicti maioris datum vltimo Aprilis 1604:

15

xl s

More for monnyes [due] paid to Iohn brooke trompett for his fee due for halfe a yeare due at Mydsomer 1604:. xl s sterling per warrantum magistri Iohannis Elliott maioris datum xxiijo Iunij 1604 :. facit irishe liij s iiij hdj 30

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40

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5

More for monnyes paid to Iohn trompett for halfe a yeares fee for keapinge ye clocke ending at mydsomer 1604 :. xx s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris facit irishe

xxvj s vhdj

More for monnyes paid to Thomas kellye drom for his quarters fee due at mydsomer 1604:. xx s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxiijo Iunij 1604:. quod facit irishe xxvj s h. . .j ... p. 664 (4, 28 and 29 September 1604) ... More for monnyes paid to Patricke Magyn, Thomas kellye drom & Richard ®tz Simons waterbaylyfe as a curtesye givin them by assembly :. vjli sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum iiijo Septembris 1604 : facit irishe viijli ... More for monnyes paid to Thomas kelly for his quarters fee due at michalmas 1604: xx s sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxviijo Septembris 1604:. facit irishe xxvj s viij d ... 1603 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 52 (20 May) ... fforasmochas the omittinge of the Ridinge of the franches of this Cittie haue putt to oblivion the metes & bondes {`limits and bounds'} of this Cittie wherof great hurt may enshue for Redresse wherof it is agreed by the aucthoritie afforesaid that the lawes of this Cittie shalbe putt in excecution against those

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nowe livinge that haue omittid the Ridinge of the franches accordinge their tornes, & theis fynes to be to the maior nowe beinge for his chardges of Rydinge the said franches. And it is lykewys agreed that the nowe maior shall make warrant to levie the said fynes & alsoe shall Ride the franches before the end of this yeare: & yf hensforth any maior shall omitt the Ridinge of the franches accordinge as his torne shall hensforth fall out, that he shall paie tenn poundes accordinge a former lawe made in that behalfe & that the maior next succedinge him shall haue the same yf he doe Ride the franches in his owne yeare otherwyse to Remaine to the vse of this Cittie./ ...

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1603 Dublin Assembly Rolls 410 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 56 (21 October) ... Willielmus Huggarde: mvsition admissus fuit gracia speciali ex gracia speciali et pro ®ne viginti solidorum thesaurario solut' gracia speciali./ ... 1604 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 55 (20 January) ... Whear Christofer Cosgrowe nowe maior of ye bullringe, shewed by his peticion yat he was at great chardges for ye credditt of this Cittie in solempnizinge ye kinges mahiesjties coronacion: he therfore humblie praied in respect therof to be remittid of an old debte claymed by the Cittie vppon his father Thomas Cosgrowe alderman dysceased. & to haue a Concordatum for paiement of a barraile of powder borrowed by him for that purpose, & the Cittie hauinge a good regard of his forwardnes in yat of®ce. It is therfore agreed by the aucthorytie afforesaid that he shalbe remittid of that debte, & shall haue a Concordatum for the powder as he required./ ... It is farther agreed by the aucthorytie afforesaid yat William huggard mvsytion shalbe Remittid of the fyne of twenty shillings imposed vppon him for his admicion to ye franches & lybberties of this Cittie in a late assemblie./ ... 1604 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 58 (20 July) ... Whear Iohn Brookes trumpett of this Cittie & Thomas Kellie drome made humble suyte, craving ye hconsideracionj of this Cittie, in respecte of their service & attendans this dangerose tyme of Infection. It is therfore hagreedj by ye aucthorytie afforesaid in regard of their attendans that euery of them shall haue fortie shillinges hsterlingj vppon warrant to be made by mr maior to mr thresurer./ ...

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1604 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10 , mb. 59 (26 October) ... It is farther agreed by the aucthoritie afforesaid that mr maior shall give warrant for paiement of ye liuerye due to William huggard & his fellowes mvsytians for & at christmas next. providid that they haue a full consorte of good mvsytions ./ ... 1604±5 Treasurer's Book 411 DCA: MR/35, p. 675 (8 April 1604 ± 31 March 1605) ... More to be chardged with ye fynes of Thomas Carroll taylor for his admicion of freedome xx s sterling . . . . . . Iohn trompetor x s irishe . . . . . . facit in toto ...

xxvli

p. 682 (26 November, 15 and 25 December 1604, 31 March and 24 June 1605) ... f®rst he craueth allowans for monnye paid to Iohn Broke trompetor for his stypend for three quarters of a yeare vz: at christmas 1604:. Easter 1605:. & Mydsommer 1605:. as appereth by three severall warrantes Roberti Ball nuper maioris the some of iijli sterling. & xx s sterling. for keapinge of ye clocke for halfe a yeare appearinge in the former warrantes; & x s sterling by warrant of ye said maior for a quarters fee due at christmas 1604:. for keaping of ye clocke, which warrante is dated the xvth of december 1604:. facit irishe in toto vjli More to be allowed for xl s sterling paid to the said Iohn Brooke per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxvjo Novembris 1604: which was graunted him by order of assembly in mr Elliotes tyme of maioraltye, in respecte of his attendans in the tyme of infeccion facit irishe liij s iiij d To be allowed for iijli sterling paid to Thomas Kellye drom for his stypend for three quarters per warrantum dicti maioris vz for christmas 1604:. Easter 1605:. & mydsommer 1605:. facit irishe iiijli ... 1605 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 63 (12 April) ... Whear the commons complaynid, that by the countenance of the late Lord Archbuyshoppe of dublin & vnder pretence of his lybbertyes meny did intrude

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vppon the lybbertyes of this Cittye. ffor reformacion wherof It is ordered & agreed by the aucthorytye afforesaid that sir Iohn Tirrell mr handcocke with the wardins of theKetrinitief yeald, the masters of tailors & shomakers with the assystance of Iohn Malone shall followe the course of lawe, & as the chartors will warrant against such intrudors as dwell vppon the landes in questyion & that the franches shalbe Rydden the next yeare accordinge the due course./ ... 1605±6 Treasurer's Book 412 DCA: MR/35, p. 699 (21 April 1605 ± 20 April 1606) (10 September, 7, 12 and 25 December 1605, 15 January, 25 March, 15 April, 20 and 24 June 1606) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Iohn Brooke trompett for the hire of a horse in the Ryding of the franches & for a mynstrall to goe before ye pioners then, per warrantum dicti maioris datum xo Septembris 1606 :´ vj s viij d harpes facit irishe viijs x d ob' More to be allowed for soe mvche paid the said trompett for his stypend for one quarter ending at christmas 1605 :´ xxs sterling & for a quarters fee for keaping the clocke then xs sterling per warrantum dicti Maioris datum xijo decembris 1605 :´ & for his quarters [s] fee ending the xxvth of Marche 1606.: xxs sterling & for his fee for the clocke that quarter xs sterling per warrantum dicti maioris datum xvo Aprilis 1606:. facit irishe in toto iiijli More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to the said trompett for his Liuerye being fouer yardes of cloath at xs irishe per yard for a yeare ending at christmas 1605: per warrantum dicti maioris datum xvto Ianuarij 1605:.

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xls

More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Thomas Kellye drom for his stypend for three quarters of a yeare ending at Mydsommer 1606:. per warrantum dicti maioris ye ®rst warrant datum vijo decembris 1605:. the second datum xvo Aprilis 1606:. the third iiijli dated the xxth of Iune 1606:. at xx s sterling euery quarter facit irishe ... p. 700 (29 January and 25 December 1606) ... More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to ye Mvsitions for & in full sattisfaccion of such Liueryes as was due vnto them. vntill christmas 1606:. twelve yardes cloath at xiijs iiij d harps per yarde amountinge to viijli harps per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxixo Ianuarij [1606:] 1605:. facit irishe ...

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p. 706 (26, 27 and 29 September 1604, 20, 22 and 29 September 1606) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Iohn Brooke trompetor for his fee for keaping ye clocke & his stypend for one quarter ending at michalmas 1604: per duas warrantias Iohannis Elliott maioris datas vno xxvjo et xxvijo Septembris 1604:. xxx s sterling facit irishe xl s

40

More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to ye said Iohn Brooke for halfe a yeares fee for keapinge ye clocke xxs sterling & halfe a yeares stypend endinge at Michalmas 1606: xl s sterling per warrantum Iohannis Brice maioris datum xxijo Septembris 1606

45

More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to Thomas Kellye drome for his quarters fee endinge at michalmas 1606: per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxo Septembris 1606: xxs sterling facit irishe ... 1605 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 413 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 131v (16 and 25 December) ... Itm more the xvith of December paied to the musicke the Day that Barnabe Dongan was sworne brother Itm paied for a quarter of beeffe given to mr. maior at christemas

5

5

iiijli

xxvj s 8d

iiis. ixd. xs .

Itm paied to the musicke the Day that Robert kearan & Edward Whit was made free brethren iiis. ixd. ... 1606 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 70 (18 July) ... Whear Iohn Brooke trompetor complayned in this assemblye that he hath monnyes due vnto him by this Cittye appearing by seuerall warrantes of the maior for the tyme being, which as yett he cannott receave. It is therfore agreed by the aucthorytie affore said that mr maior shall examyn yf the debte be due to ye said Iohn Brooke and thervppon to give order to mr thresurer to make paiement accordinglye./ ...

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1606 Dublin Assembly Rolls 414 DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 70 (18 July) ... fforasmuch as in this assembly it was found that ther was three defaultes of Riding the franches: vz: ®rst in ye yeare of Mr Bellewes maioraltye: the second in the yeare of Mr Handcockes maioraltye: the third in mr Robert Balls maioraltye: for which euery of them by an auncient Lawe of this Cittye is to forfeite to this Cittye tenn poundes: which order is by this assemblye con®rmed: & for that the same is nowe too longe vnrydden. It is therfore agreed by thaucthorytie affore said that mr maior that nowe is shall Ryde the franches & shall haue for the same ®ve poundes old silver out of the fynes afforesaid & that from hensforth the said franches shalbe Rydden euery third yeare in the month of September by the maior sherryfes & commons for the tyme beinge vppon paine of tenn poundes to euery one that make defaulte./ ... It is agreed by the aucthorytye afforesaid yat mr thresurer shall presentlye deliuer vnto Thomas Kelly drom three yardes of cloath and that euer hensforth he shall haue yearlye three yardes of cloath for his Lyverye in suche sorte as the trumpetor hath to be paid by the thresurer of this Cittye./

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1606±7 Treasurer's Book 415 DCA: MR/35, p. 715 (20 April 1606 ± 5 April 1607) (May) More he is to be chardged with soe mvche receauid of Edward Goughe maior of ye boulringe for a barraile of gvnn powder for the mvster at Maij 1607:. vjli xiijs iiij d ... More he is to be chardged with the fynes of xls receauid by him of . . . Iohn huggard, of Thomas horne Carpinter vjli xiijs . . . p. 717 (19 and 25 December 1606, 14 May and 29 September 1607) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Iohn Brookes trompett for his travaile in goinge to mr hussye, per Concordatum datum xiiijo Maij 1607:. xxvj s viij d xxvj s viij d More for soe mvch [p] paid the said Iohn for his Lyverye due at christmas 1606: per warrantum dicti maioris datum xixo decembris 1606: xl s, for his stypend for a yeare endinge at Michalmas 1607: iiijli sterling & for his fee for a yeare then due for keapinge of ye Clocke per warrantum dicti maioris xl s sterling facit irishe in toto More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to Thomas Kellye drom for his Lyuerye due at christmas 1606: iij yardes cloath per warrantum dicti maioris xxx s & for his stipend for a

xli

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yeare endinge at michalmas 1607:. per quatuor warranta dicti maioris vli vj s viij d in toto vjli xvj s viij hdj ... 1606 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 416 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 131v ... Itm paied for a barrell of Ale when we Rid the franches the some of xs st ...

5

f. 132 ... Item to the musicions ...

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1606±7 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 717 (20 April 1606 ± 5 April 1607) (5 and 25 December 1606) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid vnto ye mvsitions for their Lyuerie for a yeare endinge at christmas 1606:´ per warrantum dicti maioris datum vto decembris 1606:´ ...

5

1606±7 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 723 (20 April 1606 ± 5 April 1607) ... More for soe mvche nott receauid by this accoumptant of ye maior of Bolringe for a barraile of poulder ...

5

xs. st

iiis st

viijli

vjli xiij s iiij d

1606 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/10, mb. 71 (17 October) ... Whear mr Iohn Brice alderman required to haue order taken for paiement of ®ve poundes old silver graunted vnto him in the last assemblye to be paid by mr Robert Ball for his defaulte in ryding of ye franches of this Cittye according his torne. It is agreed by the aucthorytie of this assembly that mr maior shall presently putt ye lawe made in that behalfe in excecucion

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1607±8 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 739 (5 April 1607 ± 27 March 1608) (13 and 25 December 1607, 29 September 1608) More the accomptant craveth allowans of soe mvche paid to Thomas Kelly drom for his yeares stypend due at Michalmas 1608: per warrantum dicti maioris iiijli sterling & for his lyuery due at christmas 1607: xxij s vj d sterling facit irishe in toto vjli xv s viij hdj ... More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to ye mvsitians for their Lyvery due at christmas 1607: per warrantum dicti maioris datum xiijtio decembris 1607: xij yardes cloath at vjli sterling facit irishe viijli ... 1607±8 Franchise Register 417 DCA: Fr/Reg/1, p. 156 (24 March 1607 ± 23 March 1608) (24 June) ... 5: Midsummer Huggard Iohhannjes Musition ...

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1607±8 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 737 (29 September 1607 ± 29 September 1608) ... More to be allowed for soe mvche paid to mr Brice by concordatum of the maior & aldermen for rydinge vjli xiij s iiij d ye franches vli sterling facit irishe ... p. 738 ... More to be allowed for soe mvch paid to Iohn Brookes trompett for goeinge for mr hussye xx s sterling. & for his stypend as trompett & keapinge ye clocke for a yeare at Michalmas 1609:. viijli irishe & for his lyvery at christmas 1607: xl s per sex warranta dicti maioris in toto ...

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xjli vj s viij d

1608 Dublin Assembly Rolls 418 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 2 (15 January) ... Wher sir Iohn Tirrell knight humblie required in this assembly yat whear he was fownd vppon his accoumpte to be in arrear to this Cittie in ye some of xli

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sterling he mighte be remitted ye same in respecte he was formerly promised ye some of xli sterling in consideracion of his chardge he hath bene at in Ridinge of ye franches in ye tyme of his maioraltie which tenn powndes he never receauid. It is therfore agreed by ye said aucthoritye that ye said sir Iohn shalbe for the consideracion aforesaid, Remitted ye said some of xli sterling soe fownd in arreare vppon ye foote of his accoumpte./ ... 1608 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 419 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 132v (25 March)

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More spent by him ye ®rst daie yat the company went to ye Baskin Ithemj for wyne at the quarter daye after christimas Ithemj paid for ye ouerplvs of ye dynner that daie Ithemj for ye Cookes fees that daie Ithemj for soe mvch paid the mvsitions More for soe mvch paid for ye beofe yat was bestowed vppon ye Maior and sherryfes Ithemj more paid to the singing men of St. Johns Churche ... 1608±9 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 751 (29 September 1608 ± 29 September 1609) (16 April, 24 June and 29 September 1609) ... f®rst ye accoumptant craveth allowans for soe mvche paid to Iohn Brooke trompetor for his quarters fee due at michalmas 1609:. per warrantum Iohannis Cusake maioris & for a quarters fee then due for keaping ye clocke More for soe mvch paid ye said Iohn for his stypend as trompetor for a quarter endinge at Easter & an other quarter at mydsommer 1609:. & for keapinge ye clocke duringe ye sayd tyme per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 753 (14 and 25 December 1608, 24 June 1609) ... More for soe mvch paid to Thomas Kelly drom vppon fouer warrants of ye said maior for his stypend for three quarters of a yeare endinge at mydsommer 1609:. iijli sterling & for his lyvery at christmas 1608:. xxijs vj d in toto

xvs xs xviis iiis iiis xxxs iiis

xl s

iiijli

vli x s

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More for soe mvch paid to John Brookes trompetor for his quarters fee endinge at christmas 1608:. & for his lyvery then due, & for keapinge of ye clocke yat quarter per duas warrantias dicti maioris

iiijli.

More for soe mvch paid to ye mvsitions for their Lyvery at christmas 1608: xij yardes broad cloathe at x s sterling per yarde per warrantum dicti maioris datum xiiijto decembris 1608:´

viijli.

1608 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 5 (29 July) ... Whear Iohn Brooke trompettor made humble suyte {`suit'} to ye said assemblye, praieinge farther consyderacion to haue bene had of his travaile in the Iornye vndertaken by him for mr Marten hussy Latelye elected sheryfe, for which he held him selfe very slenderly recompenced. It is therfore agreed and ordered by the said aucthorytye yat ye petycioner shall haue twentye shillinges sterling vppon mr maiors warrant to the thresurer ouer & aboue the xx s formerly receauid by him./ ...

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1609 Sir Robert Jacob to Sir John Davys 420 HL: HA 15057, single sheet (16 January) Sir, I haue written 2 or three letters to you, and I haue received noe answere from you since your goinge into England. The greatest newes here is, That my Lord Chief Baron is Chief Iustice, and the Recordor of Dublyn is Atturney, and this the Towne doth beleve so con®dently [and] ethatf they are not to be removed from itt. This Towne yelds {`yields'} nothing worth the writing, We haue had a merry christmas, dauncing, Masking, and a play by the Taylors of St Patrickes most taylerly acted before the Kinges deputy. . . . 1608±9 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 754 (29 September 1608 ± 29 September 1609) (27 August) ... More for soe mvch paid to mr Cusake Late maior for his chardges in rydinge of ye franches ye Last sommer per ij concordata maioris et aldermannorum data xxvijmo die Augusti 1609: Vjli xiij s iiij d sterling facit irishe Viijli xvij s x d ob' ... p. 755 (29 September) ... More for soe mvch paid to Thomas Kellye

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drome for his quarters fee due at Michalmas 1609: per warrantum dicti maioris datum xxvs Septembris 1609: ...

xxvjs viij d

p. 756 (25 December) ... More he is to be allowid for so much paid by this accomptant to mr Plonnket threasorer xli 14s Irish viz the musicans liuerijs for christemas 1609 8li Irish, the droms liuerij then due xxxs Irish, the bedle of the poores liuerij then due xxiiijs in toto ...

xl xiiijs

Line 10 xxvs] read xxvo.

1608±9 Payments to patentees and others for services PRO: SP 63/230, f. 208v (29 September 1608 ± 29 September 1609) (29 September 1609) Choristers of Christchurch

...

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10

Paid to them for singing in theschecquer at thend of euerie Tearme ad Liijs iiijd. per annum for one whole yeare end at michaelmas 1609

1609±10 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 760 (29 September 1609 ± 29 September 1610) (24 June and 4 August) ... More for soe mvch paid to Iohn Brookes trompett for his quarters fee, for his stypend & . keaping of ye clocke xxxs sterling Keending at midsomer lastf per warrantum dicti maioris datum quarto Augusti 1610: facit irishe ... p. 761 (8 April and 24 June) ... More to be allowed for soe mvch paid Thomas Kelly drom for halfe a yeares stypend vz: Easter & Midsommer 1610: per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 764 (25 December 1609 and 29 September 1610) ... More for soe mvch paid to Thomas Kelly drome

Liijs iiijd.

xl s

liij s iiij d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:54 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin for a quarters fee endinge at christmas 1609: xxvj s viij d irishe & for his lyverye then due three yardes broad cloath at x s irishe per yarde xxx s irishe: & for a quarters fee due at michalmas 1610:. xxvj s viij d irishe per warrantum dicti maioris quod in toto attingunt ad ...

311 15

iiijli iij s iiij hdj

p. 766 (13 and 25 December) ... More for soe mvch paid Iohn Brooke trompetor for a quarters fee as trompetor xx s sterling & keapinge of the clocke x s sterling due all at christmas 1609:. & for his lyvery then due iiij yardes broadcloath of xxx s sterling price per warrantum dicti maioris datum xiijtio decembris 1609: ... p. 767 (13 and 25 December) ... More for soe mvch paid the mvsytions for their lyvery at christmas 1609 xij yardes broad cloathe at x s sterling ye yard per warrantum dicti maioris datum xiijtio decembris 1609:. ... (8 April and 29 September 1610) More for soe mvch paid Iohn Brooke trompetor for halfe a yeares stypend as trompettor and for keapinge of ye clocke vz: at Easter & michalmas 1610:. per duas warrantias dicti maioris ... 1609 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 421 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 132v (11 and 24 June) ... More yat he paid ye Lord of howthes mvsytions Mr. huggerte & his company being that daie at Mr Maiors More ye xith of June being St. Barnabyes daie spent at ye quens arms vppon meny ye Mrs & companye More that he paid for Rushes that daie for the hall.

25

iiijli.

30

viijli

35

iiijli.

iiis viis ixd viiid

f. 133 (24 June) More paid by him for Rushes & bvshes {`rushes'} on Mydsommer daie More for soe mvch paid ye Curate of St. Johns that daie

20

iis viiid iiis iiiid

5

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312 10

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin xiid

More paid for Rushes & bushes for ye chapell ... 1609±10 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35, p. 763 (29 September 1609 ± 29 September 1610) (25 December) ... More he is to be chardged with soe mvch paide him by mr Brice as appeareth by his acquitance xli xiiijs irishe vz: ye mvsitions lyveryes for christmas 1609 viijli irishe the droms livery then due xxx s Irishe & the beadell of the poores lyverye then due xxiiijs irishe in toto ... 1609±10 Treasurer's Book 422 DCA: MR/35, p. 768 (29 September 1609 ± 29 September 1610) ... More for soe mvche paid . . . Richard Smythe mvsytion for his freedome xxvj s viij d in all ...

x li xiiij s

viijli ixs

1610 A New Description of Ireland 423 . . . but I wil here leaue my women Tauerne-Keepers to Maister Maior of the Bull-Ringe to looke vnto, . . .

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1610 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 424 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 133v ... More yat he paid Mr. Huggarte one quarter daie More paid him for an other quarter daye More that he paid ye Lord of howthes mvsytions Mr. huggarte being at ye circuits More yat he paid for rushes & bushes {`rushes'} for ye hall & St. Johns yat yeare More yat he paid for ®ue powndes quarter waxe. More yat he paid for making of ye lights More yat he paid to yeefe Beadell More yat he paid for carriadge of ye dynner & other thinges to ye feildes ye daie of the Riding of ye franches ...

iiis ii vid s

iiis vs viiis xviiid vs iiis

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1610±11 Franchise Register 425 DCA: Fr/Reg/1, p. 136 (24 March ± 23 March) ... 8: Pas: Gore Iohannes Musition ...

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1610±11 Treasurer's Book 426 DCA: MR/35, p. 775 (29 September 1610 ± 29 September 1611) ... More receauid of Richard Smyth mvsytion for the remaine of his fyne of admission to his freedome xxvj s viij d p. 777 (24 March) ... More for soe mvch paid by him to Thomas Kellye drom for his fee for halfe a yeare due at Easter 1611: per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 779 (25 December 1610, 24 March and 29 September 1611) ... More for so mvch paid Iohn Brooke trompetor for halfe a yeares fee endinge at michalmas 16ii:. per warrantum dicti maioris ... More yat he paid to Iohn Brooke trompetor for halfe a yeares stypend due at christmas 1610:. & Easter 1611:. per warrantum dicti maioris ... p. 780 (24 June and 29 September 1611) ... More that he paid to Thomas Kelly drom for halfe a yeares fee vz: midsommer & michalmas quarters 1611:. ...

5

liij s iiij d

10

liij s iiij d

liijs iiij d

liij s iiij d

c. 1611 A Catholicke Conference 427 ... Pa. I will neuer deny it Syr Tady, I confesse I haue seene a Masse. Ta. Then you haue not liued altogether so irreligiously, but that you haue once seene a Masse, but tell mee truely, howe did you like it? Pa. O passing well, I neuer sawe a thing that better pleased me, but once: Ta. And what was that one thing, that you say pleased you better?

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20

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314

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

Pa. It was a Puppet play, that was playd at Dubline, but nowe this last summer. ... 1611 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 428 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 134 (9 September)

5

Spent at ye Baskye ye ixth of September More yat he paid ye mvsytions yat daie More yat he spent vppon such as did ryde against ye Lord Deputye More that was spent at ye supper when the company came from ye Basken ...

xiis vid vs iiis xxviis

Line 1 Baskye] read Baskyen.

1611±12 Treasurer's Book DCA: MR/35

5

10

15

20

p. 787 (29 September 1611 ± 29 September 1612) (18 September) ... More for soe mvch paid by lyke warrant the xviijth of September 1612: to william Bysshoppe deliuerid by him to mr George Tailor for assysting mr maior in ryding of ye frenches in mr Recordors absens xxvj s viij d Irishe & for making a newe ¯agge & torsell {`tassel'} for ye trompett xlvs iiijd irishe & for mending the pavement abowtes ye pyllory xxjs iiij d irishe in toto ... p. 788 (25 December 1611, 29 September 1612) ... More that he paid by lyke warrantes vnto Iohn Brookes trompetor for his lyvery due at christmas 1611: xxxs sterling & for his yeares stypend due at Michalmas 1612: iiijli sterling facit irishe in toto More that he paid Thomas Kellye drom for his Liuerie xxvj s vj d sterling and his yeares stypend due as aforesaid iiijli sterling facit irishe in toto ... More that he paid by the said maiors warrant to William Huggard & his fellowes mvsytions for their Liuerye due at christmas 1611:´ ...

iiijli

vijli vj s viij d.

vjli xvj s viij d.

viijli.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin p. 789 ... More for soe mvch paid [him] by him to William Bysshoppe for his fathers vse for Rydinge of the franches ...

315

vjli xiij hs .j

25

1612 Thomas Bellot to Sir Michael Hickes 429 BL: MS Lansdowne 92, f. 143 (16 January) . . . Sir I am not vnmyndfull of you for an Irishe harp, and [to] to that end a sennight past {`a week ago'} I entreated Sir Iosias Bodleighe my awncient acquaintance that if he cold vnderstand of anye suche that were excellent (beinge skilfull also himeself in Musick) that he wold make me knowe it, to which he awnswered that if he cold heare of a speciall good one, he wold bestowe and send it youe fro himeself: therefore in this I will not omitt my best endevor /. . . .

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1612 Sir John Denham to Sir Michael Hickes 430 BL: MS Lansdowne 92, f. 145 (7 February) honorable Sir; vnderstandinge from Sir Iames Ley / his Maiesties Atturney for wardes, / my worthy frend; that youe were desirus of a good Irishe harpe, I mad triall for the obtayninge of an old harpe, for that they report the oldest best, butt ®ndinge none to my Likinge, caused a new one to be made, which yf it prove as good in sounde as it is fayer in shew I shall commende it to your kinde acceptacion, the masters of the Arte giv hopes of the well provinge thereof; and yf the ceremony of the raysinge thereof hade not byn observed it had byn presented vnto youe before Michellmas; I have caused the same to be putt into a stronge Case to preserve it from brekinge and soe recommendinge my dew observance vnto youe I rest now and ever from Dublyn the ¦ of ffebr i6ii /

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yours trewly assured Iohn Denham

1612 Dublin Assembly Rolls 431 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 22 (24 April) ... It is further ordered & agreed by ye said aucthorytie yat euery prentyse, Iornyman & euery other of thadge of fowerteen yeares or vpwardes which shalbe fownd plaieing at stodball, Coiting, tennes cudgielles or any other vnlawfull games within any street of this cittie or subvrbes of ye same vppon sondaies or hooly daies shall presently be taken by thaldermen, deputy aldermen & constables of euery ward, & be committed to ye Newgate ther to remaine for ye space of xxiiij howers without baile, & yf thaldermen, deputy

5

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

aldermen or constable shalbe neglygent herin they shalbe strictly pvnnyshed by mr maior./ ... 1612 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 432 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 134 (24 June) f®rst the accoumptant prayeth to be allowed for soe mvche paid by him to ye plaiers on mydsommer daye at ye time of banqueting ...

5

5

5

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iis st

1612 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4 (12 September) ... memorandum that the xijth day of September 1612 mr Thomas Bushoppe then Maior of the Citty of Dublin, mr William Charrel & mr Richard Wiggens sheriffes of the said Citty the ffraunches, meares {`boundaries'} & lymittes & bondes {`bounds'} of the Citty weare Riden & perambulated according to the auncient Custome/ ... 1613 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 433 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 134v ... More that he spent on certaine the M's & company at browne the bakers the night before Mr Robinsons buriall More he paid the ®dler ...

xviiid xiid

1613 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 30 (16 July) ... Whear ye commons by their humble petycion preferred vnto this assembly shewed howe that not with standing a Lawe in this cittie forbidding ye plaieing at tennes, stoodball, or other such lyke exercies in the streetes vppon sondaies & holly daies, the same is not dyscontynued nor yett thoffendors pvnnyshed according that Lawe. It is therfore ordered that the marshalles & euery other of®cer & constable of this Cittie shall haue power and are herby commaunded to committ ye parties offending in any the premisses to prison & they to be further pvnnyshed according the former Lawe in that behalfe./ It is further ordered and agreed by aucthorytie of the said assembly that Iohn Brooke trompetor shall haue all such customes prof®ttes and dueties belonging

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

317

to his of®ce as any others his predycessors haue hertofore receauid; and for his travaile about the cittie woorkes this yeare, and his hurte receauid therin; it is agreed that he shall haue forty shillinges Irysh to be paid out of the casualties vppon mr maiors w warrant./ 1615 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 39 (20 January) ... Whear Nicholas Quyn trompetor hath bene an humble petycioner vnto the said assemblye, praieing to be establyshed in ye place of trompetor with allowance of the fees & perquisites thervnto belonging. It is ordered & agreed by the said aucthorytie that the said petycioner shall haue the same of®ce of trompetor vntill michalmas next vnlesse the Citty cann provide a better trompetor in ye meane tyme./ ... 1615 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 39 d (21 April) ... It is agreed by thaucthorytie afore said that Iohn Browne yeoman shall haue the of®ce & place of drommer in this Citty nowe voyde by ye death of Thomas Kelly late drommer dysceased. vntill ye nexte assembly. with condicion of his dillygente attendance on mr maior. And that he haue noe other of®ce. ./ ...

15

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1615 Dublin Assembly Rolls 434 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 41 d (20 October) Whear William Barloe trompetor made humble petycion praieing that he might be establyshed in the place of trompetor beinge voyde, with allowance of the perquisites thervnto belonging, with an augmentacion of his fee for his better mentayhnancej It is ordered & agreed by thaucthorytie afore said that he shall (duringe his good behavior) haue the same in as lardge and ample manner as other trompetors held the same before soe as he performe the dueties & vsuall customes of his place./ It is further ordered and agreed by the said aucthorytie that howsoeuer {`whosoever'} herafter shall take downe any May poles sett vppe within this Citty or subvrbes to their owne private vses shall forfeite tenn shillinges sterling to this Cittie for which the thresurer for the tyme being shall bring an accion of debte against the offender. and that the said may-poles shalbe within three monnethes after they are sett vppe / taken downe and converted by the mr of woorkes to this Citty vse./

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1616 Dublin Assembly Rolls 435 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 42 d (19 January) ... Whear william Barlowe trompetor hath made humble suyte vnto this assembly praieing that ther might be a certainety laid downe in this assembly of the fees or perquisites belonging to his place which of auncient tyme his predecessors had of such as weare married of the younge men of the boulring & other dutyes omitted of late. It is ordered & agreed by the said aucthorytie that the petycioner shall haue the auncient fees & the maior to compell the parties to paie the same./ 1616 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 44 d (12 April)

5

It is further ordered & agreed by the said aucthorytye vppon the humble petytion of Iohn Browne drommer shewing that this Cittye is destytute of a drvm that the petycioner shall haue twenty shillinges sterling for this tyme onelye to buy a drom for the vse of this Citty: and Mr Maior is to make a Warrant to the thresurer [to the thresurer] to paie him accordinglye./ 1616±17 Accounts of Edward Hill 436 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [4v] (29 September 1616 ± 29 September 1617) ... To the Musitians for their fee at the visitation ...

vs.

1617 Dublin Assembly Rolls 437 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 50 d (18 July)

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10

. . . And whear alsoe they complayned, that the said mr Browne did omitKthe eryding off the hfranchesj & libberties of this Citty, the ®rst yeare of his maioralty to the great preiudice & inconvenience of this Cittye; Whearby he ought to paye vnto the thresurer of this Citty, to the vse of this Citty as a fyne for that default, tenn powndes sterling Englyshe monnye, according to a lawe in that behalfe made & provided; And therfore praied that an order [der] might be laid downe in this assembly for redresse therof, & for avoyding the lyke wronges heerafter. . . . as alsoe of the some of tenn powndes Englysh monnye for his fyne for not ryding the franches & libberties of this Citty the ®rst yeare of his maioralty; . . . ... 1618 Dublin Assembly Rolls 438 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 57 (17 July) ... Whear William huggart mvsytion hath bene an humble petycioner in the

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319

behalfe of him selfe and his associates shewing that whear they haue been of longe contynuance heer to their great chardge, whoe haue served this Citty to the vttermost of their power in tyme of necessytie when none others would then attend, in consyderacon whearof your supliantes are to be mentayned against strandgers, mvsytions that would attempt to intrude on them, yett not withstanding their priviledges graunted appearing vnder the seale of of®ce of maioralty divers strandge mvsitions resorting to this Citty take the benne®tt of your petycioner and his companye to their great hurte and vtter vndoeinge. It is therfore ordered and agreed by the said aucthorytie that it shalbe lawfull for the petycioner and his companye to arrest and sue all strandge mvsitions not being freemhenj that they shall hensforward ®nd to intrude on them within this Citty and franches therof and that none butt the petycioner and his companye |mb. 57 d| shalbe mvsiantes {`musicians'} within this Libberties during their good behaviour; provided that they furnyshe them selves with suf®cient mvsytions for singing and playeing vppon all occations; And provided alsoe that from hensforth they play aboutes this Citty thryce euery week vz: euery sonday, twesdaie and thursday morninge in sommer and winter and not to neglect the seame eny more, and then they are to haue all such dueties as wear heertofore graunted vnto them by assemblye./ ... 1618 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4 (10 September) ... Memorandum that the tenth day of September 1618 Sir Iames Carroll knight being then Maior of the Cittie of dublin, mr William Busshopp and mr Robart Lynaker Sherives of the said Cittie. the fraunches, meares {`boundaries'}, lymittes, and bonds {`bounds'} of the said Cittie were ridden and perambulated according to the auncient Custome. ... 1619 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 64 d (15 October) ... Where Iohn Browne drommer made humble suyt to ye said assembly, prayKeingf he might be allowed [som] some reasonable Consideracion towardes his great Chardges and domadges {`damages'} sustained in defraying suyte comenced against him by Henry Harwood for some trespass supposed to be done by ye said Iohn against ye said Harwood in executing ye magistrates command in which suyt iudgment was graunted against hhimj in ye kingesKebenchf for xxij li x s sterling, and was therefore comitted in execution to the marshalsy, It is therefore ordered and agreed by ye said aucthorityKeatf {`that'} the peticioner shall haue towards ye supportacion of his dammages sustained by the said suyt ye some of tenn pownds sterling English mony out of ye petty ®nes to this Chittyj ...

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1620 Dublin Assembly Rolls 439 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 66 (17 January) ... It is further ordered and agreed by the Aucthoritie aforesaid That William Huggard and his fellow Musicioners shall haue for an Augmentation of theire yearely liuery three yards of Brodcloth at thirteene shillinges and foure pence Irish per yard, ouer and besides the Twelve yards of Brodcloth which they formerly receaued yearely from this Cittie for theire liuery, Prouided they doe alwaies mentaine a good singing Boy./ ... 1620 Dublin Assembly Rolls 440 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 67 d (28 April) ... fforasmuch as Certaine the Commons Complained to this Assemblie against diuers new vaine Customes lately growing in this Cittie and vsed by forriners and strandgers As Bull baytinges Beare baytinges and other vnciuell and vnlawful games and excercises allureing vnto them from all partes of the Cittie other mens prentizes and seruantes who thereby fall into much vice and idlenes to ye decaie and Impouerishing of theire Masters and other the Cittizens, Wherefore and for the Auoyding of such vncivell plaies and excercises, It is enacted and ordained by the said Aucthoritie that ye Maior for the time being shall from time to time restraine the Common passadge of Beares and Bulles through the Cittie or any parte thereof, to draw prentizes or other seruantes to ye bayting of them, and likewise by aduise of mr Recorder or other Counsell of this Cittie,Kepunishf all such offendors formerlie Complained of by ®nes and Imprisonment as he shall thinke ®tt./ ... 1621 Dublin Assembly Rolls 441 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 71 (20 January) ... Nicholus Huggard Musicus admissus fuit franchise, quia est ®lius willielmi Huggard Musici, et pro ®ne xxs sterling Thesaurario soluend' ...

5

1621 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4 (September) ... Memorandum that the h. . .j daie of September i621 Richard Browne being then Maior of the Cittie of dublin, mr Edward Iane and mr [w] William Allen being sheriues of the said Cittie. the franches, meares {`boundaries'} limmittes and bonds {`bounds'} of the said Cittie were ridden and perambhulatedj according to the auncient Custome.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

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1622 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 442 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 136 (24 June) Item disbursed about the ffranches Item for extraordinary charges which was bestowed on breakfastes vppon Mr Mayor Mr Challcrett and Mr Cunningham, the sum of Item paid for Taffata Sarsnett & silk for the Collors the some {`sum'} of Item paid for Tassells to the same Item paid for makeinge of ye Cullors Item paid for ffustian to make a sockett to the same Item paid for white and watchett rebben for the Company Item paid for powder Item paid for the hire of ye Drum Item paid for Cullors to the Drummer Item paid to the church wardens of St. Johns church, the some of Item paid to the singinge men which songe on St: Johns daie at seruice in the Churche ... 1623 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 443 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 136 (14 April, 1 May, 24 and 29 June) ... Item paid for a Drum for the Company ... Item paid to ye Drumer for soundinge ye Drume, vppon St. Peeters daie Item paid for a staffe to carrie ye Cullors ... Item bestowed on Powder for the last blackmunday Item paid for beatinge the Drum the same day Item paid for beatinge of the Drum on Mayday. Item paid to ye Clarke of the Company for his ffee Item paid for bushes {`rushes'} & rushes on midsomer daie to ye hall Item paid for bushes & rushes to St. Johns Church ...

vli xxxixs vid iiiili iiiis iiiid ob iiiis vis

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xvd

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1624 Dublin Assembly Rolls 444 DCA: MR/5/11, mb. 83 (16 January) ... Willielmus Barloe Tibicen' admissus fuit franchise, ex gracia speciali et pro ®ne vno pari Chirotecarum vxoriKeMaiorisf solut'. ... 1624 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 445 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 136v (29 March and 1 May)

5

10

5

paid for six pounde of powder which was spent on Blacke Munday Item paid a Drumer that day for beating the drum Item paid for a yarde of ell broade taffata to put in the Cullors Item paid to the Lord Deputy is Drumer Item paid to an other Drumer Item spent in powder on May Day Item paid for halfe an ell of taffata for the drum Item paid to the Choristers ...

viiis vid iiis xis xs iiis s ix iiiid iiis vis

1624 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4v (12 September) ... Memorandum that the xijth day of September 1624 Sir Thadee duffe knight being then Maior of the Cittie of dublin, mr George Iones and mr christofer Wolferston being then sheriues of ye same Cittie the fraunches, liberties, meares {`boundaries'} limitts and extents of the Citties iurisdiction wereKeriddenf [limittes] and per ambulated exactlie and according the ancient custome. 1625 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 446 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 136v (18 April) ... Item paid to the Drummer on Black mundaie Item for mending the Drum ...

xs iiiis

1625 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 1 d (22 July) ... It is further ordered and agreed by the said authoritie that Iohn Batten drommer shall haue the of®ce and place of drommer of this Cittie which

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Iohn Browne late drommer had with the vsuall fees and perquisites therevnto belonging./ 1626 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 447 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 136v (10 April and 1 May) ... Item to the Drumer Item to the f®fe Item for charges on Blacke munday Item to the Drumer on May daie Item for charges on May Day ... 1628 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 448 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 137 (14 April and 1 May) ... Item spent on the muster on black munday. Item paid to the Drumer Item paid for halfe an ell of taffata sarsenett Item for gilding the leadinge staffe and puting 2 ringes on it Item spent at the muster on May day Itm paid the Drumer Item for bushes {`rushes'} & rushes Item paid for Singing men of St. Johns Church ...

xs ii vid xxxs xs xxs

5

s

xxxs xs s iiii iiid xviiid xxxiis xid xiis iiiis s vi vid

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1628 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 20 (17 October) ... It is further ordered and agreed by the Authoritie aforsaide that Martine Browne Drummer shall Continue his of®ce of drummer for this next yeare with the ordinary ffees and perquisittes thereunto belonging./ 1628±1630 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 449 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 138 Item disbursed on blackmunday for Droum sticks, and Coullors for the Dromer which I left in the hall Item spent at the wood of Cullen the same day on certaine of the Counsell of the house Item for a supper on Black Munday at night ... Item paid to the Droummers on May Day

xs iiis vid xxvis xiiiis

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10

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Item Item Item Item Item ...

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin iis vs iis xvid xxiis

for rebbon for them paid to the f®fe for powder to the Warden & others of the Company for mendinge the Droum to Patrick Macan' for the charge on May day morninge & a supper

1629 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 20 d (16 January) ... Where Martine Browne Drummer preferred peticion vnto this Assemblie praying to haue allowance of the somme of ffortie shillinges sterling for halfe a yeare which hee was drummer vnto this Cittie in mr Edward Ians Maioraltie. It is therefore ordered by the authoritie aforsaid that the said Martine shall haue the said somme of fortie shillinges sterling to bee paide by the Threasurer by warrant from mr maior./ ... 1629 Franchise Register 450 DCA: Fr/Reg/1, p. 112 ... 1629: Chr: f¯eming Walter musition

B:

1629 Liber querelarum 451 DCA: C1/J/2/2, p. 112 (22 March) ... Item 1 harpe without wires ...

0

10

0

1629 Liber querelarum 452 DCA: C1/J/2/2, p. 21 (28 November) ... Thomas Williames Musicion queritur versus Edmund Kelly generosum de placito debiti 40s d 2d sterling. ... 1629 Trinity College General Register 453 TCD: Mun/V/5/I, p. 26 (23 December) ... The senior sophisters exercise dominion over the junior sort this Christmas. A comedy acted by them and a play by ye Batchellours./ ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1629±30 Accounts of John Bradley 454 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [4] (29 September ± 29 September) ... To the souldiers for tending on the princes day To them that plaid on the Cornettes ...

325

0±5±0 0±2±6

1630 Liber querelarum 455 DCA: C1/J/2/2, p. [35v] (10 February) ... 10 Iohannes Browne yeoman queritur versus Iacobum Dermott musicion de placito debiti trans super et Casam ad damnum querentur xxli sterling. 10 Edward Babington generosus queritur versus Iacobum Dermott de placito trans et in falt' ad damnum querentur xxli sterling ... 1630 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 456 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 137 (1 May) ... Item spent on May daie on a supper & in wine & beere the some of Item more to 2 Dromers ...

5

xxxs xiiiis

1630 Liber querelarum 457 DCA: C1/J/2/3, p. 33 (21 May) ... Idem Iohannes queritur versus Nicholum Huggard Musicion de placito debiti 7s 6d sterling ... 1630 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4v (30 August) ... Memorandum that the xxxth day of August 1630 Sir Christopher forster knight being Maior of the Citty of dublin mr Charles fforster & Mr Iames watson sherriffs of the same Citty the ffranches Liberties, Meares {`boundaries'} Limmettes & extentes of the Citties Iurisdiction weare ridden & perambulated exactly and according the antient Custome/. ...

5

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326

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1630 Black Book of King's Inns 458 King's Inns Dublin: MS 38, f. 27v (Hilary Term) ... paid the players for the grand day ...

2±0±0

1630 Trinity College General Register 459 TCD: Mun/V/5/I, p. 34 (29 December) ... It is condescended and agreed that the Batchellours should act their play but not in the Colledge./ ...

5

c. 1630 The History and Antiquties of Dublin 460 Armagh Public Library, no shelfmark, p. 265 ... He was a Serious Man, and noe friend to the Levitie of all Theatricall Gaieties & Representations, as appears by the great dif®cultie he made of admitting Comedies to be acted in the Colledg dureing his Goverment Tho at last perswaded therevnto by the great Solicitation of Considerable Persons, and at the desire of the Lords Justices who Ruled in his time. . . . ... 1631 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 461 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 138 (29 June)

5

10

15

Imprimis paid for a warrant against the Jorneymen and prentizes for bringinge of a May Pole on St. Peeters Day Item spent on the Prince his day vppon a dinner ... Item more for wine the same day Item more for ale and beere the same day Item paid for a Boat to goe on the watter Item paid for two Dromes Item paid to the Maior of the Cittie for a showe on the Prince his day Item spent the day the ffringes {`franchises'} was ridd Item spent at the signe of the George on certaine of the company after the eattinge of Mr Lillys Goose and when Alderman Kelly and his Company came in, the some of ...

iis xxs xxvis xvs s ii vid vis vid iiili vii xs li

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1632 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 462 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 138v (2 April and 1 May) ... Item paid to two Dromes on blacke Munday Item more for a Drome head Item for headinge the Drome Item paid for paper to put the pouder in, on black munday ... Item more for a pound, and a halfe of powder that was wasted on the same day Item paid to the Dromes on May Day ... Item more paid for an ell of sarsnett on blacke Munday Item more paid for an other drome head ...

327

xis vid xxd xvid vid iis xiis viis xxd

1632 Dublin Assembly Rolls 463 DCA: MR/5/12 , mb. 36 (15 October) ... It is lickwise ordered by the authoritie aforsaid, that Iohn Huggard Musitioner eldest sonne vnto William Huggard Late Musicioner deceased, shall haue the place and of®ce of keepinge a sett of Musicioners to attend vppon the Cittie in such sorte as his ffather did, and with the same fees, and perquisittes which his ffather had, during the good behauiour of the said Iohn Huggard, and his Associattes./ ... 1633 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 464 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 138v (22 April and 1 May) ... Item spent in the feeilds on Blackmonday in drinke Item spent on a Supper and in drinke at our coming home Item paid for Taf®tie to the Dromers Item more paid the same Day to the Drome Maior Item paid to the other Dromer Item more spent on May Day in the feeildes on the Company Item spent that night on the Company for a Supper, beere and sacke Item paid the same day to the Drome Maior Item paid to the other Drome ...

iiis iiiid xxs s xi iiid xs vs

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5

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328

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1633 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 41 (19 July) (9 September) ... Where the Commons preferred peticion vnto this Assemblie praying that the ffranches of this Cittie might bee perambulated, and ridden this yeare according the auncient Custome and Certaine permanent markes might bee sett vpp in doubtfull places where the said franches extend whereby the true meares {`boundaries'}, precinctes, and limittes may bee apparantlie manifest in future time. It is therefore ordered by the authoritie of this Assemblie that on the ninth of September next the franches, and liberties of the said Cittie shalbee ridden, and perambulated, and sir christofer fforster knight, Mr Alderman Ians, Mr Nicholas Stephens, Mr Thomas Taylor, Richard Edwardes, Patricke Gormann, and Iames Bellew are appointed to sett vpp markes, and postes in the old meares where the franches vse to bee ridden, and perambulated, and they to appointe labourers who are to bee paid by the Treasurer of the Cittie, and haue allowance as they vse to haue in former times./ ... 1633 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 4v (9 September) ... Memmorandum that the Ninth day of September Anno domini 1633 Mr Robertt Bennett being Maior of the Citty of Dublin Mr Dauid Begg & mr Walter Kennedy. Sherriffs of the same Citty the franches Liberties Meares Lymmettes & extentes of the Cittys Iurisdicion weare ridden and. perambulated exactly and according the antient Custome/ 1634 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 45 (18 April) ... It is ordered lickwise by the authoritie aforsaid that William Bee drummer shall haue the place and of®ce of Iohn Browne Drummer lately deceased together with the ffees, and perquisittes thereunto belonging, the said o®ce to bee held by him during the pleasure of the Maior, Sheriffes, Commons, and Cittizens of this Cittie./ ... 1635 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 465 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 139 (30 March, ¦ May and 29 June) ... Imprimis this Accomptant craveth allowance of the sume of two shillinges six pence paid for the hyer of a Droumer on St. Peeters Day

iis vid

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin Item paid for Sipers {?} to the Drumer ... Item paid the Droum maior on black munday Item paid for halfe an ell of sarsnett Item paid for ribbon soun {`sewn'?} Item paid to Genning the Droumer Item paid the same night for a supper and beere Item more for sacke the same night Item paid the Droum maior at the master held on Assension day Item paid to an other Dromer on the same day ...

329 iiis xs iiii vid xiid vs xls vis

5

s

xs vs

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15

Line 14 master] read muster?

c. 1636 Deposition in the case of John Heathcote 466 Bodl.: MS Carte 176, f. 11 Iohn Huggarth of the Citty of Dublin musician aged ffortie Nyne yeares or there abouts . . . 1636 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 467 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 139 (18 April and 28 June) ... Imprimis This Accomptant craueth allowance of the some of ®ue shillinges paid to the Droumer at St. Peeters Eaue Item more for rebbon on the same day ... Item paid for Coullors and taffata for the Drommers on black munday ...

vs iis ixs

5

f. 139v (26 May, 10 and 23 June) Item paid to two Dromers Item spent at od tymes on them and on them that did ®nde them out Item for ribbon to them Item for ribbon to them Item spent on certaine of the Company on assention Day in drinke etc' Item more paid to two Dromers Item for bushes {`rushes'} and rushes on St. Barnabyes [day] Eaue Item paid for bushes and rushes for the hall on St. Johns eaue ...

xs iis iis iis viiis xs ixd xviiid

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1636 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 5 (22 September) ... Memorandum that the 22th. day of September Anno domini 1636. Sir. Christopher fforster Knight beinge then Maior of the Cittie of Dublin, Mr. Iohn Carbery, and Mr Thomas Ormesbie then Sheriffes of the same Cittie, the ffraunches, Liberties, meares {`boundaries'}, Limittes, and extentes of the Citties Iurisdiction were ridden, and perambulated exactlie, and accordinge the auncient Custome./ ... 1636 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 61 (14 October) ... It is lickwise ordered, and agreed by the authoritie aforsaide, that Iohn Huggard, and his fellow Musicions for Certayne Consideracions moued in this Assembly shall haue from henceforth theire former yearelie stipend of Tenn poundes Irish augmented to Tenn poundes sterling English monney yearelie for their liuerie with Condicion that they keepe theire Constant waytes three times a weeke from Michaelmas vntill Shrouetide yearelie, and to keepe alwayes a good singinge boy from time to time./ ... 1637 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 468 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 139v (10 April and 1 May) ... Item more paid for all expences in the ryding of the fringes {`franchises'} Item to the Cittie musicke Item paid for halfe a dozen of brasse Candlesticks for the house Item spent at the Georg on the Kings Day vppon Mr. Cunningham and seuerall other of the Company Item paid for mehnjding the Drome against Blackmunday Item for two Dromers on Blackmunday Item for sarsnett and Ribon the same day to the Dromers Item spent on the Company the same day in wine and beere ... Item spent in beere and wine on the company in the feildes on May day

viili viis viid iis xxiiiis iiis viiid vs xs ixs vid xvs vid xviis

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1637 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 469 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 140 (10 April and 1 May) ... Item to Charles Kinsalagh late Mr: against. Black munday Item to the Dromers for that day Item to Mc.Cans wife for hir (blank) on May day Item for bushes {`rushes'} & rushes on black munday Item for 14 pound of powder ...

331

iili xs vis is vid ili iiis iiiid

1637 Sir Thomas Wentworth to Archbishop William Laud 470 SCA: Strafford Letter Books, WWM Str. P 7, p. 39 (10 July) ... . . . But what long of the Prouost, and what long of a Playhouse lately sett vp and allowed by me / which out of Purity of Zeale ye Primate dureing my being in England had prohibited, least it might, forsooth, haue brought a punishment of ye Plague vpon vs, his Grace is very angry with me and saith yat I neither Care for Church nor Church men where my owne Ends come in question. . . . 1637 Liber querelarum 471 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 199 (13 October) ... Item one smale paier of virginalls at ...

1

10

5

10

5

0

1637 Register of St Werburgh's Church 472 NLI: MS 104, f. [11] (c. 29 October) ... 1637 Oct: 29. Lady Fisher _____ N:B: Some Players about this time buryed viz: Armiger __ Rookes ... 1637 Liber querelarum 473 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 33 (30 November) ... Willielmus Taylor musicion queritur versus Carolum Meloy generosum de placito trans super casum &cetera ad damnum querentur quinque librorum sterling./ ...

5

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332

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

1637 Liber querelarum 474 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 36 (4 December) Willielmus Barlowe Trumpetor queritur versus vxorem Thomae f¯oode Taylor de placito debito vjs sterling./ ...

5

5

1637±8 Accounts of William Carvile 475 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [2v] (29 September 1637 ± 29 September 1638) ... Item to the Lord Deputies Musicke 6 ± 13 ± 4 Item for a seruice booke for the Organist 0± 5±0 ... Item for making a seate for the sacke-but 0± 1±0 ... 1638 Liber querelarum 476 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 72 (22 February) ... Adrian Stronge Virginallmaker queritur versus Thomam Hurley generosumKeuttraque liat' per bonum et Cattal' suaf de placito trans super Casum &cetera ad damnum querentur 5li sterling./ Sy: Barran ... 1638 Liber querelarum 477 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 76 (3 March) ... Willielmus Barlow trumpetor queritur versus Iohannem Rayling glouer de placito debiti [. .] quinque librorum sterling Enos. ...

5

1638 Liber querelarum 478 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 214 (5 March) ... Praised the 5th day of March 1637. at the request of Mary Beetagh of the goodes of Tirlagh Byrne as followeth./ One Irish harpe price 0li 10s 0d ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin 1638 Liber querelarum 479 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 218 (5 April) ... Item one Irish harpe 1 0 ...

333

0

1638 Vestry Book of St John the Evangelist 480 RCB: P. 328/5/1, p. 188 (20 April) ... William Cooke ye player ...

00 ± 04 ± 00

1638 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 481 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 140 (26 March and 1 May) Item ... Item Item Item Item ... Item Item Item Item Item ...

xs

to two Dromers on May Day spent in the ffeild on Black munday to the Dromers to drinke for beere that day for wine that night for beere & wine a black munday for Collers to the Drommers for theire hyre spent in the ®eld yat night for wine

iiis vid is vid ili xviiis vid ili is 8d vs xs iiis s xi iiiid

1638 Liber querelarum 482 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 137 (15 June) ... Adrian Stronge [f] Virginall maker queritur versus Iesper [f] Rutter [f]evfirginall maker de placito debiti quinque librorum sterling./ ... Line 2: a small v written superscript above V of Virginall; the V itself is an inked-over correction of the [f]; line 3: an attempt was made to write a large inked-over R above the [f] before Rutter; there is similarly a superscript R above the R.

1638 Christ Church Cathedral Act Book 483 RCB: C/6/1/7/2, f. 31v (18 June) ... And farther to make vp the Musicke of that Church more compleate & to

5

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

comply with the intencion of the founders to our apprehensions, if they had liued in these times, We thinke meete alsoe that twelue pownds yeerly be allowed out of the said Revenues for two Sakebutts & two Cornetts to serue every Sunday in Christchurch: . . . ... 1638 Liber querelarum 484 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 140 (19 June) ... Willielmus Barlow trumpetor queritur versus Nicholum ffrind pewterer de placito debiti xli sterling./ Smith. ... 1638 Liber querelarum 485 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 148 (3 July) ... Ellinora Linsey vidua queritur versus Iohannem Price musicion de placito debiti 40.s sterling./ ... 1638 Liber querelarum 486 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 182 (28 August) ... Iacobus Tallon Cooper queritur versus Iohannem Price musicion de placito debiti 40.s sterling Marshalsise: ... Line 2 Cooper] pleg written superscript.

1638 Liber querelarum 487 DCA: C1/J/2/4, p. 185 (3 September) Anna Longe spinster queritur versus Iespar Rutter Virginalmaker de placito debiti 3li sterling./ ... 1638 Liber querelarum 488 BL: MS Additional 11687, f. 8 (12 October) ... Iohannes Hugard Musicion queritur versus Dauid Chadsey Buttonmaker de placito debiti 40 s sterling./ ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

335

1638 Liber querelarum 489 BL: MS Additional 11687, f. 15 (14 November) ... Iacobus Dermott musichijon queritur versus Iohannem Price musicion de placito debiti 40s sterling./ Marshalsise: ... Line 2 musichijon] ples. written superscript.

1638±9 Accounts of Henry Dilson 490 RCB: C/6/1/26/3, f. [7] (April ± 29 September 1638, December 1638 ± 14 April 1639) ... Item to the musicioners 6 ± 13 ± 4 ... 1639 Liber querelarum 491 BL: MS Additional 11687, f. 39 (5 February) Adrian Stronge virginall maker queritur versus Mauricium f®tz Gerrald generosum de placito debiti 40.s sterling./ ... 1639 Liber querelarum 492 BL: MS Additional 11687, f. 44v (19 February) ... Iacobus Dermott musicion queritur versus Patricium Coyll musicion de placito trans super casum s'r ad damnum querentur trium librorum sterling./ ... 1639 Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts 493 BL: MS Egerton 1765, f. 140v (1 and 23 May) ... Item spent on the Kings day ... Item given the Dromers Item spent in the ®eld that daie Item for scarfes for the Dromers Item for a supper that night Item spent that night on the Company Item spent on beere and ale on May day Item given the Dromers Item spent in the ®eld Item for a supper that night

1:4:0 0:8 0:5 0:8 1:3 0 : 18 1:6 0:8 0:4 0 : 18

: : : : : : : : :

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

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336

15

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dublin

... Item disbursed on May day for 2 Dromers Item disbursed for Assencion day for 2 Dromers ...

0 : 10 : 0 0 : 10 : 0

1639 Liber querelarum 494 BL: MS Additional 11687, f. 92 (2 July) ... Iacobus Dermott musicion queritur versus Iohannem Browne musicion de placito trans super casum s'r ad damnum querentur Cent' librorum sterling./ ...

5

1639 The Chain Book DCA: MR/4, f. 5 (2 September) ... Memorandum that the second day of September Anno domini 1639. and in the ®fteenth yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord kinge Charles &c. Sir. christofer fforster knight beinge then Maior of the Cittie of Dublin. Sir. Robert fforth knight, and Andrew Clearke beinge then Sheriffes of the said Cittie the franches, liberties, meares {`boundaries'} limittes, and extentes of the Citties Iurisdiccion were ridden and perambulated exactlie, and according the auncient Custome./ 1639 Christ Church Cathedral Act Book RCB: C/6/1/7/2, f. 38v (9 September) 9. September .1639.

5

5

Vpon the humble peticion of the Musicians of this Church It is ordered as followeth .9. September .1639. The proctor is prayed to pay the petitioners 20ty Nobles as a gratuity, And for Settling of any stipend for them, It is thought ®tt, in respect of the vncertenty of the State of the Church & pouerty thereof, that the Same be taken into further Consideracion./ ... 1640 Dublin Assembly Rolls 495 DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 78 d (17 April) ... Willielmus Huggard Aurifaber admissus fuit franchise quia est ®lius Iohannis Huggard Musicion, et pro ®ne viginti solidorum sterling Thresaurario solut'./ ... Willielmus Bee Drummer admissus fuit franchise ex gracia speciali, et pro ®ne vno pare Chirothecarum Maiori solutarum./ ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Duisk

337

1641±2 St Werburgh's Poor Relief Levies 496 RCB: P. 326/27/3/28, f. [3v] (25 April 1641 ± 10 April 1642) Mr Perry at the play house ...

00 ± 05. 00

1642 Dublin Assembly Rolls DCA: MR/5/12, mb. 86 d (22 April) ... It is lickewise ordered, and agreed by the authoritie aforsaid, that William Barlowe trummpetor shall haue (in respecte, and Consideracion of his pouertie) an augmentacion of ffortie shillinges sterling a yeare added to his former stipend to bee receaued by him quarterly from the Thresurer of the Cittie on Mr Maiors warrant begininge at Easter last, and the ®rst quarters payment to beginne at Midsommer next./ ...

5

DUISK (co. Kilkenny) 1278 Quit-claim of David le Harpur 497 NLI: MS D 287 (18 February) Vniuersis christi f®delibus presentes Litteras visuris uel audituris. Dauid ®lius Stephani Le Harpur salutem in domino sempiternam. Nouerit vniuersitas vestra me pro animabus patris mei & matris mee. nec non & pro salute anime mee & successorum meorum / omne ius & clamium quod habui. uel aliquo tempore aliquo iure habere potui in tota terra quam quondam Robertus Le Harpur auus meus in tenemento de Acopenach tenuit de consensu & uoluntate Reymundi de Rupe cui Ius & clamium quod in dicta terra habui pro sex marc' & dimia argenti pre manibus vendidi receptis / & de qua quidem terra ego Dauid prenominatus breue quod dicitur bref de Ael super abbatem & conuentum de Dowysky in assisis kilkennye portaui / dictis abbati & conuentui de Dowysky remisisse & pro me & heredibus meis Reymundo de Rupe cui Ius meum & clamium ut predictum est concessi presente existente. & hoc uolente & iubente quietum clamasse imperpetuum. Ita quod ego Dauid prenominatus in dicta terra alliquod ius uel clamium. nec & heredes mei amodo exigere patrimh. . .j uel vendicare. In cuius rei Testamentum has litteras meas in monasterio de Dowysky die veneris proxima ante festum quod dicitur cathedra sancti petri dictis abbati & conuentui. Anno domini M.C.C. Lxxvij. feci patentes. presentibus Domino Geraldo de Rupe milite .& Reso Beket Iuniore. nec non & de Rupe Reymundo & aliis quam plurimis.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Dundalk DUNDALK (co. Louth)

1317 Register of the Mayors of Drogheda 498 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 484, f. 68 ... Roger de Malpas a Burges of Dundalk in a fooles coat killed Edw. de Brues with a plome {`mass'} of lead |f. 68v| with with he strook out his braynes but was forthwith hewen into peeces. Line 3 with with] read with which

1403 Indenture between Matthew Tanner and John White 499 NLI: MS D 15803 (23 February)

5

Hec indentura testatur quod ita conuenit inter Matheum Tanner Iuniorem ex parte vna & Iohannem White alias harper ex parte altera quod predictus Matheus dedit concessit & ad ®rmam tradidit predicto Iohanni vnum Mesuagium cum suis pertinentibus Iacentibus in villa marina de dundalk . . . datum vicesimo tercio die mensis februarij Anno regis henrici quarti post conquestum regni sui Anglie quarto ENNISKILLEN CASTLE (co. Fermanagh) c. 1566±89 Â iremhoÂin 500 Urra ac oighreacht E Copenhagen: Det Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Ny kgl. Saml. 268b in folio, f. 16 ... Craobha ceoil ag cruitiribh . sgeoil aosda co niongantaibh . ol ®ona & frais imeirt ad rõÂghbhrugh mor miodh areacht. ...

5

c. 1570±89 Mairg fheÂagas ar Inis Ceithleann 501 The Book of The O'Conor Don, f. 238v ... Fvarus foÂs ar fedh an longphuirt . alaÂn deÂigsibh is daÂos fvinn oÂn slios gheal fonnbhaÂn go roile . mo chen orlaÂr toighe a ttvill ... Do bheÂradh siad seal don loÂsoin . ar lvaÂgh eÂcht ar iomraÂdh ngleoÂidh do berthi seal ag sloÂgh visnigh . ag oÂl ¯edh ag clvinsin cheoÂil ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Esker

339

ESKER (co. Kilkenny) 1580 The good services of Piers Butler Fitz Edmund 502 PRO: SP 63/149, f. 215 (October) ... Item at the saide tyme and place he slewe, Shane O ffogurtie alias Shane o Coggee Piper to the saide Neale attendinge vppon him in all his Rebellion ... FERTULLAGH (co. Westmeath) 1601 Captain Mak O'Carroll to Sir Robert Cecil 503 PRO: SP 63/209/Part 2, f. 243 (November) ... Also I haue killed the Traytor Tirrelles piper one of his Lievtenantes and 20. of his men at his passing through the Countrij in October last, at which time I lost vj men, one of them being of the best and valiantest in my Cuntrij. . . . GALBALLY (co. Limerick) 1577 Fiants of Elizabeth I 504 (7 September) Pardon to Donald McNe Marra, of Galbally, harper, . . . Fine, one cow each. ± ¦ Sept., xix. ... co. GALWAY 1582 Fiants of Elizabeth I 505 (30 August) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 185| . . . Walter Brenagh, harper, . . . 30 Aug., xxiv. ... 1585 Fiants of Elizabeth I 506 (27 June) ... Pardon to . . . Melaghlin roe O Braonain, harper . . . Fine, 6s. 8d. English, each, to be paid when the pardon is ®rst pleaded. ± 27 June, xxvii. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Galway GALWAY

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1536 Ordinances for Galway 507 PRO: SP 60/3, f. 33 (28 April) ... hIjtem that every man provide with all speed long bows & English Arrows and haunt Shooting. & specially every holy day. and to leave all other unlawfull games./ ... 1589 Charges against Sir Richard Bingham 508 PRO: SP 63/144, f. 88v (25 April) ... There came into the Abbaie twoo of sir Richardes howsehold men thone {`the one'} was his trompeter thothers name is whitwell, and also one of sir George Binghams men, whose name is Ned Baker; Of theis twoo of them were apparelled in womens mantells, and cappes, the third in a blake gowne viz the Trompeter./ I the bishop of meathe sawe them in this attire, and so also did 6. of our servauntes, to passe throughe the Abbaie into the cloister. whervpon I went forthwith vnto the rest of my followers being in the vpper part of the chauncell, and said vnto them, com let vs goo and tarie no longer, for I see they do begin to mocke vs alreadie. And as for certentie wee the bishop of Meithe, Sir Robert Dillon, and sir Thomas Le Strang were that night informed, at our return from the parlie by manie which bothe heard and sawe their vsage of vs, so sone as wee were in boate. |f. 89| they three aforenamed, accompanied with some others, whose names we coulde not learne came into the chauncell of the Abbaie and there challenging to them selfes, the names of her maiesties comissioners, One said, I am the bishop of meithe, another said I am the Bishop of kilmore, and another said, I am Sir Robert Dillon, and so of the rest./ He that challenged the name of the bishop of Meithe began on this wise saieng nowe speakes the Bishop of meathe, you are they which have put out theis men into Rebellion against her maiestie to spoile the cuntrey. and to hurt the subiectes, howe are you able to answere this¡ Another of them selves rose vp, and with a lowe curtesie began to saie I thrust {`trust'} your Lordship shalbe better informed./ To the like effect a discant was made of thother .4. comissioners and after this sporte made in scornfull wise, within the Abbaie wee aforenamed were for certentie informed by diuerse that the three ®rst named Actors not contented herewith, in that disguised sort went throughe the streetes of Galwaie, naming them selves the Quenes: comissioners, saieng thus, Rowme {`room'} for the Quenes: comissioners, I am the Bishop of meathe said one, another said I am the Iustice Dillon, Reverence for the Quenes comissioners. Etcetera./ ...

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1589 Reply of Sir Richard Bingham to charges 509 PRO: SP 63/148, f. 118v (November) ... This matter is devyded into manye partes, for theire was inoughe of this sayd before, but whearas myself and all the gentlemen in the Towen did then in vaylei that in xxti dayes, the Bishop of Meathe would not bestowe one sermon vpon vs I fynde now what was the cause; he was so earnestlie busyed in this his mallycious course makinge a booke againste myself, which to prosecute made him cleane forget his functyon/.K eand yet the Bishop could at Galway go to church in the forenoon to heare an exercise and in the same affter noon he could borrow leazure to heare a play in the church [there] alsof

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1595 Journal of Sir William Russell 510 LPL: MS 612, f. 42 (17 November) ... ffrom Lough-Reogh to Galwaie 15. myles where my Lord laie at Mr Dominicke Lynches, as soone as my Lord entred the Cittie fower greate peces of ordinance were discharged on the vtter {`outer'} wall without the gate of the Towne the Maior and Aldermen were readie in their Scarlett gownes to receiue & welcome my Lord and there deliuered the keyes of the towne gates to his Lordship with an oracion written in Latin which done the [citti] Townsmen to the nomber of two hundreth with their Ensigne and in Armes, stood one both sides the streete gwarding my Lord to his lodging, where being alighted they discharged a vollue {`volley'} of shott. whilest my Lord remayned at Galwaie there assembled thes Lords that followe: Thearle of Kildare, Thearle of Thomond, Thearle of ClanricarKedf The Lord Brimegeam, The Lord Roche, The Lord of Dunkellie, with divers knightes and gentlemen. ... f. 43 (1 December) ... My Lord continued at Galwaie and sate in Councell. This night the Noblemen and Captens presented my Lord with a maske ... 1619 Account of the town of Galway 511 TCD: MS 886 (I. 4. 11), f. 29 (May) In the year of the within named Iames ouge Darcy this town was burnt, upon Munday it took ®re in the east suburbs occasion'd by a Muskett shot, being an vsual day for a game for ye. youths and tradesmen of the town.

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... GARRYDUFF (co. Tipperary)

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1601 Pacata Hibernia 512 (c. 14 May) ... . . . The Lord Barry having one hundred men in pay from the Queene, employed them many times about such service, as either the President should command or himselfe thought requisit; and namely about the fourteenth of May, knowing that one Dermond Odogan, a Harper dwelling at Garryduffe, vsed to harbour this Arch-rebell, or else upon occasion of some stealth that had been made in his Countrey, the thieues making towards this Fastnesse, his Souldiers pursued them into this Wood, where by good fortune, this supposed Earle with two of the Baldones and this Dermond were gathered together, being almost ready to goe to supper; but having discovered these Souldiers, they left their meate, and made haste to shift for themselues; they were no sooner gone out of the Cabbin, but the Souldiers were come in, and ®nding this provision and a mantle (which they knew belonged to Iames ®ts Thomas) they followed the chase of the Stag now roused: By this time the Harper had convaied the Sugan Earle into the thickest part of the Fastnesse, and himselfe with his two other Companions, of purpose discovered themselues to the Souldiers, and left the Wood with the Lap- |p. 136| Lapwings policie; that they being busied in pursuite of them, the other might remaine secure within that Fastnesse, and so indeed it fell out; . . . 1603 Fiants of Elizabeth I 513 (3 March) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 132| . . . Derby O Dowan, of Garryduffe, harper, . . . |p. 135| . . . 3 March, xlv. . . . ... GLASHARE (co. Kilkenny) 1567 Fiants of Elizabeth I 514 (18 May) ... Pardon to . . . Hugh McGennay, of Glasshare, harper, . . . |p. 161| . . . 18 May, ix.

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GRALLAGH (co. Tipperary) 1567 Fiants of Elizabeth I 515 (4 March) ... Pardon to . . . Donogh McCrydan, of the same, harper. . . . 4 March, ix. ... HOSPITAL (co. Limerick) 1586 Fiants of Elizabeth I 516 (31 May) ... Pardon to . . . Dermod McCraghe, of same, harper, . . . 31 May, xxviii. ... HY-CAIRBRE (co. Limerick) 942 The Circuit of Ireland 517 RIA: MS 617 (23 K 32), p. 214 ... Ceol agoinn imoigh satoigh, coistecht risin ccaissearnaigh an dar lenn ba torann trom, ic sitladh na ccrvadh chocholl ... KANTURK (co. Cork) 1573 Fiants of Elizabeth I 518 (6 May) ... Pardon to . . . Dermot mcShane Brenagh, harper, . . . |p. 98| . . . ± 6 May, xv. ... KELLS (co. Meath) 1299 Justiciary Rolls 519 (24 July) (mb. 35 d) ... Assise of Novel disseisin. If Walter Barfot, Rob. son of John de Armolghan,

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Will. Nugent, and Will. le Foghelere, disseised John le Tabourer and Johanna his wife of their freehold in Kenles, viz.: one messuage with appurtenances. Walter and the others come. And John and Johanna withdraw from their writ. KILCOOLY? (co. Galway) 1603 Fiants of James I 520 (30 September) General Pardon to . . . |p. 28 col. b| Gillpatrick O'Brinan, harper, . . . 30 Sept. 1st. co. KILDARE

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1297 Justiciary Rolls 521 (21 July) (mb. 3 d) ... Laur. son of Roger le Harpur, of Oboy, Enoc Mckrinwyn, John the Welshman, Walter le Jeofne, Thomas Concan, Gilbert son of Thomas, David son of Thomas, of Ryban, John le Hoper, and John Yemlton, Will. Lethlor, Rob. Lan, Will. Rouath, Adam Kyf, Roger Artegan, Thomas Ger, Henry Lowys, Rob. de Barry, with their following, are robbers, and robbed Ryban of goods to the value of 30l., Donlost to value of 20l., and the whole . . . Fled. Outlawed. ... 1571 Fiants of Elizabeth I 522 (5 November) ... Commission to Gerald, earl of Kyldare, and Piers Fitz James, of Ballysonon, co. Kildare, gent.; to execute martial law in the county Kildare . . . They are also to punish by death or otherwise, as directed, harpers, rhymers, bards, idlemen, vagabonds, and such horseboys as have not their master's bill to show whose men they are. ± 5 November, xiii. ... KILDARE (co. Kildare) 1110 Annals of Ulster 523 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 49 col. a ... Bran hua bruic senoir iarmumhan. Gilla Patraic hua duibratha fer leighinn cille

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da luÂa ¦ sui Muman. Ferdomhnach dall fer leighinn cille dara e.i. svi cruitirechtaf ...

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Lines 3±4 .i. svi cruitirechta] Ferdomhnach written interlinear above.

1297 Justiciary Rolls 524 (21 July) (mb. 15 d) ... Stephen Kyft and John, his son, charged with receiving Geoffrey son of Walter and Juliana dau. of Walter, and John Brun, and Alex. ®z le Harpour, thieves, ... ...

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1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 525 (2 July) ... Pardon to . . . Owny McKyernane, of same, harper, . . . |p. 90| . . . 2 July, xliv. ... co. KILKENNY 1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 526 (11 January) ... Pardon to . . . Teig duff, piper, . . . Fine 10s. each. [11] J[anuary, xiv. (?)] ... 1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 527 (11 January) ... Pardon to . . . James O Haregan, harper, . . . |p. 65| . . . Fine 10s. each. ± 11 January, xiv. ... 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 528 (28 March) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 167| . . . Arte mcGillegrome McDonnell, and Goghre McGlade, harpers, . . . |p. 168| . . . Teige O Darmodie, harpmaker, . . . 28 March, xliii. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny KILKENNY (co. Kilkenny)

1308 Justiciary Rolls 529 (8 July) (Roll 85, mb. 76 d) ... . . . And the sheriff returns that John Droill, seneschal of the said liberty, is attached by Stephen Droill and Henry le Harpour. And he comes not. Therefore let him be in mercy. . . .

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1366 Statute of Kilkenny 530 LPL: MS 603, f. 168 ... Item que les minstrels Irroies venauntz entre Engleis, espient lez priuetz maners & Comyn des Englises dont grauntz males sovent ad este venz accorde est & defende que nulles ministres Irroies cestascavoir Tympanors fferdanes, Skelaghes, Bablers, Rymors, Clercz ne nullez autres minstrells Irrois veignent entre les Engleis / Et que nul Engleis les resceiue ou don face a eux & que le face & de ceo soit atteint soit pris et imprisone sibien lez Irrois ministreles come les Engleis |f. 168v| que les resceiuement ou donent riens et puis soint reyntes a la volunte de Roy et les instrumentz de lor ministraeltees forfaitz a nostre seignor le Roy ... Line 4 ministres] read minstrels.

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1375 Patent Roll 531 (25 October) ... Rex (recitatur quod in statuto apud Kilkenny anno 40 edito contineatur quod nulli ministralli Hibernici inter Anglicos ejusdem terre moram trahant, nec aliqui Anglici ipsos recipiant, sub certa pena ibi speci®cata); quia tamen coram Willelmo de Wyndesore gubernatore Hibernie & consiliario Regis, in parliamento apud Kilkenny in octabis Sancti Michaelis proximis preteritis tento, per diversos ®dedignos testi®catum extitit & recordatum, quod Dowenald O Moghane, ministrallus Hibernicus, inter Anglicos moram trahens, ad ®dem, pacem & obedienciam Regis continue steterit, diversa mala Hibernicis inimicis Regis perpetrando, per quod ad eosdem Hibernicos accedere non audet, proinde concessit ei quod inter Anglicos moram trahere possit continuam, & quod Anglici ipsum in domos suas recipere & retinere valeant, prout sibi placuerit, dicto statuto non obstante, quamdiu idem Dowenald erga Regem & pacem bene se gesserit. Kilkenny, 25 Octobris. ...

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1500 Edict of Kilkenny Corporation 532 KCA: CR/1/D (Liber Primus Kilkenniensis), f. 51v ... Memorandum that yn the xven[o] yere of the rayne of our Souerayne lord kynge Henry the vijth. John archer beyng souerayne of the towne of kylkenny burgesses & commons of the same asembled in the tolsell of the said towne of one assent & concent in thonnour of the right excellent & holy fest of corpus christi haue graunten to all maner of peple fre liberte to come and go to and fro the said towne fro xj of cloke one corpus christi ewen {`eve'} tyll xj of cloke one fryday next immedyate after the forsaid feste for all maner acciones aswell for duhe dete as els. In semblable wise it is enhacted thene that none Inhabitante of the said towne by hym selff nor by none othre persone shall not take interrupte distrobe {`disturb'} nor anoy no [f.] maner mane by hym self nor by none other durant {`during'} the said tyme commynge nore goynge. And if he atempte the contrary that his ammend {`®ne'} for that seasone be discharged by the Souerayne for the tyme beynge if anny suche acumplaynt {`a complaint'} be made vnto hyme. Coursy Recourdour 1537 Verdict of the gentlemen of the shire of Kilkenny 533 (8 October) ... Item, they present that ther ar emonges the inhabytauntes of this countrey many harpers, rymers, and messingers, whiche comen at ther pleasures to any inhabytaunt, and wille have mete, drynke, and dyverse greate rewardes ayenst the voluntarye wylles of the same inhabytauntes, of an evyll custome. Wherefor they desyre that it may be ordeyned that suche harpers, rymers, and messyngers maye not take suche exaccions of the said inhabytauntes, nor the said rymers to make any rymes of them, uppon certeyn paynes to be lymytid. ...

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1553 The Vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Irelande 534 (20 August) On the .xx. daye of August / was the ladye marye with vs at kylkennye proclamed Quene of Englande / Fraunce and Irelande / with the greatest solempnyte that there coulde be deuysed / of processions / musters and disgysinges / all the noble captaynes and gentilmen there about beinge present. What a do I had that daye with the prebendaryes and prestes abought {`about'} wearinge the cope / croser {`crozier'} / and myter in procession / it were to muche to write. I tolde them earnestly / whan they wolde haue compelled me therunto / that I was not Moyses minister but Christes / I desyred them that they wolde not compell me to his denyall / which is (S. Paule sayth) in ye repetinge of Moyses sacramentes & ceremoniall sohaddowes {`shaddows'} Gal. v. with yat I toke Christes testament in my hande / & went to ye market crosse / ye people in great

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nombre folowinge. There toke I the .xiij. chap. of S. Paule to ye Roma. declaringe to them breuely {`brie¯y'} / what ye autoritie was of ye worldly powers & magistrates what reuerence & obedience were due to ye same. In ye meane tyme had the prelates goten .ij. disgysed prestes / one to beare the myter afore me / |f. 24v| and an other the croser / makinge .iij. procession pageauntes of one. The yonge men in the forenone played a Tragedye of Gods promises in the olde lawe at the market crosse / with organe plainges and songes very aptely. In the afternone agayne they played a Commedie of sanct Johan Baptistes preachinges / of Christes baptisynge and of his temptacion in the wildernesse / to the small contentacion of the prestes and other papistes there. ... 1556 De Praesulibus Hiberniae 535 Paris: BibliotheÁque Mazarine, MS 1869, p. 620 (4 June)

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. . . Tandem Edmundus 5 Martij 1550 Stylo Anglicano naturñ cessit Kilkeniñ, & ibidem per annos quinque sepultus, clero cassellensi necquicquam contendente vt cadauer casseliam deferretur, Imo Richardus cody thesaurarius |p. 621| cassellensis occasionem quotannis cadaueris clam auferendi aucupabatur; qui conatus quinto tandem anno, ciuibus ad se ludis theatralibus in die corporis christi haberi solitis recreandos intentis, illi ex animi sententia seccessit, quo curante, sub tumulo marmoreo a se dum viueret, non procul ab Archiepiscopali cathedra extructo, et eius imagine ac insignibus ornato conditus est. qui tumulus solo tandem 1634 a Decano Anglo Protestante ñquatus est, quia choro angustias faciebat. ... 1567 Corporation Book of the Irish Town 536 KCA: CR/F 1, f. 27 (5 January)

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The vth of Janvary the assembly of holden bye the Portrive Burgesses and Comons it is concluded that noe inhabitante dwelling within this Meeter or Cross-Land shall keepe enny dung or ®lth in the streete before there doores, or in the wayes neere the gates of the towne especially vppon the comming of the Lord Deputye hither or vppon Corpus Christy St kennis {`St Canice's'} day´ St Patricks day´ Christmas or Easter vppon payne of amercmente in the som of vj d toties and inprisonmente dureing the Portrivis pleasure ... 1575 Sir Henry Sidney to Privy Council 537 PRO: SP 63/54, f. 52 (15 December) ... . . . At this towne lykewise the Earle of Ormound, feasted, and entreated me veary honorablie, and accompanied me to this cittie veary curteouslye, where I was received with all shewes and tokens, of gladnes, and pompe, aswell vpon

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the water, as the land; presented with the best commoditie they had,: which ceremonie of their thankefulnes, and good wills, as true pledges of their obedience to her Mmaiestie and governor, I could not passe over in vnthankefull scylence, but thought it expedient to record the same to your Lordships that hereafter in their reasonable Sutes, their cittie may the rather fynde both thankes and favor at your handes. ...

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1580 Kilkenny Corporation Records 538 (29 May) John Roth fytz Jenken Towne Baylife you shall deliver the Bearer hereof Adam Shee for Ryding on Corpus Christi day and on Mydsomer eve 13s 4d Sterlg and this my bill with a bill of the sayd Adam' is hand shalbe unto You a suf®cient dischardge the 29th of May In Ao. 1580. PETRUS SHEE, Superior Kilkenie. ... 1580 Disbursements of Piers Shee 539 KCA: CR/J 4, bifolium, f. [1] (2 June) ... Deliuered Sir James bolger & Sir william cogan vicaries of the comon' hall for agallon' of wyne on' corpus cristi daye ...

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ijs sterling

1580 Kilkenny Corporation Records 540 (6 June) ... John Roth ®tz Jynkyn deliver this bearer Richard Nogell eight Pence Sterl. for placing the Stacions on Corpus Christi Daye last past according to the conclusion of the Counsell and the custome of the Town, 6th of June 1580. PETRUS SHEE, Superior, Kylkennie. ... 1582 Kilkenny Corporation Records 541 (6 June) ... Edward Roth faile not to pay to David Savadge inward {`towards'} his paines for Riding at Corpus Christi day Six Shillings and Eight Pence Sterling for which this shal be your. warrant at Kilkenny this 6th of June 1582 ROBERT ROTHE, Souveraine. ...

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1584 Warrants of Arthur Shee 542 KCA: CR/J 11, single sheet (8 August)

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I Receued of Derbe brenan to the vse of the corporacion .xxiij s iiij d sterling for which this shalbe his warrant dated the viijth of August 1584 Arthur Shee Soueraine the sayd Derbe payd Iohn tormpetour for his paines acorpus {`on Corpus'} cristi daye xij d sterling the sayd Derbe payd to donies Ionr for wadges his wadges ij s sterling Arthur Shee Soueraine alovid {`allowed'} |dorse| xxvj s iiij d sterling Line 4 tormpetour] read trompetour; line 6 donies Ionr] text uncertain.

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1584 Kilkenny Corporation Records 543 (21 May) ... Darby Breanan you shall deliver unto the bearer hereof David Savadge in consideration of his ryding uppon Corpus Christi day, and Midd Summer Eve, the Sum of ten Shillings, and in so doing this shal be youre Warrant for the Same, written the 21 day of Maye 1584. ARTHUR SHEE, Souveraine. ... 1584 Kilkenny Corporation Records 544 (18 and 23 June) ... Edmond Ragget You shall deliver to William Coursee for acting & playing the trompetors part, Corpus Christi day, and Mid Sumer Eve, ten Shillings Sterling, and this shal be your. Warrant for the Same 1584. ARTHUR SHEE, Souveraine. ... 1585 Kilkenny Corporation Records 545 (3 June) ... James Langton town balife, you shall deliver unto John Busher, a Marke Stg. for the Setting forth of the Maries, and Sixteene Pence Stg. for eight Paire of Gloves for the said Maries, and in so doing this shalbe your. Warrant, which a bill of his hand confessing the receipt thereof, this third of Jnne 1585. RICHARD RAGGED, Souveraine. Line 5 Jnne] read June.

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1585 Warrant of Arthur Shee 546 KCA: CR/J13, single sheet (7 June 1585) Thomas pembrocke ®tz David towne balef you shall delyuer adame shee for his Ryding vppon corpvs cristie Day & med somer eve the some of thirtyne shillinges & foure pence sterling corant mony of England, & this with his bill confesing the Recept therof shalbe your suffycient warant Datid the vijth of June 1585 Arthur Shee Deputie Soueraine I confesse to haue recewed the abowe some of xiijs iiijd sterling by me Adame Shee o h.jls vid |dorse|

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¦ of june 1585 xiij s iiij d sterling to adame shee for Ryding 1585 Kilkenny Corporation Records 547 (9 June) ... Patrick Morgan freren balife, You shall deliver James Krininge the sum 20s. Stg. for the setting forth of the Maries and 16d Stg. for Six paire of Gloves for Criste, John Evangeliste, Mary Mother, and the other three Maryes, for which this shal be your. Warrant the 9th of June 1585. ARTHUR SHEE, Deputee Souveraine. I acknowledge to have received the above 20s. Sterg. and 16d of the forsaid Patrick. JAMES KRININGE, Clark. ...

PIERS ARCHDEKIN. THOMAS ARCHER. WALTER ARCHER. EDWARD LANGTON.

1586 Disbursements of Richard Raggett KCA: CR/J 15, single sheet (2 and 24 June) ... Item deliuered to Adame shee for hisKereydingef corpus christi and mydsomer in Anno 1586 the svm of xiijs 4d sterling ... 1588 Kilkenny Corporation Records 548 (1 June) Redmond Savage Towne Bailiffe You shall deliver unto John Bussher for the setting forth of the Maryes the sum of 14s Sterling, and also for six paire of

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Gloves for the Maryes 16d Sterling for twoe pereles for the Sepulcre 7d, and also for the Making of the Same 6d Sterling, for lase for the Maryes 12d Sterling, more for pins 6d, and in so doinge this shal be Your. Warrant the ®rst of June 1588. THOMAS ARCHER Suffraine. ... 1588 Kilkenny Corporation Records 549 (25 June) ... Redmond Savage You may not faile to give John Bussher for the Setting forth of the resurrection played in St. Mary's Church on Mydsummer day last the Sum of fyve Shillings Sterg: for which this shal be Your. Warrant. Dated the 25th of June 1588. THOMAS ARCHER, Suffraine. ... 1590 Kilkenny Corporation Records 550 (18 June) ... Robert Archer towne balife, you may not faile to pay unto St. Micchell & the Devill, that played the resurrection on Corpus Christi Day, the sum of Six Shillings Stg. and to the other Devill & Criste that went in Stacions eighteen pence, and to Michell that went in Stacions 9d. Stg. forwhich this shall be your. warrant, Dated the 18th of June 1590. You shall also pay to John hoyle for a Piece of Tymber for mending the Ducking Stole 15d Stg. and to Daniell Kupp for making the same, and mending the Castelle Gate two Shillings Sterg. Total 11s 7d THOMAS LANGTON, Souvraine. ... 1591 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 551 . . . I ®nd it recorded in the ``Red Book'' of the corporation, that, in the year 1591, two of the burgesses were admitted to the grand council of bull-ring by payment of a fee of twenty marks . . . 1591 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 552

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. . . The minutes of the meeting of the corporation, held on the Friday after St. John's, 1591, set out in the Red Book, supply full information on this subject. The preamble of one of the by-laws then passed, states that the lord of bull-ring was ``from time immemorial High Constable, and, in time of necessity, had the command of forces of the town, for defence thereof, and used to train up the youth in warlike exercises, and had the correction of adultery and fornication.'' It proceeds to say that it had been the custom to elect this of®cer from amongst such members of the merchants' guild as had not already ®lled the of®ce, but

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several refractory members of the guild upon being elected had refused to serve, wherefore it was -Enacted ± That any person duly elected and refusing to serve himself in person, or by a suf®cient person, who formerly bore that of®ce, and at his expense, is to forfeit £20, and 40 days' imprisonment, without bail: to be levied off the land, goods, and chattels ± £5 to [go to] the Sovereign, and £5 to the Merchants' Guild, and to be disfranchised. And the person in election to draw lots again, and refusing to serve, to forfeit as aforesaid; and so from time to time till the of®ce be ®lled. And if any suit be commenced, the ®ne (except the Lord of Bullring's part) to be spent in defence. Lawyers of ®ve years' standing at the Inns of Court not [to be] subject to this of®ce. The Sovereign and Council, with the masters of the Merchants' Guild and Demi-Council, to name those that shall be put in election; and the person elected to certify in fourteen days his willingness to stand; and his not certifying to be taken as a refusal. The person chosen may provide one to serve in his place, who served the of®ce before. Persons absent the day of election may be chosen as if present. Immediately before the making of those rules, it is recorded that Robert Garvey consented ``to serve Lord of Bull-ring for life, without wages, on banquetting day, for being admitted free.''

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1591 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 553 (9 July) ... . . . And at a meeting held on the 9th July, the same year, it was ± Ordered ± That all persons that bear the of®ce of Lord of Bull-ring, and all who have borne it, shall wear their gowns at every high feast, station days, and days of common assembly, and burial of every of the Grand Council or DemiCouncil, and upon their attendance on the Sovereign, on pain of 2s.

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The same day another order was made, which exhibits further duties of this of®cer:-Corpus Christi fair to be re-continued, and to begin on Wednesday morning before, and end on Saturday night following; the Sovereign and Barons of the fair to appoint where [. . . . .] sold, where the booth for selling drink shall be erected, and where each and every sort of merchandize shall be sold. The Sovereign to write to the principal corporactions of the kingdom, and to the chief of®cers of the same [informing them] that the fair is re-continued, and that the constable, commonly called the Lord of Bull-ring, shall watch the fair by night with a suf®cient number of armed men.

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1593 Kilkenny Corporation Records 554 (18 and 19 June) ... John St. leger Towne bailiff You shall deliver to Thomas Lucas for his paines taken in setting forth the Maries this Corpus Christi daye the Sum of Fourteen Shillings Sterlg. for which this shalbe Your. Warrant Dated the 18th day of June 1593. You shall also pay unto him for half a Conqueror's Wadge 6s 8d and for his paynes for rendering the part Charlemayne 3s 4d Stg. which in all do amounte to 24s Stg and this shalbe Your. Warrant. the 19th June 1598 THOMAS ARCHER, Souvraigne, ROBERT ROTHE, GEFFREY ROTHE, EDWARD ST. LEGER. ... Line 9 1598] read 1593

1594 Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis 555 (23 April) ... A. D. 1594, on St. George's day, there was a great cavalcade in Kilkenny, when the lords rode in their places, as Cox informs us. ... 1597 Kilkenny Corporation Records 556 NLI: MS 11048 (item 2), single sheet (4 June) Wyllam Ragged you shall by vertue hereof pay / vnto Iohan dayvyees vj s viij d st presently in consideracion of pleying [v]uppon corpus christie last a conqueror and this shall be a suf®cient varrant vnto you for the same withnes my hand 4 of Iune 1597 vjs 8 hdj o

vjs 8d.o

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o

Geffrey Rothe Soueraigneo o Arthur Sheeo o Thomas archer f®tz waltero

a warrant from the Soweraigne for vjs 8d sterling 1599 A Tretice of Ireland 557 BL: MS Harley 1291, f. 28 (10 May ± 9 September) These passages thus overcom to no small terror of the enemy, and admyration of the soldior: his lordship went to kilkennye (a cytty where the erle of Ormond

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is resident where he was receiued with as much ioye of the cytizens as could be expressed, either by lyvely orations or by sylent strowinge of the streetes with greene hearbes & rushes. with which ceremonyes [.] of gladnes he was lykewise welcomed not many dayes after at Clonmell ... 1600 Kilkenny Corporation Records 558 (17 June) ... John Money towne baylife, you may not faile to pay unto Simon Archer for playing a conqueror uppon Midsummer eve, the Sum of 10d Stg. for whis shalbe Your. Warrant, at Kilkenny this 17 June 1600. HELIAS SHEE, Souvraine of Kilkenny. R. SHEE, EDWARD RAGET. ...

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Line 3 whis] read which this

1600 Kilkenny Corporation Records NLI: MS 3302, f. 3v (17 June) ... item an other warrant from the said Soveraigne and chamberlaines dated the xvijth of Iune 1600 to pay Symon Archer ten shillings st for playing a xs sterling Conqueror his parte on mydsomer eaue f. 4 (17 June) Item an other warrant from mr Soveragne and the chamberlaines dated the xvijth of Iune to deliver Phillip Lawles and his brother Iohn for playing two conquerours partes the som of twenty and one shilling sterling. xxjs sterling ... 1602 Kilkenny Corporation Records 559 (31 May) ... e bailif faile not to pay unto John Lawles for playing the Standard Freren bearer upon Corpus Christi 10s. Stg. and to William White |p. 240| for playing Julius Cesar 1s 4d and to Philip Lawles for plaiing Josue 13s 4d more, all which are given by the Corporacion and for doing thereof this shalbe Your. Warrant, at Kilkenny the last of May 1602. PA: ARCHER, Superior Kilkenny 36s 8d ROBERT ROTHE, GEORGE COMERFORD. ...

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1602 Kilkenny Corporation Records 560 (2 June) ... William Kyvan friren baylif fayle not to pay unto John Kenedy for his fee for Setting forth the Maries the Sum 20s Sterg, for which this shal be Your. Warrant Kilkenny 2nd June 1602. PA: ARCHER, Superior Kilkenny. ROBERT ROTHE, JOHN ROTH FITZ PIERS. ... 1602 Kilkenny Corporation Records 561 (2 June) ... e baylif you may not fayle to pay unto William Kelly & William Kyvan friren John Murphie for playing Michell & Satan the Sum of 10s Stg and to him that plaies the Divell in Stacions 11d Sterling. And this shalbe Your. Warrant. Kilkenny this 2d of June 1602. PA: ARCHER, Superior Kilkenny. ROBERT ROTHE. ... 1603 Kilkenny Corporation Records 562 (20 June) ... Patrick Money, ffrieren Bayliffe You may not faile uppon sight hereof to deliver unto John Kenedy for setting out of the Maries and furnishing them, the Sum of Three pounds Sterling for doing whereof this shalbe Your´ Warrant, dated at Kilkenny,the 20th of June 1603 ± let the Barrons sign this or otherwise pay it not LUCAS SHEE Superior Kilkenny. R. SHEE, THOM. ARCHER NICHO: LANGTON. ... 1603 Kilkenny Corporation Records 563 (20 June) ... Bayliff of St. Johns You shall pay unto the under named Persons the underwritten Sums of money for acting the Corpus Christi Play ± and this shal be Your. Warrant this 20th of June 1603 unto John Murphie 30s Stg which Walter Archer and Richard Shee is to pay. To John Lawless 15s for which James Brian is to pay

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To him that plaies Kel®ger and goeth about in Stacions the Sum of 5s The Barrons to signe this, otherwise pay it not. LUCAS SHEE, Superior Kilkenny. R. SHEE, P. ARCHER, ARTHUR SHEE. ...

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Line 7 Kel®ger] read Bel®ger

1603 The petition of William Courcy 564 KCA: CR/K 13, single sheet (20 September) The humble petition of William Coursy

To the woorshipfull the mayour & aldermen of the Citty of Kilkenny

Shewinge That where your suppliant was promised to haue asmuch this last yeare for settinge foorth of Corpus Christi play as he had any other yeare, whervppon your suppliant bestowed his labour & paynes in settinge foorth the same in the best manner he could the last Corpus Christi day, not doubtinge of performance of that promise, he hauinge had thirty shillings sterling the yeare before for the like service. And wheras your suppliant was allowed ®fteene shillings sterling yeerly, for keepinge safe & preseruinge the cloaths & other ornaments belonginge to the comedy of the resurrecion, wherof your suppliant was payd for severall yeares, but for ®ue yeares past your suppliant hath not beene paid therof, although he hath carfully kept & preserued the said cloathes & ornaments; The premises considered, It may therfore please your woorships to take a course for satis®ing your suppliant aswell of the said 30s. for settinge foorth the said last Corpus Christi play, as of the areares of the said ®fteene shillings for the said ®ue yeares last past for keepinge the said ornaments, amountinge to 3l ± 15s sterling. And your suppliant shall pray &c.

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|dorse| 1603 The humble peticion of William Coursy o 20 September 1603 The maior and aldermen being so assembled together at the newe tholsell of the Citty of kilkinny concluded and agreede that the peticioner shall haue for his paynis taken aboute the sayd play of the Corporacion Revenews the some of twenty shillings Irishe George Shee maior Kilkennyo

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1604 Will of Sir Richard Shee 565 NA: 2/469/10 (item 112), p. 58 (31 December) ... . . . Item I leave unto my son and Heire my great double payer of Virginalls to remayne in my great chamber for the use of my heires males accordinge to former limitations of chattells. ... 1609 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 566 (9 February) ... On the 9th of February, 1609, it was determined ``that every young man of the Merchants' Guild shall give his attendance on the Mayor of Bull-ring, as well by night as by day,'' and that of®cial was intrusted with the power of committing all such persons as he might see ®t, on his own responsibility. On the same occasion the corporation arranged as to ``what fees the Mayor of Bullring shall have from every couple married;'' but, unfortunately, this schedule of fees is not preserved for us; however, it was ordered, by a most incongrous association, that he should have to his own use ``all ®nes for frays, bloodshed, battery, and Hue-and-Cry;'' . . . ... 1609 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 567 (13 October)

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Immediately on the passing of the charter of 1609, the title was changed to ``Mayor of Bull-ring,'' and at a meeting of the corporation, held on the 13th of October, in that year, I ®nd ``£6 13s. 4d. a-piece granted to the Sheriffs, for their extraordinary trouble, in consideration that they served the of®ce of Mayor of Bull-ring; and the salary of £6 13s. 4d. settled on the future Mayors of Bullring.'' As we have seen that some of the functions of this of®cer were discharged by night, we can understand the object of the following order, made on the same day:±``The Mayor to keep 2 torches and 2 links, the Sheriffs 1 torch and 1 link; and the Mayor of Bull-ring to provide and keep 2 torches and 2 links, to be used at such times during the Christmas holidays as heretofore accustomed.'' We have also on the same day, this order with reference to the bullbaiting itself:± The Butchers of the city always to provide suf®cient bulls for the bullbaiting, to be used St. John's day, in the Christmas holidays; and the Mayor of the Bull-ring to provide ropes and ties; and the butchers that do not contribute, to be prohibited following the trade. ...

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1609 The Corporation Insignia and Olden Civic State of Kilkenny 568 (20 October) . . . on the 20th October, 1609, it was ``Ordered that Thomas Phelan's salary shall be continued, he to attend the Mayor on festival days with |p. 285| the solemnity of music, and bring up the children of the [ . . .]1 in reading, writing, and singing;'' . . . 1 The children of the Freemen, probably; but the transcriber of the ``Red Book of Kilkenny'' which I possess, seems to have been unable to decipher the word. The ``Red Book'' has, unfortunately, long been lost by the Corporation.

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1610 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 569 (20 April) . . . On the 20th April, 1610, the corporation of Kilkenny resolved ``That the mayor and aldermen, with advice of the sheriffs and such of the second council as they shall cull shall order the celebration of Corpus Christi Day in decent and solemn manner as usual, and shall employ carpenters to make rails for keeping out horses and the mob, and for placing strangers at the place where the interlude shall be plaid.'' . . .

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1610 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 570 (23 July) . . . According to the ``Red Book of Kilkenny,'' on the 23rd July, 1610, |p. 328| the corporation determined to allow ``a salary of 20s. for keeping the apparel used on Corpus Christi day station, and the apparel of the morries and players of the Resurrection.'' . . . ...

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Line 3 morries] read marries {`Marys'}

1611 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 571 (31 January) ... . . . and on the 31st January, 1611, in re-arranging the appropriation of the various ®nes which it was in the power of the chief magistrate to in¯ict, there was a special clause entered ``saving to the High Constable, or Mayor of Bullring, the ®nes that fall by night.'' ...

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1623 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 572 (25 April) ... . . . On the 25th April, 1623, we have the following entry ± ``On a petition of Peter Archer, Mayor of Bull-ring, complaining of the bad attendance of the Merchants' guild last Easter Monday, in mustering with him. Ordered ± that the statutes of the corporation be executed upon them if they don't show suf®cient cause.'' . . . ... 1627 Will of Walter Lawless 573 NA: 2/469/10 (item 93), f. 4 (30 April) ... My will is that the Curtins, stooles, forms, hangings, bordes, bedsteads, laying bordes, joint stooles, and Chaires, speers, gunnes, halberts, swords, harps and virginals, and carpetts shall remayne in my house to the use of my issue; . . . ... f. 8 ... And to Ffelix Mc Shane harper or musician ffortie shillings Sterl. and shall receive my bill of him and his genl acquittance if the bill be missing. . . . ... Line 8 genl] possibly read general.

1628 Ancient Civic Enactments for Restraining Gossiping and Feasting 574 (23 January) ... . . . ``The masters of companies usually running in debt on account of the feasts they annually gave the freemen on Corpus Christi day, and being ruined thereby, the said feasts are abolished.'' . . .

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1628 Richard Rothe to Viscount Falkland 575 NLI: MS 2303, p. 71 (13 September) ... I offer also vnto yowr honowre that on Iohne Seix of this Cittie merchant being mayor of bwlringe of the same: and Capttane of the watch the Last yeer: haweing ther apreehended on for adwltorie who was a dependante of on of the said Erle of desmondes servants and haveing Comitted the said adwlltterer to prisone for his offence: by way of pwnishment: was qwestioned for the same of Latte: sence my Comeing from dwblein and Committed in a dwngeon in the said Erls Castell: and efter was abowtt a leivin {`eleven'} of the Clocke at night mownntted vpon on of the said Erls Cheife horses: haveing on of his honors footte clothes vnder hime: the said Seix: being made starke drwnke: cominge in that maner from his lordships hows haweing two of ether syde to beare him

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vpe: many torches lighted befor hime: and most of his Maiestties Soldiers vnder his lordship Command beinge armed and marcheing before the said Seix: with the Drwme of that Company: Throw the Cittie streett with matches bwrneinge vntill they Came to my hows: wher beinge denyed entterance Left the said Seix prosteratt vpon the streett: and dischargeed two greate volleys of shott . . . 1630 Inventory of the earl of Desmond's chattels 576 NLI: MS 2552, f. 9 ... The moveable goods in the Castle ... 15/ In the gallery 1 ould rusty Armor praised {`valued'} at 30s 1 harpe praised at 20s sterling Sold to Henry Masterson the Armor for The harpe Sir Cyprian Horsfall hath paied nothing ...

02li 10s 00 01 10 00d

1630 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 577 ... . . . In 1630, David Brehon, then Mayor of Bull-ring, was cited to the Consistorial Court, although for what misdeed we are not informed; but the corporation resolved to pay his costs in the suit. . . . ...

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1631 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 578 (13 January) . . . Under the date 13th January, 1631, there was an entry in the ``Red Book'' of ``£3 13s. 4d. per annum, granted to William Consey for teaching to write and read, and instructing the children of the natives for the play on Corpus Christi day;'' . . . ...

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1631 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 579 (13 October) ... . . . On the 13th October, 1631, it was agreed that ± Several sums of the city money having been yearly expended in mending the city drums and the market barrels, and in paying extravagant wages to masons and carpenters employed in the city works; ordered ± that from henceforth the

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Mayor of Rull-ring shall keep up and repair the city drums, and the under clerk of the market the market-barrels and measures. ... Line 6 Rull-ring] read Bull-ring.

1632 Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny 580 (13 April)

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. . . on the 13th April, 1632, the town clerk made this memorandum ± ``The north side of the market cross granted to two persons for shops during the fair time of Corpus Christi, in regard their shops are stopt up by the stations and play of Corpus Christi day.'' ... 1632 Kilkenny Corporation Records 581 NLI: MS 11048 (item 6), single sheet (11 December)

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fforasmuch as Nicholas Marshall vppon his ®ne of beinge dismissed from bearinge the of®ce of lordshipe of Bulringe allowed vnto the merchant guyld the rent due to them of this Corporacion oute of the newe tholsell for thre yeeres the som of seaven shillinges sterling ay which thre yers did end at Michaelmas last [.], and where the sayd yeld did assigne the same ouer vnto david Brehon and the sayd david lyckwyse assigned the same ouer vnto Robert Tobin. therfore fayle not to paye the same vnto the sayd Robert beinge in all twenty and on shillinge sterling for soe doinge this shalbe your warrant dated the xjth of december 1632. xxj s sterling o William Shee maior of kilkenyo o George Sheeo 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 582 (30 May) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenues faile nott to deliver and pay to Thomas Daniell the Sum of Six Shillings & Eight pence Ster: for acting Michael the Archangel's parte in the year 1636, being the one-halfe of the portion that is due to him for acting the said parte, and for Your. soe doing this shall be Your suf®cient warrant dated the 30th of May 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. PATRICK MORPHIE. ...

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1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 583 (1 June) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenues of the City of Kilkenny faile not to pay unto John Purcell the just and full Sum of Six Shillings eight pence Sterlg for acting of a Conqueror's parte at Corpus Christi and Midd Summer next, and for your soe doing this shal be Your. Warrant. Dated the 1st day of June Anno 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. WILLIAM SHEE HENRY ARCHER.

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1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 584 (4 June) Receaver of the Corporacion Revenues fayle not to pay unto Christr Coyne for coppying the book of Corpus Christi Plays which book was sent to Dublin, the Sum of Ten Shillings Irish, which maketh Sterling Seven Shillings & Six pence, for soe doing this shalbe Your Warrant. Dated the 4th of June 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 585 (4 June) ... Receaver of the Corporacion Revenues fayle not to pay unto Thomas Danyell for the Wings Coronett and banner for Michells part at Corpus Chri. play the Sum of Six Shillings & Eight pence Sterg., for so doing this shalbe your. Warrant, date the 4th of June 1637. Lett this warrant be paid upon receipt of the said Coronett & banner, not before. JAS. COWLEY Maior, WILLIAM SHEE, HENRY ARCHER, ROBERT ROTHE. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 586 (7 June) ... Receaver of the Corporacion Revenues You shall deliver unto Mathew Hickye the Sum of Twentie Shillings for actinge the part of two Conquerors at Corpus Christi and Mid Summer next, whereof fayle not, and for you soe doeing this shal be your warrant 20s. Sterlg. Dated the 7th day of June 1637 JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. PETER ROTHE, HENRY ARCHER. ...

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1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 587 (8 June) ... Receaver of the Corporacion revenues faile not to pay to the Musicians for Corpus Christi Play the Sum of Eight Shillings Sterg: and for soe doing this shal be Your. warrant. Dated the 8th day of June 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. RICHD. COWLEY, PETER ROTHE ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 588 (10 June) ... Receaver of the Corporacion Revenues fayle not to pay unto James Barry for acting a Conquerors part this Corpus Christi and next Mydsomer Eve the Sum of thirteen Shillings and fourpence Sterlg. for soe doinge this shalbe Your Warrant, dated this 10 day of June 1637. JAs COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny ± WILLIAM SHEE. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 589 (17 June) ... Receaver of the Corporacion revenues fayle not to pay unto William Lawles for actinge of Godfrey and Hector parte, this Corpus Christi and myd somer, the Sum of twenty Six Shillings & Eight pence Ster: for soe doing this shal be Your. Warrant. Dated the Seventeenth of June 1637. JAS: COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. HENRY ARCHER. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 590 (8 July) ... Paid to Mary Roth William Coorsye's Wife upon the Maior and Mr. Thomas Archer's Warrant for a breakfast to the Actors of the Play at Corpus Christi 20s. Account of WILLIAM SHEE, Dated 8th July 1637. Treasurer. ...

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1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 591 (8 July) ... Receaver of the Corporation Revenues faile nott to deliver and pay to Mary Roth Twentie Shillings Sterlg. which She disbursed for a Brecfaste which was for the Young Men that acted uppon the Stage uppon Corpus Christi day last 1637, for which this shalbe Your. Warrant. Dated 8th July 1637. JAs. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. THOS. ARCHER.

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1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 592 (2, 5 and 8 August) Paid John Roth ®tz John to be bestowed aboute the Stages for the orations at my Lord Deputys coming by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 5th of August 1637 the sum of 40s. stg. To William Bro®e to goe to Catherlage to know which way my Lord Deputy takes by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 8th of August 1637, To Robt. Tobin for 22lb of Sugar that was sent my Lord of Ormond by virtue of the Maiors Warrant, dated the Second of August 1637, ...

£ s. d.

2 00

5

0 12 0 1 88

10

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 593 (10 August) ... The humble Petition of Helias Shee to the Worshipful the Maior & Aldermen of the City of Kilkenny Sheweth that whereas Your Petitioner hath been employed by Mr. James Cowly (being Mayor of this Citty), and divers of the Aldermen for the leading training and exercising of two hundred men of the inhabitants of this Citty which were to muster before the right Honorable the Lord Deputie Wentworth upon his goeing & returning out of Munster, in which employment Your Petitioner hath taken greate paines for the Space of foure wickes during which time hee daylie exercised the saide |p. 246| Companie, and hath been alsoe at some charges in accomodating himselfe for the better credit of the said Companie which hee was to leade, wherein Your Petitioner. hath given due satisfaction. And whereas Your Petitioner. hath refused to agree with the said Mayor for any sertantie (knowing that Your Wisdomes would not be ungrateful) but hath preferred himself to Your owne courtesies who have never sence taken any order for the satisfaction of your Petitioner. . May it

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therefore please your Wisdomes to take such course herein as to You shall be thought ®tt, and ``You shall alwayes ®nde Your Petitioner reddy to serve You on all occasions to the uttermost of his poore abilitie.'' The Maior and Aldermen concluded and agreed that the Petitioner shall have the Sum of Four Pounds for his labour and paynes taken. 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 594 (10 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenues You shall not fayle to pay to the Right Honorable the Lord Deputye's Pages for theire fees passing through this Citty this 10 of August, Forty Shillings Sterlg, and for soe doeing this shal be Your Warrant, dated the said 10th of August 1637. J. A. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 595 (10 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenuees You shall not faile to pay to the Right Honorable the Earle of Ormondes Musitians for the paines taken this 10th of August, ten Shillings, and for soe doeing this shal be your warrant, dated the said 10th of August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 596 (10 August) ... You shall likewise deliver to the right Honorable the Lord Deputye's Harbinger for a gratuiety, ten Shillings Sterling, and for soe doeing this shalbe Your Warrant Dated 10th August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 597 (10±12, 17±18, 20, 26, 28, 30 August, 3, 9, 12 and 15 September) ... By virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 20th of August 1637 to be given to the Lord Deputyes Pages,

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To be given my Lord of Ormonds Musicians for making musike for my Lord Deputy at the

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Square at the Bridge 10s by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 20 of August, 1637,

0 10 0

More by his Warrant was given to my Lord Deputys Harbinger the 10th of August, 1637,

0 10 0

To Corporale Birch for his paynes taken in mustering the Townsmen for my Lord Deputy coming, by the Maiors Warrant dated the 12th. of August 1637, To Daniell O'Boe Dromer for his paines taken at my Lord Deputys Muster by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 11th of August 1637,

100 15

0 12 0

To James Archer Sheriffe to goe to Carrick being erved with a Warrant to appeere before the Lord Deputy at the sute of one of the Tropers {?},

200

To E. Danyell for two horses & 3 Labourers to clean Rosin Street at my Lord Deputyes coming 3s 6d by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 17th of August 1637,

036

To William Fludd for his paynes about the paynting of the Arch for my Lord Deputyes Welcom 20s by virtue of the Maiors Warrant, dated the 17th of August 1637,

20

25

100

To Peter Fitz Gerald for the writing faire of the Orations made for my Lord Deputy 20s by virtue of the Maiors Warrant, dated the 17th of August 1637,

100

To Patrick Archer by virtue of the Maior and divers of the Aldermens Warrant dated the 18th of August 1637 for two Hogseds of Wyne,

800

To Peter Roth by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 18th of August 1637 and divers of the Aldermen to repair to Limbricke after my Lord of Ormond with a letter,

300

Paid to John Felecan by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 28th of August 1637 for his tymber & worke aboute the Arch made for my Lord Deputy 20s,

10

30

35

40

100

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:55 ± b&b/ab/sh

368

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

|p. 244| 45

50

55

60

65

70

75

To John Roth ®tz John by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 26th of August 1637 20s to be defrayed about the Arch for my Lord Deputys returne,

100

To William Bro®e to goe for 80lb. of Powder to Doncanon by virtue of the Maior & some of the Aldermens Warrent dated the 26th of August 1637,

6 13 4

To Thomas Roth by virtue of the Maiors Warrant, dated the 30th of August which he gave to William Douner for his paynes about discharging of the Chambers for my Lord Deputys Welcom 15s.

0 15 0

More delivered him 14s. which he delivered William Fludd for to buye Colors for the Arch at my Lord Deputys return from Clonmell,

0 14 0

To James Cantwell & Robt Shee by virtue of the Maior & divers of the Aldermens Warrant dated the 30th of August, 1637, 14li 7s 0d, which was bestowed by them in corne beefe & Veale which were sent from the Corporation as a Gift to the Right Honorable the Erle of Ormond,

14 7 0

± And by virtue of their Warrant to James Kyvan for composing the Songe and Singing the same for the Lord Deputys Welcom,

1 10 0

± To the Serjant at Armes for his Fees in attending my Lord Deputy in his Expresses by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 30th August, 1637,

368

To Peter Kaye the Pursuivant, for the honorable the Lord Deputyes Gentleman Ushers fees by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 30th of August, 1637,

6 13 4

To Thomas Roth for Mr. Maiors charges going after my Lord Deputy to excuse the imputation layed uppon the Corporation for lack of Carriadge Horses, for which charges I have the Maior & divers of the Aldermens Warrant dated the 3rd of Septr. 1637,

300

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

369

To Daniell O Bowe Dromer for his further paines taken about the Matter for my Lord Deputys entertaynment 5s dated the 9 September 1637,

050

To John Walsh to be disbursed in Dublin in answer of Mr. Shours Petition against the Corporation Commissioners of the Subsidie, by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 15th of Septr. 1637,

100

To John Connell for making the Stages for the fyddchers {?} at my Lord Deputys coming & going by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 12 of Sept 1637, ...

80

070

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 598 (17 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenues faile not to deliver unto William Flood for the paines he took in his employment about my Lord Deputies entertainment the Sum of Twenty Shillings Sterlg., and for your soe doing this shalbe Your warrant & discharge in that behalf, dated the 17th day of August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 599 (17 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacion Revenues faile not to pay to Peter ®tz Gerald for writing Orations & Verses concerning my lord Deputies entertainement the sum of ten Shillings Sterlg, and for your soe doing this shalbe your. warran, dated the 17th August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. ... Line 4 warran] read warrant.

85

90

5

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:55 ± b&b/ab/sh

370

5

5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 600 (18 August) ... Mr. Receiver fayle not to pay unto Patrick Archer for two hogsheds of White and Claret Wyne, and for other disbursements by him defrayed for the Corporacions use the Sum of Eight Pounds Sterlg., dated the 18th of August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior, RICH: COWLEY, MARCUSE SHEE, THO: ARCHER. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 601 (30 August) ... Receaver of the Corporacion revenues fayle not to pay to Mr. Gavell the Seriant at Armes the Sume of ®ve Marks Ster: for his fees in his Progresse according the right honorable the Lord Deputyes direction, and for soe doeing this shal be Your. Warrant £3 6 8 dated the 30th of August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 602 (30 August)

5

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15

Mr. Receiver of the Corporacion revenues fayle not to pay unto James Cantwell & Peter Shee the Sum of Fourteen Pounds Seven Shillings which they employed as they were appointed and bestowed for the Corporacions use as a Gratuitie, dated the 30th of August, 1637. (£14 ¦ 0.) ± You shall also pay unto James Kyvan and the other chorister for a gratuitie in composing and singing a Song for my Lord Deputy's welcom to this citty the Sum of Thirty Shillings. (£1 10 0.) Dated the 30th of August, 1637. JAS. COWLEY, Maior, RICH. COWLEY, HENRY ARCHER, MARCUS SHEE, NICHOLAS KNARISBROUGH. I confesse to have received the aforesaid thirty Shillings for my own and the rest of my felowes paines about the Song at my Lord Deputye's coming. Witness my hand the 30th of August, 1637. JAMES KYVAN. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

371

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 603 (30 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacions Revenues fayle not to pay Thomas Roth ®fteen Shillings Ster. which he payed to William Dormer for his paynes taken about the Chambers for the entertayning of my Lord Deputy. Dated the 30th day of August 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 604 (30 August) ... You shall also pay to the said Thomas 13s which layed out and payed to William Flood to buy Sallows for the triumphall Arch, and one Shilling which the said Thomas gave to the said William & his Work men to drink when the Maior went to see them. Dated the said 30th day of August 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 605 (31 August) ... Receiver of the Corporacions Revenues faile not to pay to Mr. Kaye the Pursuivant twenty nobles for the right Honorable the Lord Deputye's Gentlemen Ussrs {`usshers'} horses taking his acquittance confessing receite hereof under this Warrant. Dated the 31st August 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior Kilkenny. I Peter Kaye Pursuivant to right Honorable the Lord Deputy have received the above Sum, witness my hand. PETER KAYE. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 606 (12 September) ... Mr. Receiver fayle not to pay unto John Connell for making up the two Stages at Croker's Crosse, and for more Stages for the same at my Lord Deputies ®rst coming and at his departure, and for the Stage which he made upp at St. John's Street, the Sum of Seven Shillings |p. 248| Sterl: for himselfe and those that did help him about the Stage Works, dated the 12 Septr 1637. JAS. COWLEY Maior. ...

5

5

5

10

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:55 ± b&b/ab/sh

372

5

10

15

20

25

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 607 (18 September) ... Receivers of the Corporation Revenues you shall not fayle to pay to Thomas Rothe the underwritten Sums which he disbursed about the Corporation affayres, dated the 18th of September 1637. £ s. d. To Richard Lawless the Serjant for wood, 0 0 10 To Teige O Brophy for goeing to get Strawe to litter the Lord Deputyes horses,

006

To The Paynter goeing to see him,

010

For Russhes to Straw the Street of St. Johns,

010

To the Drumers for their breakfast,

010

For straw to litter the said Horses,

020

For Drinke at Edward Comerfords House,

030

For Candles to the Court of Guard that watched the Lord Deputyes Carriage,

010

To the Captaine of the beggars,

010

To Teige O Brophy for carrying a letter to Clonmell,

016

To Mr. Archers Mayde for drink which she gave to the Lord Deputyes Carriage Maister and his Men,

020

For a triall of the ®re works,

016

To Wm O Brophy goeing to Ballinakill to fetch the Chambers,

016

To the Painter & his workmen to drinke going to see them,

010

To Henry Archers boy that came with the Beeves,

006

To Richard Lawless the Serjant for Carriage to fetch the Wine butts to St Johns, 6d. To James the Lord Deputy's foole by direction of some of the brethern, 10s

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:55 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny

373

To the Drummer for his breakfast and as a benevolence upon my Lord Deputys return 1s

30

To Wm O Brophy goeing to Catherlagh with a letter 1s For a linen sheete lost at Richard Shee's house when the Earle of Ormond laye there 5s JAS. COWLEY, Maior. HENRY ARCHER, THOMAS ARCHER, NICHOLAS KNAIRSBROUGH. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 608 (20 and 27 September) ... To Edward Purcell for curtayne worke made by him at Mr. Robt. Shees house where my Lord of Ormonde had his Chamber as Captayne of his Trope by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 20 of Sept 1637, To William Fludd the Painter for his Paynes taken in Paynting at the Lord Deputys departure, To William Raggett for 3 lbs. of Candles to the Court of Gard at my Lord Deputys being in Town, & for Tallow and Pitch for the Chambers by virtue of the Maiors Warrant dated the 27th of September, 1637,

030

35

5

0 15 0 10

033

|p. 245| To Thomas Roth for ingrossing a Petition to my Lord Deputy 1s., and disbursed at Mr. Henry Archers going to Dublin 1s., and delivered Richard Lawless to buy russhes 6d., in all To Mr. Maior for some disbursements made by him for straw for the Captaines Horses, ...

15

026 029

1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 609 (23 September) ... Mr. Receiver fayle not to pay unto William Flud for his paynes taken about the Pageant made at Ss. John's bridge uppon my Lord Deputie his departure

20

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374 5

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Kilkenny-West

out of this Citty after his return from Munster the Sum of ®fteen Shillings Sterlg. dated the 23d of September 1637 JAS. COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny, RICHARD COWLEY, PETER ROTHE. ... 1637 Kilkenny Corporation Records 610 (26 September)

5

5

Mr. Receaver fayle not to pay unto John Palmer for his paynes taken about Corpus Christi. Play and for other af®aires about the Corporacons use ®fteen Shillings Sterlg. dated the 26 of September 1637. JA: COWLEY, Maior Kilkenny. RICH: COWLEY, HENRY ARCHER, PETER ROTHE. ... 1639 Kilkenny Corporation Records 611 (22 September) ... Receaver of the Corporacions revenues You shall deliver unto Mathew Hickey the Sum of 13s. 4d. Sterlg. for acting a Conqueror's parte at Corpus Christi and at Midsomer time last, and for your soe doing this shall be Your warrant. Dated the 22 of September 1639. GEORGE SHEE Maior Kilkenny. ... 1641±50 Missio Societatis Jesu in Hibernia 612 Dublin, Jesuit Archives, 36 Lower Leeson Street, no shelfmark, p. 58 ... In scholis splendide, et concinne exhibebantur drammata, tragoedia, aliñque scholasticñ exercitationes, summo concursu et applausu: . . . ... KILKENNY-WEST (co. Westmeath)

5

1578 Fiants of Elizabeth I 613 (13 March) ... Grant to sir Lucas Dillon, knt., chief baron, son and heir of sir Rob. Dillon, knt., chief justice of the Common Place; of the of®ce of seneschal of the hundred or barony of Kylkeny West, called the country of Maghercwirke, co. Westmeath, which of®ce had been surrendered by his father, being very old and

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Killeigh

375

impotent. To hold during good behaviour. With power to assemble the inhabitants for defence of the country, and the punishment of malefactors; to exercise martial law; to punish by all means, malefactors, their servants and adherents, which |p. 64| shall be malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rhymors, Irish harpers, idle men and women, and those who aid them; to parl with traitors and other malefactors. The Irish customs taken under Irish names by the former captains abolished, but the following may be received by sir Lucas under the name of seneschal's fee, 4 beeves or marts {`oxen and cows'}, and 4 porks from the country every Christmas, a sheep in summer from every ploughland; also certain wheat and malt from every ploughland, as has been accustomed. He shall also hold a court baron. ± 13 March, xx. ...

10

15

KILLEIGH (cos. Tipperary and Offaly) 1451 Annals of Ireland 614 BL: MS Additional 4799, f. 55v ... 1451 . . . it is an vngratious, and vnglorious yeare to all the Learned in Irland both philosophers poets, guests, strangers, religious persons, souldiers, mendicant or poore orders, and to all maner and sorts of the poore in Irland, also; for the generall support of their maintainances decease, to wit Margarett daughter to |f. 56| Thady O-Carole King of Ely, O-Conner ffaly Calwaghs wife, a woman that never refused any man in the world for any thing that shee might commaunde, onely, besides her own body, it is shee that twice in one yeare proclaimed etof. and commonly invited (.i. in the darke dayes yeare) to wit, on the feast day of Da-sinchell in Killaichy all persons both Irish and Scotish or rather Albians, to two Generall feasts of bestowingKebothf meate and moneys with all other manner of gifts, wherinto gathered to receue gifts the matter of two thowsand and seauen hundred persons, besides gamsters and poore men, as it was recorded in a Roll to that purpose, and that account was made thus, vt vidimus .viz. the Chieftaines of each familie of the learned Irish, was by Gillana-naomh mac ágans (hand writen in that Roll,) the chiefe Iudg to O-Conner and his adherents, and kinsmen so that the aforesaid number of 2700 was listed in that Roll: with the arts of Dan or poetry, musick and Antiquitie, and Mñlyn O-Mñlconry one of the chiefe learned of Connaght, was the ®rst writen in that Roll, and ®rst payed and dieted or sett to super, and those of his name after him, and so forth, every one as he was payed, he was writen in that Roll, for feare of mistake, and sett down to eate afterwards, and Margrett on the garretts of the greate church of Da-sinceall clad in cloath of gold, . . . And she gaue the second inviting proclamation (to every one that came not that day) on the feast day of the Assumpcion of our blessed Lady Mary in haruest at, or in RathImayn . . . ...

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376

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Killininneen KILLININNEEN (co. Westmeath)

1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 615 (28 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 239| . . . Donell McCollimet, of same, harper, . . . |p. 240| . . . [28 May, xliii.] ... KILMAINE (co. Mayo) 1369 Annals of the Four Masters 616 RIA: MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 117v ... Eoin mac aedhagain et Gillebert o bardain da saor macaomh cruitealadnach conmaicne deÂg ... KILMALLOCK (co. Limerick) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 617 (18 March) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 163| . . . Moriertagh McCoyne, of Kilmallock, piper, . . . |p. 164| . . . 18 March, xliii. ... KNOCKAINY (co. Limerick)

5

1341 Grant of Prior John le Mareschall to Thomas Casse 618 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 501, f. 112 ... Vniuersis, &cetera. Noueritis nos vnanimi assensu & voluntate nostra concessisse dilecto nobis in Christo Thome Casse & heredibus suis pro suo laudabili seruicio nobis & hospitali hactenus impenso & in posterum impendendo illud tenementum quod quondam tenuerunt Reginaldus le harper & Ricardus le Lother in villa nostra hospitalis de Any. . . . ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Knockgraffon

377

KNOCKGRAFFON (co. Tipperary) 1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 619 (18 January) ... Pardon to Gerald O Murhowe, of Knockgraf®n, piper, . . . Fine, 10s. each. ± 18 Jan., xiv. ... KNOCKTOPHER (co. Kilkenny) 1274 Grant to John de la Barre 620 NLI: MS D 250 (5 December) Sciant presentes & futuri quod Ego Petrus ®lius Philipi dedi concessi & hac presenti Carta mea con®rmaui Iohanni de la Barre vnum Mesuagium prout edi®catur cum orto & Crofto / quod iacet infra Burgageriam de Cnoctowre in tenementum de Ballypaan . . . Hiis testibus Iohanne Rys./ Philipo Rys/. Willielmo Rys. Roberto ®lio Iohannis. Hugone le Harpur. Henrico ®lio Rogeri. Willielmo ®lio Ade. & aliis. Datum apud Cnoctowre quinto die Decembris. Anno .regni. regis. Edwardi. tercio.

5

|dorse| Carta Petri ®lij Philipi de vno mesuagio in Cnoctowre c. 1399 Grant to Olive, daughter of Walter 621 NLI: MS D 1380 Sciant presentes & futuri quod ego Eua ®lia Philipi le potter. dedi concessi in hac presenti carta mea confirmaui Oliue ®lie Walteri vnam placiam terre vicum nominem scalare simmiterij. ecclesie de Cnoctoghre in parte Meridionalis . . . hiis testibus. Iohanni le Blund. Philipo Rys clemente Rys Willielmo Barret. Waltero. had Waltero ®lio Willielmi hugone le harpur Willielmo le potter & alijs

5

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378

5. The Records: 5.4 ± co. Laois co. LAOIS

1572 Fiants of Elizabeth I 622 (19 September) ... Pardon to . . . Thomas reough McShane, piper, . . . |p. 79| . . . Brian mcPatrick McDonchyn, piper, . . . 19 Sept., xiv. ...

5

1600 Account of Sir Charles Blount's campaign in co. Laois 623 PRO: SP 63/207/Part 4, f. 293v (16 August) ... . . . At evening the fforces mett to gether at the Campe, where a boy came to his lordship from Wony with a lettre: desiring that some gentleman might be sent to him for Conference. The lettre his lordship would not receaue but caused yt to be deliuered to one Neale Moore an Irishe ffoole, which attends him, to send an aunswere to Wony: which was done to suche effecte as in the lettre appeareth. . . . ... LECALE (co. Down)

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1602 Descriptio itineris Capitanei Iosiae Bodley in Lecaliam 624 Bodl: MS Tanner 444, f. 4v (Christmastide) ... Et jam iterum ad Lecalium nostrum, ubi inter alia, quñ ad hillaritatem conferebant, venerunt vna nocte post Cñnam Maschari quidam ex Nobilibus Hibernicis, numero quatuor (si recte memini) Illi primum miserunt ad Nos literas Fustianas secundum antiquam phrasim, post nostras cordiales commendationes .&c'. dicentes, se fuisse certos Aduenas nuper arriuatos in illis partibus, & valde cupidos preterire vnam, vel alteram horam Nobiscum, & post concessam veniam isto ordine ingrediuntur. Primo puer cum tñda accensa, tunc duo pulsantes tympana, tunc ipsi Maschari duo, & duo, tunc altera tñda. Vnus ex Mascaris portabat sordidum emunctorium cum decem Libris intus, non ex Bullione, sed ex noua pecunia nuper impressa, quñ habet Lyram ab vno latere, & Insignia Regalia ab altero. Induebantur Canisijs cum multis folijs Hñderñ hic, & illic sparsim consutis, & super Facies suas habebant Maschas ex pelle Cuniculi cum foraminibus ad videndum extra, & Nasi erant facti ex papyro, Galeri vero alti, et pyramidales (more persico) etiam ex papyro ornati cum dictis Folijs. Dicam breui, ludimus Tesseris; nunc Tympana ex illorum partibus, nunc Tuba ex nostris sonabat. Dubio Marte diu pugnatum est, tandem perdunt Mascari, & vacui dimittuntur. Iam qui vnquam vidit Canem Fuste, vel Lapide percussum currere foras cum Cauda inter Nates pendente, vidisset Mascaros istos domum euntes sine pecunia, sine animo, sine ordine,

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Leitrim

379

sine dicere, valete. Et dicunt, quod Eorum singuli quinque, vel Sex Millia passuum ad domum suam habebant, & erant duñ horñ post mediam Noctem. Alium nunc ex multis monstrabo Iocum, siue Gambolium, quem prñsentarunt Nobis Famuli |f. 5| Nobis Famuli Domini Morrisoni. Duo Serui sedebant in terram more Mulierum (sub reuerentia sit dictum) quando chaccant in aprico campo, nisi quod istorum Nates premebant terram; manus erant simul alligatñ, & ita extensñ, ut genua amplecterentur, & baculum positum inter ¯exum brachiorum, & Crura, ita Brachia nullo modo mouere possent; inter Indices, & pollices utriusque manus bacillum quoddam longitudinis fere vnius pedis ab anteriore parte acutum tenebant, & isto modo locantur duo illi, alter ex opposito alterius per distantiam vnius Vlnñ. His ita dispositis incipiunt congredi, & quisque pro se vinctis pedibus aduersarium subuertere conatur; subuersus enim nunquam se potest recuperare, sed podicem prñbet Sub uersori pungendum cum dicto Bacillo, quod fecit Nos ita ridere per vnam horam, vt lachrymñ ex oculis nostris distillarent; & Vxor Phillippi Coqui ridebat etiam, & ipse Lixa, qui fuerunt ambo prñsentes. Dixisses, Tonsorem aliquem Chiurgum fuisse ibi, ad quem omnes monstrabant dentes; . . . Line 12 Canisijs] read Camisijs; line 32 vinctis] read iunctis

LEITRIM (co. Leitrim) 1603 Fiants of James I 625 (12 May) ... General Pardon to . . . Meleaghlin O'Brenian of Leytrim, harper, . . . |p. 20 col. a| . . . ± 12th May 1st. co. LIMERICK 1585 Fiants of Elizabeth I 626 (26 February) ... Pardon to . . . Wm. Krydane, harper and yeoman, . . . |p. 84| . . . 26 Feb., xxvii. ... 1585 Fiants of Elizabeth I 627 (14 May) ... Pardon to . . . Donogh O Casy, piper, . . . 14 May, xxvii. ...

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380

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Limerick LIMERICK (co. Limerick)

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1567 Sir Henry Sidney's Progress 628 TCD: MS 581 (E. 3. 18), f. 95v (26 March). ... . . . and ffrome thence the saide Lorde depwtie depwtie whent vnto Lymmericke and so theare did by the waye a greate compenie of men of Limickericke mett the said Lorde depwtie ffor that the saide Lorde depwtie was adwartised that the erle of dessmwnte {`Desmond'} hade sente ffor sartin mene to mette hyme bythe waye {`meet him along the way'} and then the men of kilmaloughe wente bake againe and so the Lorde Depwtie wente to the saide citie of Limmericke where he was verye [well] honorabilly reseuide by the maiore & aldermen of the citie of Limmerike and after sartin grete schottes of ordinace and artilerye the saide Lorde depwtie enterid the beafse towne of Limmerike cawllid the Ieris towne and theare a proper lade cawllid barttilmewe white did make anoratione In the wellcomming of the said [lord] Lorde depwtie and so the Lorde Depwtie enterid the highe towne of Limmerike having as in all othere plaseces {`places'} the sworde borne beffor hime by mr Iackes winkef®lld and the coot of armes of inglande worne as inother plasces by Vlstwre kinge of armes / and the said maiore of Limmerike did beare his maice beffor the said Lorde depwtie and Rid withe the quenes sargginte of armes and beffore the saide Wlstwre kinge of armes and so wente towardes [towardes] the cathedrayll chwrche [of] cawllid owr Laydye chiewfrche and by the waye in the highe waye in the streate there was a paygone {`pageant'} declaringe the stat of the saide citie andKeaf yownge mane cawled stwueffen {`Stephen'} the eldiste sowne and ayre of the said Dominike white Did declare the effecte of that paigion {`pageant'} vnto the said Lorde depwtie Inthe aparell ofKeaf messengar of peace havinge amantell of ascharlite {`scarlet'} abowte hime and a garlande of baies on his hede / and after he hade delacred {`declared' with metathesis?} the matter he deliuerid the said oration in writing withe a nother boke of the complayntes of the citiezenes vnto the said Lorde depwtie whoe gentilie Resewinge the same gawe thannkes vnto the mayore |f. 96| and his brotherin ffor theare soe gentilly reseuige hime In the quenes maisties name and also particwlairye for his own parte promisinge that he woolde doo his best dewore {`endeavour'} In thare behalffe and soo he wente to the said chewrche {`church'} where the bishope[.] of Limmerike Recewid hyme in the chwrche yearde with a pressione {`procession'} in Latine singing and the said bisshope was in his ponticalie after the popes fascion and all the Reste of the priste and clarkes in thear copes and a crosse bowrne beffor them and so the enterid the said chwrche and [after] ethef bishope sange after tentollit {?} prainge ffor the saide Lorde depwtie . . . Line 19 chiewfrche] w is written superscript above ir; line 28 reseuige] read reseuihnjge (a macron is added as an afterthought over the g, not the i).

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Limerick

381

1576 Sir Henry Sidney to Privy Council 629 PRO: SP 63/55, f. 57v (4 February) ffrom thence I came to this cittie, the iiijth of this present accompanied with the Earle of Desmound, the Bisshoppes of Casshell and Corck my Lorde of Lowth, and some others of the nobilitie, Dyvers knightes, and principall gent'. of the countrie, where I was received, with farre greater pompe, then either I my selfe have here tofore had, or sawe yelded to any other in this land: for which least I should seme lesse thankefull to this cittie, or to Corck, then I was to Waterfforde, I humblie beseache your Lordships to bestowe your favorable lettres on theim both, for truelye my Lordships they are peices of great regarde, and greatlie shall their willingnes (to serve the governor here), advaunce the service of our Sovereigne. ... 1599 A Tretice of Ireland 630 BL: MS Harley 1291, f. 29 (10 May ± 9 September) ... . . . His lordship havinge repared the breaches of the castle, and placed such a garrison in the same as might anoy the fronteringe {`impudently opposing' ?} rebells; his sickemen beinge [hurte] sent to Clonmell he arryved by easy Iorneyes at Lymricke, where he was enterteyned with two englesh orations, in which I know not which was more to be discommended, wordes, composition or orators, all of them having their particuler excellencies in barbarisme, harshnes, and rusticall both pronounce & action. ...

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1637 The History of Limerick 631 1636. Dominick White Fitz Pat. Mayor. Wise Strafford's earl, the viceroy of the nation, On his progress hither comes for recreation; His grandeur solemnized, like never heard, The city's chief young men are his life guard, Bunratty to and from in city barge he's rowed, A silver gilded cup on them bestowed Worth three score pounds; was treated at Lax weir, At his departure knighted master mayor. 1637 Thomas Wentworth to Lord Conway and Killultagh 632 PRO: SP 63/256, f. 133 (21 August) My very good Lord. ... They haue all along to the vttermost of ther skill and breeding giuen me very

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greate expressions of ther esteem and affection, soe as |f. 133v| I beginn allmost to be persuaded, that they here could be content to haue me the minister of his Maiestys fauoures towardsKethem as soon [as an other]f as any other. Oratory hath abundantly magni®ed it self thorow thes excellent peeces wee haue hearde, one at Casterlaghe, three at Kilkenny, tow very deadly long ones at Clonmell, foure not of the shortest heare at Limmericke: Architecture and inuention not asleepe, as appeared in ther ark=Triumphalls with ther ornaments and inscriptions; the ingenuose accomodations of ther Cupids, ther Apollo ther antient genij, ther Laurat Poets and such like; here pour la bonne bouche, (as the frenche say) wee saw all the seauen Plannetts in a very spericall and heauenly motion, and hearde eache of them vtter in harmony seuerall verses in our praise, telling vs therby vpon my knowledge, rather what wee ought to be, then what wee were (the common case you will say of all Painters and Orators), and the son the King of Planetts ouer and aboue all the rest, did insteade of his indulgent heate [bening] benignly squirtt of his sweet waters vpon vs forth of a Seringe, my hopes being all the |f. 134| the whilst the instrument was new, and had not been vsed before. By that time that wee gett backe to Dublin, I trust you will be safely returned to London, for wee heare you meane not to ®ght this summer noe more then wee doe but for all that, I doubte whether you meet with such intertainment aborde your Triumphe. well seriously may health and safety be with your goings out and cummings inn from this time forth and for euermore ther is a peece of a sermon for you, and take it for as great a truthe as they in ther pulpetts speake any that I am Your Lordships Limmerick this 21th most faithfull humble of August. 1637. seruant./ Wentworth LISCARROLL (co. Cork) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 633 (7 August) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 31| . . . John O Trassy, of Lish Caruell, piper, . . . |p. 34| . . . ¦ Aug., xliii. ... LISMORE (co. Kerry) 1565 The interrogation of Gerald Fitz James Desmond 634 PRO: SP 63/13, f. 56 (3 January) ... Whether he did euer see Cormoke o Connor with Therle of Desmound or no. And by hym maynteyned or no.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Lisnagarvy

383

... To the ®rst he saith that he beinge a dweller of Lysmore by chaunce mett with Cormoke O Connor there, as one vnknowen vnto hym the tewsday after new yeares Day Anno :1564: And the said deponent with the Earle of Demoundes {`Desmond's'} Stywardes wiffe and her sonn Rod in company with the said Cormoke to a villadge called Keyllahaylwe in the said Earles countrie which villadge belongeth to Davie Mac Shane sonn in Lawe to the said Earles Stiward And there the said Gerod demaunded of the Erles Gyde whath the said Cormoke was whoo answered that he was a harper / . . .

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LISNAGARVY (co. Antrim) 1635 Thomas Richardson to Lord Conway and Killultagh 635 PRO: SP 63/255, f. 34 (9 February) Right Honorable My selfe together with three more of my fellow Musicioners were entertained into your Honors seruice about two yeares since. and therevpon went into Ireland, according your Lordships directions, and euer since haue there remained as your Honors servants, How may it please you since your departure from this Kingdome, two of my fellowes are fallen sicke, whereby wee are like to breake company, and everyKeManf for himselfe, And I ffor my [part] selfe humbly intreat your Lordshipp according your direction to mr Rawden, to Lay vs out some plott of land (for our maintenance) here in Kilvltah who desires to liue here, having a charge of a Wife and child, And ffurther May it please your Honor I neither may nor will presume to receiue any Noble Mans entertainment without your Lordships leaue which I humbly craue soe I may not haue [not] wherewith to liue here vnder your Honor behaving my selfe and performing such duties as the rest of your Honors Tennants doe, and withall desiring (if soe please your Honor) to giue directions to mr Rawden (to sett your servant some parsell of land here in Kilvltah that shalbe needfull for him;) as in his discrecion he shall thinke ®tte ± with sh. .jy prayers for your Honors prosperity I Humbly take leaue Lisnrg: 9o ffebr. 1634

Your Lordships Humble servant Thomas Richardson

Line 17 sh. .jy obscure; two medial letters unclear.

LOUGH KEY (co. Roscommon) 1504 Annals of Loch Ce 636 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 112 ... . . . Maghnus mac briain mic donnchada .i. ab mhainisdrech natrõÂndoÂide ar loch

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ceÂ. Comhnair .¦ cisde coimheÂta einigh .¦ engnuma na herenn an fer sin .¦ ant aon dvine is mo do tidhlvic .¦ do thoirbhir dfhiledhaib .¦ doir®dechaibh .¦ do aos gacha cerda da dtaÂnic o thomaltach nacairrge invass do heÂc agcill dvibhdhvÂin et seÂpvltus est anoileÂn natrindoÂide ar loch ce ... Line 3 Comhnair] read Comhrair; line 6 natrindoÂide] read na trinoÂide

co. LONGFORD

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1573 Fiants of Elizabeth I 637 (29 January) ... Grant to Tirrelagh mcKeddagh O Ferrall, gent.; of the of®ce of seneschal of the country of Slaghtwilliam, in the co. Longford. To hold during good behaviour, with the accustomed fees. With power to assemble the inhabitants, and command them for defence of the country or punishment of malefactors; to attack and punish all malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rhymers, Irish harpers, idle men and women; and to hold a court baron. ± 29 Jan., xv. ... LOUGH DRIN (co. Westmeath)

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634 Annals of Ulster 638 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 23 col. b [recte f. 12 col. b] ... Kl'. Ianair o7. feria lune 26.o Anno domini .doc. xxxo. iiio. Iugulatio .ii. filiorum ñdha slane la conall mac suibne ecc loch threitni ar Fremuin .i. congal ri bregh ¦ ailill cruidire, senathair sil dluthaigh; ... LOUGH GILL (co. Sligo)

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1561 Annals of Loch Ce 639 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 132 ... . . . oNaoisse mac cithruaidh ant aon dhvine is binde do bhõ a nerenn do bhadhadh ar loch gile .¦ a ben ingen mic donnchada .¦ athairne mac matha ghlais.o ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Mallow

385

MALLOW (co. Cork) 1603 Fiants of Elizabeth I 640 (February) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 123| . . . Owen mcDermod reogh, of Malloe, harper, . . . |p. 126| . . . Feb., 1602. ... MEYLERSTOWNE (co. Kildare) 1553 Fiants of Edward VI 641 (8 February) Pardon to . . . Edmund O'Floyn, of Millerston, harper . . . 8 February, vii. . . . ... MOHAR (co. Longford) 1577 Fiants of Elizabeth I 642 (14 November) ... Pardon to . . . Conor Maglawey, of Mohar, piper, . . . 14 Nov., xix. ... co. MONAGHAN 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 643 (4 December) Pardon to . . . Shane ballagh McEcorffe, harper, . . . Cormock McGillecosgelie, harper, . . . 4 Dec., xlv. . . . ... 1603 Fiants of James I 644 (7 September) (Patent roll 1 James I, Part 3) ... General Pardon to . . . Pat. Dever, piper, . . . |p. 26 col. b| . . . Hugh Reogh O'Kenudy, piper, . . . in Monaghan co. ± ¦ Sept. 1st. ...

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386

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Money MONEY (co. Wexford)

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1595 Journal of Sir William Russell 645 LPL: MS 612, f. 19 (30 April) ... The Campe continued at Money. Sir Geffery ffenton beinge not well tooke his Iorney towards Dublin./ Captain Mince came to the Campe, and brought in a head who was Feoghs piper. The same daye Captain willis came to the Campe and brought in two of the Traytors heads ... MOREAGH (co. Cork) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 646 (30 August) Pardon to . . . |p. 39| . . . Donogh O Cullinane, of same, piper, . . . MOYGLARE (co. Meath)

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c. 1270 Charters of Milo le Bret and Roger Pictor 647 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 498, f. 118v ... . . . Sciant omnes presentes & futuri quod Ego Milo le Bret dedi & concessi & hac presenti carta mea confirmaui. Rogero pictori. pro homagio & seruicio suo vnum mesuagium in villa de Moyclare vna cum curtilagio & cum edi®ciis omnibus . . . |f. 119| . . . Hiis testibus. Domino Milone le Bret de Moyhacin. Iohanne le brun. Andrea preposito. Waltero ®lio Andree. Waltero Godefray. Willelmo Walense. Dauid le harper. Rogero Stiuard & multis aliis . . . Vniversis christi ®delibus has literas visuris uel audituris Rogero pictore de Moyclar' salutem in domino sempiternam. Nouerit vniuersitas vestra me pro anima mea & pro animabus antecessorum & successorum meorum. dedisse & in puram elimosinam & perpetuam concessisse deo & sancte Marie & In®rmis domus sancti Iohannis extra Nouam portam Dublinie. ad sustentacionem eorundem. vnum Mesuagium in villa de Moyclare vna curtilagio & cum omnibus edi®ciis sicut melius & plenius mihi diuisatum est & perambulatum . . . Hiis testibus Domino Milone le Bret. de Mayhacin. Iohanne le brun. Stephano preposito. Waltero ®lio Andree. Waltero Godefray. Willelmo Walense. Dauid le Haper. Rogero Stiword & multis aliis ... Line 17 Haper] read Harper.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Moylurg

387

MOYLURG (co. Roscommon) 1486 Annals of Connacht 648 RIA: MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1), f. 66v col. b ... (blank)lann enair .ui. bliadna ¦ cetri fichit ¦ cetri cet ¦ mile aois an tigerna Mac diarmada. maighi. luirg .i. ruadri mac ruadhri. meic aodho. uaidne einigh ¦ engnomha .¦ cend cothaighthe ¦ congbala cliar ¦ cerrbach .¦ oide damhsgol ¦ deorad ¦ deibhlen ¦ fer dob ferr daonacht et derlacad da tanic a naonaimsir fris. dhec isin bliadainsi. ...

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Line 2 (blank)lann] read Calann; a gap has been left for Ca at the start of the entry.

MULRANKIN (co. Wexford) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 649 (1 December) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 111| . . . Edm. O Gibbenny, of Molranckan, harper, . . . 1 Dec., xlv. . . . ... NAAS (co. Kildare) 1305 Justiciary Rolls 650 (30 September) (mb. 2) ... Robert Schynnagh v. Ric. Breynoc. It is found by the Jury that Hugh de la Hide on a Sunday, at Keruagh, put up a belt for a contest between him and his men and the men of the town of the Nas, which belt the men of the town won in the contest, on which Hugh said that he would put for contest on the same day of the week a mutton in said town of the Nas against the men of the town, each side agreeing to this. Before that day Robert Breynok came to the town of the Naas, asking certain men of the town whom he found gathered together that they would give him, to buy a horse, the two marks levied from them because it was levied without reasonable cause, and which are in the hand of the Sheriff. They answering that they would do this when their neighbours gave assent to it, Robert went to Adam le Tannour and William Kyft, whom he found together, who were as the great men (maiores) of the town, asking their assent. Adam answered that they could not do this, nor tallage their neighbours. On which Robert sitting on his horse, moved with anger, said to Adam: Rustic! You do not pay any contribution! but I will tallage thee. And Adam answering that he would not give more for his tallage than for a dog; Robert forthwith got down

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from his horse and having drawn his sword went towards Adam who drew his knife, having no other arms with him. But those standing by kept back each of them so that no |p. 128| harm was then done. Robert went away, and against the said day of contest (luctamen) sought in Meath one John de Bratkeley a wrestler (luctator), and taking with him all the force he could obtain, came to the contest in the company of Hugh, for the purpose of doing injury to Adam. When this was told to David le Mazyner, he knowing the cause of the coming of Robert with his armed party, sent Lambert his brother to Adam warning him not to go out before David's coming. He hastened there and doubting that evil would ensue took a friendly arrangement (diem amoris) between Robert and Adam, by security to stand to the judgment of good men. And it was afterwards agreed between them that each of them should disarm and carry on the contest in a fair manner. On which Robert and his men disarmed and sat in the place where the contest was to be. And Robert Schynnagh with many others of the town went out to the place armed. And Hugh, Robert Breynok, and others of their company, perceiving this, arose, and Hugh taking a bow shot at them, and in the con¯ict Richard struck Robert Schynnagh with an hatchet (hachia) on the arm. And because it does not appear to the jurors whether the wound be a mayhem or not, it is permitted that upon this they have advise with the physician having care of the wounded man, and he being sworn is associated with them for this cause. Judgment that Robert Schynnagh recover against Richard his damages taxed by the court, at present, at 10 marks, and let him await further taxation if by process of time it be found that the wound is mayhem. And let Richard be committed to gaol. And because Robert came armed against the agreement, when the others disarmed themselves, by which he gave occasion for the misdeed, let him be committed to gaol. ... NEW ROSS (co. Wexford)

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c. 1265 Rithmus facture ville de Rosse 651 BL: MS Harley 913, f. 61 ... la ieuene gent haut chantant. par tot la vile karoler. oue grant ioi vount laborer. e les prestres quan ont chante. si vont ouerir au fosse. ... f. 61v ... .CCC. sunt si cum ie quit. qe oue grant e oue petit. e hautement vont karoler.

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± co. Offaly

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... bien y vont en icel iour. .CCCC. od grant honur. e karolent e chantent haut ...

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f. 55v e quant ont la pere aportee. tant cum plest a uolunte. entur la fosse vont chanter. auant qe en vile volen entrer. e quant en la uile sunt entres. les richez dames sunt ensembles. e juent & beiuent e karolent. e de bons en ueisurus en parolent. ...

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co. OFFALY 1582 Fiants of Elizabeth I 652 (8 May) ... Pardon to . . . Thomas Reagh, piper, . . . 8 May, xxiv. ... 1586 Fiants of Elizabeth I 653 (29 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 154| . . . Gilleglasse O Shallon, harper, . . . 29 May, xxviii. ... OSSORY 1417 Annals of Connacht 654 RIA: MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1), f. 52 col. a (23 February) ... Piarrus mac semais meic emainn butiler .i. adbur iarla urmuman domarbad adaig initi atig donnchadha oirig meic gilla patraic indosraige lagabaind dondchada ¦ siat ocdenam damsa ¦ sepultus est himanestir chuli iarom ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Pallas PALLAS (co. Longford)

1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 655 (12 June) ... Pardon to . . . John Mollony, of the Pallace, harper, . . . 12 June, xliv. ... PARK (co. Offaly) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 656 (10 June) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 259| . . . Owen O Dullany, of the Parke, Dermot O Dullany, of same, pipers, . . . |p. 260| . . . 10 June, xliii. ... RAGHRA (co. Offaly) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 657 (6 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 66| . . . Owen O Killin, of Raghra, piper, . . . RATHKEALE (co. Limerick)

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1487 Senchas Geraltach 658 RIA: MS 756 (23 E 26), p. 289 (7 December) ... Agas nõÂor bho cõÂan iar san bhfõÂonghail sin do dhenamh ar cendoidhe daÂmh .¦ deoradh .¦ ollaman eignõÂ. eisrechta .¦ obloÂiri herenn do Shiain mhantach an tan do rinne dõÂa innechaidh air .i. cethromhna |p. 290| .i. cethromhna do dhenamh dhe .¦ boill bega bhruÂarbhrõÂdha .¦ aroinn air bhailtibh moÂire .herenn. ¦ aÂois aoladhaÂin .herenn. aga aoirad an trath ro chidis na boill sin .¦ alvÂimnech isan Semplus ro bhia chenn . . . ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Rathmullan Castle

391

RATHMULLAN CASTLE (co. Donegal) c. 1570±87 LeitheÂid Almhan i nUltaibh 659 RIA: MS 475 (24 P 25; Leabhar Chlainne Suibhne), p. 149 ... GeÂr dheacvir barr dobuÂain dõÂ. ceÂd alma cloinne baÂoisgne. raÂth nambenn gcathaÂrrda gcvir. fearr anath alma ar fechuin Mo a lõÂon do lathaibh goile. mo a macraidh mo a bhanchvire. lõÂa dollamhnaibh teÂid dontigh fa gheig mongabhraigh murbhaigh LõÂa daitheirach aÂosa ciuÂil do lucht sgaoilti sgeÂal taidhiuÂir. do mnaibh rõÂsluaigh moÂir menmnaigh. ag sõÂoruaim oÂir illdeefalbhaigh ...

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RATTOO (co. Kerry) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 660 (11 April) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 180| . . . Nich. Dall, of Ratoo, harper, . . . 11 April, xliii. ... co. ROSCOMMON 1361 Annals of the Four Masters 661 RIA MS 687 (23 P 6), f. 110v ... Mac Raith ua ®nd ollamh sil Muiredhaigh i seinm ¦ i tiompaÂnacht deÂcc ... 1561 Annals of Loch Ce 662 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 132 ... Forlongport mic Diarmada .i. rvaidri mic Taidhg mic diarmada do bheith vm sgeithõÂn na gcenn .¦ vm fhvaraÂn mhoighe hoÂi ag milledh na gclvaintedh .¦ mhainech o bhealltoine co feil mõÂchil oÂir nõÂr fhagaibh se tech gan lorcad ina gort gan gerradh o thocus choille an chairn co hoil®nn dar bhen re slicht donnchada hi cheallaigh na re slicht cathail ruaid I conchobair .¦ ni heidir a riom ina rofhoillsiugad gach ar bhen se dhairgnibh .¦ deÂdalaibh dibh et ni roibhe a nerenn forlongport inar lõÂa eich .¦ eÂidedh feoil .¦ fõÂon aos civÂil .¦ oir®digh .¦ ealadhna galloglaech .¦ giomanaigh .¦ albanaigh ina an forlongport sin mic diarmada ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Ross

1637 Annals of Loch Ce 663 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 126 (1 January)

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Kll' enair for domhnach anno domini 1636. Brian og mac briain mic ruaidri Mic taidg mic ruaidri oÂig .i. tiagerna mvighe lvirg .¦ airtigh et tõÂre tvathail fer a aoisi et inme et a ard tigernus ar ferr tainic do gaoidealaib iartair Eorpa re linn fein oir asse as mo ro tiodlaic et ro toirbir do ollamnaib .¦ deigsib et daois ealadna do cuirib, do cliarvib et do coiccriochaibh do endgaib, do irisibh, et diodhanordvib, do bochtaib, do baintreabachaib et beigionnmusvib, do duraibh do dallaib et do deiblennaib de, de roignib, do riognaib et ro galgadaib, do vaislib do oir®dib et do adbail senoiribh, . . . ... ROSS (co. Westmeath)

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1571 Fiants of Elizabeth I 664 (5 February) ... Appointment of Meiler Dalamar, of Rosse, co. Westmeath, to be chief serjeant, and Edmund Dalamar, to be under serjeant of Dalamar's country, co. Westmeath. To hold during good behaviour; to apprehend and commit to Mollengar gaol any malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rymors, Irish harpers, idle men and women, and all such unpro®table members; . . . 5 Feb., xiii. ...

SCABBLERSTON (co. Kildare?) 1602 Fiants of Elizabeth I 665 (2 July) ... Pardon to . . . Teige O Lackyne, of Scabblerston, harper, Margaret Terrell, his wife, . . . |p. 90| . . . 2 July, xliv. ... SHEEPSTOWN (co. Kilkenny) c. 1300 Grant to Nicholas Longus 666 NLI: MS D 440 Sciant presentes & futuri quod Ego Iohannis ®lius Iohannis dedi concessi & hac presenti carta mea con®rmaui. nicholai longo vnum mesuagium prout edi®catur in tenementum de Balnegerach . . . Hiis testibus hugone clerico. Matheo

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Shronell

393

monsel Matheo camerario. stephano ®lio Iohannis Waltero le harpur. henrico ®lio Rogeri. & multis aliis.

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SHRONELL (co. Tipperary) 1577 Fiants of Elizabeth I 667 (12 September) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 46| . . . Donald McRory, of Sronyll, harper, . . . Fine one cow each. ± 12 Sept., xix. ... SIDDAN (co. Meath) 1571 Fiants of Elizabeth I 668 (6 March) ... Pardon to . . . Brian McMahon ®tz Phillip, of the same, harper, . . . 6 March, xiii. ... SLIGO (co. Sligo) 1590 Donogh O'Connor's answers to charges 669 PRO: SP 63/155, f. 83 (November) ... f®rst the said Donoghe doth call god to witnesse. that he neuer hadde anie conference. with one Richarde Barrt harper. or anie other whosoeuer. of anie matter that anie way tended to the hurte of her maiestie or of her state./ Secondlie that he neuer wrote him self. nor appointed the said Barrt or anie other to write in his name to one commonlie caled the Bishope of Thome nowe remayninge beyonde seeas./ ... SYNONE (co. Tipperary) 1582 Fiants of Elizabeth I 670 (13 November) ... Pardon to . . . Donogho O Kredan, of same, harper, . . . Fine of 40s. from Yonge and Sale, and 20s. from each of the others. ± 13 Nov., xxiv. ...

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394

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Tara TARA (co. Meath)

544±65 Suidigud Tellaich Temra 671 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 740

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. . . Feoil derg dano do beraib iaraind ¦ ®rbrocoit ¦ nua corma ¦ assen [7] do ®andaib ¦ dibergachaib ¦ druith ¦ deogbairi ic roind ¦ ic dail doib. Cend chossach and dano ¦ imchosail cecha hindile do aradhaib ¦ do obloraib ¦ da drabarsluag ¦ da dñscordainib ¦ araid dano ¦ oblore ¦ dorrsaidi oc roind ¦ dail doib. . . . THOMASTOWN (co. Kilkenny)

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1553 The Vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Irelande 672 (10 September) ... If these youre suffrages be a waye for him to heauen / & that he can not go thydre without them / ye are muche to blame / that ye haue diffarred them so longe. Ye had (sayd I) a commaundement the last saterdaye / of the iustice hothe / to haue solempnised them yat nyght and the next daye after. But the deuyll which that daye daunsed at Thomas towne (for they had a procession with pageauntes) and the aqua vite & Kob Dauie withall / wolde not suffre ye than to do them. I desire yow / considering that the last sondaye ye differred them to see the deuill daunce at Thomas towne / that ye will also this sondaie differre them / tyll suche tyme as I sende to ye Quenes commissioners at Dublyne / to knowe how to be discharged of the othe which I made to ye Kynge and hys counsell for abolyshment of that popish masse. . . . ... Line 7 Kob] read Rob.

THURLES (co. Tipperary)

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1303 Terrier of Edmund Butler 673 NLI: MS 2530 (Red Book of Ormond), f. 28v (18 May) ... hDej Radulfo vilatore pro Philipo le hore j. d ob' hDe ejodem pro Thoma le deueneys j. d hDe eojdem pro Willielmo ®lio Thome Mathei j d quad et ad festum sancti Michelis j d hDe eodejm pro Roberto ®lio dauid Citheratore iiijd ob' hDe eodemj pro Thoma gilleon j. d ob' ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Tirconnell

395

TIRCONNELL (co. Fermanagh) 1177 Annals of Ulster 674 TCD: MS 1282 (H. 1. 8), f. 53 col. a ... IN timpanach hua coinnecen ardollam tuaisceirt erenn do marbadh do chenel conaill co na mnai ¦ co na muinnter. ... TIRERAGH (co. Sligo) 1301 Annals of Loch Ce 675 TCD: MS 1293 (H. 1. 19), f. 74v ... Gilla iossa mac fhirbhissigh ollam huõ |f. 75| huõ bfhiacrach muaidh SoÂi shenchusa .¦ sgeÂlaidhechta .¦ fhilidhechta .¦ compoÂidechta .¦ eladhna imdha eli dheÂc in hoc anno. ... TOBBERDOWER (co. Carlow or co. Wexford) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 676 (8 June) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 255| . . . Tirlagh Piper, of Tobberdower, piper, . . . |p. 256| 8 June, xliii. ... TOONAGH (co. Clare) 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 677 (21 July) ... Pardon to . . . Teige mcDonell McReyry, of Townagh, harper, . . . |p. 273| . . . 21 July, xliii. ...

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396

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Trian-Congail TRIAN-CONGAIL (cos. Down and Antrim)

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1512 Annals of the Four Masters 678 RIA MS 688 (23 P 7), f. 19v (11 April) ... Niall mac cvinn mic aodha bvidhe mic brõÂain bhallaigh Âõ neÂill tighearna trin conghail fer einigh coitchinn et medaighthe ord. et ecclas fer aghmhar aitheasach na tvc cioÂs no comha do cloinn neill no do cloinn ndaÂlaigh na dfhior ionaid Righ saxan. fear ba ciaÂnfhoda seÂn ¦ saoghal. fer erccna eolach ar gach nealadhain etir Shenchus. dhaÂn ¦ Sheinm do eÂcc .11. April ... TULLYHAW (co. Cavan) Before 1298 Denum sid mbhunaidh ai Briain 679 NLI: MS G 1200 (Book of Magauran), f. 3v col. a Imirt branaim is ler lind godh chebh clandaich a i chuind a meg shair samradhan sheng send re taibh daghbranan dhuind

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Fir ig daghsenm uma uair ig dula ar carfeedfm go ciuin ar nimadh anam in oil ri himad oir na crand ciuil ... Before 1298 Olc beatha na coisigheadh 680 NLI: MS G 1200 (Book of Magauran), f. 6 col. a ... Ai briain builidh bindglaraic arightaisich go redi ech uaid dona timpanchaibh ar sgelaidhacht na feni coru ni ar imraidhmid maith dorada rit feni ... Before 1303 Brian andois do nim do Maghnus 681 NLI: MS G 1200 (Book of Magauran), f. 8v col. a ... Gan cruit nogan timpan tedbind ni thed na cholludh craebh liag dadha gormshuil mar blath mbhugha do mongdhuin snath uma iad ... Line 3 mbhugha] read mbhughna

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Tullyhunco

397

1303±43 Nir bhaidh tene Teallaich Eachtach 682 NLI: MS G 1200 (Book of Magauran), f. 21 col. b ... Teallach neachthach imdha a croinn chiuil is choir shendter in tuath fo hellach ni hairgthear teallach tenteadh. ... 1393 Annals of Connacht 683 RIA: MS 1219 (Stowe C iii 1), f. 43v col. a (6 April ± 1 May) ... . . . Fergal mag Samradan dux tellaig echach ¦ fer docommolad le cliaraib erenn ¦ le crosanaib in fer sin etir chaisc ¦ beltaini ... TULLYHUNCO (co. Cavan) 1588 Fiants of Elizabeth I 684 (20 March) ... Grant to John Kearnan, gent.; of the of®ce of seneschal of the territory of Upper Talconchoe alias McKearnans country in co. Cavan. To hold during good behaviour, with all accustomed pro®ts. With power to raise the inhabitants, and command them for defence of the territory, the public weal of the inhabitants, and the punishment of malefactors; to prosecute, banish, and punish by all means malefactors, rebels, vagabonds, rymors, Irish harpers, bards, bentules {`walking women', `prostitutes' ? < bean + siubhail ?}, carrowes {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh}, idle men and women, and those who assist such; and twice a year within a month after Easter and Michaelmas respectively to hold a court and law day. He shall not take any unlawful Irish exactions from the inhabitants, as to cess them with kern, |p. 66| nor impose coney {`billeting' < coinnmed} or lyvery, without direction of the lord deputy. ± 20 March, xxx. ...

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UõÂ MHAINE (cos. Roscommon and Galway) 1351 Annals of Clonmacnoise 685 TCD: MS 673 (F. 3. 19), p. 234 (Christmastide) ... William o'Donogh Moyneagh o'Kelly, Inuited all ye Irish Poets, Brehons, bards, harpers, gamesters or Common kearoghs {`gamblers' < cearrbhaigh}, Iesters & others of theire kind of Ireland to his house vpon Christmas this yeare. where euery one of them was well vsed, Dureing Christmas holy Dayes, & gaue [them] contentment to each of them at the tyme of theire Departure, soe as euery one was well pleased, and extolled William for his bounty. one of

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398

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Waterford

which assembly composed certaine Irish verses in Commendacions of William & his house which begins thus, ®lidh ereÎnn go haÂointeach &c. ... 1351 Filidh EÂireann go hAointeach 686 RIA: MS 3 (23 L 17), f. 98 (Christmastide) ... Aos chivil eirionn anba an drem . lucht gach ceÂirde go coitchenn an tvile dhaÂmh leath ar leath . an daÂl vile go haointeach f. 98v

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A noirchill a ttig don tigh . do chvma coÂir a mhaoidhimh fa ruÂn tigherna in toighe . dvÂn inemhna abhlaighe AtaÂd loingthighe leabtha . fa chomhair na cvidechta ar dromchladh nglan ttealach tte . ar na gcar dfhedhach fhõÂthe A vrrlamh d®os Âõ cheallaigh . aos daÂna an fhoÂid EÂireannaigh ataÂid bvidhen trom da thoigh . sraÂid bhrvighean ccorr fa a ccomhoir

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Na ngoire sin svairc an sgiamh . do ordaighedh le hvilliam sraÂid ar leith don lucht seanma . da mbeith re a vcht infhedhma  irenn aÂille . stiomsvghadh na tromdhaÂimhe Seanchaidhe E ataÂid san bhaile an bhvidhen . caidhe sraÂid na senchvidhedh

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Ata sraÂid fhairsing oile . iona bhfvilid ®onntoighe gon tsloÂgh fhionn as fhial gcroidhedh . ar chionn chliar ar chlesoighedh ... WATERFORD (co. Waterford)

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1314 Justiciary Rolls 687 (4 February) (mb. 81) ... Twelve jurors present that Henry Cas feloniously slew Symon le Harper . . . . said city and afterwards ¯ed to the church of S. Peter in the said city and escaped therefrom by reason of . . . . Therefore to judgment for the escape. Escape upon the mayor, bailiffs and commonalty of the city of Waterford . . . ... 1567 Sir Henry Sidney's Progress 688 TCD: MS 581 (E. 3. 18), f. 94 (25 February) ... And one the morowe being twsedaye the xxv daye ffebrwarye he departid

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Waterford

399

ffrome the barrake and wente vnto anothere castell of the said erle of Orrmondes cawlid the grawnowge |f. 94v| And ther sartin bwrioses {`burgesses'} of the citie of waterford did attende one the saide Lorde Depwtye withe dyweres bottes {`diverse boats'} and one of the said bootes was verye well trimmid withe cowsshinges {`cushions'} and caerfpetes and cowerid {`covered'} withe afayre pesee of tapsterye and the same bote was made ffaste to a nothere grete bootte withe oweres and hauing 2 basces {`small cannons'} in the forside the said bootes showthe of {`push out'} at the departing ffrome the showre {`shore'} thaye rowed vnthe {`unto the'} citye of waterforde where Waterfforde wheare he was verye anscantlye {`honourably' ?} Recewid ffriste with gownes {`guns'} showtes as well of other dyveres shepes {`ships'} and allso after he had sene the hawene {`haven'} of that place he landed at the kye {`quay'} of the where the mayore and shreffes and aldermen of the citie Recewide {`received'} hime verye rewerentlye and the recorder of the citie commauundid mr [white] nicholas [clarke] white mayde anoration vnto the saide Lorde Depwtie [and] delaring not onlye the good will of them of the citie towardes the maiesti bwt also vnto the said Lorde Depwtie and allso the franches vnto them grawntid by dyveres Kinges and prencise affore time and the lorde Depweti [and allso] afforthe same thanked them of theare gentil[nes] cwrtiesye {`courtesy'} as well towardes the quines maiestie as vnto hyme particwlare and so entered the saide cetie and withe in the gatte thare was a payget {`pageant'} and verye properlye in the same verye well decked whoe wellcomed the said Lorde Depwetie withe a verye good oracione and in the myde Waye to his logine {`lodging'} thare was another oration alitille Dystante ffrome his logine/ and thws the said mayre beringe the sworde beffor the Lorde Depwtie and havinge the quenes coott of armes worne afore hyme by Vlster kinge of armes he was browghte to his logine withe all the said aldermen of the citie followinge hime vnto his said Logine and theare he thancked the mayre and the reste of the citieszones ffor thare soo hvmbly recewing [theme] hime promissing them that he wolde consider well of them allso the byshope of waterfforde in his coppe witheKethef canownes and preste of the citie receuid the saide lorde Depwtie singinge the presescione in ingylshe and so browghte hime singinge toKethef chwrche of christechwrche in waterfford and after sartine prayeres the lorde Depwtye went to his Logine . . . ... Line 34 ingylshe] read inglyshe

c. 1593 Notes on Waterford 689 PRO: SP 63/214, f. 223 ... Lord of Cogg they in christas goe with visardes & if eny owe any grudge they pay him & he shall neuer know who. ... Line 2 christas] read christmas.

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1603 Humphrey May to Sir Robert Cecil 690 PRO: SP 63/215, f. 124v (3 May) ... The next morning my Lord leaving 150 foot and most of his horse to gard the campe, marched with the rest of his army towards Waterford; Before his owne entrance he possessed the ports and streets with other places of advantage with his owne soldiers. Then entering himselfe, the Maiors deputy (for he himself was sick) accompanied with the principall men of the towne, delivered the city sword, and the keies of the gate to his Lordship. The sword he redelivered to the Maior, the keies he gave to the Martiall of the army to keepe. Sir Richard Aileworth, who,K[was] suspected and threatned for his incorrupt ®delity to the King, was driven to forsake the towne, was brought in againe with Honor, carryeng the Kinges sword before my Lord. At the crosse ther was an oration in Latin, magnifyeng the King, honouring my Lords person; remembring his sevices, in suppressing the rebellion, declaring ther auncient and vntainted ®delity to the Kinges of England; iustifyeng and excusing ther disorderly courses, that what they had done, was only for ther consciences, and the publick professing of ther religion, in which they were borne, which they had receaved from ther ancestors, and which they wold leave vnto ther children. My Lord with a short speech commended ther faith and duty to the King; of himself he spake nothing, but thanked them for their welcome; and for ther excuse it was not the eloquence of the greatest Oratour, but the grace and mercy of the King of England |f. 125| England, that must excuse them. . . . ... WEST BREÂIFNE (co. Leitrim) 1588 Brian O'Rourke to McMahon 691 PRO: SP 63/137, f. 61 (14 October)

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. . . And what you requested vs to send you, as a harp and a great speare wee do assure you that wee cannot send you the same, for that there is never a good harpe in our Cuntrey, but wee well {`will'} provide a good harpe to you, and wee will send two great speares and twoo skeanes {`daggers' < sceana} to you of the best that is made in our Cuntrey This is inoughe./ Brian orwirk co. WESTMEATH 1581 Fiants of Elizabeth I 692 (4 October) ... Pardon to . . . Moillaughlen roe |p. 146| O Brenon, harper, . . . 4 Oct., xxiii. ...

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± co. Wexford

401

co. WEXFORD 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 693 (15 May) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 216| . . . Brene McGyllechriste, piper, . . . Patr. oge O Ferrayle, piper, . . . Donell mcFergasse O Ferrayle, and Fergasse O Ferrayle, pipers, . . . |p. 222| . . . 15 May, xliii. ...

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1603 Fiants of James I 694 (12 July) (Patent roll 1 James I, Part 3) ... General Pardon to . . . |p. 25 col. a| . . . Donnoghoe O'Doran, harper, . . . in Wexford co. ± 12 July 1st. ... co. WICKLOW 1590 Gerald Birn to Sir John Perrot 695 PRO: SP 63/151, f. 209 (18 April) ... . . . It may please your Lordship to vndirstand that I being from home the said fergus his sone came to my howseKein harvest lastf & not ®ndinge me ther went away presently and staid baytinge {`grazing'} his horses in my way as I shold retorne homwarde. & when I sawe the company of horsmen in my way I mad toward them to se what they wear {`who they were'} and ther I fownd him & another horsman well furneshed with horse and armore & a harper riding vpon a hacne {`hackney'} with them. and askinge them from whence they cam or whether they wolde they said that then they came from my own howse & wold that night lye at morghe mc Edmondes howse . . . ... 1601 Fiants of Elizabeth I 696 (24 September) ... Pardon to . . . |p. 50| . . . Cahell McEkelle, piper, . . . |p. 52| . . . Donogh buy, piper, . . . Donell piper, . . . |p. 54| . . . [24 Sept., xliii.] . . . ...

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402

5. The Records: 5.4 ± Youghal

c. 1604 Sir Henry Harrington's instructions 697 KAO: U1475 014/43, f. [1]

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ffyrst that you cause proclamcion to be made that no idele persone vagabonde or masterlesse man [harper] barde rymoure or any other notorious or detested malefactor do haunte remaine or abyde within the limites and bondes of your aucthoritie but that heKedefparte within viij dayes next after the proclamacion made vpon peine of whipping or other suche correction as you shall in good discreacion apoint And [with] if any suche person or persons after proclamacion so made shall contynewe by the space of xxti DaiesKeafter and avoide notf that then it shalbe lawefull for you be vertue of this commissionK[evpon iust cawse producedf] to execute him marshally Item it shalbe lawfull for you after notyce geven and proclamacion made for thavoydinge of all suche person or personsKeOwt of the lymittes of your autoritief as before, to take and apprehende all suche person or persons as do supporte and meintaine them And to seyse their goodes And to put the same vponKegood and suf®cientf inventorie And to certi®e the Lord DeputyKeor any other governorf from tyme to tyme orKegovenor of this reamef to thend thei [m]Kemayf takeKesuchef further order as [thei] in discrecionKetheif shall thinke convenient/ ... YOUGHAL (co. Cork)

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1618 The Council Book CAI: U 138, p. 122 (8 January) ... ffor so much as Cornelas Lorgan of the Towne of youghall aforesaid Brogmaker {`shoemaker'} hath of longe continewance of tyme hearetofore binn allowed drummer of the said Towne to doe & execute all and euery such matter & thinges be®ttinge his dutie in that behalfe. And wheareas now of late tyme sithence hath binn willed and appointed by Christinn Harford then Maior with the good likinge of the Corporacion, duelie to beate the drumme at the hower of eight a clocke in the night or thereaboutes in the yeare [thrug] throught out the said Towne from tyme to tyme thereafter for the settinge & callinge forth the watch togeither to vndertake theire Chardge as of them is required, Neuerthelesse but smale allowance or none at all afforded vnto him for his paines, besides his Chardge of fyndinge of lanterne & Candle light to Carrie about with him,. insomuch he is discouraged to effecte & persecute anie further seruice therein as formerlie he hath done vnlesse he be allowed wages proportionable & answerable for his paines [for his] seruice therin wherefore it is by generall consent of the Maior Baylifes Burgesses & Cominaltie of the said Towne the daie & yeare abouesaid Condiscended concluded and agreed vppon that from henceforward, duringe soe longe tyme as the said Cornelas shall continewe doeinge the same order latelie Comytted to his Charge for beatinge the drumme as aforesaid in his absence by his deputie shall in content

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5. The Records: 5.4 ± Youghal

403

& full recompence of his said paines & labor bestowed in the same nature & acclon {?} be payde xx.s. sterling yearelie from tyme to tyme heareafter of the Maior for the [ty] tyme beinge out of the petty Custome at two ffeastes in the yeare (videlicet) lx s at Easter & x s. at Michelmas, And be free from all taxe & tallage lot & scott whatsoeuer, the Corporacion fyndinge & allowinge drumme heades for his drumme:/ 1618 The Council Book 698 CAI: U 138, p. 272 (2 July) ... Memorandum that Edmond Butler late of Kinges Lynn in the County of Norffolk yeoman hath putt him self apprentice to Michaell Skryne Musicion for vij yeres from the last daie of August Anno domini 1615/ ... 1620 The Council Book 699 CAI: U 138, p. 140 (16 February) ... Memorandum that William Durant glasier the xvjth daie of ffebruarie Anno Domini 1619 / by vertue of his peticion preferred before that tyme at the last Deere hundred Daie beinge the vijth [Daie] of Ianuarie 1619 /, with free consent and good likinge of the Maior Recordor Bayliffs burgesses & Cominaltie of youghall was admitted & graunted to be a freeman at lardge of the Towne & Corporacion of youghall aforesaid Condicionly that he the said William Durant forthwith with all conuenient speed Doe & shall at his one proper Cost and Chardges glaze all the windowes of the Tollsill house or Court hawle {`hall'} in youghall aforesaid the Towne fyndinge & all owninge Iron barres for the windowes to be sett vpp with the said glasse, AndKethe said Durant shallf new painte the kinges armes As allsoe to wash ouer the wales {`walls'} there rounde about in the said Court with spanishe white, And after that the said windowes are soe glazed as aforesaid to keepe them henceforward in like manner soe well glassed During his naturall life Except the Maior for the tyme beinge by the givinge leaue to players at anie tyme here after to playe in the same Tollsill & by that meanes. some of those that then come in hither to see the said playe Doe breake & batter the said windowes & glasse ThereKh. . .j Prouided that the said william Durant shall nohtj at any tyme hereafter Deale in anie kinde of merchandizes with in the said Towne or liberties hereof but in such as belonge and apperteyneth to his trade of a peinter, or glasier o W Bluytt Mayro Line 18 h. . .j] a little over three lines of text were originally copied at the bottom of the page, but subsequently expunged, and now hard to read. The expunged text was recopied lengthways (lines 19±21, `Prouided . . . glasier') in the left margin.

1625±6 The Lismore Papers 700 ... Richard Gough, Mayor of Youghal from 29th September, 1625, to 29th

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September, 1626, at the close of his year of of®ce gives in his accounts; and the following inter alia occurs: ``More, paid to the King's Players in company ... 0 5 0'' with some of the aldermen ... 1635 The Council Book CAI: U 138, p. 439 (5 October) ... Item it is Likewise ordered that from hence fforward no Maiohrj or Bayliffes. of this towne shall giue Licence to stages playerhsj or to any other of that kind to make vse of the Towne hale of this towne & whatsoeuer of®cer shall doe contrarie to the effect of this Bylaw shall forfeit the summe of ten pounds sterling to be recouered by the Maior & Bayliffes that shall next succeed them or either of them to the vse of the Corporation in maner aforesaid. ... 5.5 Households (Boyle, Butler, Devereux, Fitzwilliam, Perrot and Sidney) BOYLE 1605 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 701 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 1 (item 136), f. 285v (10 June) ... Item to Mris Ann that she gaue to Musitions ... 1606 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 702 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 1 (item 160), f. 326 ... Item for white wynne and bread a wensday morning for the Musicion ...

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Line 2: a curled macron written over n of Musicion.

1606 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 703 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 2 (item 20), single sheet f. 31v (13 July) ... Item to my Lord of hoathes musitions ...

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5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle 1607 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 704 NLI: MS 6895, p. 4 (25±31 December) ... Item given the mvsicions ...

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1613 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 705 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 33 (3 March) ... I receaved this daie 40li of the lord Barry, and other 50li before, in all 90li st for my Interest in Ballispellane parcell of Tracton abbey: And this last 40li, and other iijli which I had of Mr Cleyton was paid to donnell the queenes harper for peers power, who is to repay me ...

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1614 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 706 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 55 (20 January) ... I paid donnell duff o Cahill her Maiesties harper, in london xxxvijli ster, for which I was suertie {`surety'} for peers power, and he owes yt me. ... 1615 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 707 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 82 (22 February) ... I delivered peers power Donnell the queens harpers acquittance for 80li for the sheryfwick of Corck which I paid for him, And also I delivered him a bill of debt he made me of lxviijli st: . . . ... 1616 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 708 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 114 (25 January) ... I lent Donnell her maiesties harper 3 li & to peers power 40s & both are repaid me ... 1616 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 709 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 115 (11 February) ... given the princes plaiers xxijs, & to Will Boyles son of Hereford, and his wife to ryd them out of England xxs ...

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1616 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 710 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 131 (20, 22 and 30 July) ... Mr Thomas Ball delivered me without receipt of any money, a bill of exchandg to haue lxiijli st paid in London to my brother ffenton for those of my lord Roch who paid me xxxiijli therof, & gaue his bill for thother 30l, which bill of lxiijli I sent my brother by my servant Hugh prideuxe in my own lettres. . . . lent Donnell the harper other vli / which makes vjli to paie my brother wm fenton, by whome I sent lettres to my brother, & my Lord Roches bill of exchandg for 63li to be paid in London. ... given Stacie my mvsicon c ls´ ... p. 132 ... My brother wm fenton delivered my wife which shee paid me lvijli st, and he lent her towardes Capten Tyntes payment 40li, and other iijli Mr Dalton did assigne me to paie my brother fenton: which makes Cli, which I am by exchandge to make over to my said brother ffenton to be paid him in London. wherof sent him by donnell the harper vjli, & by Mr Twose vli ... 1616 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 711 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 136 (26 August) ... I wrott to Mrs Ball to paie my brother Sr wm ffenton the Cli st Mr goodlake paid her for me and with the vjli made over to him by donnell the queens harper, and vli made over to him by Mr Towse I appointed him to pay Mr Leeth and with the overplus to bwy {`buy'} me a sworde girdle and hangers ... 1617 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 712 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 8 (item 55), single sheet (11 June) ... giuen to my Lord Presidentes Musiciantes ...

ijs vjd

1617 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 713 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 167 (29 June) ... payd Mr Brian for a Cheste of vyolles he brought me from Mynnyott viijli ster ...

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle 1617 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 714 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 8 (item 107), single sheet (10 August) ... giuen to the Musitions boy at Mr Claytons ...

407

xij d

1618 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 715 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 9 (item 80), bifolium, f. [2v] (1±7 October) ... to the Musitions at Bandon 00 05 00 ... 1619 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 716 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 219 (8 April) ... Receaved for Barck money of the tanner of yoghall iijli, wherof I gaue the Players 22s. ... 1620 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 717 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 242 (20 February) I lent my new harp to wm Barry the blynde harper to raise ... 1620 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 718 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 258 (24 October) ... Geven the Children vli for their Mask´ wherof I paid them out of my own purse iiijli xvijs, & gaue order to Mr walley to ad iijs to make vp the 5li. ... 1621 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 719 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 25, p. 279 (21 July) ... I gaue Nedd Skott my lord Chichesters harper xls to bear his chardges to his Lord, and am to send my mewed goshawk to thearle of Bath as from his Lordship

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

408

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

1623 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 720 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 14 (item 1), bifolium, f. [1] (17 March) ... xvijo Marcij 1622 Repaid to Tho Danvers which he gave to the Musicions at Sir Randall Claytons ii s ± vjd ... 1626 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 721 NLI: MS 6897, f. [11] (29 October ± 4 November) Geven by your Lordships direccion to the Players .this last weeke ...

5

1626 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 722 NLI: MS 6897, f. [12v] (6 ± ¦ November) ... Paid the same day to Iames Rose for the Wynde Instrument in the Chapple. ... Paid the same day to 6. Musitians for the same tyme. ... 1626 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 723 NLI: MS 6897, f. [17] (5 December) ... Paid the same day for stringes for the Vyalles . and Lute bought by ffrances Iones. ...

xxijs.

xxijli. xvli.

vs.

1627 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 724 NLI: MS 6897, f. [21v] (1 January) Geven primo Ianuarij to the Musitions by your Lordships direcion ...

vs

1627 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 725 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 26, p. 96 (30 March) ... I gaue to 3 of my mvsicons 3 english Cowes that I had for Herriotts, one to Michaell Skryne, another to An swetes husband ffrances, the third vnto vallentyne of which I had 2 from Silvester my Carpenters widdo and I gaue

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

409

to Iohn Miles 50s, that was due for olde Iohn Crokfordes herriott, paid him in money ... 1627 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 726 NLI: MS 6897, f. [43] (2 May) ... Paid 2o. Maij to the .6. Musitions for their Wages due at our Lady day last past. ...

xiiijli.

1627 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 727 NLI: MS 6897, f. [78] (14 November) ... Paid the same day to 5. Musitions for their Wages due at Michaelmas last, Iohn Myles being paid before xijli. xs. ... 1627 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 728 NLI: MS 6897, f. [79] (18 November) ... Geven the same day to the Players by your Lordship ... 1627 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 729 NLI: MS 6897, f. [85v] (24 December) ... Deliuered the same day to my Lord Viscount to help. his Lordship with necessaries for his parte of the Maske ... 1628 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 730 NLI: MS 6897, f. [105] (16 April) ... Paid the same day to 5 Musitivns for their Wages at our Lady day last 1628: stacy being paid before ... 1628 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 731 NLI: MS 6897, f. [137] (27 October) ... Paid 27o. Octobris to Raffe Harding. to Thomas Page.

xxs.

iijli.

xijli. xs.

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

410

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

and 6. Musitions for their Wages due at Michhaelmjas .1628. ... 1629 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 732 NLI: MS 6897, f. [170] (2 May) ... Paid 2o. May to 5 Musitions, viz. to Stacy, Knowles, Vallentyne, Skryne, and Francis Iones for wages ... 1629 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 733 NLI: MS 6897, f. [207] (12 December) ... Paid the same day to 5 Musitions and one groome for wages due at Michaelmas 1629. ...

xxli.

xijli. xs.

xiiijli. vs.

1630 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 734 NLI: MS 6897, f. [234] (16 May) Paid 16o. Maij to 5 Musitians, and a groome of the stable for their Wages due at our Lady day 1630. ...

5

xiiijli. vs.

1630 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 735 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 26, p. 220 (30 June) ... I this day had the transcript of mr dalton and his mothers ffyne of great Affane {?}. Paid for f®ve Clokes for my Mvsicons by Henry Staynes viijli ... 1630 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 736 NLI: MS 6897, f. [269v] (14 December) Paid 14o. decembris to 5 Musitions and the groome of the stable for their Wages due at Michhaelmjas 1630. ... 1631 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 737 NLI: MS 6897, f. [299] (7 June) Paid 7o. Iunij for wages due at our Lady day last

xiiijli. vs.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle to . Ferdinando Hayworth, to 5 Musicons, and a groome. ...

411 xvjli. xvs.

1631 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 738 NLI: MS 6898, f. [15] (19 November) ... Paid 19o Novem: to Ferdinando Hayworth; to ®ve Musitions, and the groome of the stable for half a yeares Wages due at Michhaelmjas 163i xvjli. xvs. ...

5

1632 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 739 NLI: MS 6898, f. [47] (21 May) ... Paid the same day to Ferdinando Hayworth, to your Lordships ®ve Musitians, and one groome of the stable for their Wages due at our Lady day 1632. xvjli. xvs ...

5

1632 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 740 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 26, p. 296 (5 June) This day the Lord Chancellor, thearle of kildare, and my selfe were royally feasted by the Maior of dublin in their Courthouse with a plentefull bancquet, and then all 3 made freemen, and I gaue the Cytty mvsicons xx s sterling ... 1632 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 741 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 26, p. 311 (1 November) I gave order to mr waller to levye xli ster that was due to me for a Herriott vppon the death of widdoe Maunsfeild and to bestow it on 4 of my mvsitians viz to Michaell Skryne vli, to stacie xl s, to vallentyne xxx s, and vnto ffranck xxx s, in all xli ...

5

1632 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 742 NLI: MS 6898, f. [75] (7 November) ... Paid 7o. to Ferdinando Hayworth, to 4 Musitions, and to a groome of the stable for half a yeares Wages. due to them at Michhaelmjas 1632. xiiijli. vs. ...

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

412

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

1633 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 743 NLI: MS 6898, f. [104v] (2 May) ... Paid 2:o Maij to Ferdinando Hayworth, to 5 Musitions and a groome of the stable for half a yeares Wages. due at our Lady day 1633. xvjli. xvs. ... 1633 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 744 NLI: MS 6898, f. [136v] (8 November) ... Paid 8o to fferdinando Heyworth. to 5 Musitions, to a groome of the stable for half a yeares Wages due at Michhaelmjas 1633. ...

5

10

xvjli. xvs.

1634 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 745 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 27, p. 1 (1 and 6 January) ... I gaue for New years guiftes to my Lord depuhtiesj guard 40s, to the warders of the Castle xxs, to the Porter of the Castle gate xs, to my Lord deputies Porter xs, and to my Lord deputies Trumpeters: The Cyttie Musicons: The Porters of the severall portes of the Cyttie, & others several rewardes ... I was invited by the Lord deputy, and bothe dyned & supped with the Lord deputy: saw a play acted by his lordships gentlehmenj and loste vjli to the Lord deputy at quarter Lvdum, & the Lord Chancellor loste other vli also to his Lordship ... Page covered in lisse.

5

1634 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 746 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 27, p. 16 (12 April) ... This daie Captain Gerrard ffookes acquainted me that the daye after my son Dongarvan had wayted [to] on his Maiesty in his Royall Maske, and had been an actor therin, Captain ffookes delivered him six hundreth powndes in gold, vppon my sons bill of exchandge, chardging me with the repayment therof the xxvth of Maye next, . . . ... 1634 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 747 NLI: MS 6898, f. [169v] (7 May) ... Paid 7o. for Wages to fferdinando Hayworth, to 5. Musitivns,

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle and the grome of the stable, due at our Lady day last. ...

413 xvjli. xvs.

1634 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 748 NLI: MS 6898, f. [188v] (2 September) Paid 2:o September to William Stacie for his half yeares Wages a little before hand, being not due vntill Michaelmas next, to releeve him in his sicknes,

Ls:.

1634 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 749 NLI: MS 6898, f. [203v] (10 November) Paid 10o. November to fferdinando Hayworth, to 4. Musitions, to the Gardiner, and the groome of the stable. for wages due at Michhaelmjas i634. xvijli. xjs. viijd ... 1635 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 750 NLI: MS 6898, f. [236v] (16 May) ... Paid 16o.to Ferdinando Hayworth. to the 4. Musitivns, and to. the groome of. the stable for half a yeares Wages now due´ ...

xiiijli. vs.

1635 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 751 NLI: MS 6898, f. [248v] (16 July) ... Given .i6o. by your Lordships direccon. to the poppit {`puppet'} players. xs. ... 1635 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 752 NLI: MS 6898, f. [267v] (14 November) ... Paid i4o. to Ferdinandeo Heyworth, to 4 Musitivns and to a groome of the Stable for Wages now due. ...

xiiijli. vs.

1636 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 753 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 27, p. 119 (1 January) ... I gaue to my lord deputies guard xls, to his porter xs, to the warders of dublin

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

414

5

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

Castle xxs, and the porter xs, To the Trumpetters and droms of the Lord deputie xxs. ... p. 120 (6 January)

10

The Lord deputy invited me and my ffamuly to dynner, where my self, Dongarvan, & the Lord Digby onely cam, and dyned, The Lord deputy & I, Loste at Mawe vj peeces each of vs, to the Lord Chancellor, & the Lord Moor we saw a tragedie in the parliamentKehousf & which was tragicall, for we had no suppers. ... 1636 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 754 NLI: MS 6898, f. [297v] (9 May) Paid 9o: Maij to Ferdinando Hayworth, to 4. Musitions, and to Iohn ffoster for Wages due vnto them at our Lady day 1636. ...

xiiijli: xs.

5

1636 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 27, p. 155 (2 June) ... Given Archie Armstrong the Kinges Jester vli in gowld, for which god forgive me; and my servant wm Barber gave Archie 150 and od powndes, that he had entrusted me to keep for him, and he carried it with him into England ...

5

1636 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 755 NLI: MS 6899, f. [24v] (30 November) ... 30. Paid to Willm Page for 2i yards dimidium of broadcloth to make six Clokes for your Musitions, and 2 suites for your Lordships footmen. at 9s. per yard. ...

5

1636 The Diary of Sir Richard Boyle 756 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 27, p. [174] (30 November) ... Cleered all accompts with [Tho]KeWilliamf Page the Clothier of Kilmckee for the red cloathe to make 6 clokes for my six Musicons and sutes for my 2 footmen, and paid him xxjli. ixs. vjd. ...

ixli. xiijs. vj d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

415

1636 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 757 NLI: MS 6899, f. [25v] (5 December) ... Paid to Ferdnando Hayworth, to 4 Musitions, to Iohn ffoster, and to Thorpe the Brewer for their seuerall Wages due at Michhaelmjas 1636. xvjli. xs. Paid to Vallentyne Wayman which he laid forth for Clothes for the Musition Jack. ... 1636 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 758 NLI: MS 6899, f. [29v] (20 December) ... Given to Iacke the singing Musition to make vp his liuery Cloke ... 1637 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 759 NLI: MS 6899, f. [45v] (6 April) ... Given by your Lordship to the Musition boy dischardged ...

xxs

ix.s

vs

1637 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 760 NLI: MS 6899, f. [49v] (24 April) ... Given by Thomas Badnedge by your Lordships direccon. to some Iuglers. vs. ... 1637 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 761 NLI: MS 6899, f. [53] (9 May) ... Paid to the 4 Musitions, and to Iohn ffoster for wages due at our Lady day 1637 ... 1637 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 762 NLI: MS 6899, f. [89] (14 December) ... Paid to the 4. Musitions, and to Iohn ffoster for half a yeares Wages due at Michaelmas. 1637 ...

xijli.

xijli.

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

416

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Boyle

1638 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 763 NLI: MS 6899, f. [107] (30 March) ... Given by your Lordship to the Rope=dauncers ... 1638 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 764 NLI: MS 6899, f. [118] (14 May) ... Paid to 3 Musitions [for] and to Iohn ffoster for their Wages due at our Lady 1638: ...

xs.

ixli. xs

1638 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 765 CHL: Lismore Papers, Volume 19, item 105, Booklet f. [5] (5 November) ... Paid to 4. Musitians and to John ffoster for wages due at Michaelmas 1638 xij.li ... 1639 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 766 NLI: MS 6240, f. 20 (23 May) ... Paid to the foure Musitions and to Iohn ffoster for halfe a yeares wages now due ...

xij.li

f. 50 (16 November) 5

Paid to the 4 Musitions and to Iohn ffoster for half a yeares wages due at Michhaelmjas 1639. ...

xijli

1640 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 767 NLI: MS 6240, f. 78 (18 May) Paid to the 4 Musicians .i0li. to Iohn ffoster .40s. to Iohn Gough Porter 30s. for theire halfe yeares wages due at our lady day i640 xiiijli xs ... Line 2 xs] the x is blotted, and may be a correction made over an earlier sum.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Butler 1641 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 768 NLI: MS 6900, f. [13v] (24 November) ... 24 Paid to ffrancis Iones for his Wages for one yeare dimidium ended at [and] for Michhaelmjas i64i 24. Paid to Willm Knowles for his Wages for the sameyeare and a half 24 Paid to Vallentine Wayman for one yeares Wages due and ended at and for Michhaelmjas i64i 24 Paid to Michael Skreene for his Wages for the same yeare ended as before 24 Paid to Iohn ffoster for his Wages for half a yeare due at Michhaelmjas last 24 Paid to Iohn Goffe the porter for the same half a yeares Wages ...

417

vijli. xs vijli. xs

5

vli vli xls.

10

xxxs

1641 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle 769 NLI: MS 6900, f. [18] (20 December) ... Paid by your Lordships direccon to one Iohn Downing for a Trompett ...

xxs

BUTLER 1630 Book of Disbursements 770 NLI: MS 2549, f. 5 (28±30 April) M' to my Lord deputies his Trumpeters ... f. 5v (6 May) ... M' to the Lord Iustices theire Musitioners thusday the 6 of May ... f. 6v (15 May) ... M' to the Drummer at Gawran the 15 of May ... f. 7 (13 May) ... M' to the ®dlers the 1[4]3 of May ...

00 ± h. . .j

00 ± 05 ± 00

5

00 ± 01 ± 00

00 ± 03 ± h. . .j

10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

418

15

20

5

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Butler

f. 12 (30 October) ... M' paide for mr Iohns entrance in the daunching Scoole of ye 30: of 8tober: 1630 ... M' to the Trumpetors ...

00 ± 02 ± 06

f. 12v (1 November) ... M' to the Hobboys {`hautboys'} the ®rst of Nouember ... (3 November)

00 ± 02 ± 06

M' to mr Iohn the same day at his goeing to the daunching scoole ...

00 ± 01 ± 00

1631 Book of Disbursements 771 NLI: MS 2549, f. 17 (29 January) ... M' Laide oute for my Lord to the actors of the pley at the Castle the 29 of Ianuary 40s of which my Lord deliuered me 20s ... f. 21 (27±31 October) ... M' to the Drumer at Catherlagh by my lords appointment ...

10

00 ± 10 ± 06

f. 21v (27±31 October) ... M' to the Harpers at Rathvill ...

01 ± 00 ± 00

01 ± 00 ± 00

00 ± 04 ± 00

f. 24 (30 November)

15

M' to mr Iohn Butler to pay the daunching mr the last of Nouember ... 1632 Book of Disbursements 772 NLI: MS 2549, f. 27v (19 May) ... M' paide by my Lord directions and in his Lord dischardge vnto Barloe the Trumpetor for the Baker in London

00 ± 05 ± 00

08 ± 00 ± 00

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Devereux f. 31 (10 July) ... M' for wyers for my Lord verginalls ... f. 31v (19 August) ... M' to a harper by my Lord appointement at Ballycommen. the 19 of August ...

419

00 ± 01 ± 00

00 ± 02 ± 06

5

10

DEVEREUX 1575 Household Accounts of Sir Walter Devereux 773 PRO: SP 65/9, f. 33v (3 April ± 4 June)

ffor the seide Erle his pryvate

Likewise paide to dyuers persones for the seide Erle his pryvate Rewarde viz To . . . ... certaine boyes that played in enterlude v s ...

5

1575 Household Accounts of Sir Walter Devereux 774 PRO: SP 65/9, f. 42v (4 June ± 13 October)

Concerninge the seide Erle his Affaiers

Also paide for the Rewardes of the seid Erle . abowth his owne pryvate Affayers viz to . . . Iames the ffoole iiijli ...

1575 Household Accounts of Sir Walter Devereux 775 PRO: SP 65/9, f. 55v (6 May ± 28 September) ... Also paide to dyuers persones by waye of your lordes owne Rewarde within the tyme aforeseide viz To mistres marie f®tzwilliams man xx s Singinge men at melefante x s seruantes of the house at melefante xx s The seruntes at Sir Iohn Bedlewes xx s a harper there iij s . . . your Lordes musicions C s . . . |f. 56| . . . Crues my lord of Ormondes harper xl s A poore englishe man dwelling at kylkennye v s Singinge men at Rosse v s . . . a man of Sir peter Carewes at Rosse x s a harper there v s . . . Therle of Ormondes musicions xx s . . .

5

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

420

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Fitzwilliam FITZWILLIAM

1574 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 776 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [4] (one quarter ending 25 March) ... Thomas quycke & his men ...

5

10

15

f. [4v] ... Donough Trompeter for a qwarter at xijd per diem beinge for iiijxx x dayes ... f. [7v] (one quarter ending 24 June) ... 48. Thomas Quyck & his v men ... f. [8] ... 70. Donough trumpeter ... f. [11] (one quarter ending 29 September) ... Thomas Quycke & his .v. men ...

20

25

f. [14v] (one quarter ending 25 December) ... Thomas Quicke & his men v. ... Donough Trumpiter ... 1575 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 777 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [28v] (1 January) ... To the trompeters and mvsyssians ...

v li

iiijli x s

vli.

iiijli. xjs.

vli.

vli iiijli xjs

liij s iiij d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Fitzwilliam 1575 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [39] (13 May) ... In [p.] Reward the xiijth of Maye to the Maye game ... 1575 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [46v] (25±31 July) ... for j ell of dowble sarcenit for a banner for my Lordes trumpit for vj oz' of silke for the same at ij s iiij d the oz' for making of ye banner ... 1575 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 778 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [50v] (10±16 October) ... to the musysions at Sir christofer barnwell ...

421

xvjd

ixs iiijd xviijs viijd iiijs.

5

iijs. iiijd.

1575 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 55, f. [52v] (31 October ± 6 November) ffor a key for the virginalles ...

xvjd.

1590±1 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 779 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 30, mb. [12] (19 April 1590 ± 4 April 1591) . . . for the Cariedge of Mistris Annes virginalles to kyllmaynham and back againe to dublin, xijd . . . mb. [14] (1 May) ... . . . to the singing boies of Christchurche on May day x s, To a shomakers boye and a piper ijs, . . .

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

422

10

5

10

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Fitzwilliam

mb. [21] (25 March) ... Donnaghe Trumpeter for the saide yere endinge at the feast of Thanunciacion 1591 ...

xxli

1591 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 780 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 31, mb. [7] (5 April ± 2 October) (16 April) ... . . . to the waytes of Tradath the xvjth of Aprell v s and to a Tabor and Pype there ij s To one Toole in reward ij s To the Mayors servauntes of Tradath when your Lordship did suppe there xx s To the servauntes of mr Russelles howse of Bulrothery x s To the Lord Chancellors ffoole at ijo seuerall tymes ij s. To the Gardener and playsterers at Kilmainham gyven by my ladie ij s. To Plunckett your llordships harper in rewarde x s . . . mb. [7 d] (May)

15

20

25

. . . Gyven at Grangorman in rewarde by your Lordship in Maye laste xx s To the Nurse there vj s viij d To the Musitions there vj s viij d To a poore souldier there xij d To my Lord of houthes man and boy that brought a hauke to your Lordship xij s To the workmen that made a place for bowling at kilmainham vj d . . . ... mb. [11 d] (18 September) Also paid by the said accomptante for leather, Cotton and threed bought by william higges to make Cases for your llordships ij harpes as by bill of the xviijth of September 1591 signed by my ladye appeareth ... mb. [12] . . . V ll' of wier for the harpe ij s and for drawinge

xxs .xjd.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Fitzwilliam of the said wier xviijd . . . ... . . . for a newe frame for a paire of virginalles iij s iiijd for mending the frame of an other paire xijd . . . ... mb. [13 d] ... . . . To the harper Sir Robert Sydneys man x s . . . ... mb. [15] (29 September) ... Donnough Trompetor at xxl per annum for thalf yeare ending at michaelmas afore said ...

423

30

35

xli.

1591 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 781 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 42, mb. [6 d] (3 October ± 27 November) ... . . . To the Lord of Slane his Musitions x s. to his Lordships Cooke x s To the lord of Slanes servantes xxxs. To your llordships owne harper x s . . . ... 1591 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 782 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 32, mb. [5] (28 November ± 25 December) (20 December) ... . . . To ye Lord chauncellor his foole ij s in all by bill signed by your Lordship the xxth of december 1591 besides iiij d to the poore. ... mb. [7] ... Donnogh Trompetor ... 1591±2 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 783 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 33, mb. [5 d] (26 December ± 22 January) (1 January) ... . . . Also to

40

5

5

vlo

10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

424

5

10

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Fitzwilliam

Iohn the Lord Chancellors foole ij s To kelly your Lordships footeman by your Lordships Comaundment xx s to the waytes of Dublin on Newyers day vj s viij dKeTo the Solicitors man the same day v sf To a boy that song a Carroll att the Mayors house when your Lordship dyned ther v s to the Mayors of®cers the same day x s . . . . . . To the Musitions at Donnaghe Trompetors house when your Lordship dyned there x s . . . ... 1592 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 784 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 34, mb. [6] (23 January ± 19 February) ... . . . To Iohn The Lord Chauncellors foole by your llordships direccion xij d . . . ... 1592 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 785 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 35, mb. [4 d] (20 February ± 18 March) ... To Iohn the Lord Chauncellors ffoole in Reward at eijof seuerall tymes ...

5

1592 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 786 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 38, mb. [5] (11 June ± 8 July) (14 June) ... To Iohn the Lord Chauncellor his foole the xiiijth of Iune ... mb. [6 d] ... Donnogh Trompetor ...

ij x

ij s vj d

vli

1592 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 787 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 41, mb. [4 d] (1 ± 28 October) (28 September) To Lennett the Musicion in rewarde the xxviij of September ...

x s.

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Perrot

425

1593 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 788 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 36, mb. [4] (18 February ± 17 March) ... To the Lord Chauncellors foole ... 1593 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 789 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 37, mb. [6 d] (19 March ± 15 April) ... Donnoughe Trompetor ...

ij s

[xx s] vli.

1593 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 790 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 44, mb. [4] (5 August ± 1 September) (12 August) ... To the Lord Chauncellors ffoole xijo August ... 1594 Household Accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam 791 NRO: Fitzwilliam Irish 45, mb. [3 d] (12 May ± 8 June) ... To Sir willyam Sarsfeldes servantes To the musitions at Sir william Sarsfeldes To the mayor of the maye game there To an ould man the same day ...

ij s

xx s iij s iiij d vj s ij s vj d

5

PERROT c. 1584 Household Accounts of Sir John Perrot 792 Bodl.: MS Add. C. 39, f. 13v Memorandum It hathe bene an olde custome that the Of®cers herevnder written should have vppon the daye wherin the Lord Deputie receivethe the sworde these fees hereafter followinge; besydes there dynners. Trumpettes Musicians Gonners Sexton of the church for trimminge his Lordships pewe The Kinge at Armes xxs

xls xls xls xs

5

xli xs 10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

426

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney

and so xxs a quarter after at the foure festivall dayes ...

5

iiijli per Annum

1585 Household Accounts of Sir John Perrot 793 PRO: SP 63/119, f. 116 (?24 September) ... Iames Davies// Iames nowere// Musicions Musicions Edwarde Gowere// Edward mylls// Robart Trewman// Iohn Bradshowe//

xiijli. vjs. viijd. vjli xiijs iiijd vjli xiijs iiijd c.s c.s c.s

SIDNEY ?May 1556 ± March 1557 ?30 July 1557 ± 30 August 1559 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 794 KAO: U1475 028/1, f. [6] ... Item geven to a bagpiper at Millifaunt ... ?May 1556 ± March 1557 ?July 1557 ± 30 August 1559 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 795 KAO: U1475 028/47, single sheet ... Item yeauen {`given'} to the mvsyshons at lymbrycke ...

5

?May 1556 ± March 1557 ?July 1557 ± 30 August 1559 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 796 KAO: U1475 028/57, single sheet ... Item geven to the minstrells at your commandment at the swordes Item yeuen {`given'} at luske to the minstrelles at your comandment Item yeuen the same tyme to a lame man ...

vjd

vs

xij

d

iij s iiij d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney 1556±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 797 KAO: U1475 028/19, f. [1v] (September) ... To your Lordship which you lost at play at my Lord of Delvins To the harper ther in rewarde ... ?1556±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 798 KAO: U1475 028/14, f. [1v] (20 December) ... To my Lord which he gave to the Musycions at Laughlin the xxth of December Delyveryd to my Ladye to play at cardes and Tables ther 1556±9 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 799 KAO: U1475 018, f. 22 (5 April 1556 ± 29 September 1559) ... Instrumentes One paire of virginalles .l s mending with the and Tunyng of them and other necessaries Instrumentes at sondry timez xx s chardges of making of a Lute & mending of the same a nothe xiij s and virginall stringes ij s Visars with masking Apparell viz

...

Xj visers .lv s. and trymming of certen masking apparell ixs iiijd in all as in the said bookes aduouched as byfore is conteyned

427

vj s viij d ij s

v x

s

s.

iiij li v s

lxiiij s iiijd

Line 9: a feint p. ' (= paid?) drawn above ®nal sum.

1556 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 800 KAO: U1475 025/1, f. [64v] (19 July 1556 ± 1 January 1558) (31 December) ... Thursdaie vltimo In rewarde to Iams Brownis seruante Decembris presenting x hennis .iiij d. A harper ...

5

xvj d .xij d.

5

5

10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

428

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney

1557 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney KAO: U1475 025/1, f. [99] (2 April) ... ffridaie Secundo. In rewarde to iiijor mynstrells by my Aprilis./ Ladies comaundement

xij d.

f. [129v] (12 June) 5

Saterdaie xijmo./ Iunij ././

In rewarde to a mynstrell by my Ladies comaundement.

iijs .iiij d.

f. [150v] (31 July) Saterdaie vltimo Iulij./.

f. [159] (20 August) ...

10

ffridaie .xxmo. Augusti./

... Tewninge of the virginalls. ...

mending of my Ladies Lute

viij s.

ij s.

f. [204v] (4 December) Saterdaie iiijhorj. Decembris./.

... A paier of virginalls for my Ladie

l s.

Line 9: something is written above ij s., but it is unclear (possibly, Paid).

1557±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney KAO: U1475 021, f. [10] ... The Lord deputus musicions at ij tymes ...

5

801

1558±9 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 802 KAO: U1475 028/44, single sheet (4 April) ... To certeyne sword players at my Lord of Slanes ... Delyveryd to Ralf Trompeter the iiijth of Aprill in reward ...

viij s iiij d d'

v s./ xl s./

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney

429

1559 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 803 KAO: U1475 027/3, f. [4] (25 April ± 18 July) (22 May) ... To the Maior of bulringe to helpe him in his pastime vpon corpus christi Day ...

xij d

5

1567±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 804 KAO: U1475 031, f. 62v (31 May 1567 ± 1 January 1568) (2 November)

Rewardes

...

Also paid to diuerse persones in Rewarde Viz the Swerde bearer of Corque bringing Hawkes xx s Singing boyes at Drogheda. xs . . . the Quenes mvsicans ijde novembris xls . . . workemen at Cragfergus x s. he that Danced there with Thobby {`the hobby'} horse v s. Brownes man a hawke and a Tercell. x s.

5

1566±9 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 805 KAO: U1475 031, f. 68 (31 December 1566 ± 1 January 1569)

...

Instrewmentes

f. 69v ...

Rewardes

Also paid for Apparrell & necessaries for diuerse other persones at the fynding of the said Sir Henry Viz . . . Will the foole for shoies xij s ix d one shirte iiij s viij d and Girdle with garters xxd. . . . One cace of Newe instrewmentes

5

xl s. vj d.

... Also paid to diuerse and sondry persones by wey of the said Sir henry Lord deputie his Reward/ Viz to george mason .x s. Quick & his men Mynstrelles at ij tymes lxxv s . . . The Churche boyes at Chester iij s iiij d. . . . To a Barward {`bear ward'} xx s Mr Dones xxiiij s Mr Geraldes Mvsicions x s Welche harwood xxx s Mr Iustice mynstrelles x s . . .

10

15

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

430

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney

1566±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 806 KAO: U1475 031, f. 23 (31 August 1566 ± 30 September 1568)

5

Sundri persones as well at the said lord deputies fynding as Apparrell in Reward

... Will the ffoole by Iohn Thomas vj li xijs ij d and by Iohn Cockeram xix s j d and Iohne Payton vij s xj d In all vij li xix s ij d Musicion boyes by Iohn Thomas lxxs ixd Ric' my ladies boye by Iohn Thomhajs ij s iiij d ...

1566±8 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 807 KAO: U1475 031, f. 54 (31 August 1566 ± 30 September 1568) ... Howsholde Stuff f. 54v Virginalles provided 1 pare Newe instrewmentes provided 1 cace

5

...

1568±70 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 808 KAO: U1475 034, f. [16v] (29 September 1568 ± 29 September 1570) ... ... Rewardes of viij Trompetors attendinge when Liberalitie my Lord received ye sword in rewarde The Quiersters {`choristers'} of Christes churche presentinge his Honor with songes & newe verse

5

... f. [28v] ...

Necessaries

10

... Stringes for Instrumentes of musicque ...

xl s xx

s

viijs iiijd

f. [29v] Will' ffoole

...

Also paid by this Accomptunt at diuerse and sondry tymes this yere for Showes {`shoes'} & other Weares for him

ix s ij

d

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.5 ± Sidney f. [30v] (c. 23 April 1569 or 1570) ... Henry Dillon for making a Standard and gylding bancqueting disshes against St Georges ffeast in Reward

431

15

xiij s iiij d

f. [31] Reward of liberalitie viz To

Sundrie Trompetors at the said St georges feast in Rewarde ...

xl s

20

1569±70 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 809 KAO: U1475 034, f. [70v] (29 September 1569 ± 29 September 1570) ... Necessaries

... f. [71v] ...

Rewardes viz

... Paper vj queare ij s Stringes for Lutes iiij s Russhes and other Necessaries for my Lordes chamber xxxiij s viij d. In all. ...

xxxixs viij d.

... . . . Quick the Mvsicion xxvj s . . . Singing men of Christ Churche at sundrie tymes xxiij s iiij d. At Mellifant vj li v s viij d Olde moore of Gallway vjs. humfraye Markworth xx s my ladies ffooteboye xx s. The lord of Misrule at Tradath x s. . . . The Singing men at Tradath. xxxj s A power Scoller their xv s . . .

5

10

15

1570±1 Household Accounts of Sir Henry Sidney 810 KAO: U1475 034, f. [44v] (29 September 1570 ± 29 September 1571) Apparell

... f. [46v] ...

Guiftes & rewardes viz

... Sondry other persons of my lord guistes {`guests'} xxiijs ijd viz for Will' ffoole ± xvijs vjd s d The Waterbearors by warrant ± v viij

... Quirestors {`choristers'} in christes churche reward ± x s ...

5

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

432

5. The Records: 5.6 ± Armagh Province

5.6 Ecclesiastical dioceses and provinces (Armagh Province, Cloyne Diocese and Dublin Province) ARMAGH PROVINCE

5

10

1381 ± April 1404 Synodal Statutes of Archbishop John Colton 811 PRONI: DIO 4/2/3, f. [151v] ... Statutum siue statuta dominorum predecessorum nostrorum Ricardi et dauid contra minos ioculatores poetas timpanistas siue citharedas & precipue contra kernarios ac importunas & improbos donorum petitores quin uerius extortores editum vel edita per omnia renouamus . . . f. [152v] ... ITem ad instar domini Iohannis quia per quemdam ludum illicitum vocatum Galbardy in crastino sancte pasche & feria tercia sequenti hucusque communiter vsitatum peccata mortalia & venialia eciam & homicidia plures committuntur / auctoritate presentis consilij sub pena excommunicacionis maioris omnibus christi®delibus nostre prouincie ardm' ®rmiter prohibemus ne quis vel que illum ludum reprobandum merito vllo tempore infuture & precipue dictis duobus diebus vel aliquo die ipsius ebdomade sancte exerceat / . . . Line 3 minos] read mimos; line ¦ ITem] the I coalesces with T, by extending the I ascender upwards as part of the T shaft above the top crossline of T.

1618 Synodal Statutes of Bishop David Rothe 812

5

10

Quia usu compertum est in quibusdam hujus Provinciñ locis quosdam excessus et defectus committi in curandis et peragendis exequiis mortuorum, dum alibi nimio luxu in epulas funebres, et lugubres vestitus cum magno hñredum detrimento, et nullo propemodum refrigerio pauperum, quandoque etiam cum damno creditorum expensñ profunduntur, . . . pro ipso excessu moderando remedium quñri debet: similiter et pro defectu quem alibi in exequiis obrepere conquerantur piñ et timoratñ conscientiñ, ut per quorumdam nebulonum et joculatorum nequitiam, quñ nec in domo convivii ferenda, inhonestñ cantiones, lascivñ gesticulationes, quandoquidem etiam cum tenebris opera tenebrarum turpiora exercentur. et cum extinctione luminis pariter extinguitur timor mortis, cujus ut imago in cadavere est expositu oculis, ita memoriñ mentis debet occurrere. . . .

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

5. The Records: 5.6 ± Cloyne Diocese

433

CLOYNE DIOCESE (Cashel Province) 1639 Visitation articles of Bishop George Synge 813 ... 11. Are all monuments of idolatry and superstition abolished in your Church or Church=yard? Hath there been any prophane usage kept therein; either playes, feasts, banquets, Church=Ales, drin=kings, exposing any wares to sale, temporall Courts or Leets, Lay=iuries, Musters, Commisions (other then for causes Eccleasticall) playing at Ball, or any other unseemely actions or misbehaviour? ...

5

DUBLIN PROVINCE 1367 Archbishop Thomas Minot's provincial Council 814 Durham Dean and Chapter Muniments: Misc. Ch. 5822, mb. 4 (18 February ± 4 April) ... Constitucio ne mercata in ecclesijs vel earum acriis seu cimiterijs teneanturKenecf negociaciones seculares excerceantur. . . . Et quia in cimiterijs dedicatis multa sanctorum & saluandorum corpora tumulantur quibus debetur omnis honor & reuerencia sacerdotibus parochianis nostrarum diocesis & prouincie districte precipimus vt in ecclesijs suis denuncient publice ne quisquam choreas luctas vel alios ludos in honestos in ecclesijs vel cimiterijs excercere presumant precipue in vigilijs & festis sanctorum cum huiusmodi ludos teatrales & ludibriorum spectacula per que ecclesie coinquinantur predicti sacerdotes sub pena suspencionis eos moneant & precipiant eisdem quod ab huiusmodi penitus abstineant & desistant sub pena excommunicacionis maioris Alloquin nomina loci ordinario vel. ipsius Of®ciali seu commissario denuncient vt per ipsos contrafacientes pro suis demeritis canonice puniantur. . . . Line ¦ presumant] read presumat; line 9 coinquinantur] some text missing after this word?

1518 Red Book of Ossory 815 RCB: D/11/1/1, f. 5v ... Clerici amodo ludent ad pilam pedalem soluant tociens quociens xla d' ordinario & xla d' reparacioni ecclesie vbi talis ludus exercetur ... 1634 Constitutions of the Synod of Dublin 816 XCII To keep the Churches from being prophaned at all other times.

5

10

d:/1¯etcher/chap5.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/ab/sh

434

5

10

5

5. The Records: 5.6 ± Dublin Province

THey shall suffer no playes, feasts, banquets, suppers, churchales, drinkings, exposing any wares to sale, temporal courts or leets, lay-juries, Musters, commissions, (other than for causes Ecclesiastical,) playing at ball, or any other prophane usage, to be kept in the church, chappel, or Church-yard: neither the bells to be rung, either in the feast of all Souls; or upon any Holydayes or Eves, abbrogated by the book of common prayer, neither for moneths or twelve moneths minds, or remembrances of the dead, nor at any time at all prohibited by the Bishop. ... 1638 Visitation articles of Archishop Lancelot Bulkeley 817 ... 11. Are all monuments of idolatry and superstition abolished in your Church or Church=yard? Hath there been any prophane usage kept therein; either playes, feasts, banquets, Church=Ales, drin=kings, exposing any wares to sale, temporall Courts or Leets, Lay=iuries, Musters, Commisions (other then for causes Eccleasticall) playing at Ball, or any other unseemely actions or misbehaviour? ...

d:/1¯etcher/chap6.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/sh

6 The Appendices

6.1 Proclamation of Henry VIII as King of Ireland The coincidence of the 1541 Dublin parliament with the feast of Corpus Christi offered an opportunity to con¯ate parliamentary and civic pageantry. Whatever other pageants may have been presented (and compare, for example, Dublin's earlier pageant repertoire represented in the lists of 1498, in section 5.4 above), a pageant of the Nine Worthies is mentioned by name, and a few days later, tournaments and `running at the ring' (see section 5.4 above under Dublin, s.a. 1541). The public proclamation of Henry VIII as king of Ireland which issued from the parliament was copied by Sir George Carew into one of his compilations, and is as yet known to survive only here. (Carew was working on this compilation c. 1615, according to a note which he left on p. 294.) 1541 Proclamation of Henry VIII as King of Ireland1 Bodl.: MS Laud Misc. 613, p. 273 (13 ± 20/23 June) ... Anno xxxiij Henricy octavi./ Ffor as much as ye heartes of all goolie, naturall, reasonable, and civill creatures, be kindeled with love, and ioye, when they here of the prosperitie, trivmphe, or advancement of their naturall Soveraigne, and Liege Lord, honorable assembly, ye shall vnderstand yat ye trivmphe shewed here this daie, is done principallie to give thankes to God of his great beni®ttes shewed to our most noble, and virtious King Henry the viijth; and to declare our owne gladnesse, and ioy, yat his Maiestie is nowe, as he hath allways of right been acknowledged by ye nobillitie, and Commons of this Realme of Ireland to be king of ye same, and he, and his his heires to be named, reputed, and taken for evermore kinges of Ireland, most worthie vnder God: And for manifestation partlie of ye gladnes of ye Nobillitie here assembled, It is agreed by ye kinges Deputie, and ye Lordes Spirituall, and Temporall, and the Commons assembled in this parliament; That all prisoners, of what estat, degree, and condition heKeor theyf be detayned for murder, fellonie or other offence, which the said Lord Deputie may pardon, Treason, wilfull murder, rape, and debt only excepted, shalbe clerely delivered out of prison, or prisons, as so shalbe delivered, |p. 274| delivered, shall have their pardons franke, and free requiringe

5

10

15

d:/1¯etcher/chap6.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/sh

436 20

6. The Appendices: 6.2

the same accordinglie. And God saue the King Maiestie King Henry the viijth. Kinge of England, Ireland, and Ffrance, defendor of the faith, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, and Ireland./ ... Line 3 goolie] read goodlie

6.2 The Earl Marshal's ordinances for ceremonial protocol Though originally framed in London in 1568, the ordinances of the Earl Marshal were appropriated sometime after that date to Irish use. The manuscript of the ordinances selected for editing also contains a description of the kingdom of Ireland, its shires, rents and dues, followed by ordinances to be observed by the of®cers at Arms on various sorts of ceremonial occasions, followed by the herald's oath, and concluding with a history of the foundation of the Of®ce of Arms. The manuscript, which judging by the temper of whose contents may originally have been a herald's book, formerly belonged to Sir George Carew. It furnishes interesting, if indirect, evidence for the circumstances of tournament pageantry in Ireland. After 1568 The Earl Marshal's ordinances for ceremonial protocol2 BL: MS Additional 1742, f. 28 Item it is ordered and decreed by the said Earle Marshall, that Garter shalbe reputed & taken as the Cheife and principall kinge of Armes, and that he shall haue . . . his place with the Iudges in all Iustice, tryvmphes and Turnamentes royall, as the other Kinges of Armes haue; . . . 5

10

f. 29 ... Item it is alsoe ordered and decreed by the said Earle Marshall that Clarentieulx and Norrey within their seuerall provinces shall have the disposinge and orderinge of all Combates ®ghteinges and [lightes] listes bearing of banners, Cryinge of Iustes {`jousts'} and prises and their places with the Iudges in all Iustice Tryvmphes and Turnamentes, with all fees and commodities therevnto belonginge, savinge and reserving to the other of®cers of Armes suche accostomed fees and duties as heretofore they haue had and enioyed./. 6.3 Sir Brian O'Rourke's `trayterous pagent' The documents gathered here, all found among the Irish State Papers in the Public Record Of®ce in London, concern reports of the ritual abuse of a statue, used as an ef®gy of Elizabeth I, by the Irish rebel Sir Brian O'Rourke (see DNB, XIV, 1158±60) and his men, sometime in either 1586 or 1587. Though their behaviour scarsely constituted a play in any traditional sense, the documents throw light on an incident which the English authorities regarded as a `trayterous pagent', and illustrate how a ritual essentially mimetic in nature

d:/1¯etcher/chap6.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:56 ± b&b/sh

6. The Appendices: 6.3

437

might be invented both to relieve hatred and to foment the politics of rebellion. The incident seems to have occurred in the lordship of West BreÂifne, a territory ruled by the O'Rourkes and which corresponded approximately to the area covered by modern co. Leitrim. The scandal that the incident caused in English circles rumbled on throughout the early 1590's, but only those documents which speci®cally refer to the statue and the mimetic abuse to which it was subjected have been excerpted here. (i) 1589 Sir William Fitzwilliam to Sir William Cecil PRO: SP 63/143, f. 23 (9 April) ... OrRoorck, about two. or. 3. yeres since, hauing found in a churche or in some other place an ymage of a tall woman writ vpon the brest thereof Quene Elizabeth: which done he presentlie fell with such spightfull & trayterous speaches to rayle at it & otherwise so ®lthelie to vse it, as I protest vnto your Lordship I abhorre to remember & canne by no meanes frame my pen to write; During which tyme, his barbarous Gallowglassis standing by played their partes as fast,, who with their Gallyglasse axes striking the ymage one while on the head, an other while on the face and sometymes stabbing it in the bodie, never ceasid vntill with hackling & mangling they eKhadf vtterlie defacid it; And being neuertheles not contentid herewith, they, the more to manyfest the mallice of their trayterous hartes fastnid an halter about the neck of the ymage & tying it to a horsse tayle dragged it a long vpon the ground, and so beating it with their axes & reyling most dispightfully at it, they endid |f. 23v| fynished their trayterous pagent: . . . ...

5

10

15

(ii) 1590 John Ball's declaration3 PRO: SP 63/151, f. 259 (April or later) A Bout on monethe after the skotes were killed at arnere I was sent in to ororkes contre ther [the] to receve her majesties composyssyon and in the tyme of my beinge ther at mc glannans [hovse] tovne standinge vpon a grene I sawe the pictar of a woman carved in a blocke standinge vpon whelles of small tymbar I asked the in habetend of the tovne what It was thaye tolde me it was mad for a callyaghe {`old woman', < cailleach} I asked what she was thaye told me on {`one'} that denyed a carpenter of myllke I de manded wher she did dwell thay sayd in the far syde of the water by the tovne ther wase a loghe I thovght thay ment in the far syde therof & so sayd no more of that ... Line 5 in habetend] read in habetendes.

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(iii) 1591 John Bingham's declaration4 PRO: SP 63/159, f. 17 (16 July)

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I remeber yat mr hille came to me to the castle of Roscommon. and that after some speaches he told me that orworke had caussed the pickture of a woman mad of wood with a pinne in the bellye of it and drewe yt at a garrants {`gelding' < gearraÂn} tayll in derision of her majestis I asked who told it him. & he sayd Ihon ball: I asked who balle was, and he sayd he had binne at his howsse: but was gonne out of the towne: I asked mr hille howe ball knewe it was in derision of her majestis / and he sayd by calling yt the old Calliath {`old woman', < cailleach} in the other sid the sea. I answerd Agayn yf it bee trewe yt is pittie. he is not with horsses but quoth I this is one of Sir Ihon parrots good subiecks, . . . ... f. 18 ... . . . I remembred the pickture and told my brother I had hard orworcke had caused a pickture of wod to be drawen at a garrants tayll in derission of her majestis / and called yt the ould calliath in the other sid the sea/ my brother asked. who told yt me and I sayd mr hille and that he hard it of Ihon balle:/ then sayd my brother yf it pleasse god that ever wee returne in to Ierland agayne we will haue balle examined therof. and willed me to remember it: which I did at Gallwaye sessions . . . ... (iv) 1591 Note of charges against Sir Brian O'Rourke PRO: SP 63/161, f. 44 (November) ... About ij or iij yeares since, O reworcke found an Image of a [tall] tall woman and wroate vpon the brest thereof Queene Elizabeth which don he rayld at it with most spitefull wordes, and all his galloglasses stroake it in all the partes with their weapons, and afterward fastned a halter about the necke of the Image and dragd it at his horse tayle etc. ... (v) 1593 Sheanne McCongawney's relation5 LPL: MS 616 (Carew Papers), f. 64 (13 August) ... This is the service which I haue opened againste Sir Robert Dillon. viz. that ORwarcke sent the constable of Longfort christofer Browne to Sir Robert Dillon & Sir Lucas Dillon, to knowe what course they would advise him to hold, or whether they were hable to doe him goode, or espye aboute the Lord Deputy & cownsell what disposicion they bare towardes him, and Sir Robert

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sent him answer, that it was harde for him to doo him goode, for that Sir Richard Byngham had written into England. howe he had made a woodden Image for the qweene, & caused the same to be trailed at a horsse taile, & kerne, & horsseboyes to hurle stones at it every daye. And that therefore there was commission cum from the cownsell of England to apprehend ORwarcke howe so ever he might be gotten in warre or peace. . . . ...

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6.4 The writings of Barnaby Rich Barnaby Rich (1540?-1617), a proli®c pamphleteer of robust opinions, lived for much of his life in Dublin (see DNB, XVI, 991±4). Two of his works contain matter of present interest. The ®rst, A Catholicke Conference, indulges in a charactersitic topos of Protestant polemic when it compares Roman liturgy to theatricals, in this case more speci®cally, to a Dublin puppet show. The second work, The Irish Hvbbvb, possibly betrays what sorts of pastimes were currently available in Dublin when it fulminates against stage-players, Morris dancing and plays which attracted undesirable elements. (i) 1612 A Catholicke Conference6 ... Pa. I will neuer deny it Syr Tady, I confesse I haue seene a Masse. Ta. Then you haue not liued altogether so irreligiously, but that you haue once seene a Masse, but tell mee truely, howe did you like it? Pa. O passing well, I neuer sawe a thing that better pleased me, but once: Ta. And what was that one thing, that you say pleased you better? Pa. It was a Puppet play, that was playd at Dubline, but nowe this last summer. Ta. Then the sight of a Puppet play, was better pleasing to you than the sight of a Masse. Pa. When your priest hath put on him his masking apparell, and hath gotten all his trinkets about him, if there were an Irish bag-piper by, that had a deepe Drone, to play and entertayne the time whilst the priest were in his Memento, and had made an ende of all his dumbe showes: what with the musicke of the one, and the gestures of the other, it woulde passe all the Puppet playes in the world. ... (ii) 1622 The Irish Hvbbvb7 ... The bold faced Stage-player that trades in poysoning all sorts and ages with Verses reefed in the smoake of lust, and blasphemous Scripture iests; these and

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the like stinke in the presence of God, and one day God will send them all to him, whom in this life they serued. ... p. 22 ... Let men shew themselues to be like men, that doe now shew themselues like women, to looke like Maid-marrian in a Morris-dance, ®tter for a Sempsters shop, then to ®ght for a Countrey. ... p. 37 ... . . . as I was dipping my pen to haue taken vp inke, I heard a muttering of mens voices, as they were passing through the streets: and looking out at a window, I saw foure young Roaring Boyes, that (I thinke) were new come from some Ordinary, . . . & they were consulting as they went along, how they might spend the afternoone: The one gaue his verdict to goe see a Play: . . . ... 6.5 John Clavell's Prologue and Epilogue to a play at the `New house' The Notebook of John Clavell, the source for the masque noticed in section 5.4, 25 December 1632 (and see endnote 198), contains one other item of present interest, a prologue and epilogue to some play at the `New house'. The date and auspices of this prologue and epilogue can be inferred with some con®dence. First, since they were written for a play advertised as having `past our English stage' (line 4), the production of the play which they introduced was evidently taking place not in England but elsewhere. Given what is known of Clavell's career, a production somewhere in Ireland is the only possibility. Second, this Irish production was being presented at the `New house' (line 2). It is likely that this venue was in fact Dublin's ®rst purpose-built theatre in Werburgh Street, and for the following reasons. The prologue and epilogue accompany what had evidently been, in England at any rate, a stage play, and they also envisage a relatively sophisticated audience attending that play's Irish production. (Sophistication is self-evident, notwithstanding the ¯attery and deference with which that audience is also being addressed.) Since Clavell had in mind an urbane audience for whatever the stage play was, and since the audience would be gathering in the `New house' to see it, Dublin's Werburgh Street Theatre seems the likely venue: it was the only dedicated theatre catering for the sort of clientele implied in the prologue and epilogue, and it could justly be called `New' at the time when Clavell was writing. But a further point of interest in this is its bearing upon the date of the actual opening of the Werburgh Street Theatre. Clavell is reckoned to have left Dublin for the last time c. 17 June 1637, yet his `New house' was presumably already open before he left. Recent theatre historians have assumed that the Weburgh Street Theatre opened to the public in the autumn of 1637 (for example, EIS, p. 30), but since Clavell left Ireland in June, at which time the prologue and epilogue had presumably already been written, the theatre that he wrote them for must have opened rather earlier than has been supposed. The survival of Clavell's prologue and

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epilogue may therefore help to revive the claim of eighteenth-century Irish theatre historians that the Werburgh Street Theatre opened as early as 1635 (see further on this in section 7.2 below, under Dublin, s.a. 1749 and endnote 10). c. 1635±7 A Prologue and Epilogue at the `New house' WRO: 865/502, p. 86 (c. January 1635 ± c. 17 June 1637) ... A proloug at the New house Y'are ever welcome. ± what wee now present Hath past our English stage., with high Content, Then tis not new [y] you'l say, wee grant! much lesse Is [lle]Keourf last fassion, orKenewf [y] the last[et] Dresse They have binn worne els wher, seene, lik'd, & then Transmitted, here th'are Novelty agen The richest Diamond from the Rock looks base Till it meete art, & after that, due grace ffrom the Iudicious, when their Iudgment's spent, You buy, & weare it, as an Ornament Note & applause makes Poesy more Devine Soe by A Leading Pallet wee praise wine But herein you are far more fortunate: As princes y'ave your tasters, for more state.

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Epilouge Wee as Industrious planters have fenc'd in This litle plott vpon your Land, (twere sin To be ingratefull) as our profeits spring To you, our Lords, w'ele thankfull tribute bring, 6.6 James Shirley's Prologues and Epilogues for the Werburgh Street Theatre James Shirley (1596±1666), one of the most in¯uential playwrights of the Caroline stage, spent a short period in Dublin as writer in residence at the Werburgh Street Theatre (see DNB, XVIII, 126±33). His Prologues and Epilogues reveal something of the Werburgh Street Theatre repertoire (a comedy of John Fletcher, plus another unnamed play of his, Ben Jonson's Alchemist, the anonymous Irish Gentleman, Thomas Middleton's No Wit, no Help to a Woman's, the anonymous The Toy and The General, and James Shirley's Rosania, or, Love's Victory). His Prologues and Epilogues also make it clear that the theatre had demotic rivals in Dublin in the form of pageants, exhibitions of exotic animals, bears and bagpipes (compare lines 115±20).

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1637±40 Narcissus, or, The Self-Lover8 p. 35 PROLOGVES, AND EPILOGVES; Written to severall Playes presented in this Kingdom, and else-where. A Prologue to Mr. Fletchers Play in IRELAND 5

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I am come to say, you must, or like the Play, Or forfeit, Gentlemen, your wits to day. 'Tis Fletchers Comedy: If, after this Distraction have but so much breath to hisse, An English Poet bid me tell you, when He shall salute his native shore agen, He p. 36 He will report your stories, all this while False, and that you have Serpents in this Isle. For your own sakes, though th'Actors should not hit, Be, or seem wise enough to like the Wit.

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A Prologue to the ALCHIMIST Acted there. THE Alchimist, (a Play for strength of wit, And true Art, made to shame, what hath bin writ In former Ages: I except no worth Of what or Greeks or Latines have brought forth, Is now to be presented to your eare, For which I wish each man were a Muse here. To know, and in his soule be ®t to be Judge of this Master-piece of Comedie; That when we heare but once of Johnsons name, Whose mention shall make proud the breath of Fame, We may agree, and Crownes of Laurel bring A justice unto him the Poets King. p. 37

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But he is dead, Time envious of that blisse, Which we possest in that great Braine of his, By putting out this light, hath darkened all The sphere of Poesie, and we let fall At best, unworthy Elegies on his Herse, A Tribute that we owe his living Verse; Which though some men that never reacht him, may Decry, that love all folly in a Play, The Wiser few shall this distinction have, To kneele, not tread upon his honour'd grave.

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p. 38 A Prologue there to the Irish Gent. IT is our wonder, that this faire Island, where The aire is held so temperate (if there Be faith in old Geographers, who dare With the most happy, boldly this compare) That to the noble seeds of Art and Wit, Honour'd else-where, it is not naturall yet. We know at ®rst, what black and generall curse Fell on the earth; but shall this Isle be worse? While others are repair'd, and grow re®n'd By Arts, shall this onely to weeds be kinde? Let it not prove a storie of your time, And told abroad to staine this promising Clime, That wit, and soule-enriching Poesie, Transported hither must like Serpents dye, Unkinde to both alike, shall the faire Traine Of Virgin Muses onely here be slaine? Forbid it Phoebus, that this aire should still Like things of venome, all thy Prophets kill:

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p. 39 Disperse thy beames through these cold killing parts, And make it fruitfull in thy owne great Arts. Oh doe not bury all your Braine in Glebes, But tune your Harps to build the walls of Thebes; With harmony new Towers frame, to be Dwellings for you, and your posterity. But truce Poetick rage, and let not what Concernes the Countrey, fall upon a spot Of it, a few here met to see a Play: All these are innocent; the better they To tell this fault abroad, that there may be, Some repaire done to injur'd Poesie. Then we may grow, and this place, by your raies, Cherish'd, may turne into a Grove of Bayes.

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p. 40 A Prologue to a Play there; Call'd, No wit to a Womans. We are sorrie Gentlemen, that with all our paines To invite you hither, the wide house containes No more. Call you this terme? If the Courts were So thin, I thinke `twould make your Lawyers sweare, And curse mens Charitie, in whose want, they thrive, Whilst we by it, woe to be kept alive. Ile tell you what a Poet says, two yeare

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He has liv'd in Dublin, yet he knowes not where To ®nde the City: he observ'd each gate, It could not run through them, they are too strait: When he did live in England, he heard say, That here were men lov'd wit, and a good Play; That here were Gentlemen, and Lords; a few Were bold to say, there were some Ladies too:

This

p. 41

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This he beleev'd, and though they are not found Above, who knowes what may be under ground: But they doe not appeare, and missing these, He sayes he'll not beleeve your Chronicles Hereafter, nor the Maps, since all this while, Dublin's invisible, and Brasile. And all that men can talke, hee'll thinke to be A ®ction now above all Poetrie: But stay, you think hee's angry, no, he praid Me tell you, he recants what he has said, Hee's pleas'd, so you shall be, yes, and confesse We have a way `bove wit of man to please; For though we should despaire to purchase it By art of man, this is a womans wit. p. 42

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A Prologue to another of Master Fletcher's Playes there. ARre there no more? and can this Muses sphere At such a time as this, so thinne appeare? We did expect a Session, and a Traine So large, to make the Benches crack againe. There was no Summons sure: yes, I did see The Writs abroad, and men with halfe an eye Might read on every Post, this day would sit Phoebus himselfe, and the whole Court of wit. There is a fault, oÃh give me leave to say, You are not kinde, not to your selves, this day; When for the pleasure of your eare would come Fletchers deare shade, to make Elisium Here, where each soul those learned groves might see, And all the sweets are fam'd in Poesie. p. 43

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Were there a Pageant now on foot, or some Strange Monster from Peru, or Affrick come, Men would throng to it; any Drum will bring (That beats a bloudlesse prize, or Cudgelling) Spectators hither; nay, the Beares invite

Where

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6. The Appendices: 6.6 Audience, and Bag-pipes can doe more than wit. 'Tis pittie, but awake, brave soules awake, Throw off these heavy Chains for your owne sake: Oh doe not grieve the Ghost of him, whose Pen Had once the vertue to make Statues men, And men turne Statues, lesse could not be®t Their justice, and the wonder of his wit. Stoop, when you touch the Laurels of the dead, Be wise, and Crowne agen the Poets head.

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p. 44 A Prologue to a play there; Call'd, THE TOY. SO sickly are the Palats now a-dayes, Of men that come to see and taste our Playes; That when a Poet hath, to please some few, Spent his most precious sweat, Minerva's dew, And after many throwes, a piece brought forth, Legitimate in Art, in nature, birth, 'Tis not receiv'd, but most unhappy dyes, Almost as soon as borne, Wits sacri®ce: When children of the braine, not halfe so faire, And form'd, are welcome to the Nurse and Aire. Since 'tis not to be help'd, and that we ®nde, Poems can lay no force upon your minde, Whose judgements will be free, 'tis ®t we prove All wayes till you be pleas'd to like, and love.

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p. 45 And as at a great Mart, or Faire, we see Some things of price, which all men doe not buy; But guided by their eye, or strength of purse, Lay out their pence upon a Hobby-horse Sometime, or a Childs Rattle: so we are In this wits Market, furnish'd with all ware, But please your selves, and buy what you like best, Some cheap commodities mingle with the rest. If you affect the rich ones, use your will, Or if the Toy take, y'are all welcome still. p. 46 To another Play there. A Prologue you expect, we ask'd for one, Our Poet said 'twas old, and should have none.

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We urg'd the custome, he replied, if good, The play needs not, if bad, a Prologue would Not make it better, taxing us to be Too superstitious, we desir'd that he Would then give way to have another writ, He swore there should be none, and this was it. p. 47 To a Play there, called the Generall.

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THere are some souldiers then, though but a feW, Will see the Generall before they goe; Y'are welcome: Play'rs have sufferd since you came, And wounded too in fortunes and in fame. Your Drums and Trumpets carried all the Town Into the ®elds, and left them here to mone Their own sad Tragedy, for want of men Enough to kill `em. Strange! the benches then Were all the grave spectators, but that here Some cruell Gentlemen in your your hangings were. O dreadfull word Vacation! But they mean To be reveng'd upon `t, and change their Scene A while to th'Countrey, leave the Town to blush, Not in ten days to see one cloak of plush. I do but think how some like ghosts will walk For money surely hidden, while the talk O' th' Citie will be, Would the Term were come, Though Law came with it, we would make it room, And own our faces in the shop agen, And for a time hope to converse with men, To trust, and thank `em too: This is a curse For their not seeing playes, or something worse. p. 48

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But to you Gentlemen, whom we have no art To multiply, welcome, with all my heart. The Generall should have a guard; but we Conceive no danger in this company. But if you fear a plot from us, alas, Here are so few, I think the Play may passe. To his own Comedy there, called Rosania, or Loves Victory.

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ROsania? Mee thinks I hear one say, What's that? 'Tis a strange title to a Play. One asks his friend, who late from travell came, What 'tis, supposing it some Countries name; Who rather then acknowledge ignorance,

But

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6. The Appendices: 6.7 Perhaps sayes, 'Tis some pretty town in France Or Italy, and wittily discloses, 'Twas call'd Rosania for the store of Roses. A witty Comment: others that have seen, And fashionably observ'd the English Scene, Say, (but with lesse hope to be understood) Such titles unto Playes are now the mood, Aglaura, Claricilla, names that may (Being Ladies) grace, and bring guests to the Play.

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p. 49 To save this charge of wit, that you might know Something i'th Title, which you need not owe To anothers understanding, you may see In honest English there, Loves Victory. Love maids do feel, but warm in their ®rst teens, And married once, they know what t'other means. Fear not the warre, the victorie is yours, The battell will be ended in two hours. Wounds will be given and receiv'd, yet need You fear no sigh or tear, whoever bleed; You see, but can take in no shot, you are So far from danger in this amorous warre, Not the least rude uncivil Language shall Approach your ear, or make one cheek look pale: The worst that can befall at this new Play, Is, we shall suffer, if we loose the day; For if you should traduce this Poets Pen, Hee'l be revenged, and never write agen. ... 6.7 James Shirley's The Royall Master On the author of The Royall Master, James Shirley, see the headnote to 6.6 above. The Royall Master was Shirley's ®rst known play in Ireland. It was evidently performed both in Dublin Castle, where the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth saw it on New Year's Day, and in the purpose-built theatre in Werburgh Street.

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1638 The Royall Master9

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THE ROYALL MASTER; As it was Acted in the new Theater in Dublin: AND Before the Right Honorable the Lord Deputie of Ireland, in the Castle. sig. [A 4v] ... To his much esteemed Friend Mr James Shirley, on his Royall Master. You who the readers are of the choice wit, And have the leading voice in censuring it, Whose votes Grand jurors are, and onely have The well knowne power either to kill or save, Give this a noble greeting, and its due, May Phúbus else, withdraw his beames from you. My worthy Friend, this Play `oth publicke Stage Hath gain'd such faire applause, as't did engage A nation to thy Muse, where thou shalt raigne Viceregent to Apollo, who doth daigne (His darling Ben deceased) thou should'st be Declar'd the heire apparant to his tree. ... sig. [B] ... To his worthy Friend the Author. ALL these thy friends subscribing to thy praise And faire deservings, have done well, `twill raise Opinion in the readers, and engage Them to peruse, what wee saw on the Stage. If knowing ones, their judgement thus will be The Commendation's short, the Comedy Speakes better for it selfe, more home; but yet My vote must goe, I say no purer wit B Did

W. MARKHAM.

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sig. [Bv] Did ever graceÅ the sceneÅ, nay it hath in't Expressions of so new, and rich a Mint, That the old Poets well might wish the name Of this new Play were added to their fame. ... sig. [L 3]

IOHN OGLEBYE.

THE EPILOGVE. As it vvas spoken to the Lord Deputie on Newyeares. day at night, by way of vote, congratulating the New yeare. OVr Poet doth forget his Play, There is something he would pay Due to your greatnesse, and the day Which by a revolution of the spheare Is proud to open the New yeare. And having look'd on you, hath hid his face, And Chang'd his robe with Starres to grace And light you going to bed, so waite With his trembling Lustre on your state. ... sig. [L 3v] ... All Honour with your fame increase, In your bosome dwell soft peace, And Iustice, the true roote of these; Wealth be the worst, and out side of your fate, And may not heaven your life translate, Till for your Royall Master, and this Ile, Your deeds have ®ld a Chronicle, In all thats great, and good, be bold, And every yeare be coppie of the old. FINIS. 6.8 James Shirley's St. Patrick for Ireland On the author of St. Patrick for Ireland, James Shirley, see the headnote to 6.6 above. St. Patrick for Ireland was Shirley's second known play in Ireland; a sequel seems to have been planned (note lines 26±9), but evidently never appeared. Shirley again complains about disappointing audience numbers. c. 1639 St. Patrick for Ireland10 The Prologue.

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We know not what will take, your pallats are Various, and many of them sick I feare: We can but serve up what our Poets dresse, And not considering cost, or paines to please; We should be very happy, if at last, We could ®nd out the humour of your taste, That we might ®t, and feast it, so that you Were constant to your selves, and kept that true; For some have their opinions so displeas'd, they come not with a purpose to be pleas'd: Or like some birds that leave the ¯owry ®elds, They only stoop at that corruption yeilds. It were a custome would lesse staine the times, To praise the vertues, when you chide the crimes. This is but cold encouragement, but we Hope here are few of those, or if there be, We wish `em not infectious, nor con®ne We censures; woo'd each soule were masculine: For your owne sakes we wish all here to day, Knew but the art and labour of a Play; Then you would value the true Muses paine, The throwes and travell of a teeming braine. But we have no despaire, that all here may Be friends, and come with candor to this Play. St. Patrick whose large story cannot be Bound in the limits of one Play, if ye First welcome this, you'll grace our Poets art, And give him Courage for a second part. sig. [I 4]

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... Yet this is but a part of what our Muse Intends, if the ®rst birth you nobly use: ...

6.9 Henry Burnell's Landgartha Though details of his life are few, Henry Burnell appears to have been that Henry Burnell who married Lady Frances Dillon (²29 May 1640), daughter of Sir James Dillon (²March 1642), ®rst earl of Roscommon, by Eleanor Barnewall, daughter of Sir Christopher Barnewall of Turvey, co. Dublin (see DNB, VII, 386; his marriage is noted in Dublin, Genealogical Of®ce, MS 72, p. 55 and MS 172, p. 78). His Landgartha was performed in the Werburgh Street Theatre on St Patrick's Day, 1640, a signi®cant date in that St Patrick's Day always falls in Lent when theatres, by tradition, were closed. In 1640 the opening session of the Dublin Parliament of 15 and 16 Charles I had taken

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place the day before, however, and apparently on this occasion court needs had been allowed to supersede Lenten precedent and austerity. The play was performed with permission of the Master of the Revels, John Ogilby (on whom see in section 7.2, endnote 7), and one imagines that the parliamentary entourage currently in town would have formed a large part of the target audience. 1640 Landgartha11 Landgartha. A Tragie-Comedy, as it was presented in the new Theater in Dublin, with good applause, being an Ancient story,

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Written by H. B. HORAT. Hunc socci cepere pedem, grandesq; cothurni. Printed at Dublin Anno 1641 sig. [A 4v] Prologue delivered by an Amazon with a Battle-Axe in her hand. The best of English Poets for the Stage (Such was the envie, nicenesse, and the rage Of pettish weakelinges, and detracting fooles, That could prayse no man; and, i' th' muddie pooles Of their owne vices, were o'rwhelm'd) was faine An armed Prologue to produce, on paine Of being tongue-strucke. There ore, marvell not The present author (having not forgot How in's ®rst Play, he met with too much spite) Sho'd send an armed Amazon, t'invite (If it be possible) all minds to affect What of himselfe, he could not well expect From his detractors: Or, to let those know, He cares not each of them prove still a foe. Yet, this his second (as that ®rst) he made To please you, not for Money; to invade Your wills for your owne pro®t. For, if his minde He had sought by it to content, you'd ®nde Another method in't; and not a word Of any mirth or love, wo'd he afford To make you laugh or languish. All, rich stuffe (Though not so pleasing) he'd expose, to cuffe (And generally too) the monster vice; Which he performes but gently, in this piece. Yet, it's beleev'd `t will please the most and best,

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In all the passages; and for the rest, Let `em (if they will needs) in pudles swim: For, he sleights them more, then they can wrong him. sig. [K] 40

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EPILOGVE. ... And this he (for him) desir'd me say: Where others spend a yeare about a Play (Picking a sentence here, a word from thence) This Tragie-Comedy with the expence Of lesse then two Moneths time he pen'd: For he 's not too ambitious of the dignitie Of a prime Poet; which he needs must know, The Muses chiefe (Apollo) doth bestow But very rarely. . . . ... sig. [Kv] ... This Play was ®rst Acted on S. Patricks day, 1639. with the allowance of the Master of Revels,

6.10 Excerpts from the bethada of the Irish saints The substantial corpus, both in Latin and Irish, of the bethada (`Lives') of the Irish saints includes many stories of encounters between saints and the sorts of entertainers who form the subject of this collection. A selection of these stories is presented here. Different versions of the bethada of some of the saints (MaedoÂc II, CiaraÂn II and Coemgen I and III) are distinguished by the number allocated to those versions by Charles Plummer in his Bethada NaÂem nEÂrenn Lives of Irish Saints, 2 vols (Oxford, 1922; rprt 1968 and 1997). The Lives are arranged in the following order (their feast day follows in brackets): (i) St Patrick (17 March); (ii) St MaedoÂc of Ferns II (31 January); (iii) St CiaraÂn of Saigir II and the Vita Ciarani (5 March); (iv) St Coemgen I and III (3 June); (v) St FintaÂn of DuÂn BleÂsci (3 January); (vi) St FlannaÂn (18 December); and (vii) St Lasair (13 November). The vita of one saint, though he was not Irish himself, contains an account of the performance of an Irish joculator in Wales. Performance outside Ireland has not normally been noticed in these Records, but an exception has been made in this case on the grounds of the evident similarity of a motif in this vita with that in texts of similar genre from Ireland (compare 6.10 (i), (iv), (v), (vi) and (vii) below, for example) and also on the grounds of the relatively rich impression that the vita gives of what the joculator did by way of entertainment. An extract from the vita of St Kentigern (13 January) has therefore been included under 6.10 (viii).

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(i) The Tripartite Life of St Patrick was compiled very late in the Old Irish period, in the reign of Cenn GeÂgaÂn, king-bishop of Cashel, co. Tipperary, between 895 and 901. The copy of it in BL, MS Egerton 93, derives ultimately from a transcript of the original which was made by a scribe in Cashel during the primacy of Bishop Joseph (²936). Another copy, extant in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 512, witnesses independently to the archetype which also lies behind the Cashel scribe's transcript, though Rawlinson shows interpolations which were evidently introduced at some stage in the textual transmission. It has no substantive variants for the passage selected here, however (see f. 24 cols a-b). Egerton 93 has been used as a base. The substantive agreement of both manuscripts suggests that at least in this passage, the wording of the archetype has been faithfully represented. For analysis of the textual tradition of the Tripartite Life, see K. Mulchrone, ed. Bethu PhaÂtraic: The Tripartite Life of Patrick (Dublin and London, 1939). The passage selected from the Tripartite Life is of interest for its narration of the clash between Ireland's patron saint and a cleÂir aesa ceirdd (a `band of men of art'), de®ned later in the text more clearly as being praecones and druÂith. What is held to have happened to St Patrick, the ®fth-century evangelist of Ireland, adumbrates similar later encounters between itinerant entertainers and Irish saints. These encounters evidently became something of an Irish hagiographical topos, as will become clear from the frequency with which they occur in the texts included in this Appendix (see also items (iv)-(vii) below). The formula is reasonably consistent: insatiable entertainers make demands and threaten satire if those demands are not met. In the Tripartite Life, the entertainers receive more than they bargained for, and in a spectacular fashion. Late Old Irish Bethu PhaÂtraic12 BL: MS Egerton 93, f. 13 col. b ... . . . Lvid iar svidiu cu uÂa ®dente co ndernai lonaÂn macc maicc eirgg ¯eid do paÂtraic i mmulluch cñ fri carnd feradaig andes ¦ boõÂ fer mvintiri dopaÂtraic oc denum inna ¯eidi lasin rõÂgh .i. dechon mantan. Tarraid cleÂir aesa ceirdd innõÂ paÂtraic dochvinchid bõÂd nõÂ damdatar erchoimded ergid ol paÂtraic co lonan ¦ co dechoin mantaÂn immom chobvir qui dixerunt non precones benedicent nobis principium ceÂrñ nostrae tunc dixit paÂtricius in maccan do thaet antuaid |f. 14 col. a| is do roeÂrnad in buaid dochum cothraige dodfail. conamoltan foramvin. Illa vero hora alius iuuenis cum suÂa matre gestante arietem coctvm in dorso portandum adcenam regis uenit. ro gaid paÂtraic forsin. macc in molt do thesorcvin aenich. Dobert an macc foÂchetoÂir la failte nõÂbuthol dõÂa mathir immorro ar huamvin ind rõÂg. dobert paÂtraic ambõÂad donaib druthaib ¦ roda slvicc in talam fochetoÂir . . . ... (ii) One of the principal churches of southern Leinster stood in Ferns, co. Wexford. St MaedoÂc (²625, according to the Annals of Ulster) was bishop and patron of Ferns. His generosity to all needy folk extended also to aÂos ciuil & oir®ttidh (`men of music and minstrelsy'), and hence the inclusion here of an excerpt from his Irish betha (`Life'). The second version of this betha is extant

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only in BR, MS 2324±40. The betha itself was assembled c. 1450 around a core of twelfth-century material (see C. Doherty, `Some Aspects of Hagiography as a Source for Irish Economic History', Peritia 1 (1982), 300±28). Though MaedoÂc also had Latin vitae devoted to him, the excerpt selected here is unparalleled in them.

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c. 1450 Life of St MaedoÂc of Ferns II13 BR, MS 2324±40, f. 207v ... & nochan faghad MaodhoÂcc doÂr no dairget dionnmus no derradhaibh, do chõÂos no do caomh offrail ennõ nach for alaimh do bheiredh go soiche ascaÂoiledh ar bhochtaibh an coimdhe, & ar dheibhleÂnaibh de & |f. 208| & ar aÂos ciuil & oir®ttidh & ealadhna andeÂire & andaonnacht ar sgath a einigh & a uaisle & a ionnracais. . . . (iii) St CiaraÂn of Saigir was a monk and bishop, active in the ®fth or sixth century, who settled at Seirkieran near Birr, co. Offaly. In this excerpt from the second version of his betha he acts to restore the lives of seven harpers who had come from Gaul to King Oengus of Munster. The harpers had been murdered and their bodies left in a lake, but after their miraculous resuscitation by the intercession of St CiaraÂn, they played beautiful music that induced sleep in the king and his hosts. (Sleep-inducing music was one of the three traditional Irish harp strains.) This second version is extant only in BR, MS 4190±200. It possibly witnesses to the original source of a vita which was compiled between c. 1185 and c. 1230 (see R. Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints' Lives An Introduction to Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1991), pp. 216 and 370) and whose text is witnessed in the Codex Kilkenniensis (see the extract which follows this below).

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Late Middle Irish Life of St CiaraÂn of Saigir II14 BR: MS 4190±200, f. 146v ... Rõ mvman .i. Aengus mac nadfraich ro bhatar moirsheiser cruitiredh |f. 147| aicce tainicc ona tticcerna fein asin ngaillia, ¦ ro marbhadh imusccraighe iatt, ¦ ro foilgedh accuirp gan fhios doneoch, ¦ do ba toirrsech aengus tre gan ®os achruitiredh aicce, ¦ tainic go ciaran saighre dfaghail furtachta, ¦ adubairt ciaran fris ataÂd do chruitiridhe ar na mbathad illoch viscce, ¦ ataÂd a ccruite in  ilim tu ar in rõ fri ciaran tarra airde iccrand don thaoibh tvas os cind an locha A lim da niarraidh ¦ ro eÂirigh ciaran, ¦ drong da mvinntir e.i. nvimir secht ®chitf maille fris do cum an locha, ¦ anus ann teora laithe, & teora aidhce acc urnaighthi, ¦ ag trossccadh & ar ccoimlionadh na tteora la sin do traighis in loch, ¦ frith na cvirp aran traigh, & aithbeoaighis ciaran iatt iarna mbeith mõ fon loch. & gabhait accruitenna chuca, ¦ seinnit iatt, ¦ gabhait andaÂn ionnus gur chodail an ri cona sluaghaibh leÂis an cceol sin. & ata an loch oÂsin alle gan viscce, ¦ ase as ainm do loch na ccruitenn, ¦ ro moradh ainm DeÂ, ¦ ciarain de sin. ...

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The Latin Vita Sancti Ciarani de Saigir is preserved in various versions, but the one which assumes priority here is that found in the Codex Kilkenniensis (Dublin, Marsh's Library, MS Z 3. 1. 5). Since this manuscript may witness to the source of the version of the vita lying behind the version found in another important manuscript collection of vitae of Irish saints, the Codex Salmanticensis (BR, MS 7672±4; see the description in section 4.14 above), the Codex Salmanticensis version of the vita can be eliminated for present purposes (on the textual tradition, see Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints' Lives, pp. 293±5). It is also possible that the betha of St CiaraÂn II, an excerpt from which was given immediately above, was a source used by the compiler of the version of the vita to which the Codex Kilkenniensis witnesses. (The version of the vita in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 505, which is textually close to the Codex Salmanticensis version, may also be eliminated. But in any event, it does not contain the passage on the harpers of King Oengus which is of interest here.) If the betha of St CiaraÂn II was in fact used as a source for the Latin text, it has been somewhat elaborated in its Latin translation in ways of interest to this present collection. In the Latin vita, we hear not only of the sopori®c qualities of the harpers' music, a detail similarly present in the second version of the betha, but also of what sort of narratives the harpers of King Oengus performed before him: acta heroum in carmine cytarizantes cantabant (`they used to sing to the sound of the harp of the deeds of heroes in poetic measures'). c. 1185 ± c. 1230 Vita Sancti Ciarani de Saigir15 Dublin, Marsh's Library: MS Z 3. 1. 5, f. 107v col. b ... Ipse rex Mumenie aengus cytaristas optimos habuit. qui dulciter coram eo acta heroum in carmine cytarizantes cantabant. Qui aliquando ambulantes in plebe que dicitur muscray tire & que est in regno Mumenie occissi sunt ab inimicis suis/. Et corpora eorum abscondita sunt. in quodam stagno in deserto. quia pax firma erat in Mumenia in regno aengusi & suspense. sunt cythare eorum in quadam arbore super ripam stagni. Et rex aengus contristatus est nesciens quid illis accidit. & sciens sanctum kyaranum plenum esse spiritu prophetie uenit ad eum: ut sciret quid suis cytaristis accidit. ffactus enim christianus noluit interrogare magos siue auruspices. Et ait sanctus kyaranus regi. Cythariste tui domine rex occissi sunt occulte & occultata sunt corpora eorum in stagno. & cythare sue suspenduntur in arbore imminente stagno. Uir autem sanctus kyaranus rogatus a rege uenit cum eo ad stagnum & ieiunauit ibi illo die. Expletoque ieiunio aqua in stagno arefacto non apparuit & videntes corpora in profundo laci sicci. peruenit sanctus kyranus ad ea & coram rege & omnibus rogans scilicet in vnitate patris & ®lij & spiritus sancti quasi de graui sompno ilico resuscitauit eos/. & ipsi scilicet numero .vij. fuerunt. Per totumque mensem occisi. mersi erant sub aqua & resurgentes statim cytharas suas acceperunt & cecinerunt dulcia carmina turbis coram rege & episcopo. ita ut pro suauitate musse multi ibi dormirent homines. Et cum ceteris ipsi gloriam deo dederunt. Stagnum autem in quo mersi erant uacuum est ab illo die usque hodie sine aqua set tamen adhuc nomen stagni nominatur loch na crutthere. quod uertitur latine stagnum cytharedarum. Deinde accepta benediccione regis & populi. sanctus kyaranus ad ciuitatem reuersus est suam. . . .

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Line 20 musse] read musice

(iv) St Coemgen, who died c. 618, was abbot and founder of the famous monastic settlement in Glendalough, co. Wicklow. It might be noted that in the Latin vita tradition there is nothing to match the passage about the aos cõÂuil (`men of music') that features in St Coemgen's various Irish bethada. The saint, asked for food by the aos cõÂuil, has nothing ready to hand to give them, and so they insult him. They are divinely punished when their harps are petri®ed. The ®rst version of St Coemgen's betha is found only in BR, MS 2324±40.

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Late Middle Irish Life of Coemgen I16 BR: MS 2324±40, f. 277 ... Tangattar aos cõÂvil go caoimhgin do chuinge bidh fair, ¦ ni raibhe agan eÂrlamh biadh an tan sin. & at bert frõÂu anadh fris. Ni ro ansat. & ro gabhsat acc imdherccadh an cleÂirigh. Do roÂnadh iaramh clocha dona crannaibh civil in eÂraic imdhercctha an naoimh & mairid af®oghracha foÂs isin tochar allathoir don baile ... The third version of the betha of St Coemgen, which adds a few further details to the narrative related in the ®rst version given above, is found in TCD, MS 1346 (H. 4. 4) and RIA, MS 60 (24 M 38). The TCD manuscript has been selected as a base here.

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Late Middle Irish Life of Coemgen III17 TCD: MS 1346 (H. 4. 4), p. 157 ... La naon da ttangadar lucht seanma gan a ccrvitibh leÂo go cill ei®n aÂit ina raibhe |p. 158| raibhe CoimhthionoÂl manach ag Caoimhghin & iarrvid foidhe bhidh ar na manchuibh, nõ raibhe biadh ag an ccoimhthionoÂl. & do ghabh naire mhoÂr Caoimhgin & an Comthionoil vime sin. as amhlvidh tharla beagan sõÂl dfvigheall loÂin agan Ccoimhthionol, & nõ raibhe fvirthinn na ndeoradh ina an chomhthionoÂil ann & as e nõ do concas do Chaoimhghin (le congnamh an choimhthionoil) da saoradh ar ghuth na glaimhe sin, drong dona manchvibh do chur do romhar ceapcha ina ccvir®dhe an began sõÂl do bhi aca, & ionnus gom biadh toradh an tsõÂl sin na phroind. aig na deoradhvibh um noin. agus Caoimhgin feÂin & an drong oile dona manchvibh ag diuÂl chaoineas risin naois senma aga saimhcealgadh, go michar mvinnteradha & nir bhferrde dhoÂibh, gabhvid na hoir®digh go heigneach ag iarraidh bõ & gan e ann & ceileabhrvid da brigh sin daimhdheoÂin Caoimhghin, ¦ tugadur toibheÂim aran ccoimhthioÂnol, & iar ngabhaÂil feirge Caoimhgin tre naire, gvidheas na crvite do bhõ acasan, do chlaochlodh a cclochvibh, & leis sin ar mbeith ag triall doÂibh tresan sruth ata don taÂoibh o dheas don chill, do nither clocha da ccrvit |p. 159| Ccrvitvibh, & tvitid san tsruth, ¦ taid san clochraÂn sin fa chosvibh caich o shoin & an sõÂol do cvireadh le Caoimhghin, ar maidin anlae cheÂtna a ccill eith®nn as

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don torvdh thainig um neonvidh dhe do biathadh na manvigh san oidhche cheÂtna da eis sin amhvil a deÂir Solamh san rann so. rann. An sõÂol do cvireÂt amach trath. a ccill eith®nn diadha rath as de go neimh chrõÂon sa noidhche. do bhiathadh saoithe fa seach ...

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(v) The text of the vita of St FintaÂn of DuÂn BleÂsci is unique to the Codex Salmanticensis compilation. Its prologue suggests that it may have been produced as a homily, or at least adapted for homiletic use. The episode given from it here relates the encounter between St FintaÂn and certain mimi and histriones who demand something to eat from him. They are rewarded with a large ®sh which cannot, however, be cut in pieces. It is dif®cult to determine when the vita was composed; it necessarily antedates its manuscript, but this seems all that can be said about it with certainty. Before the late fourteenth century Vita Sancti Fintani de DuÂn BleÂsci18 BR: MS 7672±4 (Codex Salmanticensis), f. 89v col. b . . . Venientibus aliquando mimis & histrionibus ad sanctum ®ntanum ut peterent pisces ad comedendum¡ manebat enim iuxta magnum ¯uuium in uilla tirdaglas¡ Respondit eis. sicut uerum erat¡ se non habere quod petebant. Tunc mimus inquit. aqua est propinqua tibi¡ & si uir sanctus ut diceris esse¡ facile quod nos petimus a te habebimus. . . . Inde mimi dixerunt. Quamuis piscis noster durus est. non tamen a nobis hic derelinquentur. & abeuntes suum piscem portabant. . . . (vi) The seventh-century bishop St FlannaÂn was closely associated with Killaloe, co. Clare, where his relics were once held. The Codex Salmanticensis version of the vita is the best extant witness to the text of the twelfth-century original. (The version in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 505 is a shortened and somewhat reworded version of that in the Codex Salmanticensis, and of no interest for collation here.) The excerpt from the vita follows the standard formula, but adds several interesting details, all paralleled in texts outside the hagiographical tradition, about the disposition and characteristics of the jesters who assail the saint with their importunate and petulant demands. There were nine of them in the troupe (a number often encountered for such itinerant troupes), they were ugly and had horrible costumes (perhaps a reference to their distinctive jester dress), and they addressed the saint with a `ioculatoria uociferatione' (a `jester's cry'; possibly indicative of their generically boisterous speech or of the vocal noises with which jesters commonly seem to have been associated). c. 1163±7 Vita Sancti Flannani19 BR: MS 7672±4 (Codex Salmanticensis), f. 173 col. a ... Qvodam uero tempore post hec. dum idem ¯annanus studiosis diuinis operibus in mariKetifmis scotie ®nibus sacri euuangelij uerba ®dei populo nondum planarie sed tepide credenti seminaret¡ quandam insulam scilicet mananch

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iam cum suis deo prosperante nauigio intrauit. In ipso autem sancto ibidem ¯annano pauKesfam faciente ecce nouem iaculatores uiriKevaldef deformes uultu & habitu horribiles in stinctu diabolico inducti. & ut ita dicam appetitu canino superati¡ a beato uiro nouem nigros arietes mutillatos¡ deum ac sanctum attemptantes. Ioculatoria uociferatione & incompatienti petitione omnes insimul clamantes sibi dari postulabant dicentes. Sancte ¯annane uir nobilissime satis fac petitioni nostre. Alioquin omni tempore uite nostre te uituperando diffamabimus & toti regie tue genelogie diutinam obproprij |f. 173v col. b| contumeliam inferemus. Quibus sanctus ¯annanus spiritu sancto plenus in creatore suo cui omnia possibilia sunt con®dens. constanti uultu respondit. Oues uobis in presentiarum ad perpetuum uestrum supplicium ut cumque apparebunt. ut impleatur scriptura que dicit. omni petenti te da. sed nec uestra essuries unquam inde satiabitur. nec insuperabilis appetitus uincetur. Tunc beatus Flannanus dei omnipotentiam clementiam exorabat dicens. Domine ihesu christe ®li dei uiui qui beato patriarche tuo abrahe in monte pro liberatione eius unici ®lij ysaac uer[b]Keufecem inter uepres cornibus herentem per angelum tuum misisti ita hiis teterrimis uiris nouem uer[b]Keufeces quos a tantillo me seruo tuo importune petierunt ostendere digneris. Quid referam plura¡ patris huius munda oratio diuine pietatis aures penetrauit. & ecce nouem nigri arietes sine cornibus ut prefati maledicti a beato uiro postulabant. de mari exeuntes in eadem hora appaKerefbant. quos ipsi tenuerunt. Sed sicut enim infelixKeuxorf loth propter non obseruatum dei mandatum & innatam sibi malitiam in salis ef®giem est transmutata¡ sic isti ®lij perditionis ®lij belial tam ipsi quam uer[b]Keufeces in momento in ictu oculi ante sanctum ¯annanum terre adherentes. omnes in lapides transmutati sunt. & sic usque in hodiernum diem uisibus humanis euidenter comparent. . . . ... (vii) The best and earliest known version of the betha of St Lasair is found in BR, MS 4190±200, the manuscript which has already yielded the text of the Life of CiaraÂn of Saigir II excerpted in Appendix (iii) above (one variant from another copy, RIA, MS 236 (Stowe B iv 1), written in 1670 by David O'Duigenan, is given in endnote 20 below). The betha probably represents a modernized version of a late Middle Irish original. In the excerpt printed here, no less than eighteen poets ask food from the saint. She prays, and with the help of God this tall order is met.

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Late Middle Irish Life of St Lasair20 BR: MS 4190±200, f. 120v ... Laithe nñn daraibhe Lasair iccill lasrach ar bruach locha mic neÂn ¦ dobõ teirce bõÂdh ¦ dighe inerenn vile fon am sin. tangattar da nñÂnbhar deicsibh ¦ daÂes ealadhna da hionnsaighidhe & adubert einfer dibh do ghuth anffann eccruaidh

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A las f. 121 A lasair ar se a bhannaomh uasal onorach tangattar an daÂmhso ar cuairt cuccad ¦ ni deachaidh biadh na deoch ina mbelaib re hethadh fada imcheÂin daimsir, & atad ag iarraidh bõÂdh ¦ dighe re chaithemh ortsa coisccfes a nõÂota ¦ a nocarus ¦ ane ttualang Mar do chuala lasair na brõÂathra sin do chan an toÂcclach, ¦ gan dõÂtten na deghanacal ara naÂire aice. do rinnedh roth nuall corcratii obonn go abathais conar deircce chorcairliag arlasadh ina acchaid na hingine ina dhegh sin do eirigh go hopann .¦ do cuaidh da reiccleÂs feÂin ¦ doleÂicc ara gluÂinibhõ .¦ do bi ag gvidhe an dvilemhan co diochra dvthrachtach fa bhiadh dfaghaill do beradh sin don daÂimh doiligh dicheillidh sin tainic da hionnsaighe. & asa haithle sin do chonnairc Lasair caillech dubh ag teacht don duirtech chvice .¦ a heire fuirmhedha fõÂrarraÂchta do bõÂadh .¦ do digh fvirre La sodhain rucc Lasair a bhvidhe .¦ a bvanaltvccadh sin ris an ccoimdhe cumachtach .¦ rucc le an biadh asa haithle sin dionnsaidhe na daimhe doirbhe drochraÂitige sin, & do chaithset a lordhaothain de iter biad .¦ digh .¦ ruccattar a bvidheachus le dõÂa .¦ le lasair abfuaradar fett do bõÂadh .¦ do bhuÂantomhaltus uaithe arin. bfaÂsach .¦ do eirgettar amach asa haithle .¦ do fhiaifruigh fer don daimh doÂgligh do mvintir lasrach cait asa ttuccadh an biadh 2 nionnsaicche Ddo innis an tocclach don daimh nach ®ttir caÂit asa ttvic e |f. 121v| acht munab tre cumachtaibh an coimdheadh .¦ tre nert na naom trionoÂide dhoshaÂoradh na banoige ar athais .¦ ar imdherccad na daÂimhe .¦ do moÂrattar an daÂmh .¦ caÂch accoit cinne miorbhvile de .¦ lasrach tresan bfert sin . . . ... (viii) The vita of St Kentigern was written by Jocelin, monk of Furness, in the late twelfth century, and contains a description of a jester (ioculator/histrio) who came from Ireland to visit King Rederech of Wales over Christmastide. It is of interest for its account of the nature and content of the Irish jester's performance during the festive season. The vita exists in two manuscript sources, but the text of that in Dublin, Marsh's Library, MS Z 4. 5. 5 is superior to that in BL, MS Cotton Vitellius C. viii, and has therefore been used as a base. Variants in the Cotton manuscript are of no present interest.

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Late twelfth century Life of St Kentigern21 Marsh's Library: MS Z 4. 5. 5, f. 52v ... . . . Qua de causa a quodam rege ibernie ioculator of®cii sui peritus ¦ expeditus mittitur cambriam ad predicti regis curiam¡ ut uideret si ueritas fame tam longe lateque diffuse responderet. Admissus aule ioculator manu pesfallebat in tympano ¦ cythara. ¦ leti®cabat regem ¦ palatinos eius omnibus diebus festiuis natiuitatis dominice. Expleta solempnitate sancte epiphanie domini¡ proferri iussit rex munera ¦ dari ioculaKetofri sicut regiam muni®centiam decebat. que omnia hystrio respuens¡ talia in propria patria se satis habere posse asserebat. . . . |f. 53v| . . . Amodo non recedam a domo tua. ¦ a seruiccio tuo. sed ero tibi seruus sempiternus quam diu uixero. Mansit ergo histrio in aula regis. ¦ arte ioculatoria seruiuit ei diebus plurimis. Postea statuens semetipsum contra faciem suam diuini timoris stimulo. hystrionis renunciauit of®cio. ¦ melioris uite uias ingrediens¡ se diuino mancipauit obsequio. ... 6.11 Texts mentioning the crosaÂin The crosaÂin were a species of buffoon who cultivated a medley of performance skills, and references to them have already appeared in the Records. While many of the texts in which they feature can scarsely be documenting actual historical events, they are of interest for what they reveal about crosaÂin behaviour, and thus may be suggestive of the nature of the historical crosaÂn profession; they certainly illustrate the prevailing of®cial clerical attitude towards it. The essential general study of the crosaÂin and their activity is A. Harrison, The Irish Trickster (Shef®eld, 1989). Ten texts featuring pseudohistorical crosaÂin are excerpted here. (i) A locus classicus for the crosaÂin and their behaviour is the text SeÂnadh Saigri (the `Blessing/Enchantment of Seirkieran'). The oldest manuscript in which it is extant, RIA, MS 1223 (Stowe D iv 2), is used as a base here (substantive variants in versions of the text found in RIA, MS 476 (23 O 48; the Liber Flavus Fergusiorum) and Dublin, University College, MS Irish Additional 14, are not of present interest). A version of SeÂnadh Saigri that features in Geoffrey  irinn has not been collated here. The SeÂnadh Keating's Foras Feasa ar E Saigri, probably a late twelfth-century composition, concerns events held to have taken place in the late tenth century (and see further A. Harrison, `SeÂanadh Saighre', EÂigse 20 (1984), 136±48).

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Late Middle Irish SeÂnadh Saigri22 RIA: MS 1223 (Stowe D iv 2), f. 51 col. a ... Senadh saighri narratur hicc. Sluaighed la donchadh mac ¯aind mhic mailsechlaind do dhenum muir ¦ cluid i timcill saighri ciarain ar impidhi amhna .i. sadhb ingen donnchadha remhuir rig osraighi ar ba tnuth moÂr ¦ ba formut leisi mur ¦ clod itimchill gach airdcille in erinn ¦ a ceall fein .i. saighir gan clod gan mur |f. 51 col. b| Corancatar ®r midhi le cotulaigh ndonnchadha fri saighair anair ¦ co mbidis ac denum in chluidh cach lai itimcill na cilde. IS annsin doriacht corp ahatharsi don chill dia adhnacadh ¦ feÂn for seisrigh aga imcur ¦ rohadhnacht fa chetoir. O rodhorchaigh an adhaigh tanccatar .ix.bhar crosan ciabach cirdub co mbatar forsan uaigh ac cliaraighecht amhail is bes do crossanaib oÂsin anald. Ba gilithir snechta a suÂile ¦ a ®acla ¦ ba duibidhtir gual cach bald eile dõÂb. IS amlaidh tancatar ¦ duan leo do ¦ cach duine do chõÂdh iat donidh galar lai co naidhchi dho ¦ isi seo in duan sin. Muinnter donnchaidh moir mhic cealdaigh . coinde uabair . cliara binne bid ac glaedhaigh . sinde ar sluaghaib.

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Sluagh ac milradh mhuighe lana . tighe nola occmna ®nna ¯aithi ®ala . maithi mora. GaÂir a chliar ¦ a cheithern . coinnme deghsluaigh. sretha sirthe risin saimghrein . crithle cremnuail.

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Crotta cuislenna co cuibdhi . ®lidh faibli . la daÂn ndathghlan . teighdis co rõÂgh rathmhar raighne. Dodor do daÂn a mhic righ raighne co rathaibh . caidhi na cuirnn .K caidhi in mhuirn do bi co tathar .

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Rogaba ghreim don ®r . ro air®tset uili . aibinn in rith for a raibi . for bith buidhi . Baptais baptain for a anmain . uair ro cluinnter . aluagh arndul san alltar . sinne a mhuinter.

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Muinter donnchadha. Nobidis in chliar sin o fhescur comaidin occliaraighecht laisin duain sin forsin uaigh |f. 51v col. a| ¦ cach duine do fheghadh iat dognidh galar lai co naidchi do. Cor fas ceist oc lñchaibh ¦ oc cleircib de sin ar ba hingnad demna co follus acoimaidecht in righ lanchraibdigh. Ba headh so tra ni dia chrabadh .i. fodail bidh ¦ lenna cecha feile apstail in cach ardcill in osraighi ¦ altram de cacha tighi in osraighe ar son a cheitirne timchill ¦ trõ peillge cech tighi .i. peillec dechmhaidhe ¦ peillec mirenn ¦ peillec tuirtin ciric ¦ beith fa breith ¦ fa faisidin osin amach. Co ndernsat na cleirigh treidenus fri dhõÂa cofaillsigthea doib cidh imar lensatt na demna he co ttainic aingel de a fõÂs do chum ceile doe do cenel

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fhiachach .i. hua capaild ashloinedh ¦ atbert IS maith a ndernsabair ar se in troscadh ¦ .ix.bhar do cleir huõ chongeoidh iat ar se ¦ is e seo in tres feacht tancatar in eirinn a hiffern ¦ onar fedsat nõ donrigh ina bhethaigh is aire atat ar na eÂcc agadheitchedh ¦ dentar oifrend ambarach ¦ uisgi coisrictha ¦ crothar ar in uaigh ¦ ar in reilicc uile he ¦ ar madh na cille ¦ ticfaid uaibh na demna ¦ doronadh amlaidh ¦ tanccatar cliar huõ congheoid irechtaib en culdub isin aeoir etarbuas ¦ nir lamhsatt loighe forsan talmain coisrictha ¦ atbertatar ni sechmhaidh Ni sechmhaidh ar siat in troscad ¦ incoisecrad uair ro bheimisni a ndegaidh acuirp isin tsaeghal ar ita aainim ar nimh ¦ ni cuimgiumne nõ di & roimithighset ar sin. IS annsin ro bui in crossan ®on hua cinga ¦ mac rinntach crossan asin romeabilaidhset in dhuan ¦ in air®diudh ocleir huõ congeoid. Conidh hi sin ealadha rofodhain doib osin amach ¦ do crossanaibh uile naherenn ota sin anall fos. FINIT. ... (ii) The tale of Cormac Mac CuileanaÂin and the crosaÂin is to be found in a prose and verse version only in BR, MS 2324±40. The battle in which Cormac (and his crosaÂin) fell, the Battle of Bealach Mugna, was waged in 908. The literary reworking of it here could date anywhere between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. The tale's motif of the singing heads of the three decapitated crosaÂin begs comparison with the post-mortem performance of the musician Donn Bo in the Cath Almaine (part of whose narrative is given above under Cath Almaine in section 5.2, s.a. 721±2). Also, the fall of the crosaÂin alongside their king, Cormac Mac CuileanaÂin, is reminiscent of a common motif in Gaelic sources, the fool as the king's alter ego. Early Modern Irish Cormac Mac CuileanaÂin and the crosaÂin23 Brussels, BR MS 2324±40, f. 75 Ihesus Maria

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Tri briathra doratt corpmac mac cvilennain .i. nach biad enaghaid re alind [.tan] gan tri neithe do denam .i. cen nõ do tiodhnacadh ¦ cen ilceola anaitenta deistecht ¦ gan iarmeirge dutrachtach do denam inonoÂir in airdrigh. & in aghaid re ccath do tabairt do do cerball mac Mviregain do battar triar crossan fa moÂr airmittin ¦ gratsa aicce ina focair ind aghaid sin, & do rat dvine tri hvbla mora aidble do corpmac & advbairt a crosana. ar se da nderntai air®tedh amarach dam do gebhtai na hvbla sech in slogh vile ¦ do gabattar do laimh co ndingnedis ge mad beo marbh iat. Tabraidh mo lamh fa comhall sin ar Corbmac ¦ do naiscc orra amlaid sin ¦ tvccadh in cath arna marach ¦ do rochair Cormac ann, & ar ttecht na haidhce da nionnsaighe Advbairt Cerball eirgidh nech vaibh ar se d®s an armaigh ¦ do fechain corbmaic an ccomhaillfed se aluighe ¦ do cvaidh in techtaire dia ®s ¦ mar dobi ann at connairc cinnu na ccrosan ic comñntuccud cum a cele. IS ann advbairt gegan an brathair ba hamhra ¦ ba haireghda dibh drvididh cuccainn ille ar se & an ffedabair cuin do gabhabair do laimh air®ttedh do denam do mac cvilennain & as mor an feidhm a dingbaÂil air®digh do denam do ¦ da madh beo sinde do geÂnmais a airpeitedh ¦ do cedaigh in coimdhe dvÂn a air®dedh somh & sind marbh. & at bert gegan na roinn si

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Truaghan sin a rõÂ na righ . a rõÂ ®ren ®chtib sluagh is eolcaire na gach ceol . ceol na ccend in aidce fvair

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A chind GeÂgain drvid ille . co ndernamais coinircle moÂr innõÂ fa ttvccsam laÂimh . airfeitedh mic cvilendain Ar ttriur brathar dvÂin areÂir . maith ar lathar imon slvagh anocht ge taÂit ar tri cind . acc air®ttedh co tim trvagh

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f. 75v Vch monuar on vch monuar . ge gerr o dhomnach go lvan as giorra bõÂos rõ na nell . ag denam trein go ma trvagh Do rat vball cech ®r duÂn . ¯aith dobõ ag fulang na slvagh & do naiscc oirn da deoin . co ndingnemis ceol bvd trvagh O do tvit Pol le Neir sgel mor sa domhan toir nochar faccbadh ar in nglend . indsamhail chinn Corbmaic cain

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Vchan ach do tvit cormac isin cath o thesta a sil asin mbith maisi righ caisil at bath Corbmac a tulach na righ . do badh rõÂ ar mvmain mvadh gach ni do fuighill a bel . do fviling gach tren is gach trvagh

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Maith do svidhe dabach moÂr . maith do dlvighe ralach ruadh maith do tabairt laich illeÂn . maith do denamh treÂn do trvagh Camair so coisccidh bhar cceol . mithid dibh eistecht monvar beiridh bennachtain anocht is eirgidh chum bhar ccorp trvagh. Line 16 gabhabair] read gabhamair?

(iii) The Immram UõÂ Chorra (the `Voyage of the UõÂ Chorra') is found in three main manuscripts, all in the library of the RIA: MS 1134 (23 E 29; Book of Fermoy); MS 1008 (23 M 50); and MS 490 (23 N 15). (A fourth manuscript, a mere copy of MS 1008 (23 M 50), may be eliminated.) The Book of Fermoy version preserves the earliest and best text, and has been chosen as a base. The two other manuscripts record no substantive variants for the excerpt given here. The excerpt is of interest for its evidence that crosaÂin might organize into a touring troupe under a leader, and that they might dress in distinctive costume. In this text, the costume seems to have been the property of the troupe. Late Middle Irish Immram UõÂ Chorra24 RIA: MS 1134 (23 E 29; Book of Fermoy), p. 171 col. b . . . IN tan tra ba mithig leo dul anacurach ad conncatar buigin secha ¦ ba hi buidin boi and cliar crosan Adconncatar na crosain in curach ga chur amach arin muir Cuich na daine cuires in curach aran fairrgi ar siat Adubert fuirseoir na cleÂre Aithnimse iat ar se TrõÂ meic conaill dirg Âõ corra fhind di connachtaib .i. na foglaidi ¦ na dibergaid ac dula da noilithri ¦ do iarraid an coimgidh ar muir ¦ ar mor ¦ ar morfhairgi Acht cheana ar in fuirseoir tar mu breithir nõÂ mo

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rancatar a les dul diarraid nimhe indusa Tar mu brethir ar taisech na clere is fada cu ragasa dot oilitri NõÂ hamair dogentar ar in fuirseoir ach rachatsa leo sut dom ailithre anossa can fuirech AS briathar duinn arna crosain nach beÂra arneÂtaigini lat uair nõÂ let fein a fuil deÂtach umut Ni headh sin nom fastfasa acaibsi ar se . . . (iv) Two main versions exist of the tract on metrics which is excerpted below, one in the Book of Ballymote, and the other in TCD, MS 1308/i, ii (H. 2. 12, No. 8). The Book of Ballymote version has been chosen as a base (variants in the TCD manuscript are not of present interest). The tract gives specimens of different metrical and verse types, and in two of these crosaÂin are mentioned.

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Middle Irish Tract on Metrics25 RIA: MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote), p. 291 col. a ... . . . Cumasc slaite braeclõÂte ¦ lethrannaigechta moire annso. Meth mac muiredhaigh meisgi chirmuire crossan liath aglind screpall arfeoil eoinmhet areoch mall breccar claõÂme acind. . . . ... . . . Randaigecht bec corranach annso. Druth gaileng cen indtliucht sacaird seanoir ac suathadh traigle inachuathadh fhuidhre muccaidh iarmhaidi acharann crosain machaire ic merle opaidh isalann suirge. ... (v) The crosaÂn reference in the poem FeÂgthar tech Finn a nAlmhan (`Let us look at Fionn's house in Almha') occurs in an elegiac context: the poet views the spot where Fionn's house formerly stood, and is provoked to reminisce about it and about those who frequented it. The poem's listing of the personnel of an aristocratic household is akin to the tradition represented in texts such as CrõÂth Gablach or the Tech MidchuÂarda (see respectively section 5.1 above, Old Irish, CrõÂth Gablach, and Appendices 6.12±14 below), though none of these mentioned crosaÂin by name. It will also be noted that the crosaÂin in the house of Fionn kept company with three druÂith, and a stanza later with three oinmhide (`fools', here probably professional, not congenital), butlers and doorkeepers. This association suggests the nature of the social position of the crosaÂin in the house and their af®liation with domestic servants. Entertainers and domestics also consort in other texts.

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Late Middle Irish FeÂgthar tech Finn a nAlmhan26 Franciscan Library Killiney: MS A 20, f. 12v ... TRi drvÂith do bhoõ astig thall . cas is cathmhaÂol is cvÂalann a tRõ cRosaÂin mõÂn in modh . cles is cinnmear is cvitmhedh ... TRõ hoinmhide tighe ®nn . meall & maÂol & cnap ge do bhittõÂs andeoÂigh fhõÂan . nochas mhaith ciall na ttrõ mac

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A thRõ dailemhain mhaithe . drvcht daÂsacht & daithe a tRõ doirseoÂir raÂdh gan ghoid . dRvid & Âõath is oslaic ... (vi) O'Mulconry's Glossary, so called, is a glossary which has derived its name  Maoilchonaire scribes active in the section of TCD, MS 1318 from one of the O (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan) in which it appears. The glossary's de®nition of a grellach (usually, a `bog', `swamp') as an ech crosain (`horse of a crosaÂn') seems strange. Conceivably, if ech here has suffered a scribal apocope from an original echrais (`resort', `meeting place'), the de®nition would be understand a MagleÂine able: it might be recalled, for example, that the cry of the buffoon U in the Cath Almaine pursued men in the bog (see section 5.2 above, s.a. 721±2). Such uncongenial territory may have been thought an expected and typical abode for crosaÂin. However, as the DIL takes it, grellach may be a variant of grell, a word also appearing in the glossary where it is de®ned as an `animal retroambulans is aire itberar drochech' (`an animal going backwards, that is a bad horse'). In which case, the crosaÂn would here be associated with an inferior beast, and that too would be quite in keeping with his low status. Early Modern Irish O'Mulconry's Glossary27 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 114 . . . Grellach .i. ech crosain. . . . Line 1 ech] read echrais?

(vii) Though the poet who wrote La bhraith an Choimdheadh an CheÂadaoin (`Wednesday was the day on which the Lord was betrayed'), Giolla Brighde Mac Con Midhe, was active in the mid-thirteenth century, little else is known about his life. It seems likely that he was born earlier in the same century, and he may have died in 1272. His family had settled around Ardstraw, co. Tyrone. In this poem he regrets the ways of the world, and observes that a crosaÂn is more likely to receive a handout than a poor man who is more deserving. Early Modern Irish La bhraith an Choimdheadh an CheÂadaoin28 NLS: Advocates' Library, MS 72. 1. 25, f. 20 ... AigbheÂil duinn in daÂil donõÂamaid nairi bus aithrech ar nuair. a fuighli aconaibh na cainti sna lobhair gan failti uainn A chuÂid don crosan acedoir aguÂid domaeraibh na mõÂnn cuid in bochta ar dail is duiligh cair gorta a cuilidh da chinn (viii) A poetic vaticination which occurs in the Book of Fenagh predicts, amongst other things, the advent of the crosaÂin. Their coming is here presented almost as a sign of Apocalypse: in the last days before the world's end, the crosaÂin will walk abroad.

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Early Modern Irish A Manchan, romcaicill feÂin29 RIA: MS 479 (23 P 26; Book of Fenagh), p. 74 col. b ... TIcfaittit na crosana. fri dered domain dathaig. beitt gaidil go huchanach. gunna meandaib tig thairiss. p. 75 col. a conerset na cromanaig. ardnaim herenn da cabair. ... (ix) It is hard to arrive at a date for the composition of the tract on Latin declension that appears in TCD, MS 1315 (H. 2. 13), but it necessarily antedates its manuscript. On palñographical grounds, this must have been copied in the ®fteenth or perhaps sixteenth century. The tract uncompromisingly de®nes crosaÂn as scurra. By this date, the word scurra came freighted with several centuries of Christian disapproval. Before c. 1500 Tract on Latin declension30 TCD: MS 1315 (H. 2. 13), p. 70 col. a ... Hic scurra .i. crosan. ... (x) The crosaÂn story that appears in the Betha Brenainn (the `Life of Brendan') in the Book of Lismore further illustrates clerical attitudes to the profession of crosaÂn. CrosaÂin can be used as a measure of God's mercy: though choice sinners, even they are not utterly beyond redemption. (Another version of this story is to be found in the seventeenth-century manuscript BR, MS 4190±200, but the ®fteenth-century copy in the Book of Lismore has been presented here.) Late Middle Irish Betha Brenainn31 CHL: Book of Lismore, f. 75v col. b

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IS annsin tainic in crosan cu brenainn ¦ sleÂchtais ina fhiadhnusi ¦ is ed atbert fris a brenainn ar se geibh ar dhia mhe ¦ airchis dom troighi co ndighser lat. beris brenainn lais he iar sin ¦ teit isin luing leo .lx. fer . . . IArfaighit immorro na braitre do brenainn cidh aÂilgidit na lochait si ar siat. Ar nithine ¦ ar slugud ar brenainn. IS annsin dano atbert brenainn frisin crosan eirg ol se ¦ caith corp crist ¦ a fhuil ¦ eirg iarsin docum na bethad suthaini aÂr atcluinimsi clascetal aingel icot togairm cuca. Ba maith laissium sin ¦ is ed asbert A thigerna ar se cia maith doronus intan domberur acedair docum nime IAr caithiumh tra

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cuirp crist ¦ a fhola don crosan lingidh fochedair cofñilti dermhair co nduatar na murchata he uile acht beg dia chnamvibh & adhluicter leosum sin ¦ scribhthar a ainm amartralaic aÂr ba mairtõÂr amra heÂ. IS follus assin connaircle in coimdhed ar in folluspectach thaÂinic fadheoigh isin luing do thogha artus dochum nimhe . . . ...

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6.12 The Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams The matter distributed between Appendices 6.12±14 is closely related. The seating arrangement of the various persons within the Tech MidchuÂarda, the legendary banqueting hall of Tara, received various treatments in medieval Irish sources. Two actual diagrams of the hall are extant: each varies from the other in small details, and each is transcribed here. That from the Book of Leinster (Tech MidchuÂarda I) was copied in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century; and that from the Yellow Book of Lecan (Tech MidchuÂarda II) in the late fourteenth century. Both diagrams are evidently related to each other, though not in the sense that the Yellow Book diagram was copied directly from that in the Book of Leinster. The diagramatic schematizing of the Tech MidchuÂarda to which both manuscripts witness may have been executed some time in the Middle Irish period. Middle Irish Tech MidchuÂarda I32 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 15 cols a-b Tech midchuarda. Rannairi mael doib.

Cruittiri muc formuin doib.

Cuslennaig colpda doib.

Fidchellaig colptha doib

Segunni muc formuin doib

Brithemain lonchruait doib

Scolaige leschrua chait doib.

Deogbaire leschrua chait doib

Airig forgaill lonchruachait doib.

Suid littri lonchrua chait doib.

Gobainn mael doib.

Umaidid irchrua chait doib.

Muirig lon chruachait doib.

Tanaise suad leschruachait doib.

Tuathait milgetain doÂib.

Legi mñl doib

Aire aird loarg doÂ.

Luamairi milgetan doib.

Airi deÂsa loarg doÂ.

Creccairi

ClõÂ. cam

Ollam ®led loarg doib Anroth ®led camchnaim

Carpatsaer camchnaim .do.

Dabach.

lassar

Dalemain Rechtaire mael doib mael doib

Araid cuind doÂib.

Marcaig cuind doib

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10

15

20

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468

6. The Appendices: 6.12

doib. 25

30

35

Briuga cetach loarg doÂ. Augtar saÂrsi roichnech do FaÂdi ¦ druid ¦ commilid colptha doib

camchnaim doib. Clessanaig colptha doib. Cornairi 7 bunniri. midi mir tond doib.

bir

bruinnes

daul

Druth rõÂg Cano cam dromman do. chnaim .do. leÂs

áltaire ¦ sair Rannairi 7 cruachait doib. iascairi. milgetan doÂib

Dorsairi rõÂg. loÂchet. dronnna doÂib

Cairemain 7 toscairi remur nimda doib.

40

Braigetori remur nimda doib.

chnaim doÂ. Senchaid cam chnaim. doÂ. Aire echta muc formuin doÂ

Cuthchairi 7 midim ir remur nimda doib. Rathbuige 7 obraige. milgetan doib

Mairig 7 cladairi remur nimda doib.

45

Airi desa 7 doss colptha doib. Maccfurmid 7 fochloc ir chruachait doib.

Middle Irish Tech MidchuÂarda II33 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), cols 243±4 Marcaigh no araidh cvinn doib ¦ moer

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15

Rannaire mñl doib

Dailemain Rechtaire mñl doib mñl doib

Araid camchnama doib Moer cuind doib

Crvitere muc formvin Cuislinnaigh doib ¦ timpanaich colptha doib Tene

Fidcheallaigh colptha doib

Brithemain lonch roichti doib

Scolaige liss croichte doib Tene

Deogbaire les áre forgill loÂn chr chroichti doib oichthe doib

SuõÂlitri loncroichti Tanaise. suad les crochait no primchrochait

Ceardda hir croichte doib

Humaidid hir croichti doib Oinmite hir croichti doib

Ruiri loÂn croichti doib Righan les croichti ¦ ri ruireach

Ollam ®led loarcc do Anrudh camcnaim

Gobain mñl doib

Leighi 7 luamaire mñl doib

Aire ard loarc doib ClõÂ camchnaim doib

Briugu ¦ aire tui si laracc doib

Tuathait milgitain doib

Augtarsair muc formvin

Sñircarpat

Tene Dabach

Seguinni muc formuin doib

Luamaire Airetuisi camcnaim milgitain doib Sencha loarc do Cainnel

Creacoire cam Aire desa colptha doib

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6. The Appendices: 6.13

469

Atanaisi camcnaim

milgitain doib.

cnama doib K Dos muc formuin K sic colptha muicci. soir ¦ airig echta

Faithi drvid ¦ comail colptha doibh

Clessamnaigh colptha muicce doibh

Fuirseoire colptha mucc doib

Ailteri sair ¦ sair churan ¦ rathbuige hir Cainte remuir Locann crochti doibh nimdha doib

Braigitoire Cuthcaire ¦ crecoire remuir nimdha midhmir K cornaire doib

Cornairi ¦ buinniri midh mir doibh K ailteri Rinnaire ¦ nascaire milgataÂn doibh Cairemain ¦ tornore remur nimda doibh

Fochloch ircroichti do K aire desa.

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Rathbvigi ¦ obla ire milgitain doib Aire echta muc formuin Canu cam cnaim Druith rig dro Muirighi ¦ clasaighi manna doibh. remuir nimdha

herlarcaich Dorsaire rig 7 droinn doib Dorus

6.13 The prose Tech MidchuÂarda versions There are four related prose accounts of the Tech MidchuÂarda. Two, deemed suf®ciently representative, are excerpted here. The earliest, though fragmentary, account appears in TCD, MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster). Two versions appear in TCD, MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), the shorter of which is excerpted here. All of the accounts may have originated in the Middle Irish period. Tech MidchuÂarda, prose version I34 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 15v col. a ... Secht ndorsaire. secht rannahirej ina carpdib immecuaird. In druith i comair ind rõÂg arada h. . .j a. RõÂg ¦ rigdruith istig. ... Tech MidchuÂarda, prose version II35 TCD: MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), col. 244 ... . . . IN druid ¦ in druith a cum mat ¦ in chlesamnaig ¦ ind air®tigh nama isin tigh sin. . . . ... 6.14 The poetic Tech MidchuÂarda account There is also a poetic account of the Tech MidchuÂarda, the Suidigud Taigi MidchuÂarda (the `Settling of the House of the Central Court'), which follows directly on the diagrams and prose versions in the Book of Leinster and the Yellow Book of Lecan. The Yellow Book of Lecan text is fuller, but the earlier Book of Leinster is used as a base here (additional material from the Yellow

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470

6. The Appendices: 6.15

Book of Lecan, and from other manuscripts also containing versions of the poetic account, is given in the endnotes).

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Middle Irish Suidigud Taigi MidchuÂarda36 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 15 col. b ... INnidem cruitt co ceolaib donascnai seÂgand co muic for muin. maen erlam is cuibrend neÂroll. ... Cornaire ¦ cuthgaire cuiremmar cor fairKemidfhmirj ni mogaith moÂr fri ol noda ail. ... Dorsaire druith delma aitt. cethern discir druit dlegait aurfhocra co ol drond dia ceÎmnu cuit. Cuit caÂinte ¦ braigire. ni leÂicther ifaill. remur nimda uuall co grinn ni dimda phr[i]aind. Cuslennaig fheÂil ®dchellaig i nairidiu airthir is colptha coÂir cia ®rt gleis fora meis scuirther.

15

Rannaire [d]ecfeÂin dalemain rechtaire reÂim sñr¡ i niarthur tige for laÂr arrospetti mñl. ... Line 14 [d]ecfeÂin] the [d] retraced as ecf

6.15 FõÂs AdamnaÂin The FõÂs AdamnaÂin (the `Vision of AdomnaÂn') has little to do with the historical seventh-century saint named in its title, but it recruits him to help authenticate its vision of heaven, hell and judgement. AdomnaÂn's soul is sent out on a journey where each of these three Last Things is seen and reported on in turn. The excerpt included here evidences clerical hostility to satirists, and in linking them with mna aupthacha (`sorceresses'), possibly alludes to the dark magical power that was often credited to satire (for a clear association of the satirist with sympathetic magic, see L. Breatnach, ed. Uraicecht na RõÂar, Early Irish Law Series II (Dublin, 1987), p. 140). The text of FõÂs AdamnaÂin in its earliest manuscript has been chosen as a base here.

5

Middle Irish FõÂs AdamnaÂin37 RIA: MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), p. 30 col. a ...  s braith ¦ eÂcnaig ¦ . . . IS iat iarom ®let isin pheÂin sin .i. gatiage ¦ ethgig ¦ ñ  s cosnoma |p. 30 col. b| mna slataige ¦ crechaire ¦ brethemain guÂbrethaig ¦ ñ aupthacha ¦ caÂnti. aithdibergaig ¦ ®r leÂgind pridchiat eris. . . . ...

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6. The Appendices: 6.16

471

6.16 Three Gaelic biblical narratives The three items included here are all Irish versions of biblical episodes. The terms chosen for their Gaelicization may shed some light on various aspects of Gaelic performance practice, and how it was viewed by the writers who reported it. (i) The Old Testament narrative of 2 Kings 6:14 tells how King David danced joyfully before the Ark of the Lord, or as the Latin version available to the early Middle Irish author of Saltair na Rann (the `Verse Psalter') expressed it, David `saltabat totis viribus ante Dominum'. The author, while accepting his biblical source, has put a characteristically Irish skew on it by comparing what David did with the antics of a druÂth. c. 988±90 Saltair na Rann38 Bodl.: MS Rawlinson B. 502, f. 36 col. b ... dauid frialuth linib smacht . amal druth icfurseoracht ... (ii) The daughter of Herodias, whose lithe performance stirred up King Herod into making his rash promise to grant her whatever she wished (Matthew 14:6 and Mark 6:22), was commonly depicted in medieval manuscript illuminations as an acrobatic tumbler at a banquet. What she did in the gospel narratives was capable of being conceived and expressed in contemporary medieval Gaelic terms. Salvisa, as she is named in the Irish homily describing her activity in the Leabhar Breac, provides one of the best cases in point (for other pertinent, though less colourful, examples, see A. M. Scarre, `The Beheading of John the  riu 4 (1910), 173±81 and K. MuÈller-Lisowski, `Texte Baptist by Mog Ruith', E zur Mog Ruith Sage', Zeitschrift fuÈr celtische Philologie 14 (1923), 145±63). Here she is also accompanied by her musical sister, Neptis. Late Middle Irish Homily on the Passion of St John the Baptist39 RIA: MS 1230 (23 P 16; Leabhar Breac), p. 188 col. a ... . . . Tanic din .hiruath. co tõÂr iuÂda iar sin ¦ doronad co |p. 188 col. b| ibfhled mor occa dia rõÂgu ¦ dia toisechu iartain. Batar tra da ingin oc erudõÂatis. oc mnai .hiruaith. Saluisa ¦ neptis anmunda na ingensin batar din hilcherda inganta leo side .i. ingen dib ocambraÂn ¦ ocluindiucc ¦ oc fethcusib ¦ cõÂuil examail ar chena .i. neptis ahainm side IN ingen aile vero .i. saluÂisa fri clesaigecht ¦ lemenda ¦ fri hopairecht. Tic .hiruath eisif intech rig iat do erail eladan forru ¦ do air®ted na slog. daÂig co nderntais oibnes menman ¦ oirecc tuli for rigaib ¦ toisechaib mac nisrael. ¦ tõÂre Âõuda uli. Atbertsat na mna na dingnetõÂs a noir®ted. ceÂn co tarta ambreth feÂn doib. . . . ...

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472

6. The Appendices: 6.17

(iii) By the time Geoffrey Keating wrote the Trõ Bior-ghaoithe an BhaÂis (the `Three Shafts of Death') in 1631, the practice of holding wakes to lament the passing of the dead was well established in Irish society, and had probably been for hundreds of years. Certainly, wakes could be occasions of promiscua convivia; one of the statutes passed at the synod of Tuam in the very year that Keating wrote the Trõ Bior-ghaoithe an BhaÂis expressly admonished priests to avoid going unbidden to exequias defunctorum, and this it did in the same breath in which it warned them off frequenting taverns and fairs (see L. F. Renehan, Collections on Irish Church History (Dublin, 1861), p. 493). Wakes might be occasions for performances of various sorts (later wake traditions often featured mimetic games), and when Keating came to describe the funeral of Jairus' daughter (Matthew 9:23), he treated the musicians playing in the dead girl's house somewhat differently from the way they appear in their gospel source. His ampli®cation of the gospel narrative may have been in¯uenced by elements of contemporary wake practice with which he was familiar. 1631 Trõ Bior-ghaoithe an BhaÂis40 TCD: MS 1403 (H. 5. 32), f. 47 ... ArdtuÂs do chuir as in ttech an tshochraide dobhõ ann, idir StorgaÂnaidhe, oir®dioch .¦ PhõÂobaire. . . . ... 6.17 Cath Cairnd Chonaill The posthumous miracle of King Guaire, found in the story of the Cath Cairnd  eda SlaÂni for Guairi Aidni (the `Battle of Carn Chonaill ria Diarmait mac A  eda SlaÂne over Guaire of Aidne'), shares in Conaill [won] by Diarmait son of A the saint's life topos, extensively illustrated above in Appendix 6.12, of the satisfying of rapacious entertainers' demands. On this occasion the reward of a secular king from the grave redounds to his honour, and the druÂth who is the bene®ciary suffers no ill effects.

5

Middle Irish Cath Cairnd Chonaill41 RIA: MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), p. 117 col. b ... IS e doroÂni in ®rt namra hi cluain meic noÂis dõÂa rucadsom dia adnacol di. TaÂnic in druÂth dia saigid ¦ rogab algais de im athchuingid fair. Doratsom alaim darsin forbaid immach. ¦ rogab laÂn aduirnd don ganium ¦ rodibairc i nuch in druad co nderna bruth oÂir deÂ. Conid he sin enech dedenach Guairi.

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6. The Appendices: 6.18

473

6.18 Mesca Ulad Mesca Ulad (the `Intoxication of the Ulstermen') is essentially an Old Irish text which came to be redacted, most authorities agree, late in the Middle Irish  period, probably in the late eleventh or early twelfth century (see T. O Concheannain, `The Manuscript Tradition of Mesca Ulad', Celtica 19 (1987), 13±30). It exists in four manuscripts, but only the copy in TCD, MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster) is of present concern. (Though the version in RIA, MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), ff. 19±20v, is earlier, and may in a former, more complete state have provided the exemplar from which the Book of Leinster version was copied, it survives now in Lebor na hUidre only in fragmentary form and does not contain the passage excerpted below.) The description of RoÂimid, the king's (or the royal) jester, contains several details of present interest, such as the reference to what was apparently his face blackening (`Aged ethiopacda slemangorm aci', `his face was black like an Ethiopian's'), a form of disguise still in use by popular entertainers today, or the little bell with which he commanded the attention of those before whom he performed. Bells have long been a traditional feature of the fool's costume. Middle Irish Mesca Ulad42 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 196 col. a ... Unsea riu anair anectair ar crom deroÂil Atcondarcsa and budin da dñscarsluÂag oenfher eturru. SuÂasmñl dubrintach fair mocolshuÂli moÂra oengela ina chind. Aged ethiopacda slemangorm aci. Bratt rõÂbaÂin i forcipul immi. frithchuman umaidi ina brutt uasa braini. sithbacc creduma ina laÂim. Clucin ceolbind ina chomaitecht. Bertaid a echlasc bar in sluÂag co taÂrcend suba ¦ sogra dond ardrõÂg ¦ dond tshluaÂg uili. Sothib ¦ is fursidi in tuarascbaÂil ar medb. Sothib caÂch sa tuarascbaÂil bar cu ruõÂ. Cia suÂt bar ailill. Nõ hannsa bar cu ruõ RoÂimid rõÂgoÂinmit sin ar cu ruõ Onmit conchobair. Ni rabi desbaid nach do chumaid ar duni dultaib riam ara tucad da ari acht co facced roÂimid rõÂgoÂnmit. ...

6.19 Togail Bruidne Da Derga The story of the Togail Bruidne Da Derga (the `Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel') is reckoned to have been composed in the eleventh century, though some of its sources may be earlier. The tale exists in various manuscripts, but for present purposes, the copy in RIA, MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), is preeminent. The bruiden (`hostel') of Da Derga around which the tale centres was replete with entertainers of various kinds. The tale's listing of the personnel within a hall seems like a literary working of a preoccupation found as early as the Old Irish law text CrõÂth Gablach (see under Old Irish, CrõÂth Gablach, in section 5.1 above) and embodied in the versions of the Tech MidchuÂarda noted above in Appendices 6.12±14.

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474

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25

30

35

40

6. The Appendices: 6.19

Middle Irish Togail Bruidne Da Derga43 RIA: MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), p. 88 col. b ... Atchonnarc and imdai ¦ nonbor indi. mongae ®ndbudi foraib. It e comaÂlli uile. Bruit brecliga impu ¦ noõ tinne cetharchoÂire cumtachtai uasaib. Ba leoÂr suillse isind rigethigf a cumtach ®l forsna tinnib cetharchoÂrib hõÂsin. Samailte lat a®r rogain. ni handsa damsa asamail for fer rogain. Nonbor cuslennach insin doroachtaÂtaÂr co conaire ara airsceÂlaib asõÂd breg ite ananmand. Bind. Robind. rõÂarbind. sibe. dibe. Deichrind. umal. Cumal. Ciallglind. Ite cuslennaig atadech ®l isin domon. Dofoethsat .ix. deichenbor leo ¦ fer cech airm ¦ fer cech ®r. . . . ... p. 92 col. b ... Atcondarc and borr oÂclaech ar beÂlaib naimdae cetnae for laÂr in tige. Athis maõÂli fair. Finnithir canach sleÂbe cach ®nna aÂsas trõÂana chend. Unasca oÂir imma oÂ. Brat brecligda imbi. .ix. claidib ina laÂim ¦ noõ sceÂith airgdidi ¦ .ix. nubla oÂir. Focheird cech ai dib in nardae ¦ nõ thuit nõ dõÂb for laÂr ¦ nõ bõ acht oÂen dib fora bois ¦ is cumma ¦ timthirecht bech illo aÂnli cach ae sech araile suÂas In tan ba haÂni do atconnarcus ocon chlis ¦ amal do recachasa fochartataÂr grith immi co mbaÂtar for laÂr in tige uile. IS and asbert ind ¯aith ®l isin tig frisin clessamnach cotraÂncammaÂr oÂrbat mac bec ¦ nirala do cless nairiut cosinnocht. Uch uch aphopa chaõÂn conaire is deithbir dam domrecacha suÂil feÂig andõÂaraid fer co trõÂun meic imlisen foraicce dul noõ ndrohnjg nõ meÂti dosom andeÂicsin andõÂaraõÂd sin ®chitir catha de orse Rofessar co de braÂtha bas nolc ar dorus brudne. Gabais iarom naclaidbiu inna laim ¦ na sceÂith airgdidi ¦ na ubla oÂir ¦ fochartatar grith imbi dorõÂse co mbaÂtaÂr for laÂr tige uile. . . . Samailte lat sin a fir rogain. Cia ro chaÂchain in laõÂd se. Ni handsa limsa asamail or fer rogain. Taulchinne rõÂg druth rõÂg temrach clessamnach conaire insin fer comaic |p. 93| moÂir in fer sin. . . . ... p. 94 ... Atconnarc noÂnbur naile friu anair noÂi monga crñÂbacha cassa foraib .ix. mbroit glassa luascaig impu .ix. ndelce oÂir inambrataib .ix. failge glano immaÂlaÂma ordnasc oÂir imordain cach ñ. auchuimriuch noÂir mo chach ®r. muince aircit im braÂgit cach ñ .ix. mbuilc co ninchaib oÂrdaib uasib hi fraig .ix. ¯esca ®ndarcit inna lamaib. Rofetursa sin ol se. noi crutiri ind rig insin. side. ¦ dide. dulothe ¦ deichrinni. caumul ¦ cellgen. oÂl ¦ oÂlene ¦ olchoõÂ. atbela fer cach ñ leo. Atconnarc triar naile isind airidi. Teora caimsi hi foditib impu. scõÂatha cethrocairi in ina laÂmaib co telaib oÂir foraib ¦ ubla airgit ¦ gai bic intlassi leu. Rosfetursa ol se. cless ¦ clissõÂne ¦ clessamun tri clessamnaig ind rõÂg sin. tri comais tri derbraÂthir. tri meic naf®r rochlis. atbeÂba fer cach ñ leÂo. Atconnarc triar naili hi comfocraõÂb imdai ind rõÂg fessin. Tri broit gorma impu ¦ teoÂra caimsi co nderg intlaid tairsiu. arrocabtha angascid uÂasaib hi fraigid. rusfetursa sin ol se .i. dris ¦ draigen ¦ aittõÂt. trõ anmed ind rõÂg tri meic sceÂith foilt. atbela fer cach airm leoÂ. ...

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6. The Appendices: 6.20

475

p. 96v col. b ... Atcondarc and trõÂar forchuitbidi hi cind tened tri bruit odra impu o no betõÂs ®r herend i noÂenmagin ¦ ce no beth colaind a mathar K athar ar beÂlaib cach ®r dõÂb ni foelsad nech dõÂb cen gaÂri impu. Coõ hi ®l in trichoit .c. issin tig nõ ermada nech dõÂb a suidi naÂch a lige lasin trõÂar cuitbidi sin. naÂch tan tosnaidle suÂil ind rõÂg tibid la cach ndeÂscin. Samailte lat sin a fir rogain. ni handsa. mñÂl ¦ mlithi ¦ aÂdmlithi. Tri cuitbi rõÂg heÂrend insin. AtbeÂla fer la cach nñ ¦ conraõÂnfet buÂaid ®r etorro. . . .

45

50

Line 31 mo] read i n-oÂ.

 eda SlaÂine 6.20 Genemain A  eda SlaÂine (the `Birth of A  edh SlaÂne'), with The prose version of the Genemain A its story of a banchaÂinte (`female satirist') in action, appears in RIA, MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre). (A poetic version, also in this manuscript and in the Book of Leinster, does not contain the episode as given here, and seventeenthcentury copies of the text in BR, MSS 2324±40 and 5100±4 have no variants of present interest.) The banchaÂinte in this passage betrays the familiar habits of the profession: petulant demands are followed by a reprisal when they are not instantly grati®ed. Middle Irish  eda SlaÂne44 Genemain A RIA: MS 1229 (23 E 25; Lebor na hUidre), p. 52 col. a ... . . . Baõ tnuÂth moÂr oc mugain fri mairind. ¦ asbert mugain frisin mbancanti dobeÂrad a breth feÂin di dõÂa mbenad a mind oir do chind na rigna. ar is amlaid boõ mairend cen folt conid mind rigna no bid oc foloch a lochta. Tanic tra in banchaÂinti co airm i mbuõ mairend ¦ boõ oc tothlugud neich furri. Asbert in rõÂgan na baõ acci. BõÂaid ocut so or si oc tarraing in catbairr orda dõÂa cind. DõÂa ocus chõÂaran risside immorro or mairend oc tabairt a da laÂm mo cend. Nõ thaÂrnic immorro do neoch issin tsluÂag dercad furri in tan rosiacht aÂth a da himdad in folt fand ¯escach foroÂrda ro asair furri trõÂa nert cõÂaran. . . . 6.21 Fingal RoÂnaÂin The story of Fingal RoÂnaÂin (the `Kinslaying of RoÂnaÂn') was composed in the late Old Irish or early Middle Irish period. Its historical core is vague: the  eda who appears in the narrative was presumably the historical RoÂnaÂn mac A RoÂnaÂn mac ColmaÂin, the father of Mael Fhothartaig, but various death dates in the ®rst quarter of the seventh century are recorded for him in different annalistic sources. For the excerpt given below, TCD, MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster) has been used (there are no substantive variants for this excerpt in the version contained in TCD, MS 1337 (H. 3. 18) ). The face-contorting of the druÂth, part of his professional stock-in-trade, receives a grimly ironic twist in

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476

6. The Appendices: 6.22

the tale when Mac Glas, the druÂth of Mael Fhothartaig, contorts his face in mortal earnest after he has been spitted on a spear. The bystanders ®nd his girning comical, even though this time it is offered in deadly earnest.

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Late Old or Early Middle Irish Fingal RoÂnaÂin45 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 198v ... . . . BuÂi indruÂth mñlfothartaig .i. mac glass occlessaib for laÂr in taige. . . . Oc eÂirgiu do chongal dosbeir ñdaÂn in ngai ind co tarla trõÂna chride. Roleblaing in druÂth dosleÂce ñdaÂn in gñ in adiaid corruc a inathar ass . . . Nobered immorro in ®ach a inathar on druÂth for irdrochiut. no fhencad a beolu. no thibtõÂs ind athig. mebul la mñlfothartaig. IS and asbertsom. A mic glais timthais tinathar inniut. cid na fetarsu naÂire athig ocgaÂire immut. . . . ... 6.22 Cath Maige Mucrama In several early Irish texts, the jester or druÂth of the king enjoys a particularly close relationship with his master. This may even extend to dying in his master's stead. One example of this motif from the late Old Irish text Cath Maige Mucrama has been selected for illustration here: Do DeÂra the jester dies pretending to be his king, Mac Con. Mac Con in the tale may have been based on a historical character, the last independent king of the Corco LoõÂgde in the region of present-day west co. Cork, who ¯ourished either in the second or third century A.D. .

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Late Old Irish Cath Maige Mucrama46 TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 206v col. b ... . . . Is and luid mac con inmaccallaim fria druÂid. Do dera a ainmside do dairinib do int ainriuth comchosmail crotha ¦ delba in druÂth fri mac con. Maith or lugaid foceraid eogan comrac desse formsa innosse ¦ donscera a bruth mac indrõÂg ¦ adbar ¦ hua araile. N matñt fort beolu ar in druth At lomthru Regaitse ara chend ar in druÂth ¦ domindsu for mo chind ¦ terred immum. co nerbara caÂch is tussu dothñt and. Ma beith nõ iarum totim damsa not beirsiu ass fochetoÂir ar atbeÂra caÂch is tussu do fñÂth and ¦ mebais in cath iar suidiu. Biaid immorro eogan oc do chungidsiu sethno in chatha dia naccera iarum do cholpthasu not gignether oÂn |f. 207 col. a| Dognither oÂn. marbthair indruÂth. . . . 6.23 Aislinge Meic Con Glinne The fantastical tale Aislinge Meic Con Glinne (the `Dream of Mac Con Glinne') tells of how Mac Con Glinne delivered Cathal from the demon of gluttony. This he accomplished by reciting in front of Cathal mouth-watering descriptions of a land made of food to entice the demon out of him. Mac Con Glinne

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6. The Appendices: 6.24

477

seems to have been a kind of Irish version of the clericus vagans. Among his talents he included skills in entertainment and the performing arts, some of them scurrilous enough. The account of his performance at the house of PichaÂn, sub-king of Iveagh, also mentions the distinctive costume that he wore. Two copies of the tale exist, but for present purposes, the version in the Leabhar Breac is suf®cient. Late Middle Irish Aislinge Meic Con Glinne47 RIA: MS 1230 (23 P 16; Leabhar Breac), p. 215 col. b ... Luid mac conglinne iarum co daidbir discir deinmnetach ¦ tocbais a lummain .u.diabulta cengalta i faÂn a da gualand ¦ cenglaid a lenid os mellach a larac .¦ cingis dar ®arlait na faichthi fon samail sin co tech pichan meic Moil®nde co duÂn coba i cocrich hua nechach ¦ corcu laÂigde. ¦ cingis co dian a doÂchumm in duÂnaid fon tochim sin. ¦ feib rosiacht in sluagtech saindrud i mbaÂdus oc tinol na sloÂg. gabais gerrchochall ¦ gerreÂtach imme. girru cach nuachtarach lais ¦ libru cach nichtarach. fororbairt fuirseoracht fon samail sin don tslog do laÂr in rigthige .i. nõ narba comadais dia persaind caÂintecht ¦ bragitoracht ¦ duana la ®lidecht do gabail coro hasblad he na tanic riam K iarum bid errdarcu i cerdu caÂintechta. . . .

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6.24 TromdaÂmh Guaire The earliest and best copy of TromdaÂmh Guaire (`Guaire's Burdensome Poetic Company') is found in CHL, the Book of Lismore. For all its general fancifulness, this text nevertheless gives an account, which in spirit is perhaps close to historical reality, of the sorts of performance that might be purveyed by members of a travelling poetic troupe. Their skills range from performing croÂnaÂn (`humming'), playing the harp and timpaÂn, to storytelling. Late Middle Irish TromdaÂmh Guaire48 CHL: Book of Lismore, f. 190v col. b ... Tucad na croÂnanvigh chuca. trõÂ nñnbair alin ¦ dobail leo cert croÂnan do denum ¦ ni he sin dobail do marbaÂn acht croÂnan snagach & is uime ruc dorogain eisein ar daigh gu mbrisdi a cinn ¦ a cosa ¦ a mvinil ¦ cumad girri ananal uadha ina on croÂnan cert. Batar dino na trõÂ nñnbair ac croÂnan fon samhvil sin ¦ intan do fhobraitis scur is ann atberedh marbaÂn denaid ar saith croÂnain dvin mar do gheallabhair. Ba scith a ceÂtoir na trõÂ nñnbair ¦ do iar marbaÂn aris croÂnan dodenam . . . |f. 191 col. b| . . . Doghensa ar fer istigh ealadha duit Cred in ealadha ar marbaÂn ¦ cia thu fein. ollam maith mhisi rem cerd fein ac sencaÂn .i. casmhñl crviteri mhainm. Fiafraighim dhit a casmhñil ar marbaÂn creÂt asa frith in crviterecht K cia dorindi in ceÂt dan K cia is tusca dorinnedh crvit ina timpan. Ni fhetarsa sinKea primhfaidf ar casmhñl. . . . |f. 191v col. a| . . . Adubairt nech istigh. doghensa ealadha duit amharbaÂin Cia thu fein ar marbaÂn ¦ creÂt in ealadha fhuil agat. Coirche ceoilbhinn mhainmsi ar se ollamh timpanachta na

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6. The Appendices: 6.25

tromdhaimhe Fhiafraighim dhid a choirche cheoilbinn ar marbaÂn creÂt ma ngairther timpaÂn nñmh don timpaÂn ¦ nar sheinm nñm timpaÂn riamh. Ni fhedar imorro ar in timpanach. Adersa friut he ar marbaÂn .i. in tan dochuaidh nai mac laimhiach isin airc ruc se movran do cheolaibh leis ¦ ruc timpaÂn do shunnrad ¦ do bhi mac aigi dar eol a sheinm ¦ batar isin airc oiret bui in dile forsin ndoman co ndechaid nai cona clainn aisdi ¦ dob ail don mac in timpaÂn do breith leis. Ni bera ar nai nogu fagharsa luagh. iarfocht in mac de creÂt in luagh. atbert nai nar beg leis in timpaÂn dainmniugad uaidh fein. dorat in mac in aiscid sin do conadh timpaÂn nñi a ainm osin anall ¦ ni he sin adertisi na timpanaig ainmhfheasacha acht timpaÂn nñm . . . Ba nar le sencaÂn sin ¦ o nach fuair nech ele do freiceorad marbaÂn adubairt co ndingnedh fein croÂnan do. As bindi leamsa uaitsi he ar marbaÂn ina ogach duine ar bith |f. 191v col. b| Ro thocuib sencaÂn a ulchain a nairdi ¦ nir gabh marbaÂn uadha acht croÂnan snacach ¦ intan do fhobradh sencaÂn scur is ann aderedh marbaÂn denuidh mu shaith croÂnaÂin damh Ba nar le sencaÂn sin ¦ sreangad ro tenn da tuc air ag denum in croÂnain sceinnidh a lethshuil tar a cind combvi for a grvaigh. . . . Atbert nech astigh dogen fein ealaidhi duit a marbaÂin. Cia thusa ar marbaÂn ¦ creÂt in ealadha. Scelaidhi is ferr isin tromdhaimh me ar eisium ¦ a neirinn uili ¦ ®s mac fochmhairc mhainm bunaidh Masa thusa scelaidi as fherr a neirinn ar marbaÂn ata ®s prõÂmhscel eirenn acat Ata co deimin ar an scelaidi Ma ata ar marbaÂn indis tain bo cuailgne damhsa . . . 6.25 Poets curse a chief and his household A strange liturgy of cursing, in which participates a representative of each of the seven grades into which the Irish poetic hierarchy was traditionally divided, is to be found in RIA, MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote). It illustrates well an enduring belief in Gaelic society that poetry, especially satire, exerted a quasi-magical power (compare too Appendix 6.15 above and its headnote). It also appositely illustrates the markedly performative circumstances considered appropriate for satire's delivery.

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Middle Irish Poets curse a chief and his household49 RIA: MS 536 (23 P 12; Book of Ballymote), p. 294 col. a ... . . . IS amhlaidh dognõÂthe isidhe troscadh for fearand in righ dia ndenta in duan ocus comorle .xxx. laech ¦ xxx. espoc ¦ xxx ®ledh im air do dhenum iartain ¦ robo cin doib tairmeasc na hairi iar fhemedh na duaisi. Cid ®l and tra acht in ®le fodhesin do dhul moirsheser .i. sessear imaille fris fein fora mbetis se graÂda ®ledh ¦ ite annso ananmand .i. fochloc mac fuiredh doss. cana clõÂ. anrad. ollam .i. in moirsheisidh .i. adul re turcbail ngreÂne co mullach no bhiadh a coicrich .uii. ferunn ¦ aidhidh gach graidh dibh for a fherunn ¦ aigidh innolloman ann for ferann in righ noegnaidhfedh ¦ a ndromanna uile re sciaigh nobiadh ar mullach na tulcha ¦ in ghaeth atuaidh ¦ cloch throchail ¦ dealg don sciaigh illaÂimh gach fhir ¦ rann for inaisdisea gach ®r dibh doghabail in tib andhis don righ ¦ in tollam doghabail raind rompu ardus ¦ siatsum anñnfhecht iarsin doghabail a randh ¦ cach do chur a chloichi ¦ a delge fobun na sciach ¦ diamad

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6. The Appendices: 6.26

479

iatson bad chintach ann talumh na tulchi dia sluagadh diamadh e in righ immorro budh cintach talam dia slogud ¦ abhean ¦ amac ¦ a each ¦ a arm ¦ a erriudh ¦ achu. glamh in meic fhurmed ar in coin. glamh in fhochlocon ar in erridh. glamh in duis ar in ar in glamh in chanad ar in mnai glamh in cli ar in mac. glamh in anradh for infearunn. glamh in olloman for in rõÂg . . . ...

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6.26 The Gaelic Marco Polo and the Gaelic Mandeville By the later Middle Ages, a vogue for exotic literature seems to have developed in Ireland alongside the vigorous native tradition of tales and storytelling. This literature was being translated into Irish from non-native sources. The two texts excerpted here witness to that vogue, and both show how the performing arts associated with the cleasamnach were the ®rst to come to the translators' minds when they were seeking ®tting equivalents for what was in their sources. (i) The Gaelic version of the travels of Marco Polo is to be found in CHL, the Book of Lismore. The passage from which this excerpt is taken describes the banqueting hall of Cublay of the Tartars and the entertainments that it hosted. As the banqueters made merry to the sound of music, another group of people performed cleasaidheacht ¦ amvinsi (`juggling/acrobatics and tricks') for them. Cleasaidheacht and its associated skills are well represented in other comparable contexts (see, for example, Appendix 6.27 below). Early Modern Irish The Gaelic Marco Polo50 CHL: Book of Lismore, f. 125 col. b ... . . . Eirgidh dona foireann ele dia toi sechaibh cosna tunnaibh ¦ eascrada dimhora do dergoÂr leoÂ. Fedhm desi laoch animchar. Sreathaid lasna heascradaibh sin for culaib ¦ cernaibh na brvigni ¦ linaid cuach K cupa oÂrdadh as na heascraibh [sin] dimora sin for ®arlait na brvighnõÂ do gach aon cu robhad mescdha medharcaine. Seinnter gach fodur ¦ gach ceoÂl for bith doibh co mbi an tistad vile na cairchi ciuil. Doghniad foireann eli cleasaidhecht ¦ amvinsi doibh. ... (ii) The Gaelic version of Mandeville's Travels is found in two late ®fteenthcentury manuscripts, the superior being Rennes, BibliotheÁque Municipale, MS 598 (15,489). The text was translated from an English original in 1475 by the Irish chieftain Fingin O'Mahony (²1496), who worked at Rosbrin in the barony of Skull, co. Cork. The text describes the entertainments staged at another great court, this time that of the Great Khan in Asia. The Great Khan is said to have observed four chief feasts: at one of these, some entertainers manufacture the illusion of a radiant sun and moon which pay him homage.

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480

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6. The Appendices: 6.27

1475 The Gaelic Mandeville51 Rennes, BibliotheÁque Municipale: MS 598 (15,489), f. 67v col. a ... Tigcit clesvidhi ina fõÂadnaisi ¦ donõÂad innshamail greine ¦ esca lan do dellrad do denum umhla doÂsan mar grein ¦ mur esgca. Tigcitt maighdena an tighi Âõarsin ¦ doberitt copain oÂir laÂn do bainne capall chvigi ¦ dochum na bantigerna. Tigitt ridiri ara nechaib ¦ bõÂd ac deÂnam gõÂustaÂla annsa halla no co nerghenn an rõ ¦ amvindter vile da cvitt . . . ... 6.27 Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill The story of the Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill (the `Kern of O'Donnell'), composed probably in the sixteenth century, is a larger-than-life narrative about a magical kern who is able to perform impressive conjuring tricks. Nevertheless his performances, though fantastical, may not be unreal in essence, and may convey some impression of the sort of thing that a clesaidhe might do. The kern's pieÁce de resistance, after all, was a spectacular version of a familiar modern illusion, the Indian rope trick. Sixteenth century Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill52 BL: MS Additional 18747, f. 73

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. . . Tug an clesaidhe ceirtle sõÂoda amach as a mhaÂla cleasaighecht ¦ tug urchar a nairde dho go ndeachaidh a neal an ñoir, ¦ tug gearfhiadh amach as an mhala cheadna ¦ dimthigh an gearfhiadh na rith suas air an tsnaithe ¦ tug cu bheag ¦ do leig a ndiaigh an ghearfhiadh i ¦ do bhõ si taffann go binn ar a lorg, tug giolla beag amach as an mhala ciadhna ¦ dubhairt leis dul suas airKeaf tsnaithe andiaigh na con ¦ an ghearfhiadh,, tug oigbhean alainn inniolta amach as mhala eile bhi aige ogus dubairt leithe an giolla ¦ chu do leanmhainn ¦ an gearfhiadh do chaomhnadh gan masladh on ccoin, do rith an rigbhean na ndiaigh go luath ¦ dob aoibhinn le taodhg o ceallaidh beith ag amharc na ndiaigh & ag eisteacht le seastain na sealga go ndeachadar suas san neal as aithne go lear, Do bhadar seal fada na ttost iar sin, go ndubhairt an cleasaidhe, is eagal liom, ar se go bhfuil droch char ga dheanamh an sud shuas, ¦ ma ta ni rachaidh gan dioghal,, cred sin air taodhg o ceallaidh¡ ata air an cleasaidhe go mbiodh an chu ag ithe an ghear®adh ¦ an giolla dol chum na mna,,, bu dual sin fein air taodhg,,, tairngios an tsnaithe iar sin agus |f. 73v| fuair an giolla idir dha chois na mnaÂ, ¦ an chu ag crinn chnama an ghearfhiadh,, . . . ...

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6. The Appendices: 6.28

481

6.28 A crosaÂntacht The literary crosaÂntacht was a prose-and-verse medley, somewhat reminiscent of the medieval chante-fable. Although its roots in Ireland are undoubtedly older, it is ®rst on record from the sixteenth century, as in the case of the text excerpted here. This text is addressed to one of the Burkes of Connacht, and it gives a good (if brief) impression of the nature of after-dinner conviviality in an Irish aristocratic household. The excerpt mentions the reccaire (`reciter') being at work, a character with a long history in Irish texts before this date. (An early instance of him may be found in the TromdaÂmh Guaire; see Appendix 6.24 above.) The word was evidently borrowed into Irish from Anglo-Saxon. The reccaire seems to have come also to the attention of certain sixteenth-century English chroniclers of Irish customs (see, for example, the writings of Thomas Smyth, John Derricke and Edmund Spenser in section 5.2, respectively s.a. 1561, before 16 June 1578 and 1596). The task of the reccaire was to deliver the composition of the poet. Sixteenth century A crosaÂntacht53 Clonalis House: Book of The O'Conor Don, f. 29v . . . iar svidhe ar slesvibh. reÂidhe arioÂghbhrvighen ag oÂl ab¯edh b®orvaÂsal bfõÂnemhna .¦ andeochand ngarbh ngabaltach ar bfaÂs rvithnedh .¦ rvam andachta Ina rioÂgh ghnvÂisibh ag eisdeacht re drevÂachtaibh .¦ re dvanlaoõÂdhibh asen .¦ asinnser ga solus reic ambeluibh recairedh .¦ rioÂghbhard . . . ...  dam oÂenathair na ndoÂene 6.29 Gilla Mo Dutu uÂa Casaide's A  dam oÂenathair na ndoÂene, by Gilla Mo Dutu uÂa Casaide, was The poem A composed in 1147 at Devenish monastery, Lough Erne, co. Fermanagh. It succinctly illustrates its twelfth-century author's awareness of the compatibility of the roles of harper and sceÂlaige (`reciter of stories'), and may be regarded as a further evidence of the versatile and amphibious nature of the Irish performing artist. 1147  dam oÂenathair na ndoÂene54 A TCD: MS 1339 (H. 2. 18; Book of Leinster), f. 101v col. a ... scelaigi is chruttiri cubaid fedlimid in bunaid buain. ...

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482

6. The Appendices: 6.30 6.30 Geoffrey Keating's Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn

Geoffrey Keating (on whose biography see endnote 48 to CõÂa an saoi le sinntear an chrvit in section 5.1, Before c. 1650) spent much of his life on the Continent. Here he might well have encountered the kinds of mountebank that he mentions in the context of lampooning Edmund Campion (on whom, see endnote 96 to the Records proper). However, had there been no comparable tradition of mountebankery available in Ireland, his comparison would have had little point for many of his readers. His simile may perhaps be taken as indirect evidence for the existence of an Irish mountebank tradition at the time when Keating wrote. Foras Feasa ar EÂirinn55 FLK: MS A 14, p. 8 ... . . . Mo fhregra ar Campion gvrob cosmhvla annso e re clvithceoÂir do bhiadh ag reic sgel sgigemhvil ar sgafoll, ina re sdaredhe, . . . ... 6.31 Jerome Cardan's account of an Irish prestigiator The De rerum varietate of Jerome Cardan, scientist and student of medicine, was written about 1556 (its dedicatory epistle is dated to the calends of August 1556). A frontispiece woodcut of the author sets his age at forty-nine years in 1553, so he was in his early ®fties when his work was completed. It is not known exactly when or where he witnessed the feats of the Irish juggler that he describes, though some time in the second quarter of the sixteenth century seems likely, and somewhere on the Continent. Cardan describes the performance with all the forensically painstaking detail that might be expected from one of his profession. His account leaves us with a remarkable impression of what Irish jugglers might accomplish at this date, and although the performance did not happen on Irish soil, the young juggler assured Cardan that there were many more like him back in Ireland who could perform greater feats still. Hence the inclusion of this passage here.

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c. 1556 Hieronymi Cardani Mediolanensis Medici, De Rervm Varietate, Libri XVII56 ... Adolescentulus Hibernicus, octodecimum agens annum, binos cultellos naribus recta adeoÁ inserebat, dimidij palmi longitudine, ut ad perpendiculum faciei superstarent: nostri erant cultelli, adeoÁ ut necesse esset transire illos per foramina ea, quibus os naribus committitur: atque ita foramina illa multo ampliora esse, & situ inferiora quaÁm sint naturaliter. Paleam etiam obliquam per omnes faciei partes ad perpendiculum insistentem transferebat per frontem, supercilia, palpebras, buccas, nasi summum, mentum, solo musculorum faciei motu: unde interim miras formas ef®ngebat. Prñgrandem quoque gladium recta super frontem absque alio auxilio & transferebat & continebat. Paleas

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6. The Appendices: 6.31

483

recta hñrentes uentri, gladio ut nouacula incidente, maximis ictibus incidebat: nec unquam irrito ictu. Deinde similibus ictibus cum uentris cutem feriret, haud uulnerabatur. Cultellum quoque mordicus ex altera parte ore tenens, ei ex aduerso lignum cum ferrea cuspide superponebat, & rursus ligni cuspidi scutulum plumbeum, quem asidua celerrimeÁ uersatione rotabat. Enses plures corpori tum pugiones cuspide admouebat, quorum capuli solo insistebant, duoqÂue prñterea manibus, sed acie ipsa continebantur, folisqÂue manuum ac pedum extremitatibus tum gladijs ipsis innixus, mirum quanta uelocitate se inter illos uersaret. Interrogatus aÁ me an Hibernia tales multos haberet? repondit, plurimos atque longeÁ prñstantiores, quiqÂue multo mirabiliora facerent . . .

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7 Post-1642 Documents

7.1 Not precisely localized or dated

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1644 Voyages et Observations1 (15 May ± 17 July) ... Ils sont fort curieux do iouÈer de la harpe, dont ils iouÈent presque tous, & y pippent comme les Anglois sur la viole, les FrancËois sur le luct, les Italiens sur la guitarre, les Espagnols sur les Castagnetes, les Escossois sur la cornemuse, les Suisses sur le ®ffre, les Allemands sur la trompette, les Hollandois sur le tambour, & les Turqs sur la ¯utte doulce. ... 1652 CreÂacht do dhaÂil me im arthach galair2 RIA: MS 303 (23 L 37), p. 57 ... Mar a mbõÂodh daÂimhsgoil baird is reacaidh cleasvighecht raingcidh ®onntaoi is ¯eadha fasdaoim shõÂor is miledh meara is crannaoil rõÂghin da sniomh a ccretaibh ... 1722 Memoirs of the Marquis of Clanricarde3 ... The last Part to be done, which was the Action and Pronunciation of the Poem, in Presence of the Mñcenas, or the principal Person it related to, was perform'd with a great deal of Ceremony, in a Consort of Vocal and Instrumental Musick. The Poet himself said nothing, but directed and took care, that every body else did his Part right. The Bards having ®rst had the Composition from him, got it well by Heart, and now pronounc'd it orderly, keeping even Pace with a Harp, touch'd upon that Occasion; no other musical Instrument being allow'd of for the said Purpose than this alone, as being Masculin, much sweeter, and fuller than any other. . . .

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7. Post-1642 Documents: 7.2 ± Derry

485

7.2 Localized and dated DERRY (co. Londonderry) 1656 or 1657 Journal of William Edmundson4 ... The next Day I came to Londonderry; it was Market-Day, and there were Stage-players and Rope-Dancers in the Market-Place, and Abundance of People gather'd: The Lord's Spirit ®ll'd my Heart, his Power struck at them, and his Word was sharp. So I stood in the Market-Place, and proclaim'd the Day of the Lord amongst them, and warn'd them all to Repent: . . . When I found my Spirit a little eased, I walked along the Street, and the People ¯ock'd about me, . . . I stood still and declar'd Truth to them, directing them to the Light of Christ in their own Hearts: and they were very sober and attentive, but |p. 38| but the Stage-Players were sore vexed, that the People left them, and followed me: whereupon they got the Mayor to send two Of®cers to take me to Prison: so they came and took me; but the sober People were angry that StagePlayers should be suffered, and a Man that declared against Wickedness and Vanity, and taught the things of God, must not be suffered, but haled to Prison. The Of®cers made Excuse, saying, They were commanded, and must obey. So they took me to Prison: the Gaoler put me in a Room that had a Window facing the Market-Place, where I had a full sight of the People; and my Heart being ®ll'd with the Word of Life and Testimony of Jesus, I thrust my Arm out at the Window, and wav'd it, till some of them espying, came near, and others followed apace; so that presently I had most of the People from the StagePlayers, which vexed them much: then they got the Mayor to cause the Gaoler to keep me close; so he bolted me, and lock'd my Leg to a Place where he used to fasten Condemned Persons. There I sat and lay in much Peace of Conscience, and sweet Union with the Spirit of Truth. As I sat in a heavenly Exercise, I heard the People shout and say, The Man had broke his Back. It was the Man Dancing on a Rope, which broke, or gave way, so that he fell on the Pavement, and was sore hurt. . . .

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DUBLIN 1643 Vestry Book of St John the Evangelist5 RCB: P. 328/5/1, p. 230 (10 May) ... Iohn Huggard Musitian ... Robert Sparke gentleman inmate hoggard Peter Mallady inmate hoggard Henry Withers inmate hoggard ...

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7. Post-1642 Documents: 7.2 ± Dublin

1643 Dublin Assembly Rolls6 DCA: MR/5/12, mb 90 dorse (21 July) ... Stephanus Holte Musicion admissus fuit franchise ex gracia speciali, et pro ®ne vno pari Chirothecarum vxori Maioris soluta./ 1661 Petition of John Ogilby7 PRO: SP 63/345, f. 61 (8 May)

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To the kinges most Excellent Maiestie./ The humble peticion of John Ogilby./ Sheweth That your peticioner had a graunt from the Right Hono.ble Thomas Earle of Strafford then Livetenant of Ireland for the enjoying and executing the place and of®ce of the Master of the Revells of that kingdome which after his great preparacions and disbursements in building a new Theatre stocking and bringing over a Company of Actors and Musitians and setling them in Dublin fell to utter rueine by the Calamities of those times to the utter undoeing (by the Damage of Two Thousand pounds att least) of your peticioner./ Hee humbly requests notwithstanding Sir William Davenets pretences, that your Maiestie would bee graciously pleased, (that your peticioner may have some reparacion of his great losses) to conferr the said of®ce on him/ And your peticioner shall ever pray &c/ Line 11 Davenets] read Davenents

1661 Patent for Master of the Revels for Ireland8 PRO: MS C. 66/2995, mb 38 (8 May)

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Charles the second by the grace of God King of England Scotland and Ireland defender of the ffaith &c To all to whome these presents shall come greeting Whereas Iohn Ogilby gentleman was heretofore by Instrumente of the hand and seale of Thomas late Earle of Strafford then deputie of our said Kingdome of Ireland bearing date at Dublin the Eight and twentieth day of ffebruary in the yeare of our lord one thousand sixe hundred thirtie and seaven nominated and appointed Master of the Revelles in and through our said Kingdome of Ireland and in pursuance thereof he did at his owne greate costes and charges as wee are informed erect a publick Theater in our Cittie of Dublin and did effectually reduce the publick presentacions of tragedies and comedies to the proper and harmeles use whereby those recreacions formerly obnoxious were made inoffensive to such of our subjectes and other strangers voluntarily resorting thereunto which theater for some yeares nowe last past hath beene wholly neglected and gone to ruine and decay And whereas wee have thought ®tt that our subjectes Keof f our said Kingdome of Ireland should enioy the like priviledges in that kind as our subjectes here in our Kingdome of England and that all maskes operas enterludes tragedies and comedies and other thinges of that nature there to be represented Keshould be representedf as innocently and

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inoffensively as may be Knowe yee therefore that wee doe hereby for vs our heires and Successors declare our will and pleasure to bee That from henceforth there shall be an of®ce of Master of our Revelles and Masques in our said Kingdome of Ireland And doe by these presentes for vs our heires and Successors erect and establish the said Of®ce to be for ever hereafter called and knowne by the said name of Master of our Revelles and Masques in our said Kingdome of Ireland And reposing especiall trust and con®dence in the loyaltie integritie and abilitie of the said Iohn Ogilby have ordained named constituted and appointed and by these presentes for vs our heires and Successors doe ordeine name make constitute and appoint the said Iohn Ogilby Master of all and every our Playes Revelles Masques and enterludes within our said Kingdome of Ireland To have hold exercise and enjoy the said of®ce of Master of all Playes Revelles Masques and enterludes in our said Kingdome of Ireland vnto him the said Iohn Ogilby by himselfe or his suf®cient Deputie or Deputies for and during his naturall life with all ffees prof®ttes priviledges aduantages and emolumentes whatsoever in as ample manner and forme as the nowe Master of our Revelles in our Kingdome of England or any other person or persons formerly enioying the said Of®ce have lawfully received taken enioyed or ought to have received taken and enioyed . . . |mb 39| . . . Witnesse the King at Westmr the eigth day of May. Cxiii

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c. 1680 Auctarium Vitarum aÁ JA collectarum9 Bodl.: MS Aubrey 8, f. 44 . . . In the yeare . . . . . . he he went over into Ireland to Thomas Earle of Strafford Lord Liuetenant there and was there enterteined to teach in that family. and here it was that ®rst he gave proofe of his inclination to Poetry, by Paraphrasing upon some of ásops fables. (he writt a ®ne hand) He ehad af [was by] warrant from the Lord Lieuetenant to be Master of the Ceremonies for that Kingdome and built [at Dublin] a little theatre [at] in St Warburgh street in Dublin: it was a short time before the Rebellion brake [out], by which [meanes] he lost all, and ran thorough many hazards, and particularly being like to have been blow'n up at the Castle of Refarnum neer Dublin. . . . |f. 47v| He wrot a Play at Dublin called The Merchant of Dublin ± never printed. 1749 A General History of the Stage10 ... I cannot ®nd any establish'd Theatre in Dublin till the Year 1635, when the Earl of Strafford was Lord Lieutenant of this Kingdom, in the tenth Year of the Reign of King Charles the First, John Ogilby, Esq, then Master of the Revels, under the Title of Historiographer to his Majesty, and Master of the Revels in the |p. 52| Kingdom of Ireland, and I believe the ®rst that wore the last Title. This Theatre, was built by his Directions in Warberg-street, where the Company continued to act, till the unhappy Rebellion broke out in the Year 1641. The Theatre was then shut up, by Order of the Lords Justices, sign'd William Parsons, and John Borlace. . . .

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1759 A General View of the Stage11

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The ®rst Theatre that was built in Dublin was in St. Werburgh's-street, about the year 1634, by Mr. Ogilby, who was at that time deputy-master of the revels of both kingdoms. I have been informed it had a gallery and a pit, but no boxes, except one on the Stage for the then Lord Deputy, the Earl of Strafford, who was Ogilby's patron. The names of the Actors who performed in this Theatre, I could never learn; but they had good success, particularly in 1638, with a new Play, called The Royal Master, wrote by Shirley, an intimate friend of the Manager's. This play was acted several times at the castle by the nobility and gentry. It is dedicated to the Earl of Kildare; as was also a Play, called Langartha, written by Henry Burnell, Esq; and ®rst acted on St. Patrick's day, in the year 1639; but the rebellion breaking out in 1645, the Theatre was shut up, and never afterwards opened. ... 1788 An Historical View of the Irish Stage12 ... This anecdote excepted, we ®nd little relative to the stage, till the year 1635, the tenth of king Charles I. when the ®rst theatre in Dublin was raised. It was built in Werburgh-street, and established by John Ogilby, Esq; who was then historiographer to his majesty, and master of the revels under the earl of Stafford, lord lieutenant of this kingdom. This building we may reasonably conclude, was far from possessing that convenience or elegance which modern improvements in theatrical architecture have enabled us to attain. Nor can we entertain a very high idea of the variety of its scenery and decorations. Even the London theatres, in Shakespeare's days, were considerably de®cient in those particulars. But notwithstanding, we are informed, that this was tolerably large and commodious, with a gallery and pit; but no boxes, |p. 12| boxes, except one on the stage for the lord lieutenant. So very little can be collected with any degree of certainty of the company who performed at this theatre, that not even their names, or but few of the pieces they acted, have been transmitted to us. Almost all that can be ascertained is, that they played with good success, and were much followed. In 1638, three years after their commencement, they produced a new play, called the Royal Master, written by Shirley, an intimate friend of the manager. This writer, we are told, possessed some sketches of Beaumont and Fletcher; which, if true, in a great measure accounts for the inequality so evident in all his pieces. The next year brought forth a tragicomedy called Langartha, written by Henry Burnell, Esq; a native of Ireland. This piece was for several years in possession of the stage, and was afterwards printed with these words in the title page, ``as acted at the New Theatre in Dublin, 1641, with great applause.'' But to our morti®cation, none of the actors names were inserted in the dramatis personñ. . . . |p. 13| . . . Langartha was the last play that was acted at Werburghstreet theatre. The rebellion breaking out in October of the same year 1641, involved the whole kingdom in confusion. The drama naturally shared the fate of the state, with which it was so intimately connected. The theatre was shut up

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by order of the lords justices, and never afterwards opened. What became of the performers we cannot learn. . . . 1894±5 `The House of the Players'13 The library shelves are well ®lled with rare books of Shakespeareana, and the history of the drama and its actors. Besides the books, the library contains, carefully preserved in chests and cabinets, thousands of old play-bills, engravings of actors, and manuscripts of absorbing interest to students of the drama. I found there one day a part of a prompt-book of Shirley's `Royal Master', containing in contemporary handwriting the names of the actors in the play as it was performed in Dublin Castle, before the Lord Deputy of Ireland, Strafford, Earl of Wentworth, by the players of his Master of the Revels, John Ogilby, on `New Year's Day at Night' 1635.

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co. KERRY Eighteenth century History of Kerry14 RIA: MS 24 K 43, p. 45 ... As to the Harp playing, said County could well bragg of having the chiefest Master of that Instrument in the Kingdom in his time. Mr. Nic: Pierce of Clenmaurice not only for his singular capacity of composing Lamentations funerals additions and Elevations, etcetera. but also by compleating said Instrument with more wires than ever before his time were used.

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KILKENNY 1644 Titvs, or the Palme of Christian Covrage15 CUL: Bradshaw Collection, No. 5311, Hib. 7.644.33, bifolium, f. [1] TITVS, OR THE PALME OF CHRISTIAN COVRAGE: To be exhibited by the Schollars of the Society of IESVS, at Kilkenny, Anno Domini 1644. [rule] THE ARGVMENT. TItus a noble Gentleman more illustrious for his Christian | courage, then parentage: was sollicited by the King of | Bungo, to desert his Religion by severall, most arti®cious in- | fernall plots, all which he sleighted and dashed

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with his invin- | cible courage, and generous Christian resolution, whereat the | King amazed, restored him to his liberty, wife and children, | and granted him the freedome of his Religion, with all his | lands and possessions of which before he was bereaved as trai- | tor to the Crowne. This history is compendiously set downe by Father Francis Solier, of | the Society of IESVS in the 18. booke of his Ecclesiasticall historie | of Iaponia, and yeare of our Lord, 1620. [rule] Printed at Waterford by Thomas Bourke, M. DC. XLIV. f. [1v]

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THE PROLOGVE. | Divine love extolleth the Iaponian's courage. | Act I. Scene I. | IDolatrie stormes at her expulsion out of Ia- | ponia, and exciteth hell to revenge. | Scene 2. | The Emperor of Iaponia declareth his affe- | ction towards the Idolls, and to this end com- | mandeth a solemne sacri®ce. | Scene 3. | The Bongo's receive no answer from their | gods as they were wont, hence they rage against | the Christians. Scene 4. | Faith and Fortitude, implore aide of the tri- | umphant Church. The Interlude. | A Countrey Clowne hearing that a procla- | mation was to issue against the Christians, is | mighty merry, and attempts to robbe a passen- | ger. Act 2. Scene I. | THe Emperor commands the edict against | Christians to bee proclaimed. | Scene 2. | The edict is promulged. | Scene 3. | Titus perusing the edict, deliberates, with | death, judgment, hell, heaven and eternitie. | Scene 3. | The King of Bungo inquireth narrowly af- | ter f. [2]

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ter the Christians. Scene 4. | Titus is summoned and biddeth adieu to wife | and children. Scene 5. | Idolatrie triumphes before time, and is by | faith repressed. The Interlude. | A Souldier fainedly sicke, calleth for the | Doctor, whose purse arti®ciously he conveyeth | out of his pocket, and hopes by a lad dreaming | to get another. Act 3. Scene 2. | THe King of Bungo endevors ®rst by threats, | then by faire promises to pervert Titus. | Scene 2. | Titus his wife and familie voweth loyaltie to | God before the Cruci®x. Scene 3. | The militant Church doth comfort them. | Scene 4. | S. Francis Xaverius appeares & encourageth | them. Act 4. Scene I. | THe King of Bungo menaceth death to | Titus his youngest sonne, if the father ab- | jure not his faith. Scene 2. | Foure youngmen in vaine seeke to pervert | the lad with the pleasures of the world. | Scene 3. | Martina the daughter, biddeth adieu, with | mother and brother, assuring them of her con- | stancy. Scene 4. | Simon the eldest sonne bewaileth for that he is | left f. [2v]

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left behind. Scene 5. | Tidings are brought to Titus of his daugh- | ters execution, Martina the mother of Simon is | summoned. Scene 6. | By the King both are sollicited to desert their | faith, Simon scourged. | The Interlude. | Two souldiers force a lad to discover where | the mothers purse lay hidden by whom they | are deceived. Act 5. Scene I. | TItus is sent for by the King, in whose view | supposed heads of wife & children are produ- | ced. Scene 2. | They are lead from prison before him and a | super®ciall command given to kill them in his | presence, if he persists in his constant resolu- | tion. Scene 3. | Divine providence declareth

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Gods care of his | elect, and foretelleth Titus his triumph. | Scene 4. | The King amazed at this constancie dismis- | seth them, freedome of Religion granted with their lives and estates. | Epilogue. | Exhorteth to imitate their couragious Chri- | stian resolution. | FINIS. 7.3 Households (Boyle) Boyle 1643 Household Accounts of Sir Richard Boyle16 NLI: MS 6900, f. [65] (12 August) ... 12o: Geven by your Lordships direccon to Michael Skrene and his Wife xs . ...

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Notes to section 5

A note next to the beginning of this tract in a copy in LPL, MS 621, f. 97, says that it was written when the earl of Desmond (that is, the fourteenth earl, Gerald Fitz James FitzGerald) was in rebellion and not long before his death in 1583. Desmond's rebellion took place between late 1579 and his death late in 1583, hence the dating adopted here. `Carraghes' (`gamblers', line 2) consort with brehons, bards and rhymers in this extract. The original manuscript, of which only calendared versions now survive, was lost in the explosion and ®re at the Four Courts, Dublin, in 1922. It was presented to the Irish Council by Sir Henry Wallop, treasurer at war, on 1 March 1581, as a journal of the daily and ordinary acts of the council and matters of state. Evidently it ran from 1581 to 1586 (D. B. Quinn, `Calendar of the Irish Council Book, 1581±1596', Analecta Hibernica 24 (1967), 93±180). Its entry given here classes carrowes and harpers with other vagrants and `naughty members' (line 4) who resort to slander when their demands are refused. The Thirteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1881), p. 175 (hereafter, Thirteenth Report). Lines 2±9: `Donnchadh Mac Craith, the ``snowy and wintry'' one by name, was a man most renowned amongst his people for frugality and liberality. Not only did he furnish a sumptuous and splendid feast for the English lord president of Munster, whom he had received in hospitality, but he also ordered his household servants to display dances and games/plays. A few days thereafter, when he was invited as a guest to Cork, the president ordered that they [that is, the household servants] be put to death, arguing that an honest and frugal man had not the substance for maintaining such a great household, and that it was not necessary for him to maintain so many domestics unless that were for thefts, robberies or other forbidden practices ± which by no means was proven.' Philip O'Sullivan Beare, Historiñ Catholicñ Iberniñ Compendivm (Lisbon, 1621), ff. 106v-07. O'Sullivan Beare (c. 1590 ± ² possibly before 1659), was born into a large family. His father supported James Fitzmaurice during the Geraldine wars of the later sixteenth century. After 1601 and the defeat of the Irish at the Battle of Kinsale, Philip was sent to Spain, where he attended the College of St James of Compostella. Though offered a commission in the Spanish navy, he seems to have preferred his career as a scholar and historian. In addition to his more famous Historiñ Catholicñ Iberniñ Compendivm, he wrote other works, such as the Zoilomastix, an excerpt of which is also given below (see s.a. 1625 and endnote 139). Donnchadh (an tSneachta) Mac Craith (²c. 1597), mentioned in line 2, had evidently entertained the English lord president of Munster liberally (probably Sir John Norris, who had been appointed 24 June 1584). A few days later, the lord president had his retinue executed at Cork. Mac Craith was involved in the Desmond rebellion during 1582±3, and was pardoned 8 May 1585 (The Fifteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1883), p. 86, ®ant 4638; hereafter, Fifteenth Report). In an earlier pardon, ¦ September 1577 (Fifteenth Report, p. 45, ®ant 3097), he was noted as being of Aherlow, co. Limerick. The passage is of interest for the fact that it was Mac Craith's domestics who were charged with presenting dances and games/plays. On Sir John Perrot, see further under Perrot in section 4.10. He had been appointed Lord Deputy on ¦ January 1584, and this item represents one of his early initiatives for reform. Its content is very much in line with other similar legislations to curb the activity of harpers, rhymers and carrowes. Lines 2±21: `A harper, often blind and of very little musical training, is present during dinner. This man relaxes the spirits of the reclining guests by striking the strings (these are made of iron or bronze, however, not of gut as is the case elsewhere). He produces sound not with any plectrum, but with [his] curved ®ngernails. And even if he satis®es neither the measures nor the mode of music, nor observes the accent of sounds ± indeed the screech of a cutting saw easily offends re®ned ears, and similarly

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he disturbs all order ± yet the throng of people is especially delighted by his rough harmony. If he realizes that your ears are wandering once he has struck the strings, or if you lessen his praise in any tittle, he will be seen to rant and rage like one rabid. For he not only asks, but even demands, that you laud his faculty quite fulsomely. In our time lives Crues, the most distinguished harper since the memory of man. He abhors altogether that uncouth noise which makes harps tuneless and discordant. On the contrary, he practices concerted music with that order of modes and composition of sounds by which he strikes the ears of his listeners wonderfully, so that you would judge him the only, rather than the greatest, harper. From this it can be understood that the harp has not failed musicians, but that musicians, hitherto, have failed the harp. Instead of a trumpet, the Irish also use a certain wooden pipe, made with the most cunning skill. . . . Amongst the Irish it is agreed that this kind of instrument is the touchstone of military virtue. For as other soldiers are stirred up by the sound of trumpets, so these are stirred up to ®ght ®ercely by its noise.' Richard Stanihurst, De rebus in Hibernia gestis (Antwerp, 1584), pp. 38±40. After giving an un¯attering description of an Irish harper in performance, Stanihurst contrasts the performance of Crues, the harper to Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond (1532±1614), and who is mentioned in line 12; on Butler's career see further above under Butler in section 4.10. Crues is also mentioned in the Zoilomastix of Philip O'Sullivan Beare (see below, s.a. 1625, and endnote 139) and in the household accounts of Sir Walter Devereux (see below, under section 5.5, Households, 6 May ± 28 September 1575, and endnote 775; on the career of Devereux, see further above under Devereux in section 4.10). The passage concludes with a description of bagpipes and their use by the Irish instead of trumpets in military contexts. This item occurs in a list of orders which follows after Perrot's letter to the Justices of the Peace. In it, `carraghes' (line 3) are at large once more in the company of seditious mischief makers. Lines 2±5: `Women being wooed, gold bestowed, the choosing of gems for poets, youths courting and the drinking of wine, sweet music from narrowed hands, poetry being listened to, poets reciting, women being seduced, a noble gathering and dancing round ®res by a strong, vigorous and graceful band.' This poem, a eulogy for Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, is dateable on internal evidence to 1588 or slightly later (J. Carney, ed. Poems on the Butlers (Dublin, 1945), p. 137). Here, an Anglo-Irish lord is being praised for precisely those qualities that Gaelic chieftains coveted hearing themselves credited with. Entertainment forms an integral part of the glowing picture that the poem evokes of the earl's household.  Duibhgennain, a most musical, affable person, died.' The copy of Line 2: `Daighre O the Annals of Loch Ce in TCD, MS 1293 (H. 1. 19) ends in 1571; the BL, MS Additional 4792 copy runs from 1568 to 1590, and thus provides a continuation that has been drawn on here. RIA, MS 1135 (24 G 15) contains a fair copy of Meredith Hanmer's Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland, a work which ®rst appeared in print in the collected edition of Sir James Ware, The Historie of Ireland (Dublin, 1633; STC 25067a). Hanmer (1543± 1604) was born in Shropshire and educated at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. By 1582, he had been conferred with the degree of Doctor of Divinity. He went to Ireland c. 1591, where he remained for the rest of his life, holding various ecclesiastical posts, including in 1598 the wardenship of Youghal College. He stayed in Youghal till 1603, when he moved to Kilkenny. He died there, and is now buried in St Michan's Church, Dublin. Hanmer was a keen antiquarian as well as theologian, and counted among his friends William Camden and other antiquarians. Hanmer's Historie was probably written after c. 1591 and necessarily before his death date in 1604. The RIA manuscript has textual variants not noted in Ware's edition, and seems to be an independent, and possibly closer, witness to what Hanmer originally wrote, hence its selection here. The present passage's sketch of

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the circumstances of harping in houses `of any account' is probably in essence accurate. Though in the current binding the material on f. 231v is disjunct from that on f. 256v, it seems originally to have derived from the same section, headed Mores gentium, of Meredith Hanmer's notes. Similarity between Hanmer's matter at this point and Edmund Spenser's View of the Present State of Ireland (see below s.a. 1596 and endnote 118) suggests either that Hanmer may have drawn on Spenser, or vice versa; given that both men were contemporaries and resident in Munster, they may have communicated, perhaps even met. The meaning of line 4 is cryptic: `vidi mundum coopertum foeno' (`I have seen the world covered in straw'). This item, found among Meredith Hanmer's papers and probably in his own hand, is necessarily dateable to before 1604, the year of his death, and probably after c. 1591, when he came to Ireland. This particular item looks like an Anglicized version of the type of material seen more typically in Irish in texts such as LaÂnellach Tigi RõÂch agus Ruirech excerpted above in section 5.1. Hanmer evidently had some direct knowledge of Gaelic culture: a few of his notes in PRO, SP 63/214 are written in Irish. The Barrett referred to in line 1 who served as harper to Sir John Perrot was Richard Barrett, a son of the baron of Ennis, co. Mayo. He was probably retained by Perrot as a warrant for the baron's good behaviour. He seems to be referred to again in Donogh O'Connor's answers to charges, given below in section 5.4, under Sligo. The bishop of Cork at this date was William Lyon. Although this document is not precisely dated, it is in the hand that also copied the preceding document dated 6 July 1596, hence the date attributed here. The opening comments concerning `caroughes . . . & harpers' (lines 2±3) are consistent with those in several other contemporary documents. Edmund Spenser (c. 1552±99), civil-servant and poet, spent the latter part of his life in Ireland. A reference in his View of the Present State of Ireland to the execution of Murchadh O'Brien in July 1577 may indicate that he had been to Ireland about then on an errand to the earl of Leicester's brother-in-law, Sir Henry Sidney, who was then Lord Deputy. In July 1580, Spenser was appointed secretary to Sir Arthur Grey, who was going to Dublin as Lord Deputy. From this time on, Spenser was to spend most of the rest of his life in Ireland, making only three (relatively short) subsequent visits to England. In 1581, he was also appointed clerk of the Irish Court of Chancery, and retained this position until 1588, when he assumed the clerkship of the council of Munster. The estate of the earl of Desmond had already fallen forfeit after the Desmond rebellion, and Spenser acquired a portion of the earl's estate on which, near Doneraile in co. Cork, stood the castle of Kilcolman. Here he settled in 1588. He knew Sir Walter Ralegh, who was then living in Youghal, and accompanied him to London in 1589, taking also with him for publication the ®rst three books of the Faerie Queene. While there, however, he failed to ®nd a viable alternative to his Irish employment, and was obliged to return to Kilcolman in 1591. In 1594, he married Elizabeth Boyle (probably a daughter of James Boyle, a relative of Sir Richard Boyle, on whom see further under Boyle in section 4.10). He resigned the clerkship of the council of Munster in the same year. At the end of 1595 he went to London again, taking with him books four to six of the Faerie Queene, and again looking for alternative employment. It was during this visit that his View of the Present State of Ireland was written. Failing to ®nd preferment, he returned to Kilcolman early in 1597. Rebellion broke out again in Munster in October 1598, and co. Cork was overrun. Kilcolman was burnt, and Spenser was forced to ¯ee with his family to Cork. The lord president of Munster, Sir Thomas Norris, despatched him to London to report on the progress of the rebellion, but his health had been failing for some time, and he died within a month of his return in January 1599. His View of the Present State of Ireland is cast in the form of a dialogue between Eudoxus and Irenius, two ciphers by which to represent, respectively, the Englishman who had no

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®rst-hand knowledge of Ireland and the Englishman who had. Their debate allowed Spenser to ventilate various English policies for the governance of Ireland (for a recent general account, see N. Canny, `Reviewing A View of the Present State of Ireland', Irish University Review 26 (1996), 252±67). The manuscript chosen for transcription here, possibly a fair copy destined for the printers, is also that used as a base by W. L. Renwick, ed. A View of the Present State of Ireland, by Edmund Spenser (London, 1934). The excerpt begins with an account of how the laudatory or satirical poetry of the bards was delivered `by certaine other persons whose proper function that is' (line 9), and then proceeds to describe how they egg on their patrons in lines 15±36. This is followed by an account of the activities of carrowes and jesters, and the steps that might be taken against them (lines 36±73). Spenser's View spawned various redactions and imitators; for example, the text Notes for the Reformation of Ireland, c. 1600, which is excerpted below, may derive from it. Compare also its apparent connection to the Observations on the State of Ireland in BL, MS Additional 31878 (a copy of another manuscript, dated between 1756 and 1811, currently preserved in the Jesuits' College, Clongowes, Clane, co. Kildare, which itself derives from a lost original). The author of this letter, William Paule, was Commissary of Musters for Ulster. He mentions (line 3) Sir Henry Unton (c. 1557±96), soldier and diplomat, nominated ambassador to Henry IV of France in 1591. Nothing seems known about Thomas Mac Morris or his brother William, but evidently Thomas had attached himself to the French king as a (professional) fool. Though an excerpt has been given from this tract, it is conceivably an epitome of Spenser's View of the Present State of Ireland (see above under 1596 and endnote 118). The tract says little, if anything, further than may be found in the View, and the matter on bards, carrowes, jesters and hill assemblies is arranged in precisely the order in which the View presents it. Lines 2±9: `Moreover, writers further relate that this race is inhospitable ± betraying, as it seems, that [race] in this respect, since it is not an hospitable one. But in fact it cherishes hospitality to such an extent that it surpasses the more cultivated magni®cence of cities in the way guests are treated. . . . Very many exceed moderation and just measure in performing this of®ce [that is, the of®ce of showing hospitality], to such an extent that, as if due care of providing for the future of their children and relatives has been neglected, they ®ll themselves and everyone up, so that it suf®ces for days on end, and this they expend upon all comers, even minstrels and bards, as they call them. . . . They delight in music and poetry.' The author of the De Hibernia Insula Commentarius, Peter Lombard (²1625), son of a Waterford merchant, left Ireland to study under the celebrated antiquarian William Camden at Westminster. He went in due course to study at Louvain, and by 1594 the degree of D.D. had been conferred upon him. He held various ecclesiastical of®ces in Belgium, and was eventually made archbishop of Armagh in 1601. The English authorities regarded him as an agent of sedition. In 1623 he was living in Rome, where he died in 1625. The manuscript excerpted here is Lombard's original, signed dedication copy for Pope Clement VIII. The passage is taken from Chapter 12, De indigenarum sive incolarum dispositionibus. The archbishop of Cashel at this date was Meyler Magrath. Evidently he was maintaining spies, some of whom were posing as `blinde iesters and such like' (line 6), to report on the activities in Munster of James Fitz Thomas, sixteenth earl of Desmond (the `SuÂgaÂn Earl'). The Seventeenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1885), p. 159 (hereafter, Seventeenth Report). Place-names surrounding this entry in the ®ant are mostly from co. Kerry; a few are from cos. Cork and Waterford, so `John O Linche' was probably a Munster harper. Seventeenth Report, pp. 171±4. `Owen mcEa na bralie' was probably a Munster piper.

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Both cos. Cork and Limerick are named in the ®ant, and the nearest identi®able place-names to this item (Ballyallinan, in the barony of Connello Lower, and Ballynarooga, in the barony of Connello Upper) are in co. Limerick. This document appears among the encloses sent by Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, to Secretary Robert Cecil. Crosbie was in Cecil's employ. He features elsewhere in the State Papers, but for present purposes signi®cantly only here. His surname connects him with the species of poet/jester known as crosaÂin (on whom see further in Appendix 6.11 below). The document is signed at the bottom as having been given in Cork. The future safety referred to in line 1 is that of the loyal subjects of Munster who had returned to their former dwellings following the successful suppression of the late rebellion at the Battle of Kinsale in 1601. The lord president of Munster at this date was Sir George Carew (on whom see further above under the Carew Collections in section 4.8). The word `Clubbuers' of line 7 apparently antedates OED's earliest attestation of the word (Massinger, 1633; see OED, Clubber). The legislation against the itinerants referred to is typical of the time. This edict, which according to a note on f. 141v was signed and given at Cork, was issued by Sir George Carew as lord president of Munster and by other members of the Munster council. It goes on to mention the `late vnnaturall rebellion' (doubtless the Battle of Kinsale), and reveals an important aspect of the tightening of English control in Munster following the civil disorder: masterless men, including `harpers Rymers bardes' (line 6), were not to be tolerated. The earl of Clanricarde at this date was Richard Bourke, and he was currently also serving as lord president of Connacht. His of®cial residence was in Athlone on the border of co. Westmeath and co. Roscommon. The harper referred to in line 3 was Cormac MacDermott (on whom see S. Donnelly, `An Irish Harper and Composer Cormac MacDermott (? ± 1618)', Ceol 8 (1986), 40±50). The addressee of this letter, Sir John Davies (²1626) was attorney general in Ireland at this date. It is not clear what implications for performance the harp of Sir John Egerton referred to in lines 2±3 had, however. G. Hall, An Historical Account of the Plantation in Ulster (Belfast, 1877), p. 246. I have not located the original source of this item. Hall located it in Article 10 of an Exchequer Remembrance Roll, Hilary Term, 8 James I. It is not extant in the other (imperfect) copy of Caul®eld's accounts in Bodl., MS Carte 61. It may have been a casualty of the Dublin Four Courts' explosion and ®re of 1922. Caul®eld's accounts detail the rents accruing from the forfeited lands of Hugh O'Neill, third earl of Tyrone, in co. Tyrone, co. Armagh and in Coleraine, co. Londonderry. The item here appears in a valuation of Shane O'Hagan's goods (he was evidently a servant and rent collector of the earl, as Hall, Historical Account, p. 246, note 90, observes). The anonymous author of this tract evidently had ®rst-hand experience of Ireland. Internal evidence makes it clear that he composed it sometime after the ¯ight of Hugh O'Neill, third earl of Tyrone, with his confederates on 4 September 1607. Since he refers to Tyrone as still being on the Continent (f. 57v), he must have written his tract sometime between then and Tyrone's death in Rome 20 July 1616. The author continues the long tradition of English writing on Irish polity, and censures the familiar professional classes and performing artists who were perceived as spies and fomenters of rebellion, such as poets, harpers and carrowes. He also lists a variety of pastimes which, though they may seem harmless, were in his view dangerous, such as the sword-dancing practiced by kern. Line 62 owlowry] the meaning of this word is obscure; it is written thus in display script. Barnaby Rich, A New Description of Ireland (London, 1610; STC: 20992), p. 37. Rich (c. 1540±1617), author and soldier, joined the army when he was young, and took part in Queen Mary's wars in France in 1557±8. In the early years of Elizabeth I's reign, he served with other adventurers in the Low Countries, and met with Richard

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133

134

135

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Stanihurst at Antwerp. He sailed for Ireland in 1573, where he seems to have assisted in the plantation of Ulster by Walter Devereux, ®rst earl of Essex. After Sir John Perrot had become Lord Deputy in 1584, Rich was at Coleraine in Ulster, with a hundred soldiers under his command. The rest of Rich's life seems to have been spent mainly in the neighbourhood of Dublin. His writings are diverse, and include romances, fulminations against the evils of papists, and against tobacco (the weed featuring prominently in his last work, the Irish Hvbbvb; see Appendix 6.4 (ii) ). In A New Description of Ireland Rich criticized the hostility of Richard Stanihurst to Gaelic Ireland, but seems not have been above drawing on Stanihurst's writings as a source for his own (the relevant passages derived from Stanihurst were themselves derived by Stanihurst from Campion; see above, s.a. 1571, The Historie of Ireland). The present work is of interest for its account of the practices of various professional performers, including carrowes, and the circumstances of their performances. The author of this letter, Sir Arthur Chichester, was Lord Deputy of Ireland between 1605 and 1615 (on Chichester, see J. McCavitt, Sir Arthur Chichester Lord Deputy of Ireland 1605±1616 (Belfast, 1998) ). The Lord of Howth, referred to in line 2, was Sir Christopher St Lawrence (²1619). His stay in England also referred to was doubtless a period he spent imprisoned in London, suspected of having been implicated in the conspiracy of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell (he had cleared himself by 1611). Sir Roger Jones, Lord Ranelagh, referred to in line 3, became lord president of Connacht in September 1630. Who the `leude fellowe' (line 2) who acted as a rhymer or jester was is not revealed. Possibly, however, he was an Irishman, given the strong ethnic connotations attaching to the word `rhymer' at this date. On Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy at the time of this parliament, see the previous endnote. Fynes Moryson (1566±1630) was appointed to a fellowship at Peterhouse, Cambridge, c. 1584. He obtained leave in 1589 to travel extensively on the Continent, and returned to England in 1597. His brother Richard, who became governor of Dundalk, co. Louth, in 1599, encouraged Fynes to come to Ireland. He formally resigned his Cambridge fellowship in 1600, whereupon he became secretary to Sir Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, who in January 1600 had been appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland (Blount's death, 3 April 1606, is referred to in line 60). Moryson assisted in the suppression of the Tyrone rebellion in Ulster and at the Battle of Kinsale in 1601. He seems to have accompanied Blount back to England in May 1603, but revisited Ireland in September 1613 at the invitation of his brother, now vice-president of Munster. At about this time he embarked on a ®ve-part Latin account of his travels. By 1617, he had ®nished three parts, and had translated them into English. Their English version was published in London in the same year. The manuscript fourth part, excerpted above, was licensed for publication in 1626, four years before his death, though publication did not take place. The Corpus Christi College manuscript contains the fourth part of the Itinerary only (and see G. Kew, The Irish Sections of Fynes Moryson's Unpublished Itinerary (Dublin, 1998) ). The excerpts given above from ff. 257, 259±60, 286 are from Book II, Chapter 5 and those from ff 654±5, 657, 662±3 from Book V, Chapter 5. They begin with a short description of the circumstances of the performance of seditious praise poetry in lines 2±10, and then proceed to the activities of bards, jesters and carrowes, the latter driven to the degenerate expediency, according to Moryson, of suffering themselves to be tethered by the genitals until they could repay their gambling debts (lines 27± 41). The matter in lines 44±55 retails commonplaces about the poetry of praise and blame, and about the Irish taste for harping. The fool of the late earl of Devonshire, Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, was named Neale Moore, as we know from an account of Blount's campaign in co. Laois (see below under co. Laois in section 5.4, 16 August 1600); it is presumably Moore who is alluded to in lines 58±63. The ®nal excerpt reiterates information on the carrowes (though they are not explicitly named)

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136

137

138

139

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and discusses various forms of dancing, including what evidently was an Irish favourite at this date, sword-dancing (lines 65±83). Of Luke Gernon's life little is known, though quite probably he was raised in England. He was a member of the council of Munster, and was appointed Second Justice of Munster in 1619. He was also a member of the King's Inns, Dublin, in the same year. He remained in Limerick, the seat of the council of Munster, until 1641. He had been well known to Sir Richard Boyle (on whom see further under Boyle in section 4.10). He died sometime before 1673. His Discourse was written while he was resident in Limerick. Since the Discourse mentions that a ®re in Galway (known to have broken out in 1619) had occurred in May twelve months ago, the date of its composition is probably to be placed in the second half of 1620 (C. Litton Falkiner, Illustrations of Irish History and Topography, mainly of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1904), p. 347). The passage is of interest for its account of Irish hospitality, at which the ubiquitous harper is in attendance. If he is accomplished, the guest may also expect to hear from him a poem celebrating the present occasion (lines 9±10). The ®nal detail from Gernon's tract (lines 14±18) alludes to `antickes' at the burials of the native Irish. These may have been of a similiar order to those targeted, for example, in one of the synodal statutes passed in Armagh in 1618 (see below, under Armagh Province, s.a. 1618, in section 5.6). This poem, by Sir Parr Lane, is dateable on internal evidence to c. 1621 (see Ford, `Parr Lane', p. 158, n. 16). Lane's list of reprobates includes the familiar combination of performing artists: bards, rhymers, harpers and carrowes (lines 4±6). G. O'Brien, ed. Advertisements for Ireland, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Extra Volume (Dublin, 1923), suggests that the author of this tract may have been Sir Henry Bourgchier (see pp. v-viii), but this is conjectural. The tract may be dated to 1623 on internal evidence (see p. ii). It describes the gatherings at which `bardes Caroughes rymers Irish Harpers pipers & others of their kinde' (lines 8±9) congregate. `Hence to be sure, with experience and the agreement and assurance of writers contradicting [him], Richard Stanihurst seems to have had neither ears nor feeling while he berated Irish musicians. ``At dinner'', he said, ``the harper, often blind, is present . . .'' Believe me, Stanihurst, it is scarsely possible to ®nd any harper blinder than you are benighted: if you had kept faith with history, you would have related that it is never iron-stringed instruments that are used for harp and timpaÂn by our Irish musicians, but bronze or silver ones. They strike the harp with their ®nger tips, the timpaÂn with plectrums. And on both instruments, in the unanimous opinion of those who well understand, they excel so much that you would not reckon one Crues to be among them, but many, who wonderfully delight the minds of listeners with the rhythmical sweetness of harmony. I have indeed accepted that Crues was blind, and the musician of Denis O'Brien, count of Fornonia (?) and prince of Lomneha (?). In his time Cormac Mac Diarmaid was . . ., an Irishman indeed by race but most famous for English melodies who, excellent both in eyes and lyre, used to refresh the spirits of Queen Elizabeth and King James of England. In our own time Nicholas, called blind, has excelled as a prince, and by far the sweetest, of lyric poets. Nuisius O'Duoennanus, musician in the time of our grandfathers' era, was a prodigy of musical lyric poets. . . . The Irish, however, make use of the lyre, the timpaÂn, made so famous in the Psalms of King David, and the asca (?), that is, a leathern bag for very ancient instruments (?), and next . . . in order the harp, trumpet, military timpaÂn and pipe, or bone-pipe, or reed-pipe. . . . Also many Irishmen are most dexterous and agile in the art of dancing accompanied by harmonious music. Moreover, some are gamesters of extraordinary skill, especially at dice . . . Furthermore, several are skilful at the game of draughts/chess. Why should I pursue further the sorts of tri¯es, of tesserae, of tali [two different sorts of dice], of ball, of quoit, of other games/plays, amusements and spectacles? I have said a few things about games. It is enough.' This passage occurs in

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141

142

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a section of Book III of the Zoilomastix headed: `Ibernorum musica, & ludi' (f. 132). On the life of the author, Philip O'Sullivan Beare, see endnote 107 above. His Zoilomastix belongs to a tradition of writings which expatriate Irishmen were producing on the Continent in the early seventeenth century (compare in this respect  irinn of Geoffrey Keating; see further on this in endnote 141 the Foras Feasa ar E below). Their aim was to correct the negative image foisted on Ireland by unsympathetic writers. Here the writers rebutted are Giraldus Cambrensis and Richard Stanihurst. The date of the Zoilomastix, c. 1625, can be deduced from internal evidence (T. J. O'Donnell, ed. Selections from the Zoilomastix of Philip O'Sullivan Beare, Irish Manuscripts Commission (Dublin, 1960); see pp. xxi-ii). Four of its ®ve Books counter the description of Ireland in the Topographia Hiberniae of Giraldus Cambrensis, while its ®fth Book counters Richard Stanihurst's De Rebus in Hibernia Gestis. The excerpt is of interest for its account of harp and timpaÂn playing. The harper Crues is mentioned in lines 9±11 (on him, see endnote 109 above). Here he is said to have been blind, as was the (unnamed) harper of Denis O'Brien (that is, of Donough O'Brien, fourth earl of Thomond). The Cormac Mac Diarmaid mentioned in line 13 was probably Cormac MacDermott (see endnote 128 above). The blind Nicholas, harper, referred to in lines 13±14, may have been Nicholas dall Pierse, on whom see endnote 44 above. I have not been able to trace `Nuisius O'Duoennanus' (lines 16±17). The excerpt concludes with notes about various instruments played by the Irish, and about Irish dancers and gamesters (possibly carrowes are intended here, though they are not so named). This letter comes from a period (1628±36) in which its author, Sir Richard Boyle, ®rst earl of Cork, was spending much time away from his principal residence in Lismore, co. Waterford (on Boyle's career see further above under Boyle in section 4.10). While the harp referred to in line 6 may have been presented with little heed to its use, conceivably it was ultimately destined for use by a professional harper. `Furthermore, were anyone to say that the Welsh and the Irish are alike in their manners and customs, since as the Irishman is hospitable in bestowing food without payment so is the Welshman; as, moreover, the Irishman loves storytellers, poets, bards and players on the harp, the Welshman has a similar love for these classes, and in the same way they resemble one another in several other customs.' The Foras  irinn (the `Foundation of Knowledge about Ireland') by Geoffrey Keating Feasa ar E is his best known work. No holograph of it is known to survive, but the Killiney manuscript, used here, contains an early and good copy of its text. The Foras Feasa was expressly written to rebut the errors about Ireland which Keating perceived in the works of historians like Giraldus Cambrensis, Richard Stanihurst, Edmund Spenser and Edmund Campion. These authors, he maintained, caricatured Ireland as a land in which barbarism prevailed, and where civility and religion were in a sorry state. A Collection of all the Statutes now in Use in the Kingdom of Ireland (Dublin, 1678; Wing 356), p. 456. This edict probably re¯ects the Bill against Cosherers and idle Wanderers, ®rst read 24 March 1635 (The Journals of the House of Commons of the Kingdom of Ireland, 19 vols. (Dublin, 1796±1800), I, 111, col. a), passed 26 March 1635 (ibid., I, 112, col. b), and sent to the Lords 6 April 1635 (ibid., I, 114, col. b). Amongst the vagrants against whom it legislates are bear wards, common players of interludes, minstrels and jugglers (see lines 9±10). Lines 2±3: `His harpers [O'Kelly's], that is, the Uõ LonargaÂin of Ballynabanaba, and his trumpeters are the [family of] Lis na Cornaireagha, that is, the Uõ SidheachaÂin.' Uõ Mhaine was a territory extending southwards from Clontuskert, co. Roscommon, to the boundary of co. Clare, and westwards from Athlone to See®n and Athenry in present co. Galway. Ballynabanaba is a townland in the parish of Kilgerril in the barony of Kilconnell, co. Galway. Lis na Cornaireagha remains unidenti®ed. The traditions feeding this text could be as early as Old Irish, but in its present form it

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seems to be an early modern Irish composition (and necessarily before c. 1418, the year in which the scribe active in this portion of the manuscript was working; see the headnote to RIA, MS 535 (23 P 2; Book of Lecan), under Gaelic documents in section 4.2). Lines 1±19: `The music of Clann Chathail has ended, a grievous death has overtaken them, this is an af¯iction which will be perpetual anguish, the departure of their fairy musician. An enigmatic profound musician, Conchubhar Mac Conghalaigh, their cause for laughter, their dif®cult deed, he departs from the descendants of DaÂire. . . . A swift-moving hand loved by many, the DallaÂn Forgaill of the poets, a tender voice of lively spirit, the con®dant of royalty. The plaintiveness of his strings, the tune of his melodies ± as he is today he promises no elation ± the noble agility of the swift kingly ®nger, a subtle artist was our harper.' (S. Ua SuÂilleabhaÂin and S. Donnelly, ` ``Music has Ended': The Death of a Harper', Celtica 22 (1991), 165±75; I have adopted their translation, pp. 167±8.) Conchubhar Mac Conghalaigh was harper to  DonnabhaÂin, chief of Clann Chathail 1584±1639. Clann Chathail Domhnall O (anglicized Clancahill) covered a large area in the barony of Carbery, co. Cork. This entry, now missing from the Chain Book of Dublin Corporation, survives only here in Sir James Ware's transcription. He notes it as having occurred on `149'. This must refer to the Book's earlier ink pagination system that is defective after `125' (it passes from `125' to `174' (so forty-eight leaves are now missing). The St George pageant entry would thus have been found on the twenty-fourth leaf of the missing batch of forty-eight. Immediately preceding his transcription of the St George pageant directives, Ware transcribed from `140' of the Book (that is, on the sixteenth of the missing forty-eight leaves), an obit of 20 September 1564 for Robert Cusack, mayor of Dublin. Therefore, the dated material that we know about nearest to the St George pageant entry was sixteenth-century. Ware may have been a relatively faithful transcriber of the passage before him; in any event, unless he has altered the language of the original extensively, its linguistic complexion as apparent in the transcription accords with a sixteenth-century date. It is possible, however, to narrow the date of the entry further. Its reference to the city bailiffs establishes a date before 1548, for in this year they were upgraded to sheriffs in the charter of incorporation granted to Dublin. The St George pageant entry is of especial interest as evidence for the nature and organization of the pageant. The mayor of the year before, that is, the current guild master, was to ®nd people to play the parts of the Emperor, the Empress and their six attendants. Their wages were to be paid by the person chosen to play St George. He would be selected by the current mayor and paid 3s 4d for his efforts by the guild wardens. It was perhaps from this stipend that St George paid for the Emperor, Empress and their six attendants, as well as for his four attendant trumpeters; these latter were to be selected by the elder guild warden. No other details are given about who was responsible for paying whom, but we are told that the bailiffs provided four men and horses who attended St George and the Emperor, the elder guild master a maiden who led the dragon, and the clerk of the market a line (possibly the leash by which the maiden led the dragon along). It was the job of the younger warden to select the King and Queen of Dele plus their four attendants, and to ensure that St George's Chapel was appropriately decked for the occasion with hangings, cushions and rushes. The pageant required sixteen persons, plus four horsemen, four trumpeters, and a dragon. This impressive crew processed to the chapel, perhaps with pauses for mimetic action en route, after which a liturgy of St George would have been offered up. Although it is not known for sure that the pageant characters engaged in a fully-¯edged play at some point during the day's proceedings, it is worth noting that the presence of several of them seems to have been dictated rather more by the need to present a St George narrative than the desire merely to pad out a procession's panoply. The narrative signi®cance of the characters would have been made conveniently explicit by enacting it in a play. And the fact that

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147

148

149

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the corporation sustained repeated costs, recorded in the Treasurer's Book of Dublin Corporation, for mending the dragon may also be telling; repeated dragon repairs could be explained by the beast's involvement in some sort of mimetic ®ght with St George liable to damage it. Lines 2±3: `Blind NioclaÂs, who is not blind of heart, plays it and no fairy. It would be impossible to ®nd anyone to imitate him in the merry musical torrent.' The probable author of Ca sõÂoth don cheoÂl do-chuala (`From which fairy dwelling comes the music I have heard?') was Maoilmhuire Mac an Bhaird who died in 1597 (C. McGrath, `Two  igse 7 (1953±5), 84±94). Since the poem is in praise of Nicholas Skilful Musicians', E dall of co. Kerry (on whom see endnote 44 above), it has been located in this county. Lines 2±6: `Note, reader, that the bishop of Ossory made these songs for the vicars, priests and clerics of his cathedral church, to be sung on the great feasts and at times of recreation, lest their throats and mouths, sancti®ed for God, be polluted by theatrical, base and secular songs, and since they are singers, let them provide themselves with melodies appropriate to what the compositions need.' It appears from this note that the clerics of St Canice's Cathedral, Kilkenny, were in danger of singing `theatrical, base and secular songs'. In the manuscript, the incipits of secular lyrics have been prefaced to pious Latin poems to act as cues to the (secular) melodies to which the contrafacta were meant to be sung. Although the note attributes the contrafacta to Richard Ledrede, O.F.M. (bishop of Ossory, hence the date to his episcopacy attributed here), some have in fact been identi®ed as the work of the earlier Franciscan poet Walter of Wimbourne (see A. G. Rigg, `Walter of Wimborne, O.F.M.: An Anglo-Latin Poet of the Thirteenth Century', Mediñval Studies 33 (1971), 371±8). C. Vallancey, ed. Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, 6 vols (Dublin, 1770±1804), II, 395±6. The source of this information seems to have been E. Ledwich's re¯ections on matter that he perused in the Red Book of Kilkenny Corporation (either the original, or perhaps William Colles's transcript; on the Red Book of Kilkenny, see the headnote to Kilkenny Corporation in section 4.4) among the `Laffan MSS.'. Their whereabouts are unknown, so the report here is the nearest we can come to them. The subject matter is dif®cult to date, but it might be noted that someone of the name John Fitz Lewis (line 5) features in the Corporation Book of Irishtown in the second half of the sixteenth century (J. Ainsworth, `Corporation Book of the Irishtown of Kilkenny 1537±1628', Analecta Hibernica 28 (1978), 1±78; see pp. 44 and 60), hence the suggested dating here. Lines 2±5: `Jester, chess-player, sprawling clown, piper, cheating juggler/trickster/ acrobat, the shank was their share of meat in truth, when they came into the king's house. The shins were the share of the noble musician, of the castle-builder and arti®cer, round the bowl; the cup-bearer, the lusty foot-servant, both consumed the broken meats.' (The translation of E. Gwynn, ed. The Metrical Dindsenchas Part I, Todd Lecture Series 8 (Dublin, 1903), p. 27, lines 165±72, has been adapted here). Âa Gwynn notes, p. 62, that most manuscript witnesses attribute this poem to CuÂaÂn U  a hArtacan (²974). The poem is LothchaÂin (²1026), but two attribute it to Cinñth U in the established tradition of the honori®c food portions; compare, for example, the Tech MidchuÂarda diagrams in Appendix 6.12. Thomas Scot, Certaine Pieces of this Age Paraboliz'd (London, 1616; STC 21870), next leaf opposite sig. M3v. Quire M comprises 4 leaves. Marginal glosses are printed in the right-hand margin, and four of present interest are as follows: l Two ®d- | lers and a- | blind boy | with a bagpipe.; m Their | Poet Chroni- | clers.; n One of | the Al- | dermen.; o The ®d- | lers boy. It is uncertain whether the poet Thomas Scot(t) here (¯oruit 1605) was also that Thomas Scott (1580? -1626), the political writer. His disparaging satire on the civic hospitality to be had in the town of Youghal, co. Cork, may conceivably have grown from some grain of actual experience, perhaps more clearly glimpsed in the glosses given in this endnote. Two ®ddlers and a young

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151

152

153

154 155

156

157

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bagpiper seem to have been in attendance, and that characteristically Irish accompaniment, poets who would compose (and recite) verses upon the occasion (a detail consistent with Luke Gernon's observations on Irish hospitality; see his An Irish Banqvet above, s.a. 1620, and endnote 136). Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), pp. 20 col. a ± 24 col. b. Here, `of the same' (lines 2±6) refers to Achonry, a townland and parish in the barony of Leyny, six miles west-south-west of Ballymote, co. Sligo. The Eighteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1886), pp. 65±6 (hereafter, Eighteenth Report). Of the three possible Annaghmores in co. Offaly to which this ®ant may refer, that in the barony of Garrycastle seems most likely because the ®ant also mentions Tisaran (`Teghsaran', ibid., p. 66), the parish in which the Annaghmore of the barony of Garrycastle is situated.  LuinõÂn, erenagh of the Ard, i.e., an expert man, learned in both Lines 2±3: `Matha O poetry and historic lore and melody and Latin learning and other arts, died on the  LuinõÂn and of sixth of the Ides of February'. The Ard in question here is that of O Muintir-LuinõÂn, in the barony of Tirkennedy, co. Fermanagh. Twelfth Report, p. 72. Lines 1±4: ` . . . The supplications on the part of Denis Occulean, priest and deacon of the church of Armagh, having been extended to us . . . having carefully heard his confession, if you shall have found him carrying weapons, playing dice or other illicit games, keeping a concubine, entering taverns, gardens, vineyards, meadows, corn®elds and other forbidden and dishonourable places [the letter proceeds to specify appropriate sanctions] . . .'. The letter, undated, appears between two documents, the ®rst dated 3 December 1427 and the second 25 September 1430, hence the dating proposed above. The copyist of the letter also copied the items given from this manuscript in section 5.6 below, under Armagh Province. Lines 2±8: `Edmund O'Ryan, an inhabitant of the district of Ballychalatan, a ¯ute player or piper by profession, twenty-two years old, was deprived of the use of his ears from Easter 1623 until the month of April in the following year. He made a pilgrimage to Holy Cross monastery, visited the salvi®c wood, and while listening to words of prayer easily obtained his reward at the ministration of the Reverend Father John O'Dea, then a parishoner but now abbot of Petra fertilis. And the said Edmund hurries home to his family joyfully.' Holy Cross Abbey, co. Tipperary, housed a relic of true cross. Ballychalatan, from where O'Ryan hailed, is a townland in the parish of Kilbarron and barony of Lower Ormond, co. Tipperary. The Triumphalia Chronologica was written by Malachy Hartry, OCist., in 1640 (on it, see R. Gillespie and B. Cunningham, `Holy Cross Abbey and the Counter Reformation in Tipperary', Tipperary Historical Journal 1991 (Naas, 1991), pp. 171±80). Opposite this item in the left margin is written in red: XXIII. | 1623. The Eighth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1876), pp. 128±9 (hereafter, Eighth Report). Though place-names mentioned elsewhere in this ®ant appear also in other counties, they congregate only in co. Wexford. However, which of co. Wexford's two Ballyedmonds was intended (one in the parish of Kilnamanagh, the other in the parish of Monamolin, both in the barony of Ballaghkeen North) is unclear. Lines 1±9: `To all those to whom this present writing shall have come. Walter, son of David Balf, perpetual greetings in Christ. You will have known that on behalf of my heirs and deputies, I have remitted, renounced and utterly quitclaimed to William, son of Richard de Rupe and his heirs and deputies, my every right and claim that I had or at any time whatsoever was able to have by title of law, sixty acres of arrable land with appurtenances in Ballygrunnagh. . . . With these witnesses: John de Rupe, Philip Halstyne, Henry de Rupe, John the cleric, Walter le Harper, Jordan White, David de Bath and others. Given at Ballygrunnagh on the morrow of the Apostles Philip and James, in the twenty-®rst regnal year of Edward'. Since the palñography

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159

160 161 162

163

164

165

166

167

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of the deed dates c. 1300, the Edward in question must be Edward I, hence the dating attributed here. The modern equivalent of Ballygrunnagh is unknown. Presumably the place was in co. Kilkenny, however. Eighth Report, p. 81. The fact that `Ouin oge M'Crossan' (line 2) was a rymor broaches the possibility that the arts of the crosaÂn (the noun from whence the family name derives) were practiced in his family. Hence his inclusion here. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), pp. 20 col. a ± 24 col. b. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), pp. 87 col. b ± 88 col. a. Thomas, lord Burgh was Lord Deputy at this time. Though writing from Athlone, co. Westmeath, the episode that Clifford describes occurred while he was campaigning near Ballyshannon, co. Donegal. The passage illustrates how harpers, many of whom were itinerant by profession, might readily ®nd employment as messengers and intelligence agents. Lines 2±3: `As I remember the music I used to hear in his house where I used to stay, it almost reddens my tears when I hear other music'. The poem is an elegy for Philip Hackett, whose family lands were in the parish of Ballysheenan, co. Tipperary. For  Riain, eds. Poems on the details of his life and family, see A. O'Sullivan and P. O Marcher Lords from a Sixteenth-Century Tipperary Manuscript, Irish Texts Society 53 (London, 1987), pp. 67±9 (their translation, ibid., p. 74, is adopted here). In the traditional fashion, household music is made a symbol of domestic well being and graciousness in this Irish poem. Though extant in various other manuscripts, the earliest copy of this account of the mayor of Waterford's visit to the O'Driscolls in Baltimore on Christmas Eve survives in the Book of Howth, edited here. `Baleutemore' (line 6) is Baltimore, a town (and townland) in the barony of Carbery West, co. Cork. The passage evidences the only indoor dancing of carols known to the present Repertory. Lines 2±7: `Sir John Mac Feorais [de Bermingham], earl of Lughmagh, i.e., the most active, vigorous, hospitable and liberal baron that was in Ireland, was treacherously killed by his own people, i.e., by the foreigners of Oriel; and a great number of noble foreigners and Gaels were killed along with him; and the king of minstrelsy, i.e., Maelruanaigh Mac Cearbhaill, i.e., the one-eyed fellow, and another brother of his, were killed along with him. And it is not known that there came, or ever will come, so good a timpaÂn player'. This and the two items following concern the Branganstown massacre of 1329 (on which see J. F. Lydon, `The Branganstown Massacre, 1329', County Louth Archñological and Historical Journal 19 (1977±80), 5±16). The Annals of Connacht, which are out by a year at this point, give the incident s.a. 1328. Variations on this episode appear in the sets of annals printed in the next two items below. Lines 2±4: `The blind Mac Cearbhaill, i.e., Maelruanaigh, the choicest timpaÂn player in Ireland, Scotland and the whole world ± and it is not veri®ed that an equal to him in that art ever came from the beginning of the world ± was killed, and another good brother of his was killed on the same spot'. (I have not repeated the prefatory matter concerning Sir John de Bermingham found in the previous item, though it is also present here.) The Annals of Ulster, which are out by four years at this point, give the incident s.a. 1325. Lines 2±13: `On the vigil of Pentecost and of the blessed Apostle Barnabas, the lord John de Bermingham, count of Louth, is killed. And all the men of his county conspired against him, not wishing him to rule over them. They made a plan together, and assembled with a great crowd of armed men, sparing none of his household. They killed him, with one hundred and sixty others and more, including his two brothers and about nine bearing his surname. In that slaughter and on the  Cearbhaill, a famous player on the timpaÂn and harper, that same day, Cam O phoenix mighty in his art and of outstanding power, died with about twenty other  Cearbhaill, however, because he timpaÂn players, pupils of his. He was called Cam O

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168

169

170 171

172

173

174

175

176

Notes to section 5

was half blind, and his eyes were not set straight but squinting. And if he was not the ®rst inventor of the art of stringed music, yet he stood out as the corrector, teacher and director of all who had gone before, who were now, or who were to follow after him'. Of the four complete seventeenth-century transcripts of the Clyn annals extant (on which see B. Williams, `The Annals of Friar John Clyn ± Provenance and Bias', Archivium Hibernicum 47 (1993), 65±77), this manuscript contains the best text of the present passage, hence its selection here. Its account of the massacre is the fullest, and  Cearbhaill was visiting the count of Louth it includes the detail that the harper O with about twenty other timpaÂn players (line 8). Why so large a company of musicians were there is unclear, but they may have been in attendance to swell celebration of the feast of Pentecost.  CuirnõÂn, chief professor of BreÂifne, and Lines 2±3: `Matha, son of TomaÂs O universally learned in historical lore, and in music, died in his own house'. BreÂifne was formerly an area overlapping part of the modern counties Cavan and Leitrim. The Eleventh Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1879), p. 239 (hereafter, Eleventh Report). The Brittas in question here was probably that in the barony of Uppercross, co. Dublin, about nine miles south-south-west of Dublin. Seventeenth Report, pp. 250±2. Lines 2±3: `A dwelling thronged with gentle ladies, smooth, melodious-mouthed, full of harps with strings of sweetly melancholic sounds; and learned men [there].' This poem is addressed to Sir Theobald Butler, who became baron of Caher on 6 May 1583 (and who died 28 April 1596). Abundant harp music in the castle is a standard token of the sway of civilized Gaelic aristocratic values there, and is mentioned so that it may chie¯y redound to the credit of Sir Theobald as patron. J. Morrin, ed. Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 2 vols (Dublin and London, 1861±2), I, 69 (hereafter Morrin, Calendar). The placename Cappervarget does not survive, but Rathangan (`Rathehangan', line 2) is a town and parish in the barony of Offaly East, co. Kildare, as well as the name of a demesne in the same barony. It is possible that the two Keynans were related members of the one musical family. One of them, Owen, moved in exalted circles, having served the late earl of Kildare, Gerald FitzGerald (²1534). Eleventh Report, p. 235. Carbury is a town and parish in the barony of Carbury, co. Kildare. Twelfth Report, p. 183. All the locatable place-names in the ®ant are in co. Carlow, hence the location suggested here. Seventeenth Report, pp. 252±4. The piper Richen buoy McJames is sandwiched between two mentions of the place-name Ballycringan, for which the ®ant Index tentatively suggests a location in co. Carlow. Lines 2±6: `These are the great prerequisites [of the fair of Carmun]: trumpets, harps, hollow-throated horns, pipers, tireless timpaÂn players, poets and sprawling bands of musicians. . . . Pipes, rebecs, gleemen, bones-players and cuisle-players, an ugly, noisy, profane crowd, roarers and bellowers.' Although other manuscripts contain this poem, only the version in the Book of Leinster given here includes these lines. The Book of Leinster version also attributes the poem to one Fulartach, a poet of unknown date (see further E. Gwynn, ed. The Metrical Dindshenchas Part III, Royal Irish Academy Todd Lecture Series 10 (Dublin, 1913), p. 471; see also the arguments ibid. for a possible composition date not later than 1079, perhaps, indeed, for the aonach of that year convened by Conchobar uÂa Conchobair Failge). The location of Carmun is not known (possibly it was in the region of Naas, co. Kildare). The words ®r cengail (line 5) are dif®cult; conceivably they might be translated `men without weapons'. The passage gives a lively catalogue of the sorts of musical performers that might be expected to attend an aonach.

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Notes to section 5 177

178 179

180

181

182

183

184

185

186

187

188

189

190

191

192

525

The Sixteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1882), p. 152 (hereafter, Sixteenth Report). Eighteenth Report, p. 126. Seventeenth Report, p. 244. Which Carrignamuck was intended, whether that in the barony of Muskerry East or that in the barony of Muskerry West, is unclear. Eighteenth Report, p. 89. Castleroe East and Castleroe West are both townlands in the barony of Kilkea and Moone, co. Kildare. The original document, of which only calendared versions survive, was lost in the Dublin Four Courts explosion and ®re of 1922. The document was presented to the Irish council by Sir Henry Wallop, treasurer at wars for Ireland, on 1 March 1581, as a journal of the daily and ordinary acts of the council and as a record of matters of state. Evidently it ran between 1581 and 1586. Sixteenth Report, p. 106. Clanawly is a district in the barony of Moydow, co. Longford. Sixteenth Report, pp. 43±4. The reference to the harper Gillereogh alias Donogh O Hamine (line 2) is sandwiched between mentions of Cahirblany, co. Clare and Illaunaroan, co. Clare, hence the location suggested here. Eighteenth Report, pp. 65±6. Which Cloghan (in the ®ant spelt Cloghlan, probably in error) was intended, whether that in the barony of Garrycastle or that in the barony of Clonlisk, is unclear. The document is signed at the head of f. 294 by the Lord Deputy Sir Arthur Chichester, at Dublin Castle (on Chichester, see endnote 133 above). It appears that this is the earlier form of the pardon, subsequently enrolled, as the next item shows, on 18 February 1607. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810 and 1830), pp. 97 col. b ± 98 col. a. The Cloghan mentioned here is likely to be one of the two in co. Offaly given in endnote 184 above. Eighteenth Report, pp. 30±4. It is not clear where `Clogh Icully' (as the ®ant spells it) was, but somewhere in co. Limerick seems likely on the basis of other, identi®able, place-names in the ®ant. Seventeenth Report, pp. 191±3. Clonagh is a parish in the barony of Connello Lower, two miles south-west of Rathkeale, co. Limerick. Seventeenth Report, pp. 252±4. It is not clear where `Clonegeraghe' (as the ®ant spells it) was, but somewhere in co. Wexford seems likely on the basis of other, identi®able, place-names in the ®ant. The reference to `Crossanaght' (line 6) is to the prose-and-verse medley known as crosaÂntacht (see A. Harrison, The Irish Trickster (Shef®eld, 1989), passim). The public delivery of crosaÂntacht seems sometimes to have amounted to a dramatic performance. `Cammell' (line 3) is probably Clonmel, co. Tipperary (a proximate reference in the document to Cahir, co. Tipperary, establishes that the Clonmel in question was a Clonmel in that county). The honorand of the orations mentioned here, Robert Devereux, twentieth earl of Essex, was Lord Deputy of Ireland for a brief spell in 1599, from March to September. (Devereux was executed in 1601; he was the son of Sir Walter Devereux, on whom see below under section 5.5, Households.) As is characteristic, the orations had a political thrust, presuming to advise Devereux. However, given that the advice of each seems to have been dialectically opposed (the English one recommended clemency, the Latin one rigour), it may be that they were twin parts of the same set piece, orchestrated as a debate that Devereux was invited to resolve. Lines 1±14: `I am the Queen of Harps. These are they who were servants to SeaÂn Mac Eamainn [FitzGerald], at Cloyne, at the time when I was made, i.e., the steward there was SeÂamus Mac SeaÂin and Muiris Breathnach was our superintendent; and Diarmait Mac SeaÂin, wine butler; and SeaÂn Ruadhan was beer butler; and Pilib

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193

194

195

196

Notes to section 5

 Ruairc was chamberlain there, Mac Domhnaill was cook there, AD 1621. Tadhg O and SeÂamus Ruisel was house marshal; and Muiris Mac ThomaÂis and Muiris Mac Eamainn; these were all discreet attendants upon him. Pilib Mac Taidhg Magrath was tailor there; Donnchadh Mac Taidhg was his carpenter ± it was he who made me. GiollapaÂdraig Mac Cridan was my musician and harmonist; and if I could have found a better, him I should have, and Diarmait Mac Cridan along with him, two highly accomplished men, whom I had to nurse me. And on every one of these, may God have mercy on them all. IGE and EB caused me to be made. Donnchadh son of Tadhg made me ± my hope is in God'. (A few other inscriptions on the harp ± names of the various beasts carved on it, and some Latin inscriptions ¯anking the arms of England and the FitzGeralds on the outer side of the forepillar ± have not been transcribed here.) The harp was made for John McEdmond FitzGerald of Cloyne, one of the Desmond FitzGeralds. His arms, impaled with those of his wife, Ellen Barry, daughter of Viscount Buttevant, are carved on the forepillar, and surmounted by those of England. Conceivably, the initials EB, given as one of those who had the harp made, stand for Ellen Barry. FitzGerald married his wife in 1611; he died in 1640. To judge by their shared name, the two McCridans may have come from the same (musical) family. The harp is an outstanding witness to the musical and cultural values of its aristocratic, Anglo-Irish household. If, as seems entirely possible, the Much adoe about nothing (line 5) was Shakespeare's play of the same name, this record of an aborted performance of it has not been previously noticed as part of the play's early performance history (this 1628 Much Ado would be the second record of the play, cancellation notwithstanding, after the ®rst in 1613; see F. H. Mares, ed. Much Ado About Nothing (Cambridge, 1988), p. 10). The fact that preparations were afoot to perform it, until the commissioners took offence, indicates what the men of Coleraine considered an appropriate entertainment for their of®cial visitors from London. In the right margin opposite this entry is written the following: A play prepared | and a song made | to deride his Maiesties | Commissioners and their | proceeding/  SochlachaÂin, erenagh of Cong, learned in Lines 2±5: `Aedh, son of Donnsleibhe O singing and harp making ± who also made for himself an instrument whose like had never been made before ± and who was learned in every craft, both in poetry, and engraving, and writing, and in every art that anyone could perform, died in that year'. This item, though given (erroneously) s.a. 1225 in the manuscript, occurred in 1226. This case against Muriartagh O Coyqnan (sic) occurs in a series of Crown pleas and jail deliveries heard before Edmund le Botiller, justiciar of Ireland. It illustrates how the ancient tradition of the importunate entertainer, so common a theme in Gaelic literary sources, had an active historical existence. This text is hastily and untidily copied, and several readings are problematic, as the textual notes indicate. A list of signatories to it follows, subscribed at Cork on 7 November 1584, a date not long after the death of the fourteenth earl of Desmond, Gerald Fitz James FitzGerald (²11 November 1583). He had been in rebellion against the English administration in Ireland between 1579 and 1583. Evidently the list represents the results of an initiative to purge systematically the earl's territory of such sowers of sedition as `Poetes, Cronyclers or Rymers' (lines 3±4) were typically thought to be. `logh gir' (line 13) is Lough Gur, co. Limerick. The `granshagh' (line 18) is Granshagh, in the barony of Clanmaurice, co. Kerry. `kenallmeycky' (lines 20 and 22) might be related to Kennel, in the barony of Imokilly, co. Cork. `lismor' (line 23) is probably Lismore, in the barony of Trughanacmy, co. Kerry. `Castetowne' (line 25) is probably a co. Cork Castletown, but there are three possible candidates, one in the barony of Imokilly, another in the barony of Kinalea and another in the barony of Carbery East. `Imokillyn' (line 31) and again, perhaps more correctly, Imokilly (line 32), is the barony of Imokilly, co. Cork. `fynagh' (line 46) is possibly

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Notes to section 5

197

198

199

200

201

202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211

212 213

214

215 216

217 218

527

Feenagh, in the barony of Connello Upper, co. Limerick. The `Brosnycke' (line 77) is probably Brosna, in the barony of Trughanacmy, co. Kerry. Seventeenth Report, p. 187. The identi®able place-names in the ®ant locate in co. Cork, hence the location attributed here. These two lines comprise the heading for the ®rst and only text of a masque known to survive from pre-Cromwellian Ireland (for the full text of this masque, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix IV). The house of Lord Barry which saw the performance of the Introduction to the Sword Dance was in co. Cork, though it is not clear which house it may have been. Of the two possible candidates ± either Lord Barry's family residence at Castlelyons, in the barony of Barrymore, co. Cork, or his castle of Shandon, near Cork city ± the Castlelyons house seems the most likely venue for this familial, Christmastide occasion. On the author of the masque, John Clavell, see further the headnote to Appendix 6.5 below and J. H. P. Pafford, `John Clavell (1601±43), Burglar, Highwayman, Poet, Dramatist, Doctor, Lawyer', Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset 32 (1986), 549±62. The description of one of Sir Henry Sidney's progresses as Lord Deputy through Munster includes this notice of his arrival in Cork before Christmas. The presentation of civic pageantry to welcome him into Cork, `where I was received with all ioyfulnes, tokens, and shewes the best they could expresse' (lines 7±8), is possibly implied in his words. H. F. Hore and J. Graves, The Social State of the Southern and Eastern Counties of Ireland in the Sixteenth Century (Dublin, 1870), pp. 277±8. Sir William Drury, before whom the sessions were held, was lord president of Munster from 20 June 1576 until October 1579. The original document is no longer extant. R. Caul®eld, ed. The Council Book of Cork (Guildford, 1876), p. 28. This begins the ®rst of a series of references to Cork's civic drummers. The original document is no longer extant. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 36. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 54. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 73. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 79. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 85. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 98. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 105. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 113. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 119. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 127. This is the ®rst reference to Morris Meskell, `one of the Drummers' (line 2; he also appears below, 24 October 1636). It implies that there was more than one (and compare endnote 213 below) civic drummer, although in most years it is James Curtane who is named. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 134. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 151. A second drummer, John Howe (line 2), is mentioned only here. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 157. The popular summer festivals of bringing home the summer [pole] and maypole (line 14) ®nd their ®rst recorded mention here, though doubtless they were already traditional in Cork (and Munster) by this date. Typically, they are noted in the course of legislation to curb undesirable street entertainments tending towards injury and strife. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 161. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 172. David How (line 2) may have been the son of John Howe noted in the previous entry, suggesting perhaps that the of®ce of city drummer in Cork passed on from father to son. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 177. Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 178.

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528 219 220

221 222

223

224

225 226

227

228

229

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Notes to section 5

Caul®eld, Council Book, p. 180. Lines 2±6: `We came to the Creeve at Christmas, all the poets of FoÂdla were assembled together by the smooth wall of the hospitable castle where O'Neill resided at Christmastide . . . When just in sight of the wall, even if I were at the shoulder of any man, I could not hear him because of the strains of music from the fort.' This  hUiginn (on whom see E. Knott, ed. The Bardic poem was written by Tadhg dall O  Huiginn (1550±1591), Irish Texts Society 22 and 23 (London, Poems of Tadhg Dall O 1922±6) ) and addressed to Turlough Luineach O'Neill (²10 September 1595). The Creeve, the site of the festivity described, is west of the river Bann and near Coleraine. The magnitude of the melody issuing from O'Neill's residence is seen as commensurate with his princely generosity to musicians. Twelfth Report, p. 20. Richard Hackluyt, The Second Volume of the Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf®ques and Discoueries of the English Nation (London, 1599; STC: 12626a), p. 165. Earlier editions do not contain this passage. `Dingenacush' (line 3) is Dingle, co. Kerry, and the `foresaide hauen' (lines 3±4) Ventry, co. Kerry. The passage describes how George Clifford, third earl of Cumberland, and his men were entertained by Sir Edward Denny (Denny had received a land grant in the Munster plantation of co. Kerry in 1586). On the page following this excerpt, it is said that they departed on 20 December 1589, `being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie, his Lady, and two yong sonnes', hence the date terminus proposed above. I have not been able to discover a modern equivalent of `Dirrifaddaghe', though evidently it was in co. Tipperary. The document, a note of the good services performed by Piers Butler ®tz Edmond of Roscrea, co. Tipperary, upon the direction of the earl of Ormond, mentions various dates between March 1573 and 20 January 1589. Pipers often served the Gaelic Irish in military contexts, and this is probably the intended context of the piper Bryen Reoghe (line 4) mentioned here. Seventeenth Report, p. 196. Since other place-names in the ®ant are from co. Westmeath, it seems likely that the Donore in question here is also from that county. Donore, in the barony of Corkaree, co. Westmeath, is the likely candidate. Seventeenth Report, p. 256. Eleventh Report, p. 117. Although this ®ant was apparently undated, it was signed by Sir Nicholas Arnold as Lord Justice, which determines the date bands ascribed here. Which Donoure is in question is unclear. There is a town and townland of Donoure in co. Cork, as well as a Donoure East, a Donoure Middle and a Donoure West, also in co. Cork. Twelfth Report, p. 63. I have not been able to identify a modern equivalent of `Downmogan'. All identi®able place-names in this ®ant locate in co. Kilkenny, however, hence the location ascribed here. Eleventh Report, p. 194. That Thady Credan was `of the same' (line 2) refers to the fact that he hailed from Drangan, co. Tipperary. Drangan is a village and parish on the south-east border of the barony of Middlethird, four and a half miles north-east of Fethard, co. Tipperary. The handwriting of this document dates to the ®rst half of the sixteenth century, and references to various Church temporalities in Drogheda being now in the king's possession necessarily ®x it sometime after the Dissolution of the Monasteries (1536) and before the end of the reign of Edward VI (1553). The Drogheda bullring, like Dublin's, was evidently situated within the city walls. This land-gavel is unique, and the earliest Irish one of its kind known. `Mithe' (line 4) is probably co. Meath, the county immediately adjacent to the west of Drogheda. `Tredathe' (line 4) is Drogheda, co. Louth. The `lettres aforesayed' (lines 2±3) were reputedly from the King of Spain and addressed to the earl of Tyrone. They were in the possession of Fr William McMahon, Peter McMahon's uncle.

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Notes to section 5 231

232

233

234 235

236

237

238

239

240

241

242

529

Lines 2±6: `Godred began his reign in the year 1144 and reigned for thirty years. Many things worthy of memory could be told about him which we have omitted for brevity's sake. In the third year of his reign, the people of Dublin sent after him to rule over them. He came to Dublin with a large number of ships and a great army, and was joyfully received by the citizens with a great dance/jubilation'. The annals are out by ten years at this point, hence the dating ascribed here. The ®rst phase of Godred II's power seems to have been between 1153 (when he acceeded as ruler of Man) and 1158 (when he was deposed). The item may be the ®rst evidence in Ireland on record for civic dancing to welcome an incoming dignitary. However, tripudium is not unambiguous; it may conceivably mean something less speci®c, `rejoicing' in a general sense. On the author of this work, Meredith Hanmer, see endnote 113 above. Hanmer's Historie was ®rst published in an edition by J. Ware, ed. The Historie of Ireland (Dublin, 1633; STC 25067a), but in that version contains no variants of present interest. The nature of some of the entertainment that Hanmer describes, notably the masking and mummings (line 6), seems more in keeping with what might be expected in his own times than in the late twelfth century, however. The harpers of this entry (assuming that their names denote their profession) are amongst the ®rst Dublin harpers on record. A harp has been sketched in the left margin of the roll opposite line 2. This is the ®rst Dublin piper on record (assuming his name denotes his profession). Conceivably this is the same William the Piper who appears in the following item. The Twenty-third Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1891), p. 83 (hereafter, Twenty-third Report). For the location of St Werburgh's Church, see Fig. 3; extracts from its proctors' accounts are given below. This church was close to the civic centre of Dublin, within view of Christ Church Cathedral and just around the corner from Dublin Castle. Lines 2±4: `Let them abstain from illicit spectacles, and especially from tournaments, contests and other occasions on which bloodshed is to be feared. Let them not haunt taverns and dishonourable feasts.' Though the original drafting of these statutes has been dated ?1241±61 (C. R. Cheney, `A Group of Related Synodal Statutes of the Thirteenth Century', in J. A. Watt, J. B. Morrall and F. X. Martin, eds. Medieval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn s.j. (Dublin, 1961), pp. 114±32; see pp. 124±5), they were included in the Crede Mihi manuscript between 1279±83 (G. Hand, `The Date of the ``Crede Mihi'' ', Reportorium Novum 3, no. 2 (1964), 368±70; Hand suggests that the principal scribe ceased working between Spring 1279 and summer 1283, probably earlier rather than later in that period). Twenty-third Report, p. 87. Fishambe Street (line 2), where the land granted to Roger the harper was situated, is the street plotted due north of the church of St John the Evangelist in Fig. 3, and stopping at the intramural wall. Mills, Calendar . . . XXIII to XXXI, p. 107. Roger le Harpour was conceivably the man mentioned in the previous item. J. Mills, ed. Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls or Proceedings in the Court of the Justiciar of Ireland preserved in the Public Record Of®ce of Ireland. Edward I. Part 2. XXXIII to XXXV Years (London, 1914), p. 392 (hereafter, Mills, Calendar . . . XXXIII to XXXV). The plea was heard before John Wogan, Justiciar, at Cork. If William le Pipere was the same man mentioned in the c. 1260 document given above, he must by now have been elderly. `Blondeleston' (line 5) is either Blundelstown, in the barony of Newcastle, co. Dublin or Blundelstown, in the barony of Skreen, co. Meath. Mills, Calendar . . . XXXIII to XXXV, pp. 446±7. The plea was heard before John Wogan, Justiciar, at `Balaghath'. It was part of the proceedings noted in the previous item. Lines 2±5: `Item: to the trumpeters of the Justices who were in the Refectory . . . Item:

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530

243

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to John Faytour, waferer, from a gift of the same, 3d. Item: to a certain small harper, from a gift of the lord, 3d.' J. Mills, ed. Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin 1337±1346 with the Middle English Moral Play `The Pride of Life' (Dublin, 1891), p. 19. Although the item occurs in set of priory seneschal accounts running to 25 April 1339, a date of 23 January 1338 can, however, probably be ascribed, since the item appears to relate to an event recorded in Mills, Account Roll, p. 5, the entertainment in the prior's chamber of Sir Thomas Wogan and Sir Elias de Assheburne on that day. These Justices Itinerant were possibly being entertained by the prior before their departure on circuit. Lines 1±24: ` ``Now I will relate to you the charge concerning them that was entrusted to me, and how I accomplished it. For the king of England's intention was this, that they should be conformed to English custom in their manner, bearing and costume. For the king wanted to knight these four Irish kings. First, a very ®ne and large lodging was appointed to them in the city of Dublin, for themselves and their men; and I was bidden to remain with them, and neither to leave or go from them unless obliged to do so by very great necessity. I was in their company two or three days, to learn how to get to know them, and they me. And I said nothing to them other than what accorded to their inclination. And these kings, sitting at table, [had] deceptive countenances that seemed to me neither fair nor good. When these kings were at table and served the ®rst course, they made their minstrels and their closest servants sit before them and eat from their bowls and drink from their goblets. And they said that such was the custom of their country. And that, except for the bed, they had everything in common. I allowed them to do all this for three days, and on the fourth day I had tables laid and covered in the chamber, as was appropriate. And I made the four kings sit at the high table, and the minstrels at a table much lower than them, and the servants elsewhere. It seemed they were utterly enraged at this. And each looked at the other, and did not want to eat. And they said that they had been deprived of their good custom in which they had been raised. I replied to them, laughing at all this to mollify them, and I agreed and said to them that it was neither reasonable nor honourable that their estate remain as they had maintained it before, and that it was appropriate that they abandon it and follow English custom.'' (For he was charged with bringing this about, and the king and his council had explicitly commanded this of him.).' This excerpt is from Book 4, Chapter 42 of the Chroniques of Jean Froissart. The knighting in Christ Church Cathedral of the `four kings' (the chieftains Mac Murrough, O'Neill, O'Connor and O'Brien) ocurred on a feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary (probably Candlemas 1395; Richard II had landed at Waterford on 2 October 1394, and returned to England on 15 May 1395). Since the Chroniques exist in many manuscripts, a pragmatic decision has been made to select for transcription one whose text is acknowledged to be reliable. I am grateful to Professor Peter F. Ainsworth for guidance here. The `menestrelz' (line 12) from whom the four chieftains were inseparable were possibly their retained poets (on this tradition, see P. A. Breatnach, `The Chief's Poet', Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 83 (1983), 37±79). It is interesting nevertheless that the performative aspect of their role seems to have struck Froissart, to judge by his choice of the word to describe them. Lines 2±8: `The king has assigned William Lawless, marshal of the liege English entertainers of Ireland (it is reported that Irish entertainers, like harpers, timpaÂn players, ®ddlers, gamblers, rhymers, storytellers, bards and others come among the English of Ireland practising their minstrelsy and arts, and after a while return to the Irish enemies and become their inciters against the same liege men of the king, contrary to the form of the Kilkenny Statutes of 40 Edward III) to seize the said harpers, et cetera, et cetera. Dublin, 1 April.' E. Tresham, ed. Rotulorum patentum et clausorum cancellariae Hiberniae calendarium (Dublin, 1828), p. 258 cols a-b. An independent transcription of this patent roll item was also made by Sir James Ware

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(Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 502, f. 18). However, Ware's transcript is evidently a paraphrase, and therefore does not supersede Tresham's. Yet it might be noted that Ware's transcript dates the item as 1 April 13 Henry VI, which would be 1435, not the 1436 recorded by Tresham. The item gives a valuable impression of the sheer range of performing artists venturing into the Pale. The argument that they were gatherers of intelligence who, once they had returned amongst Irish enemies related information liable to compromise English security, was one commonly made. This is the earliest franchise riding mentioned in extant Dublin Corporation documents. `dyvelyng' (line 5) is Dublin. Judging by the (unequivocal) sum noted in the 1465 entry given below, the sum levied on each hall in the city (line 7) was probably iihij dj, as conjectured. OED cites only two cases of the word `piper' meaning `plumber', and both are from the Dublin Assembly Rolls. However, nothing in the context supports the OED sense, and indeed, a late sixteenth- (or early seventeenth-) century annotator shows that he understood the reference to be musical when he noted opposite this item: `Citty Musitians'. Compare also the amount `‡e pyperys' were paid here with the 1465 entry given below, where waits are undisputably in question. It seems, then, that OED is wrong, and that these 1456 `pyperys' were not `plumbers' at all but civic musicians. The reference to the city trumpet (lines 9±11) is the ®rst of its kind in Dublin on record, although the of®ce of city trumpeter was evidently established before the Dublin Assembly Rolls began. The franchises on this occasion were ridden by the mayor, jureÂs (aldermen) and Commons (compare the earliest recorded one s.a. 1455, noted above). This is the earliest recorded reference to the Dublin waits by name, but compare the 1456 entry given above. Evidently their of®ce went back further than the extant records, as lines 3±4 make clear. The entry gives a detailed impression of the distribution of civic responsibility for the waits' maintenance. The sense of `so that thei bryng no man his horse of the Citte 8with them the wiche was stoll8' (line 7) seems to be `provided that they bring no man's horse with them from the city, which was stolen'. This is the ®rst recorded mention of the observance of the feasts of Corpus Christi, St George and St Patrick in the Dublin Assembly Rolls. The horse for `Rydyng at Corperaunt' (line 4) evidently refers to a Shrove Tuesday riding (possibly the ball-bearing ceremony brie¯y discussed in section 3.2 of the Introduction above; and see also endnote 347 below). The accounts of Peter Lewis (see below under Dublin, 20 June 1565) refer to Shrove Tuesday as `Corpernaunt' day, which is probably same word as `Corperaunt' here (the word is not attested in OED). Lines 2±4: `John Talbot, piper, [admitted to the franchise] on the basis that he was apprentice to John Clare, piper . . . Richard Bennet, piper, [admitted to the franchise] by a special grace'. The `pascall' (line 2) here and elsewhere in these proctors' accounts probably refers to the paschal candle. The `sepulcre wax' (lines 3 and 6) may refer to an offering of wax for the church's Holy Sepulchre and `oure lady gawdees' (lines 3 and 6) refer probably to wax tapers, often so styled in liturgical contexts associated with the Blessed Virgin Mary (if so, this latter usage antedates OED's ®rst attestation). Philip Brentwood and Patrick Burnell are noted as proctors at the top of f. [1]. The items edited here are in fact likely to be for Easter 1481, since they appear at the start of the accounts. (The accounts run from Easter, 21 Edward IV to Easter, 1 Richard III, i.e., 22 April 1481 ± 18 April 1484.) Philip Brentwood and Patrick Burnell are noted as proctors at the top of f. [1]. The accounts must be between 4±30 March (that is, between the start of the last regnal year of Edward IV and Easter Day). The ®rst item (line 2) is dated to Easter (30 March) 1483. The third item (lines 8±9) occurs just before a note: `Anno regni regis Ricardi tercij primo' (i.e., 1484).

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The expenses itemized here were presumably incurred around Easter (3 April) 1485. The proctors were Nicholas Lawless and Richard White. Lines 1±8: `William Bath, tabourer, [admitted to the franchise] because he married Rose Devenish, free woman . . . William Kenan, ®dler, [admitted to the franchise] by special grace . . . Memorandum, that it was ordered on the same day of April that the mayor and bailiffs will ride the measures and bounds of the aforesaid franchises of the city on Monday next following the feast of St Anne then following'. Line 2: `James Hanwood, harper, [admitted to the franchise] by a special grace.' It might be noted that one of the two ®rst named Dublin waits, Robert Hanwood (see above, 4 October 1465), shared a similar surname with James Hanwood here. Conceivably they were members of the same musical family. This entry is headed: `De metis & circuicione ffranchesie ciuitatis dublini' (`Concerning the bounds and circuit of the franchises of the city of Dublin'). The `dammys gate' (line 7) refers to the Dame's Gate on the east side of the city wall (see Fig. 3). The `long stone of the stayn' (line 7) was a Viking monument formerly situated near the river Liffey on land known as the Steine, just north of the monastery of All Hallows (the `al hallous' of lines 7±8). The route of the procession out through the Dame's Gate may have been a traditional point of egress from the city for civic processions. This item appears among a list of constables responsible for various streets of the city. It is the earliest reference to a Dublin bullring in extant corporation documents. The accounts run May (?) 1494 to May (?) 1495 and May (?) 1495 to May (?) 1496, though this item occurs in the section for 1495, as is made clear in a note at the top of f. [8]. The proctors in this section of the document were Thomas Ashe and James Clynton. The proctors were John Green and Thomas Say. These two pageant lists are written on two bifolia appended to complete the AngloNorman section on the Laws and Usages of the City of Dublin (published in CARD, I, 224±32). The lists were evidently added in a spare space in the Chain Book, since the Laws and Usages extend only over the ®rst two folios of this quire of four leaves. (The previous two quires are of twelve leaves each.) Additional folios once followed the two `pageant' bifolia, but are now lost (see endnote 145 above on the account of the pageant of the St George Guild). The second Chain Book list, copied in a hand coñval with that of the ®rst, was also transcribed by Sir James Ware in BL, MS Additional 4791, f. 149v. (Ware's transcription is therefore of no value for collation.) For the respective histories of the various guilds named in these lists, see M. Clark and R. RefausseÂ, eds. Directory of Historic Dublin Guilds (Dublin, 1993). One guild or group in the lists is problematic, that of the `Conpteours' (line 25) and `Cowtyoures' (line 52). Perhaps they were the city auditors or accountants (the word of nearest resemblance recorded by OED is Countour). `Collyne' (line 17) is Cologne. The importance of these pageant lists for an understanding of medieval Dublin civic pageantry cannot be overestimated. For further discussion, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 91±7. This portion of the document contains the accounts of Thomas Ashe and Piers Carpenter, proctors, dated as above. There are earlier accounts before this, from May 1496 onwards. Line 2: `Gregory King, taborer, [admitted to the franchise] by a special grace.' Though the regnal year (and hence date) of this item is almost illegible, it can be ascertained from surrounding entries that are clearer. Nicholas Harbard must have been mayor in 1505±6 (though he is omitted from the mayors of Dublin published in T. W. Moody, F. X. Martin and F. J. Byrne, eds. A New History of Ireland IX Maps, Genealogies, Lists (Oxford, 1984), IX, 553±4). Other manuscripts of the Dublin Chronicle have no variants of present interest. The `hogen gren' (line 4) was the Hoggen Green, an area a little to the east of the city walls which established itself as a

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venue for recreation and play performance, as well as for other sorts of civic display (see Fig. 3). The staging of the Passion of Christ on the Hoggen Green is the ®rst documented dramatic performance there. Lines 2±7: `And for three shillings and one penny to Thomas Mayowe for playing, with seven lights on the feast of the Lord's Nativity and the Puri®cation in this year. . . . And for three shillings and sevenpence paid to the players with the great angel and the little one and with the dragon on the feast of Pentecost. And for three shillings and twopence paid for food for the same players on the days of the same feast in this year'. The accounts are of John Andowe, proctor. The exact nature of the Pentecost performance referred to here is unclear. Raphael Holinshed, The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande (London, 1577; STC 13568a), f. 79 col. a. (Hereafter referred to as Holinshed, Chronicles of England.) This unusual penitential addition, from 1512, to the Corpus Christi procession of the mayor going barefoot before the Host is attested only here. According to Holinshed, it was duly observed in all subsequent processions, however. `Ormond' (line 1) was Thomas Butler, seventh earl of Ormond (²3 August 1515). Patrick Daly and Philip White were proctors. Judging by its position in the accounts, this entry is probably for 1512, and refers to the Easter last past. Internal evidence suggests the date ascribed here: it is clear that the booklet covers four and a quarter years. One Sir Richard Nicoll, a priest hired by the churchwardens, is probably that Richard Nicholl mentioned in a Christ Church Deed (The Twenty-Fourth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1892), p. 125, no. 1121; hereafter, Twenty-Fourth Report), where he leased a messuage in Oxmantown on the north side of the river Liffey and St Mary's Abbey in 26 April 1513 from the prior and convent of Holy Trinity. Also, Patrick Daly Kerde and Philip White, who are mentioned in this document, are known from other sets of accounts to have been active 1514±15, so this would provide a date of c. 1515±20. John d'Alton, The History of the County of Dublin (Dublin, 1838), p. 569. D'Alton (p. 569) merely notes the source as being `In a record of 1519 . . .', but the period in which John Harper (lines 9±10) was active was probably earlier by a few years. Philip Bermingham, Chief Justice of the King's Bench (line 8), evidently retained Harper, whose nationality is uncertain, to teach harping and dancing. Bermingham was active in the second half of the ®fteenth century (he was made serjeant at law late in 1463 or early in 1464; see H. F. Berry, ed. Statute Rolls of the Parliament of Ireland First to the Twelfth Years of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth (Dublin, 1914), p. 110). The `Natura Brevium' (line 6) was a text in editions of varying content which contained examples of the many forms of writ which then constituted the foundation of the practice of law. The item is evidence of a private individual retaining a performing artist in his household. Other manuscripts of the Dublin Chronicle have no variants of present interest. Since the thirteenth century, Black Monday (the Monday of Easter week) was an occasion for an extramural excursion and show of civic strength, hence the reference to a venue at the `wode' (line 4) which was Cullenswood, a little to the south of the city. The feast of St Margaret (20 July) this year saw the performance of a St Laurence play. This is the earliest known reference to a saint's play in Ireland. The Hoggen Green is mentioned again (line 7) as the playing place. This franchise riding is said to have occurred during the mayoralty of Nicholas Queytrott (whose mayoral year is given as 1523±4 in Moody, Martin and Byrne, New History of Ireland, IX, 554). But 17 Henry VIII, the date attributed to the riding in the present manuscript, runs from 22 April 1525 to 21 April 1526; the version of the Dublin Chronicle in TCD, MS 543/2/14 gives the date of Queytrott as 1524 (presumably, for one whole year beginning from his swearing-in in Michaelmas

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1524). The balance of these discrepant chronologies suggests that 1525 may be the year in question for the franchise riding here. This manuscript history of Dublin was prepared by Robert Ware in 1678, largely from papers of his father, the antiquarian Sir James Ware (on whom see further under section 4.8). Judging by the style of the entry edited here, its ultimate source may have been some expanded version of the Dublin Chronicle, now lost. The reference to `Thomas ®tz Gerrald Earl of Kildare, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland' (line 2) having attended the plays needs clari®cation. The text is categorical that Thomas FitzGerald was the person invited to see them. Walter Harris, The History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin (Dublin, 1766), p. 144 (followed by EIS, p. 15), believed this to be erroneous, since at Christmastide in 1528, Piers Butler, eighth earl of Ormond, was Lord Deputy; no Thomas FitzGerald held such State of®ce at that time (Butler was Lord Deputy from 14 October 1528 to 4 September 1529). Thus Harris (and EIS) asserted that it was Butler who saw the plays. But since dispatching the name Thomas FitzGerald is a drastic solution to this crux, an alternative explanation for the apparent confusion is worth considering. There were two possible historical Thomas FitzGeralds, either of whom may have been intended here: one was the brother of the ninth earl of Kildare, Sir Gerald FitzGerald, and the other was Sir Gerald's son, his successor as tenth earl. Although Thomas FitzGerald the brother had no State of®ce by Christmastide 1528, he had served brie¯y as Lord Justice from 15 May (and see S. G. Ellis, Tudor Ireland Crown, Community and the Con¯ict of Culture, 1470±1603 (London and New York, 1985), pp. 118±19). Perhaps the `Lord Lieutenant' of the 1528 entry may re¯ect `Lord Justice' darkly. Yet against this is the fact that he never became earl of Kildare, which the chronicle entry also clearly states that he was. The other candidate, conversely, Thomas FitzGerald the son, familiarly known as Silken Thomas, did become earl in 1534. If the chronicle entry were recalling Silken Thomas retrospectively, it might well have inclined to describe him as earl, even though in 1528 he had not yet attained the earldom. The Hoggen Green is mentioned again (line 10) as a play venue. According to this account, six plays, three sacred and three secular, were put on by the guildsmen. There was also a notable degree of Church involvement in their enterprise. The participation of the priors of St John of Jerusalem, of Holy Trinity and of All Hallows in producing two other plays testi®es to a degree of collaboration in Dublin between secular and spiritual institutions in the production of plays. Some episodes in the 1528 show overlap with ones featured in the Corpus Christi procession, though only in one case did those responsible, the Carpenters, offer an episode akin to their Corpus Christi pageant. For the rest, three trades (Vintners, Smiths and Bakers) produced plays on neo-classical topics which, even if as before cognate to the professional concerns of their craft, now also seem to be catering to the modern tastes of newer, Renaissance enthusiasms. Harris, History and Antiquities, p. 292. Harris's annalistic entry may represent some elaborated version of the Dublin Chronicle. Though Harris acquired many of the Ware manuscripts, this entry does not derive from any Dublin Chronicle known to have been transcribed by Ware (for example, BL, MS Additional 4791, f. 138, where the corresponding entry is nowhere near as detailed, though like Harris it similarly errs in dating the Lord Deputyship of Skef®ngton to 1530 (corrected from 1531). Skef®ngton was in fact appointed Lord Deputy in 1534, hence the date attributed here. The chamber in question was in St Mary's Abbey. The inventory was sent by Sir William Brereton and the archbishop of Dublin to the king's council. Grey, appointed Lord Deputy on 20 February 1536, left Ireland for London in April 1540 to face a series of treason charges. He pleaded guilty and was executed on 28 July 1541. The item is evidence of a private individual's provision for music making.

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The regnal year ascribed to this item (line 2) is incorrect, since 34 Henry VIII ran 22 April 1542 ± 21 April 1543. The regnal year should in fact be 33 Henry VIII. The parliament ran from 13 June ± 20/23 July (a proclamation issuing from this parliament is given in Appendix 6.1). The pageant of the Nine Worthies (line 7) was traditionally played by the young men of Dublin under the supervision of the Mayor of the Bullring. These therefore may have been the players on this occasion in 1541. A version of this entry is contained in Robert Ware's antiquarian compilation, BL, MS Additional 4791, f. 140, but it has no substantive variants of present concern. In the left margin opposite the start of this entry is written: 1542 Line 1: `What is the point of relating the banquets, commedies and comical contests that followed?' James Ware, Rerum Hibernicarum Annales (Dublin, 1664; Wing 847aA), p. 161. Presumably this laconic digest represents Ware's re¯ection on events such as those described somewhat more fully in the Dublin Chronicle of the previous entry, though his report suggests more took place than even the Dublin Chronicle leads us to believe. Lines 2±4: `Item. It is similarly decreed that no mimi, histriones or other seekers after gifts be admitted on the solemnities of the Lord's Nativity or Easter or at any other time whatsoever, nor that any reward be given to them on pain of the loss of one ear.' This document is a copy made in 1549 of the 1541 parliamentary edict (compare the LPL, MS 603 ordinances for Connacht and Thomond, and for Munster, given above under section 5.2, 12 July 1541). The corporation treasurer, Thomas Stevins, delivered to the incoming treasurer, John Squire, in the House of Ordinance beneath the Tholsel, this set of accounts on 4 November in this year. The `Serpentyne powder' (line 3) may have been expended in some show or muster connected with the discharge of the Mayor of the Bullring's of®ce. Opposite in the left margin is written: Olyver stevins The nearest datable account to this item, on p. 20, is for 17 April 1543. On p. 18, the regnal year 34 Henry VIII is noted (i.e., 22 April 1542 ± 21 April 1543). The item derives from a set of accounts made `the yeare before' by the corporation treasurer John Scure (or Squire). A memorandum on p. 22 says that Scure was treasurer for one year until 10 November 1542, hence this item must be dated between November 1541 and November 1542. Conceivably the O'Brennan mentioned in line 3 is the man also mentioned in the 1541 Dublin Chronicle referrence given above (note `obrenens sonnes' in lines 5±6 of the Dublin Chronicle item above, 16 June 1541). He may have been in Dublin for the parliament. This entry is one of many instances of civic hospitality offered to members of the English administration recorded in DCA, MR/ 35, but here it passed off with an Irish attendance too. There is no indication who the minstrels were, whether the city waits or not, though the waits would have made an obvious choice. The `Tolsell' (line 2) was the seat of the corporation in Dublin (its location is plotted in Fig. 3). This is its ®rst mention in the Records. John Mos was proctor of Christ Church Cathedral in this year. Much damage has occurred to the upper part of each page in this section of the manuscript. The seventeenth-century fair copy of these accounts that follows in the Guard Book contains no substantive variants. The singers of the Passion (line 2) may refer to participants in a Palm Sunday liturgy, since two payments later there appears an item for bread, ale and wine for the bishop `in Cena domini' (Maundy Thursday). The second item, for playing the Resurrection (line 6), is presumably to be dated to Easter (9 April) 1542. 1542 is about the latest possible date at which an item such as this, playing the Resurrection, could take place: the liturgy of Christ Church was being reformed during this period. The item affords important con®rmatory evidence for the existence in Dublin of an Easter liturgical drama. In fact, it is conceivable that the two extant manuscripts of the medieval Dublin Visitatio Sepulcri play originally belonged to Christ Church; see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix I.

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Twenty-Fourth Report, p. 135. The `Lessors in No. 1178' (line 2) were Robert Castell, dean, and the chapter of Christ Church Cathedral. Evidently, Dublin had more than one bullring. Glasnevin is on north side of the Liffey. The more famous intramural bullring, which was the site of much of the Mayor of the Bullring's ceremonial activity, stood on the south side (just within the Newgate; see Fig. 3). This is the bullring celebrated in Richard Stanihurst's description of Dublin (see below, s.a. 1577). These items feature in the city bailiffs' accounts. The accounts were presumably presented 25 July. Line 5 l] possibly an abbreviation for Lammas, since this was one of the quarterly dates when Bycton might expect payment; compare the 1546±7 entry from Treasurer's Book given below. These items feature in the city bailiffs' accounts, presented 29 September 1543. These items feature in an account of the revenues of the late house of All Saints by Dublin (from 1592 the site of Trinity College Dublin), for the Michaelmas term last past. These items are dated unequivocally in a heading on p. 44. The accounts run from Michaelmas to the day of their presentation. EIS, p. 12, says that the `Tryumphe of the peax' (line 19) was the public celebration of the actions of the 1541 parliament, but this is incorrect. The items must refer to some event in 1545±6. The minstrels (lines ¦ and 11) may have been the city waits (and compare the minstrels in the 1541 Tholsel feast noted earlier). Nothing further is known about John Ogan who carried the dragon (line 17), but possibly he was a city porter, given the injunctions in the 1498 pageant lists about who should bear the dragon (see above, s.a. 1498). The fact that the dragon seems to have been capable of being propelled by a single bearer suggests something of the nature of its design and size. Though Richard Stanton (line 21) was riding as St George, the occasion was not actually St George's Day. For further details of the career of Stanton, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 142±5. `Nycholus hoyll' (lines 5±6) and `phylype Iwnor' (line 6) were guild members. These items are from the accounts of John Rede for 38 Henry VIII (i.e., 22 April 1546 ± 28 January 1547). (The Carpenters' Hall at this date was located in St Audoen's Lane, on the site of the present-day St Audoen's Park.) Note that the `Gamayll' (lines 2 and 7) probably refers to the pageant camel. Its construction, evidently a canvasscovered wicker frame, was somewhat like that required for the dragon (and see below, 5 November 1560). The accession of Edward VI (referred to in lines 7±9) was on 28 January 1547. The record of the payment seems retrospective, thus it was made between 28 January and ¦ November 1547. The accounts run between 29 September 1546 and ¦ November 1547, as their heading on p. 54 explicitly declares. As well as the wage and livery payments noted here, lines 7±9 indicate that wine might be set at the High Cross at the corporation's expense for public consumption on notable occasions. This item derives from the accounts of the revenues of All Hallows for Michaelmas term last past until 29 January 1548. These accounts were presented on Tuesday after All Saints (6 November) 1548 and presumably apply to the whole year. The accounting period in which these accounts fall is explicitly declared in the heading on p. 72. This item derives from the accounts of the revenues of All Hallows for Easter term 1549 last past, presented on the Tuesday after the feast of St James (30 July). Oxmantown (line 5) was an area of the city on the north side of the river Liffey which took its name from Dublin's early Viking settlers. The accounting period in which these accounts fall is explicitly declared in the heading on p. 82. The accounts are of the treasurer Henry Plunket, and are for the year last past before their presentation on Tuesday after All Saints 4 Edward VI (4 November 1550). The ®rst item (lines 2±4) is part of a short set of accounts made

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by the new treasurer for the year, Mr Duffe, on the perclosing of the previous account of Plunket. There are several place-names called Rathmore (line 19) throughout Ireland, and which is intended here is not known. Another nineteenth-century transcript of the Tailors Guild accounts in DCL, MS 80 is demonstrably a copy of BL, MS Egerton 1765. Thus it is of no interest for collation. It is likely that Richard Taverner's breakfast at which minstrels were in attendance was some ceremonial occasion related to his life within the guild. These accounts were presented on Tuesday before the feast of St Martin 1551 (10 November), and are for one year until the said date. This item derives from the accounts of the revenues of All Hallows for Easter term 1551 last past, presented on Tuesday after the feast of St James (28 July). The character of this item suggests that it derived from an Assembly Roll, but I have not noticed it on the original (DCA, MR/5/5), nor was it transcribed in CARD, so its source remains mysterious. The sense of the word `abroach' (line 5) is not immediately clear in context, though it evidently has something to do with the broaching of wine casks. Perhaps a pottle of wine was levied on every broached cask by way of revenue for the Mayor of the Bullring. The dating of this item is problematic. These accounts of the city treasurer were presented on Tuesday after All Saints, 1 Mary (7 November 1553) and are presumably for one year. The dating of this item is problematic. These accounts of the city bailiffs were presented on Tuesday after All Saints 1 Mary (7 November 1553). It is hard to determine which Michaelmas the ®rst item (lines 2±3) refers to. Not only was the patrolling of bawdy houses enjoined on the Mayor of the Bullring, it also appears that his of®ce derived some income from it (and see further below, s.a. 1610 and endnote 423). It is not clear precisely how the Nine Worthies pageant was ®nanced, though as the ordinance notes, this was from henceforth to be according to `thauncient custome' (line 5). Perhaps this meant that the corporation would foot the bill. Latterly, it seems, the pageant was being funded by the citizens. The insistence here of the corporation on `thauncient custome' may indicate an attempt to retrieve control over the event. The ordinance is also interesting in its evidence of coercion: any young man selected by the Mayor of the Bullring to play one of the Nine Worthies and who refused the role was obliged to pay 6s 8d to the Mayor of the Bullring (and compare the legislation of 16 July 1557 below; see line 17). The patron saint of the Tailors guild was St John the Baptist (feast day 24 June), hence the various references here to Midsummer and festivities on the saint's eve and day (lines 8±9, 11±14). Corpus Christi when Stephen Casse played Pilate fell on 13 June in 1555. This is the ®rst reference in the Tailors guild accounts to Stephen Casse (for biographical details of whom, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 142±5). Two pageant occasions seem to be in question here, Corpus Christi and Midsummer. The role of Pilate (line 1) presumably connects with the traditional topic allocated to the tailors in the 1498 Corpus Christi pageant list given above. Evidently it was still being presented in 1555 (conceivably revived during Mary's reign). Possibly the Emperor and Empress (lines 17±20) were aliases for Pilate and Pilate's wife. Conceivably the `trayees' for Pilate (line 6) are a mistranscription of something like `twaylles', evidently some item in fabric, as in the inventory of goods that accompanies the will of alderman Robert Golding (²1562) in TCD, MS 1207/ 297. The word is not recorded in OED. This account of one Bartholomew Ball is undated, but it is situated between a set of accounts (p. 120) for All Hallows revenues presented on Tuesday after Candlemas 2 Philip and Mary (i.e., 5 February 1555), and another set of sheriffs' accounts (p. 122) presented on Tuesday after All Hallows 2 and 3 Philip and Mary (i.e., 5 November 1555). Hence the dating ascribed here.

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538 302

303

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306

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308

309

310

311

312

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Notes to section 5

These accounts were presented on 5 November 1555. Though presented then, it is likely that they were for one year ending Michaelmas 1555. Lines 2±4: `And for three shillings paid for little threads employed about the Holy Spirit on the feast of Pentecost; . . . for three shillings and sixpence paid for manufacturing a censing angel on the feast of Pentecost; for three shillings and threepence for the strings of the said angel . . .'. This record provides the ®rst and only evidence of a dramatic liturgy or Pentecost tableau in St Patrick's Cathedral. It is possible that the Holy Spirit and the censing angel referred to were animated puppets, hence the threads and strings associated with both of them. These accounts are dated to Tuesday after All Saints 2 Philip and Mary (i.e., 5 November 1555). Presumably they were for one year, probably ending at Michaelmas 1555. This description of the ceremony of the swearing-in of the Lord Deputy in Christ Church Cathedral, complete with ceremonial music, was evidently written by a pursuivant at arms. (Versions of it in TCD, MS 581, f. 75, and BL, MS Additional 4763, f. 109v, have no variants of present interest.) Sir Thomas Radcliffe, lord Fitzwalter, was made Lord Deputy on 26 May 1556. He succeeded Sir Anthony St Leger (named in lines 3±4). Radcliffe became third earl of Sussex in 1557. The extract is taken from an account of the pursuivant headed: a Iourney made by the Erle of Sussex Lo: Deputie The ®scal period/year is not evident. Though not this time speci®ed, Stephen Casse's role on Corpus Christi (line 2) may have been his familiar one of Pilate, and the `Empres' (line 4) his pageant wife. These accounts were presented on Tuesday after All Saints 1556 (i.e., 3 November in that year). Though presented then, it is likely that they were for one year ending at Michaelmas. `1557' is written at the opening of this entry, and then the regnal year 3±4 Philip and Mary, which ran between 25 July 1556 and 5 July 1557. While some of the other events mentioned in the entry fell in 1556, this (undated) item comes last, by which time surrounding dateable events de®nitely fell in 1557. Hence this item is probably to be dated to some time in the ®rst half of 1557. The `Innor' (line 2) is obscure. Prefaced as it is by the de®nite article, some profession might be intended, but which it might be is hard to tell. The Emperor and Empress feature again (lines 3 and 5). These accounts were presented on Tuesday before the feast of St Martin (probably St Martin of Tours on 11 November). They were presumably for one year, possibly ending at Michaelmas 1557. Ninth Report, p. 80. Donald O'Lalor's pardon is given as item 46, formerly enrolled on mb. 2 of the lost original, in Morrin, Calendar, I, 368. Though each harper was `of Dublin', it might be noted that each bore an Irish, rather than an English, surname. Though this reference is mysterious in point of detail, it looks to be a reminiscence of a St George riding in which one Ralph Caul®eld was involved. To judge by the context of this item (it begins `There remayneth in the tailors hall . . .'), St George's harness and standards may have been housed in the Tailors' Hall (in Winetavern Street, the street running north of the High Cross and through the intramural arch in Fig. 3; and see CARD I, 461). Possibly the hall was serving the corporation as a storage area for its St George pageant properties (see CARD I, 476). These accounts were presented on 8 November. Though presented then, it is likely that they were for one year ending Michaelmas 1558. The heading to these accounts on p. 154 explicitly says that they were for one year ending 29 September 1559, and that they were presented on 7 November 1559. This item is from the accounts of William Dowgan for the regnal year 1 Elizabeth I (17 November 1558 ± 16 November 1559). It is not known for what occasion the dressing of the camel took place, but a date in 1559 seems likely, given that the

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317

318

319

320

321

322

323

324

325

326 327

328 329

330

331

539

ceremonial occasions with which it might typically associate were more numerous then. The hoops required for it suggest something of the nature of its construction (line 4; and compare the dragon's construction below, 5 November 1560). The repairs to the pageant dragon are here still being levied on those traditionally responsible for them according to the 1498 Corpus Christi pageant lists (see above s.a. 1498) ± the haggardmen (though not in addition the husbandmen whom the 1498 pageant lists also mention). Similarly, the two feasts on which the dragon made its appearance were still Corpus Christi and St George's Day. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The accounts contain various references to the Emperor and Empress again, and seem to associate them as in previous years with Corpus Christi and the guild's patronal festival on 24 June. These accounts were presented on 5 November 1560. They were for a year ended at Michaelmas 1560. The ®scal period/year is not evident. This is the ®rst reference to the Emperor having swords amongst his properties. These accounts were presented on 5 November 1560, presumably for one year until that date. This item contains more evidence (lines 4±6) for the nature of the dragon's construction; a hooper was needed to work on it, and it had painted linen cloth. The dragon's basic components seem to have resembled those of the pageant camel (see the item from the Guild Book of the Carpenters, Millers, Hilliers and Masons, s.a. 1558±9 above). Internally, the date of the swearing-in is given as Sunday 30 June (line 4). T. W. Moody, F. X. Martin and F. J. Byrne, eds. A New History of Ireland VIII A Chronology of Irish History to 1976 (Oxford, 1982), p. 205, give 25 June as the swearing-in date. Dalkey (line 3) is a coastal town a few miles to the south of Dublin. Harris, History and Antiquities, p. 312. This reference seems to be an embroidery of matter derived from some Dublin Chronicle, though it is not found in the TCD, MS 591 version (the attendance with music to Thomascourt is missing there). The swearing-in of Sir Thomas Radcliffe in Christ Church Cathedral on Thursday 5 June 1561 coincided with the feast of Corpus Christi, though that fact is not ostensibly noticed in the entry. Corpus Christi was a traditional occasion for the Nine Worthies pageant, and indeed, the pageant was produced on this occasion, though as an after-dinner entertainment laid on for the the new Lord Lieutenant by the mayor. No mention is made of any other, more traditional, context for its performance. These accounts were presented on 4 November 1561, presumably for one year until that date. Thomas, third earl of Sussex, was sworn in as Lord Lieutenant on Wednesday 29 July 1562. Much of Christ Church Cathedral had collapsed earlier that year, which may explain the unusual venue chosen for the swearing-in, St Patrick's Cathedral. These accounts were presented on 26 July 1563. These accounts are not dated, but they appear between the previous item, presented on 26 July 1563, and a set of accounts on p. 180 presented on 28 July 1563, hence the dating attributed here. These accounts were presented on 28 July 1563, presumably for one year until that date. These accounts were presented on 6 August 1563, presumably for one year until that date. These accounts were presented on ¦ November 1563, presumably for one year until that date. Robert Cusack (the `Maior Robert' of line 2) is the only member of the bench of aldermen to have had such a description of his funeral afforded him in extant manuscripts of the Dublin Chronicle. Cusack was the man responsible for the demolition of St George's Chapel, the site of St George pageant display. The George Springham mentioned in line ¦ (`george spryngane') may be the same man referred to in the item below from the Treasurer's Book, s.a. 1566±7.

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540 332

333

334

335

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338

339

340

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342

Notes to section 5

Sir Nicholas Arnold was appointed Lord Justice on 2 May, and sworn in on 25 May 1564. (His brief administration was to be followed by that of Sir Henry Sidney, who was appointed Lord Deputy on 13 October 1565.) Arnold's move against Corpus Christi is the sole extant example in Dublin during this period of state legislation enacted against what had become, in effect, a civic feast day. His prohibition was evidently communicated to the parish churches. Though undated, this entry notes that Richard Fiand was mayor for the second time (i.e., 1564±5), but in any event, its date can be ®xed in the context of the previous item, whose substance it echoes. Sir Nicholas Arnold's order, as recorded here in the Dublin Chronicle, however, was communicated to the mayor, who was in turn responsible for communicating it to the workmen of Dublin via his of®cers. Though the syntax of this passage is a little unclear, it describes a ceremonial riding out to meet Sir Henry Sidney, appointed Lord Deputy for the ®rst time on 13 October 1565 (he took the oath on 20 January 1566). `Myryonge' (line 5) is Merrion, a region a couple of miles south of the city. The `hooggen grene' (line 7) is the Hoggen Green, familiar site of play performances from at least the early sixteenth century. The mayor in question here is Sir William Sarsfeld, who held of®ce between 1566±7. The phrase `all men from xvj to xvj' (line 3) is presumably an error, since the second `xvj' should doubtless have recorded a different ®gure. In the excerpt from the Assembly Roll for 29 April 1575 given below, the age range of men eligible to muster was 16 to 60, and this is probably what was originally intended here. Oxmantown Green (lines 3±4), an area which derived its name from Dublin's early Norse settlers, was on the north side of the river Liffey. These accounts were presented on 5 November 1566, presumably for one year until that date. Two sets of accounts are merged here, one for the year ended at Easter 1567 (30 March) and another for the year ended 29 September 1567, hence the dating ascribed above. It is unclear whether the Midsummer in question (line 3) fell in 1566 or 1567. Similarly, the pageant of St George (lines 10±11), probably played on St George's Day (23 April), occurred either in 1566 or in 1567. On the civic career of George Springham (line 10), see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 142±5. It is likely that, although the account simply says that Springham played the pageant of St George, he assumed the role of St George and its attendant responsibilities. The `Earle of Kildare' (line 5) was the eleventh earl, Sir Gerald FitzGerald. It appears that the city waits could attend upon the earl, provided that they had ®rst been given leave by the mayor. `Thomas Quycke' (line 7) was probably the man of similar name who features in the 29 September 1568 payment from the Treasurer's Book given below. He may also have been the Thomas Quycke who appears in the household accounts of Sir William Fitzwilliam (see section 5.5 Households, Fitzwilliam, one quarter ending 25 March 1574). The ®scal period/year is not evident. Outside the evidence for the (portable) pageants of the dragon and camel, there is only one piece of evidence for the nature of the other Dublin pageant vehicles, and it is the `pagantte' (line 4) referred to here. The `pagantte' was evidently some sort of structure that a painter could `trem', but precisely of what sort is unclear. Most probably, it was a wagon similar to those met with in other British cities (Chester and York have the closest cultural af®nities to Dublin in this respect and serve therefore as an appropriate basis for comparison). The accounts again contain various references to the Emperor and Empress. These accounts were presented on 17 November 1567, presumably for one year until that date. The meaning of `anayle' (line 16) is puzzling; possibly it means `an ell', but -ay- is not a spelling recorded in OED for this word. A `nail' comes closer orthographically, but in the context would be hard to reconcile. The sherrif in question (line 2), John Luttrell, was evidently enforcing city law against

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343

344

345

346

347

348

349

350

351

352

353

354

541

traders in the `Newe Hawene of brymoor', making their ships forfeit. The expedition was also accompanied by fourteen young men of Dublin who went `as far ahouthe' (lines 5±6; `as far as Howth'). Howth is a coastal village on the north side of the city. The item immediately preceding this one speaks of Sir Henry Sidney as governor for a second time. Hence this item must date to 1568, the year of his second appointment as Lord Deputy. This civic entry of Sir Henry Sidney into Dublin marked the inception of his second term of appointment as Lord Deputy. The mayor at this date was one Michael Bea (who was later brie¯y incarcerated by Sir Henry Sidney for having refused to comply with a viceregal order; see C. Lennon, The Lords of Dublin in the Age of Reformation (Dublin, 1989), p. 123). These accounts were presented on 2 November 1568. On Thomas Quycke, see also the 17 January 1567 entry given above and endnote 338. The liveries of four waits are noted, which with Quycke himself would amount to a consort of ®ve at this date (alternatively, the text may be understood to mean that Quycke was one of a consort of four). It is not clear where the `newhall' (line 12) was. Possibly it was the Tholsel, the regular venue for city-sponsored hospitality, but if so `new' seems hard to justify. The accounts do not state who put the play on, but in any event, it was corporation sponsored. The ball-bearing ceremony referred to here (line 8), ®rst on record in 1462 (see CARD, I, 312), was performed by male newly weds. Those who had married during the year would process (or possibly ride on horseback) along some (unknown) route through the city carrying a ball. (Some newly weds had tried to avoid the payment of a ®ne to the city treasury which accompanied the ceremony by marrying on Shrove Tuesday itself; see CARD, II, 78, for the 1572±3 legislation to curb this practice.) This item also contains the last recorded notice (line 9) of Dublin's Corpus Christi pageants in extant civic documents: precedence in the ball-bearing ceremony is generally to match that prescribed for the pageants in the Chain Book lists (given above s.a. 1498). There is a blank space before September in the manuscript, so the precise date in September cannot be ®xed. These accounts were charged to Michael Bea, late mayor (on whom see endnote 344 above), and were for a journey to the south. Various signatures are listed at the bottom, and heading the list that of Walter Cusack, mayor. These accounts were presented on some weekday immediately following All Saints 1569 (i.e., Tuesday 1 November 1569). Hence the date bands given here as 2±5 November (i.e., Wednesday to Saturday). The accounts may have been for one year ended at the presentation date. ¦ March 1569, when ®res were paid for (line 2) fell on Maundy Thursday. The subsequent expenses concerning the Emperor (lines 3±6) were probably incurred on some date after this (traditionally, his appearances were on Corpus Christi and Midsummer). The nature of the waits' livery is partly speci®ed here. The city coat of arms were portrayed on each livery coat (lines 3±4). The waits' duties were also to match those undertaken by the waits of English cities, and they were to play in the city and suburbs three times a week (lines 5±8). Further ordinances for the occasions on which they performed were given in subsequent years (see below). Damage has obscured the opening date of these accounts, but they are to be found amongst accounts for 1571, hence the date attributed here. These accounts are not dated, but internal dates appear as late as 1583. The date of the item here, 1574, is curiously early in this context. As with the previous item, if somewhat less substantially, a time lag is observable between the internal date of 1572 and the opening heading date of 1574±5.

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356

357

358

359 360

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Notes to section 5

Sir William Ussher may have made this table to the now lost Council Book. The Book seems to have begun 1 April 1571, but this item falls in the part of the Book pertaining to the of®ce of Sir Henry Sidney, 1575, as is noted earlier, on f. 137v. The `Barony of Radowne' (lines 3±4) is the barony of Rathdown, co. Wicklow. Although the entry on p. 309 (line 14) clearly reads 1575, this is conceivably an error for 1576 (`5' and `6' are basically similar in shape), given that the accounts run between 1576 and 1577. However, records of much earlier payments do sometimes occur in accounts; in which case, this may be another example. Richard Stanihurst, `A playne and perfect description of Irelande', in Holinshed, Chronicles of England, f. 25 col. a. On Stanihurst, who also wrote other works excerpted in this Repertory, see endnotes 96 and 101 above. The nineteenth earl of Essex, Walter Devereux, arrived in Dublin twice, ®rst in some disarray in 1574 following his unsuccessful attempt to plant Ulster, and next in July 1576, when he came as marshall. This second occasion seems the most likely for an oration. The oration may have been delivered dramatically, but this is not strictly clear. On the school master Michael Fitzsimon, who wrote the oration, see Lennon, Lords of Dublin, p. 143. Richard Stanihurst, `A playne and perfect description of Irelande', in Holinshed, Chronicles of England, f. 10v col. a. Both Stanihurst and Holinshed dedicate their work to Sir Henry Sidney. The present work throws invaluable light on the civic activities of the Mayor of the Bullring and on the pageant procession to the chapel of St George (its approximate location is plotted in Fig. 3) undertaken annually by the mayor and his brethren. Stanihurst also records the chapel's (relatively recent) fate: its demolition and the re-use of its stones in order to build an oven. The demolition probably occurred between the Michaelmasses of 1563 and 1564; accounts falling between those dates in the corporation Treasurer's Book (DCA, MR/35, p. 195) speak of the freight of St George's timber in terms which suggest that the chapel's timber was being carried away somewhere; any shadow of doubt about the possible meaning of this entry is dispelled by a reference to `St Georges being wast' in a note in another set of accounts in the Treasurer's Book, presented on 8 November 1565 (DCA, MR/35, p. 199). The `corne market' (line 12) with its bullring was located just within the Newgate (see endnote 280 above and Fig. 3). The decision to ride the franchises was taken on 19 July, for the upcoming 10 August. Though the date and page number may seem out of sequence, they are in fact correct thus. Morrin, Calendar, II, 58. The originals have been destroyed. This entry for 3 February 1578 was formerly on the roll for the regnal year 26 Elizabeth I (17 November 1583 ± 16 November 1584). It is not clear who the `strollers' (line 9) were who sang in Abbot Brant's chamber in St Thomas's Abbey, but it would appear that the singing was a private entertainment. Brant had been elected abbot 3 October 1514 (A. Gwynn, `The Early History of St. Thomas' Abbey, Dublin', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 84 (1954), 1±35; see p. 35). Harris, History and Antiquities, p. 319. This item was possibly derived from some redaction of the Dublin Chronicle, now lost. Note that its substance is evidently related to that of the item following. St Andrew's Church, in whose churchyard elections for the Mayor of the Bullring were traditionally held (lines 3±4), was on the south side of Tengmouth Street and near to the point where the street bridged the inlet of the river Liffey (see Fig. 3). This extract possibly indicates that the annual election of the Mayor of the Bullring took place on Easter Monday, but this is not absolutely clear. The extract gives the ®rst major notice on record of how the English state administration, as opposed to Dublin Corporation, honoured the feast of St George. This was the day, incidentally, when Sir Henry Sidney received his letter of recall from Elizabeth I. The `wood' (line 3) was Cullenswood, the traditional venue for the Black Monday ceremonies (see

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364 365 366

367

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above, endnote 269). The Baron of Slane who bore the sword (line 12) was Thomas Fleming, tenth Lord Slane (²9 November 1597). Black Monday, referred to in line 11, fell on 27 March in 1581. The decision to ride the franchises was taken on 22 July for the upcoming 11 August. All the accounts on this page are lightly crossed through in a contemporary ink. This is doubtless because they were a draft for the accounts copied on p. 347. These are a fair copy. (One substantive variant might be noted in the fair copy, p. 347, which reads `Trompetor', not `trompetors' (line 7). Line 2: `John Hill trumpeter was admitted [to the franchise], et cetera, by special grace.' These accounts are simply headed `1582' on f. 37. It is not clear whether the occasion of the payment was a liturgical or secular, convivial one. (The employment of church musicians in secular contexts, and vice versa, is well evidenced in the Records.) Black Monday, referred to in line 7, fell on 1 April in 1583. By this date the corporation was maintaining a school. Its schoolmaster in 1583, David Duke (line 6), appears also in other accounts in this manuscript. Conceivably, the players of the interlude for which Duke was rewarded were his pupils. These accounts were presented on 27 June 1583, possibly for one year, but this is not clear. With Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, Sir Henry Wallop was Lord Justice at this time. Sir Francis Walsyngham, to whom Wallop was writing, was Elizabeth I's principal secretary. On `blynde Crewse' (line 6) see endnote 109 above and the references given there. Cruse was evidently acting as a messenger on this occasion. `LL' (line 3) refers to the Lord Lieutenant. Black Monday, referred to in line 16, fell on 20 April in 1584. The payment to the Lord Deputy's musicians for a `play' (line 3) may have been for their music, though conceivably it was for some dramatic performance (and compare, for example, the dramatic abilities of one of Sir Richard Bingham's trumpet players; see below, under Galway, s.a. 1589). The mayor in 1583±4 was John Lennan, hence the reconstruction of his name (line 29). Line 1: `Walter Kennedy, clerk, was admitted to the franchise by a special grace . . .'. The `stacion Dayes' (lines 2±3) mentioned here (and in other records) were days of public civic ceremonial. Evidently, vocal music was sometimes required on them. Compare too the early seventeenth-century injunctions on the city waits to keep a `singing boy' (see below, 17 January 1620 and 14 October 1636). This account, which records payments on the guild's patronal festival, is simply headed on f. 39v: at christ churche. After the Reformation, the Barber-Surgeons maintained their guild chapel in Christ Church Cathedral. Line 2: `29, Easter, Henry Nugent, musician, free, 34'. In these items from the Franchise Register, the ®rst number refers to the regnal year (here, 29 Elizabeth I). `Pas' means Pascha (Easter), `gratis' means gratis, i.e., admitted free to the franchise since the candidate's services were valued and he may not otherwise have had quali®cations for access, and `34' refers to the original source manuscript that the eighteenth-century transcript was made from. The source manuscript may have been the Franchise Roll itself, which is defective after 1512. The mayor in 1587±8 was Richard Fagan, hence the reconstruction of his name (lines 5±6). The `ij barrylls powder' (lines 25±6) delivered to the Mayor of the Bullring and his sheriffs were probably gunpowder for a civic show or muster. Gunpowder is often mentioned in the records in connection with the Mayor of the Bullring's activities. For documentation of the itinerary of the `Quenes players' (line 14), see A. Gurr, The Shakespearian Playing Companies (Oxford, 1996), pp. 212±17. They appear again (as the `Quenes maiesties players') in conjuction with the earl of Essex's players in the item following (lines 4±5). The Queen's Players, along with the Earl of Essex's Players, with whom they were on tour (see the following item), arrived in Dublin

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379

380

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383

384

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Notes to section 5

either sometime after 12 October 1588 and before 6 July 1589, or in the height of summer in 1589 between 10 July and 31 August. Both troupes had sandwiched a visit to Dublin into their tour of Lancashire. Judging by their presence in Lancashire immediately before and after their Dublin visit, it is likely that they crossed from Chester. The reward of £3 sterling (£4 Irish) `payed to the Quenes players coming to this Cittie, as a requittall of there good wylls in showing there Sporte in this Cittie' (lines 14±17) sounds as if their performance was a public one. What their `Sporte' consisted of is not revealed, but possibly it previewed the feats of funambulism executed by a cunning `hongarian' in the troupe that were to hold the citizens of Shrewsbury spellbound a year later (the detailed description of what they did there is published in J. A. B. Somerset, ed. Records of Early English Drama: Shropshire, 2 vols (Toronto, 1994), I, 247). The run of these accounts is clear from the heading p. 423. The `Quenes maiesties players' (lines 4±5) are the same troupe mentioned in the previous item. In the present item, they were in the company of the players of Sir Robert Devereux, twentieth earl of Essex. For documentation of the itinerary of the `Therle of essex hhijs players' (lines 7±8), see Gurr, Shakesperian Playing Companies, pp. 178±9. This item is headed in the manuscript (f. 8): `Heere also ensueth a note of certeine goodes of the saide Iaques Wingfeldes which weare remowed by Ihon sheriffe, ffrom the house of the carburye vnto the house neere vnto the Pillorye, by thappointment of the saide Iaques Wingfelde,'. J. T. Gilbert, A History of the City of Dublin, 3 vols (Dublin, 1854±9; reprt Shannon, 1972), I, 172, notes that the Carberry House, where Jacques Wing®eld's goods for a while were kept, was in Skinners' Row (a later name for Bothe Street labelled on Fig. 3). Evidently, provision for musical entertainment was made in the household. It had become customary for the choir of Christ Church Cathedral to sing four times a year in the court of the Exchequer in Dublin (P. LeHuray, Music and the Reformation in England 1549±1660 (London, 1967; corrected reprt, Cambridge, 1978), pp. 14±15). This is the ®rst documentary proof that the custom was being observed. The `fyne of balls' (lines 1 and 14) refers to the Dublin ball-bearing ceremony; see section 3.2 of the Introduction and endnotes 249 and 347 above. Lines 2±3: `Philip Drenam, drummer, has acknowledged that he owes the queen ®ve pounds. John Hill, trumpeter, has acknowledged that he owes the queen ®ve pounds'. The waits' duties are again speci®ed and regulated in this legislation. Also, the levies for their payment are laid down. The `nombers of xlviij' (line 9) and the `the iiij xx and xvj' (line 10) refer respectively to the forty-eight and the ninty-six, the sub-chambers beneath the mayor and aldermen that comprised the hierarchy of Dublin Corporation. On the corporation's structure, see Lennon, Lords of Dublin, pp. 34±5. The `the meteing of therle of kyldare' (line 18) refers to what must have been a civic egress to meet Henry FitzGerald, twelfth earl of Kildare. Such civic receptions were frequent occasions for ceremonial performance. This ordinance further de®nes the responsibilities of the city waits and the arrangements for their payment. The contributions levied on the aldermen, the forty-eight and the ninety-six are also set out. A group of sixteenth-century signatures that follows this entry includes one `Tomas Smythe. maior Dublin', conceivably the selfsame Thomas Smith who in 1561 wrote the tract Information for Ireland exerpted above (see under section 5.2). Edward Sheregold hailed from Kildare, but his musician brother Edmond (line 2) is said to have been active in Dublin, hence the location attributed to this item. The item is a deposition made before the Lord Deputy Sir William Fitzwilliam. It bears his signature, that of the archbishop of Dublin, Adam Loftus, and of Edward

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387

388

389

390

391 392

393

394

395

396

397

398

399

400

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545

Sheregold. The document itself was probably copied by one Richard Sheregold, probably a family member. The mayor of Dublin in 1590±1 was one Edmund Devenish, hence the possibility of deducing his name (line 19). Mr Richardson was proctor of Christ Church Cathedral between these years. The lord referred to (lines 2 and 13) was probably the Lord Deputy Sir William Russell; he is unambiguously referred to at line 6. The item provides evidence of collaboration and commerce between musicians employed in secular and sacred capacities, respectively those of the Lord Deputy and the vicars of Christ Church. Sir William Russell was Lord Deputy (he had been appointed on 16 May 1594). The day prior to this item, Sunday 17 November, marked the thirty-sixth anniversary of Elizabeth I's accession to the throne in 1558. It seems likely that celebrations including `running at the ring' and tourneying that are mentioned here were deferred to the Monday out of respect for the Sabbath. The court in question here is the court of the Exchequer (compare the entry above in the account of Richard Hooper, 9 August 1589, and endnote 380). The disbursements were made from her Majesty's revenues. Shrove Tuesday in 1595 fell on 4 March, hence the dating attributed to this item. This piece of legislation attempts to set bounds to the tendency of musicians to wander, presumably in search of employment from patrons other than their principal employers. Mr Richardson was proctor of Christ Church Cathedral between these years. The lord referred to (line 2) was probably the Lord Deputy, Sir William Russell; he is unambiguously referred to at line 5. Like the item above (see the accounts of Mr Richardson above, 29 September 1594 ± 2 September 1595, and endnote 388), this too provides evidence of collaboration and commerce between musicians employed in secular and sacred capacities. Sir William Russell was Lord Deputy (he had been appointed on 16 May 1594). This masque (lines 6 and 8) evidently took place in Dublin, to judge from surrounding entries. It seems to have been presented in the context of New Year festivities. This legislation attempts to put the franchise riding on a sound, triennial footing. The riding had evidently not been undertaken for many years. Francis Taylor (line 2) was mayor in 1595±6. This item is found in a set of accounts of the late city treasurer, Thomas Gerrald, for one year ending at Michaelmas 1597. On 16 March 1597, a massive explosion of gunpowder occurred near the quays in Dublin. These examinations into the event were held before the mayor, Michael Chamberlin. They incidentally reveal provision of gunpowder being made for the `showe' (line 4) organized by the citizens on Black Monday and May Day in 1596. These items are found in a set of accounts of the late city treasurer, James James, for one year ending at Michaelmas 1598. This gruesome incident provides the ®rst documentary evidence for the erection of a maypole in the Dublin area. Indeed, the maypole is the earliest one noted in this collection of records. On the instigator of the incident, Captain Thomas Lee, see H. Morgan, `Tom Lee: The Posing Peacemaker', in B. Bradshaw, A. Had®eld and W. Maley, eds. Representing Ireland Literature and the Origins of Con¯ict, 1534±1660 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 132±65. Sir Henry Harrington to whom the letter is addressed was a Crown servant who held lands in co. Wicklow. These items include the civic reception laid on for Robert Devereux, twentieth earl of Essex, and of Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond (lines 6±9 and 28±56). Devereux probably arrived in Ireland between 12 March and 15 April 1599 (the dates of respectively of his appointment and installation in of®ce). The preceding account bears the date of Michaelmas 1599, and the subsequent one the date of Michaelmas 1600. This account is also for Michaelmas, and probably

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546

402

403

404

405

406

407

408

409

Notes to section 5

Michaelmas 1600, since entries bearing the date 1600, as well as 1599, appear in it. (The date at the head of the account has been obscured.) This record provides further evidence of legislation to curb the wandering of the waits. It also speci®es their livery's colours and something of its design: it was to be of blue or watchet colour, and bore the city coat of arms (lines 10±11). Lines 2±4: `John Pyreghan, musician, was admitted [to the franchise], et cetera, because he ful®lled his term with Henry Nugent, musician, free man deceased, and because he married Amy Aspole, free woman, et cetera'. This item gives the ®rst indication that the city drummer also acted as a minder or bodyguard to the mayor and sheriffs: he carried a halberd (line 5). W. R. Chetwood, A General History of the Stage (Dublin, 1749), p. 50. (The `(y)' (line 7) refers to a footnote on p. 51, omitted here, on Gorboduc.) The `Mr. Ogilby' referred to in line 2 was John Ogilby, a Scottish dancing master enticed to Dublin from London to serve in the viceregal household of Sir Thomas Wentworth. Ogilby had been appointed Master of the Revels on 28 February 1638, and the inauguration of Dublin's ®rst public theatre in Werburgh Street was largely his achievement (on the nature of this theatre, see below under Dublin in section 7.2, s.a. 1759). Ogilby's appointment ®rst appears on record in a retrospective entry in a Patent Roll of 8 May 1661 (see below under Dublin in section 7.2, s.a. 1661). His successor was the Dublinbased actor-manager, Joseph Ashbury (referred to here in line 3 as `Mr. Ashbury'). The arrangement for the performance of Gorboduc in Dublin Castle on ¦ September 1601, only a few months after the execution for treason of Blount's close friend, Robert Devereux, twentieth earl of Essex, is perhaps to be regarded as one of Blount's attempts to rehabilitate himself in the eyes of the English establishment and to free himself of any taint by association. Chetwood relates that the bill for 20s 8d for wax tapers that Ashbury claimed to have seen was dated ¦ September 1601 (lines 6±7). Since ¦ September was Queen Elizabeth's birthday, it seems likely that this Gorboduc performance was got up to mark the occasion. Its actors, Chetwood quite reasonably supposed, were `Gentlemen of the Court' (line 9). Though evidence for the Gorboduc performance is late, it is doubtless reliable, and could even have reached Chetwood from Ashbury himself. R. Hitchcock, An Historical View of the Irish Stage, 2 vols (Dublin, 1788), I, 10±11, also retails this information, but probably by direct derivation from Chetwood. St Catherine's Church (line 3) is located outside the city walls and west of the Newgate in St Thomas Street (the beginning of St Thomas Street is shown on Fig. 3). This civic entry of the Lord Deputy, Sir Charles Blount, lord Mountjoy, conceivably passed through the Newgate. Blount had just returned victorious from the Battle of Kinsale, and it is likely that the entry had an air of the triumph about it. He was very ill on his return, however, and so any acknowledgement of the occasion on his part, much less participation in it, must have been at best perfunctory. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The proctors of `St. Johns Church' (line 2) were probably those of the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted on Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. The ®rst item of expenditure given here (lines 2±6) was laid out upon the proclamation in Dublin of the accession James I (24 March 1603). The setting of wine in the streets to mark notable occasions of civic feasting follows an established tradition in Dublin, the ®rst example of the kind on record being the distribution of wine in honour of the coronation of Edward VI (see the item from the Treasurer's Book above, s.a. 1546±7, and endnote 286). Possibly the twelve yards of cloth allocated for the musicians' liveries (lines 36±41) means that there were four musicians in the waits' consort since three yards seems to be a standard livery allowance elsewhere (though on p. 642 of this manuscript John Brook, trumpeter, is allowed four yards for his own livery). This is the ®rst part of a detailed account of the route traversed by the franchise

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410

411

412

413 414

415

416

417

418

419

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421

547

riding held during mayoralty of Sir John Tyrrell (this fell between 1602±3). The riding described here must date to 1603. The trumpet is mentioned in the description four times in total, all coinciding with this earlier part of route (see CARD, I, 190±8, for an edition of the entire text). The `dames gate' (line 4) was the Dame's Gate (plotted in Fig. 3); `Ann lyffy' (line 5) is the river Liffey; and `Ringes end' (line 6), `Poole Begge' (line 7), `Ranielean' (line 7), `newton of ye strone' (line 16), and `Merrion' (line 17) were all places in the Dublin environs. Lines 2±3: `William Huggard, musician, was admitted [to the franchise] by a special grace and by a ®ne of twenty shillings paid to the treasurer by a special grace'. Although the heading to these accounts says that they run for one year until Easter 1605 (31 March), certain internal dates fall later than that. Also, it seems likely that Easter 1604 (8 April) to Easter 1605 is in fact intended, although the accounts declare that they are for one year. The accounts run for one year ended at Easter 1606 (20 April), as is clear from a heading on p. 696. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The three defaults noted in observing the franchise riding (lines 2±3) occurred in the mayoralties of James Bellew (Bedlow), 1598±9, Matthew Handcock, 1601±2 and Robert Ball, 1604±5 (lines 3±4). Note that these defaults fell at triennial intervals, the statutory time that by this date had been set between each franchise riding. The present legislation reiterates the triennial requirement, now specifying September as the riding month (lines 10±11). Although the accounts largely date to within the period indicated for them (20 April 1606 ± 5 April 1607), some fall outside this period. It is unclear why, unless the payments in question are retrospective or prospective. The May muster referred to (line 3) is likely to have fallen on 1 May, since May Day itself was the traditional mustering date. The profession of John Huggard (line 6) is not speci®ed, but in all probability he was a member of the Huggard family of musicians. Opposite the ®rst entry (lines 1±3) is written in the left margin: Mr. Arthur to be call to for yat money This entry concludes the material that William Monck Mason transcribed from the lost ®rst volume of Tailors guild accounts. Subsequent material was transcribed by him from the lost second volume. Line 2: `5: Midsummer, John Huggard, musician B'. In items from the Franchise Register, the ®rst number refers to the regnal year (here, 5 James I). `Midsummer' (line 2) refers to 24 June, and `B' means that the candidate was admitted to the franchise by right of birth. The original source of this item may have been the Franchise Roll itself, which is defective after 1512. The mayoralty of Sir John Tyrrell (line 2) fell between 1602±3. The franchise expenses referred to (line 5) were evidently incurred in that period. The Baskin lands referred to in line 2 were lands held by the guild in co. Dublin. The guild had rights of heriot over them. The `singing men of St. Johns Churche' (lines 9± 10) were probably those of the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted in Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. The `Taylors of St Patrickes' (lines 6±7) may have referred to the tailors whose guild hall had been built in 1583 not far from St Patrick's Cathedral, in Back Lane (earlier named Rochel Street, as labelled on Fig. 3). This seems a much more likely interpretation than taking Sir Robert Jacob's words to mean that some corporation of tailors resident within the cathedral itself put on the play. It is not clear where the play was staged before the Lord Deputy (at this date, Sir Arthur Chichester; see endnote 133 above). The tailors may have taken their play to Dublin Castle, however, since this was by now an established venue for dramatic performances (see above, ¦ September 1601, and endnote 405). It is evident that the St Lawrence family, whose castle still stands in Howth a little to the north of Dublin, kept a consort of musicians (line 2). This is the ®rst documented

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422

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424

425

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428

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430

431

Notes to section 5

reference to them (unfortunately, it has not been possible to consult the family papers still kept at the castle). The Lord of Howth referred to in line 2 was the ninth Lord Howth, Christopher St. Lawrence (²24 October 1619). It seems that the tailors resorted to retaining his musicians when the city waits, under the leadership of `Mr. huggerte' (line 2), were on a prior engagement with the mayor. And see further below in the Dublin Tailors Guild Accounts, s.a. 1610. The `Curate of St. Johns' (line 9) was probably the curate of the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted in Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. Payments to a Richard Smith for keeping the city clock also appear in this manuscript in sets of accounts on pp. 778, 779 and 788. He may be one and the same with the `Richard Smythe' (line 2) here, but another Richard Smith, feltmaker, is referred to on p. 763. Richard Smith the musician appears again on p. 775 (see below, 29 September 1610 ± 29 September 1611). Barnaby Rich, A New Description of Ireland (London, 1610; STC 20992), p. 73. This mention of the Mayor of the Bullring occurs in the context of a commentary on brewing practices in Ireland. Rich was evidently aware of the Mayor of the Bullring's duties in regulating taverns and tavern keepers. It is clear from the context that `Mr. Huggarte' (lines 2 and 5) was a musician and probably a member of the Huggard family of musicians. The `St. Johns' (line 7) was probably the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted in Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. Line 2: `8: Easter, John Gore, musician B:'. In items from the Franchise Register, the ®rst number refers to the regnal year (here, 8 James I). `Pas' (line 2) means Pascha (Easter), and `B' means that the candidate was admitted to the franchise by right of birth. The source manuscript may have been the Franchise Roll itself, which is defective after 1512. The ®rst entry (lines 2±3) speci®es the remainder of Richard Smith's ®ne. See the Treasurer's Book, s.a. 1609±10 above, and endnote 422. Barnaby Rich, A Catholicke Conference Betvveene Syr Tady Mac. Mareall a popish priest of VVaterforde, and Patricke Plaine, a young student in Trinity Colledge by Dublin in Ireland (London, 1612; STC 20981), f. 21v, sig. [F 3v]. This snatch of dialogue between the upright Protestant `Patrick Plaine', of Trinity College Dublin, and the unreformed priest Tady Mac Mareall, of Waterford, indulges in that familiar topos of Protestant polemic, comparison of the Mass to a theatrical show. However, the comparison takes a particular turn when the author compares the Mass to a puppet play seen in Dublin `nowe this last summer' (line 7). Since the dialogue is a manifest ®ction, the date of the supposed puppet play should not be taken too literally, but it nevertheless may be reliable evidence of puppet-play performance in Dublin around this date. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The riding out to meet the Lord Deputy Sir Arthur Chichester (lines 3±4) was probably organized in the context of a civic welcome. The Josias Bodley mentioned here (line 2) is the same person who recorded his vivid impressions of a trip to Lecale, in co. Down (see below, under Lecale, co. Down, s.a. 1602, and endnote 624). He seems, from this item, not only to have known experts, but to have had some musical skill himself, and thus competent to look out for a good Irish harp for Sir Michael Hickes. And see also the item following. The raising of the harp referred to in line 7 is the process whereby the tension of the strings ®tted to a new harp is gradually raised until the harp frame has adjusted to the forces exerted upon it. The harp in question here was possibly made in Dublin. The letter writer, Sir John Denham, was Master of the Rolls in Ireland at this date. It seems that Sir Michael Hickes had made his interest in acquiring an Irish harp widely known. And see also the previous item. Ordinances for curbing street games of the sort named here (line 4) seem to have

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432

433 434

435

436

437

438

439

440

441

442

443

444

549

gained momentum in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The Newgate (line 7) refers to the city prison there. This reference makes it perfectly clear that it was considered appropriate to mark the Midsummer festival in honour of the guild's patron saint with dramatic performances. The transcriber of the original manuscript, William Monck Mason, noted immediately following this item: N.B. This is the ®rst time the word players occurs. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The civic appointment of William Barlow as city trumpeter began 1615. The second ordinance here is the ®rst mention of maypoles in of®cial corporation documents, though the episode involving Captain Thomas Lee noted above (see under 28 March 1598) is some seventeen years earlier. Various seventeenth-century signatures conclude the dorse of this membrane, headed by that of: Richarde Browne maior Dublin This record reveals how the wages of the city trumpeter were levied ± the levy was raised on the young married men of the company of the Bullring. The marriage customs celebrated at the Cornmarket bullring are described by Richard Stanihurst (see above, s.a. 1577). Edward Hill was proctor of Christ Church Cathedral at this time. The nature of the `visitation' referred to in line 3 is unknown. The ®rst year of the mayoralty of Richard Browne (line 1) began in 1614 (he was elected for a second time for a year in 1615). The franchise riding that Browne, had he not omitted it, would have presided over, would doubtless have fallen sometime in 1615. The invasion of competitors from outside (lines 6±7) had ever been a threat to Dublin musicians, the earliest recorded legislation to curb such incursions being in 1436 (see the Patent Roll entry for this year above). This ordinance safeguarded the monopoly of William Huggard and his associates over providing music within the city franchises, and conferred on them power to arrest intruding musicians who were not freemen. It also speci®ed what the days of their thrice-weekly rounds of the city streets should be (lines 18±19). Also, vocal, as well as instrumental, performance might be required of them (lines 16±17). This is the ®rst mention (line 7) of the waits having maintained a singing boy (and see also below, 14 October 1636). Three yards of livery cloth seems to have been standard issue for a wait's livery (though note the four yards allocated to the trumpeter John Brook; see endnote 408 above). Thus the consort here may have comprised four musicians. This is the only reference in civic records to animal baitings, apart from that in Stanihurst's description (of bulls; see above, s.a. 1577), and that in a Prologue by James Shirley to a play of John Fletcher acted in Dublin (of bears, if the reference does not simply intend entertainments involving bears; see Appendix 6.6 below). The apprentices and servants of Dublin (line 6) seem to have been a group particularly susceptible to the alure of reprobated pastimes, judging by the frequency with which they are associated with them in civic records. Lines 2±3: `Nicholas Huggard, musician, has been admitted to the franchise, because he is the son of William Huggard, musician, and for a ®ne of 20s sterling, paid to the treasurer.' The ®scal period/year is not evident. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The church of St John (mentioned twice, at lines 17 and 19) was the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted on Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. Black Monday, referred to in line 9, fell on 14 April in 1623. `St Johns Church' (line 16) was the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted on Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. Lines 2±3: `William Barlow, trumpeter, was admitted to the franchise by a special grace and by payment of a ®ne of one pair of gloves paid to the wife of the mayor'.

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550 445

446 447

448

449

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452

453

454

455

456 457

458

Notes to section 5

Black Monday, referred to in line 2, fell on 29 March in 1624. The Lord Deputy referred to in line 5 was Henry Cary, viscount Falkland. The ®scal period/year is not evident. Black Monday, referred to in line 4, fell on 10 April in 1626. The transcriber of the manuscript, William Monck Mason, noted immediately after line 2: N.B. This is the ®rst mention of a charge for a ®fe -. Black Monday, referred to in line 2, fell on 14 April in 1628. `St. Johns Church' (line 10) was the church of St John the Evangelist (plotted on Fig. 3) where the tailors had their guild chapel. On f. 137, this account run begins with the heading added by the transcriber, William Monck Mason: Expences ± no date mentioned. However, internal dates run from 3 July 1628 (on f. 137), and the next series of expenses, for 1631, starts on f. 138. Hence the date bands ascribed to the present items above. The Black Monday of either 1629 (6 April) or 1630 (29 March) is in question (line 1). Immediately following lines 3±4, William Monck Mason observed: N.B. This is the ®rst time Cullens Wood occurs in these accounts -. In this item from the Franchise Register, the `Chr:' (line 2) refers to Christmas and `B:' (line 2) means that the candidate was admitted to the franchise by right of birth. The original source of the item may have been the Franchise Roll itself, which is defective after 1512. The ®gures here in line 2 to the right of the commodity, a harp, represent a sum in pounds, shillings and pence (i.e., 10s). This item comes from a praisement of goods belonging to Nicholas Daniell; he appears to have been a glazier, as an entry on p. 113 of the manuscript makes clear. Lines 2±3: `Thomas Williams, musician, brings an action against Edmund Kelly, gentlemen, in respect of a debt of 40s 2d sterling.' This is the ®rst of only two extant contemporary witnesses to the existence of a University drama in Ireland. Had it not been for the presence in Trinity College Dublin of an evangelically minded Provost, Dr Robert Ussher, and the zealous tradition within the college which he represented, academic drama of the sort that was ¯ourishing in Oxbridge might also have been extensively cultivated. But Trinity had been staffed with Cambridge men from the more fervent colleges. It is nevertheless clear from this item in the General Register that a dramatic tradition had once existed. But after Ussher became Provost on 4 January 1630, the college's Christmas plays began encountering resistance, as the next reference to them in the General Register shows (see the item from it below, 29 December 1630). John Bradley was chancellor and proctor of Christ Church Cathedral. It might be noted that the Prince's Day is also recorded as being observed in the Tailors' guild accounts (see under 29 June 1631 below). Lines 2±6: `10 John Browne, yeoman, brings an action against James Dermott, musician, in respect of a plea of a debt . . . twenty pounds sterling in losses might be complained of. 10 Edward Babington, gentleman, brings an action against James Dermott in respect of a plea . . . twenty pounds sterling in losses might be complained of'. The ®scal period/year is not evident. Lines 2±3: `The same John brings an action against Nicholas Huggard, musician, in respect of a plea of debt of 7s 6d sterling.' The John in question here was a certain John Husband, as the entry immediately preceding this one makes clear. It is not absolutely clear whether the players referred to in line 2 were actors ± though actors seem on balance more likely ± or musicians. Hilary term at the King's Inns normally began on the octave of St Hilary (20 January) and extended for anything between two to four weeks. Festive activity at the London Inns of Court, which as in Dublin included celebrations for a grand day, may provide a useful comparative model for the sort of thing that might also have been expected in Dublin. See

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462 463

464 465

466

467

468

469 470

471

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O. Horner, `Christmas at the Inns of Court', in M. Twycross, ed. Festive Drama (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 41±53. No mention is made of where the Batchellors ®nally acted their play. Compare the reference above, 23 December 1629. This extract forms part of a description of Dr Robert Ussher, the eighth son of Henry Ussher, archbishop of Armagh. Robert became Vice-Provost of Trinity in 1615, and Provost from 4 January 1630. Robert Ware, drawing on his father's manuscript materials, gives a sketch of Ussher's personality which con®rms what the entry in the General Register above suggests (29 December 1630) and what one might have suspected of a man of Ussher's cultural formation. The two Lords Justices importuning for restoration of the college's drama during Ussher's reÂgime (lines 4± 6) were Sir Richard Boyle, ®rst earl of Cork, and Sir Adam Loftus. The maypole incident (lines 1±2) had evidently incurred disapproval. Again, it is the junior guild members who seem to have been the culprits. The ®nal sum (line 14) is not given. Black Monday (line 2) fell on 2 April in 1632. John Huggard was about forty-®ve years old when he took over the supervision of the waits, judging by his age recorded in a Dublin deposition (see below, s.a. c. 1636). Black Monday (line 2) fell on 22 April in 1633. Black Monday (line 7) fell on 30 March in 1635, and Ascension Day (line 14) on 7 May. This deposition comes from a case brought by one John Heathcote, trunkmaker, against Thomas Davills, Walter Bagnall and Ambrose Plunkett. Heathcote complained of having been beaten up when he came to collect a debt which Davills owed him. The document has no year date at all; its hand looks to be of the ®rst half of the seventeenth century. On f. 38 is recorded a reply by the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth to a petition from the defendants, and which Wentworth signed 21 February 1637. The incident must therefore have occurred some time before then; in the circumstances, c. 1636 seems likely. `Iohn Huggarth' (line 1) features in a further deposition in the same case dated 5 May 1637 (on f. 111 of the manuscript). Black Monday (line 6) fell on 18 April in 1636, and Ascension Day (line 13) on 26 May. The ®scal period/year is not evident. The `Cittie musicke' (line 4) was provided by the Dublin waits. The `Kings Day' (line 8) may have been the commemoration of the accession of Charles I (27 March 1625). Black Monday (lines 11 and 12) fell on 10 April in 1637. Black Monday (lines 3 and 8) fell on 10 April in 1637. This item affords important evidence for dating the opening of the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin, to a time earlier than is generally thought (EIS, p. 30, gives `the latter half of 1637' as the opening date). The `Prouost' (line 2) was Robert Ussher's successor, William Chappell, a more moderate religionist and Archbishop Laud's appointee. He was elected 24 August 1634; `ye Primate' (line 3) was the archbishop of Dublin, Lancelot Bulkeley. In this letter Wentworth was describing a contretemps, now amicably settled, between himself and Bulkeley. The visit to England to which Wentworth alluded (lines 3±4) must have been that which he undertook between early June and late November in 1636. Therefore, Wentworth's `Playhouse' (line 2), almost certainly the Werburgh Street Theatre, must have already existed before June 1636. A note opposite this passage in the left margin of the letter book reads: My lord Primate & I are | againe vpon termes of very | great kindnesse. This item occurs in a praisement of goods belonging to the merchants Rowland Wetherbie and Christopher Whyte. This document is an antiquarian compilation, containing excerpts from the Vestry Books of St Werburgh's Church, notes on the confessional allegiances of Dublin citizens, and other matters, mainly pertaining to St Werburgh's. It was made by the

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antiquarian John Lyon, and evidently before 1754, when the original Vestry Books were lost in a ®re. `Rookes' (line 3) is a player of whom no trace has otherwise come to light. `Armiger', however, may have been that Edward Armiger, member of London's Red Bull theatre company, though perhaps only in a travelling capacity (see JCS, II, 350 and Gurr, Shakesperian Playing Companies, pp. 441±2 and 448; both omit this Irish reference). If Armiger died around 29 October 1637, he must have been among the earlier of Werburgh Street's English recruits. Lines 2±3: `William Taylor, musician, brings an action against Charles Meloy, gentleman, in respect of a plea . . . et cetera ®ve pounds sterling in losses are complained of'. Lines 1±2: `William Barlow, trumpeter, brings an action against the wife of Thomas Flood, taylor, in respect of a plea of a debt of six shillings sterling.' William Carvile was proctor of Christ Church Cathedral in this period. The Lord Deputy at this date whose musicians are referred to (line 2) was Sir Thomas Wentworth. Lines 2±5: `Adrian Strong, virginal maker, brings an action against Thomas Hurley, gentleman . . . concerning a plea . . . et cetera ®ve pounds sterling in losses are complained of. Sy: Baron'. Lines 2±3: `William Barlow, trumpeter, brings an action against John Rayling, glover, concerning a plea of debt . . . ®ve pounds sterling. Enos'. This item occurs in a praisement of goods of one Tirlagh Byrne. This item occurs in a praisement of goods of one John Quatermas. This item concerning `William Cooke ye player' (line 2) features in a parish cess for Wood Quay (Wood Quay is the riverside wharf situated due north of Christ Church Cathedral; see Fig. 3). Cooke's name does not appear in the previous Wood Quay cess extant in this manuscript of 20 June 1636, so perhaps he was newly arrived in the parish. After Rookes and Armiger (see above, c. 29 October 1637, and endnote 472), Cooke is the next actor of whom record survives. Little is known of him, but since he may be that William Cooke who in 1635 was a member of Prince Charles's (II) players, he is likely to have come into contact with the members of the Red Bull company, for Prince Charles's (II) players were playing in the Red Bull theatre at this time (see JCS, II, 413 and Gurr, Shakesperian Playing Companies, p. 138, Table 2; also ibid., p. 442). Black Monday (line 3) fell on 26 March in 1638. Lines 2±3: `Adrian Strong, virginal maker, brings an action against Jasper Rutter, virginal maker, concerning a plea of debt for ®ve pounds sterling.' This item concerns a diversion of the endowments of the guild of St Anne away from St Audoen's Church towards Christ Church Cathedral in order to prop up the cathedral's musical establishment, currently deemed inadequate. This redirection of funds was thought expedient since Christ Church was of central civic and political importance, being `the Church whither the State repaires'. This certi®cate was endorsed by the Lord Deputy Thomas Wentworth (amongst others) on f. 33. Lines 2±3: `William Barlow, trumpeter, brings an action against Nicholas Frind, pewterer, concerning a plea of debt of ten pounds sterling. Smith'. Lines 2±3: `Elenor Linsey, widow, brings an action against John Price, musician, concerning a plea of debt of forty shillings sterling.' Lines 2±3: `James Tallon, cooper, brings an action against John Price, musician, concerning a plea of debt of forty shillings sterling. Marshalsise.' Lines 1±2: `Anna Longe, spinster, brings an action against Jasper Rutter, virginal maker, concerning a plea of debt of three pounds sterling.' Lines 2±3: `John Huggard, musician, brings an action against David Chadsey, button maker, concerning a plea of debt of forty shillings sterling.' Opposite in the left margin is written: 12.o Lines 2±3: `James Dermot, musician, brings an action against John Price, musician,

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concerning a plea of debt of forty shillings sterling. Marshalsise'. Opposite in the left margin is written: 14.s; and opposite this is written: Defend' exon'at' ob defectu de 21.o die Nouembr' 1638 per Iohannem Enos ± Attiend sus. Henry Dilson is designated in the document as being late dean and proctor of Christ Church Cathedral in this period. The entries are said to be for half a year ending at Michaelmas 1638 and for half a year ending at Easter 1639 (14 April), hence the dating ascribed above. The `musicioners' in question (line 2) might again be those of the Lord Deputy, Thomas Wentworth, since the sum is comparable to that in the accounts of 1637±8 cited above. Lines 1±2: `Adrian Strong, virginal maker, brings an action against Maurice FitzGerald, gentleman, concerning a plea of debt of forty shillings sterling'. Opposite in the left margin is written: 5.o Lines 2±3: `James Dermott, musician, brings an action against Patrick Coyll, musician, concerning a plea . . . three pounds sterling in losses are complained of'. Opposite in the left margin is written: 19.o The ®scal period/year is not evident. The `Kings day' (line 2) may have been the commemoration of the accession of Charles I (27 March 1625). Ascension Day (line 15) fell on 23 May in 1639. Lines 2±3: `James Dermott, musician, brings an action against John Browne, musician, concerning a plea . . . one hundred pounds sterling in losses are complained of'. Opposite in the left margin is written: 2do Lines 2±6: `William Huggard, goldsmith, was admitted to the franchise because he is the son of John Huggard, musician, and for a ®ne of twenty shillings sterling paid to the treasurer . . . William Bea, drummer, was admitted to the franchise by a special grace, and by a ®ne of one pair of gloves paid to the mayor'. This item occurs amongst the levies raised in St Werburgh's Street itself. If, as has been suggested, the `Mr Perry' here (line 1) was the touring actor William Perry (EIS, pp. 27±8), then it should again be noted that he had a Red Bull connection. On Perry, see Gurr, Shakesperian Playing Companies, p. 392, note 63 (though Perry's possible Dublin career goes unnoticed). `To all christian faithful who will see or hear [these] present letters: [I] David, son of Stephen le Harpur, [send] everlasting greeting in the Lord. Your community shall have known that, for the souls of my father and my mother, and also for the health of my soul and my successors, I have sold every right and claim that I had, or at whatever time or by whatever right I was able to have, in all the land that formerly my grandfather Robert le Harpur held in the tenement of Acopenach, by the consent and agreement of Raymond Roche, to whom right and entitlement which I had in the said land for six and a half marks of silver before in advance received. And concerning which land, indeed, I, the aforementioned David, have carried a brief which is called the brief of Ael upon the abbot and convent of Duisk at the Kilkenny assizes. That [I] to have remitted to the said abbot and convent of Duisk for me and for my heirs to Raymond Roche to whom my right and entitlement as aforesaid I have conceded by the present extent, and this willingly and with consent have quitclaimed perpetually. With the result that neither I, the aforenamed David, nor my heirs, will henceforth demand or lay legal claim to any right or entitlement in the inheritance. In testimony of which I have made my letters patent to the said abbot and convent in the monastery of Duisk on the day of Venus [that is, Friday] next before the feast which is called the seat of St Peter. In the year of the Lord 1277. In the presence of the following: Lord Gerald Roche, knight, and Reso Becket the younger, and several Roches, Raymond and very many others.' Duisk abbey was in Graignamanagh, co. Kilkenny. However, it is conceivable that `le Harpur' in this deed denotes a family name rather than a profession. A quit-claim of Raymond Roche (not given here) which bears the same date and which is copied by the same

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scribe, is extant in NLI, MS D 288. A `Dauid .Le. harpur' is also mentioned among the witnesses listed there. It is not clear what the `fooles coat' (line 2) was that Roger de Malpas wore. Perhaps it was worn as a disguise? The Register is dated as c. 1591 in a note added by Sir James Ware at the top of f. 67. Lines 1±6: `This indenture testi®es that it stands thus agreed between Matthew Tanner the younger on one part and John White, alias, the harper, on the other part, that the aforesaid Matthew has given, conceeded and ®rmly handed over to the aforesaid John a messuage with its appurtenances lying in the seaside residence at Dundalk . . . given the twenty-third day of the month of February, in the fourth regnal year of Henry IV after his acquisition of his kingdom of England.' Lines 2±3: `Strains of music from harpers, old stories with marvels, drinking of wine and swift gaming ± there are many mead-assemblies in your royal palace.' (The translation of D. Greene, ed. Duanaire MheÂig Uidhir (Dublin, 1972), p. 183, is adopted here.) This poem is to be dated before the death of Cu Chonnacht MaÂg Uidhir in 1589, and after his accession in 1566. The poem was addressed to Cu  CleÂirigh. Chonnacht by Cu ChoigcrõÂche O Lines 2±6: `Moreover, throughout the fortress I found plenty of poets and minstrels, from one bright, white-surfaced wall to the other ± happy the dwelling in which they ®nd room! . . . They spent part of that day in talking of exploits, in meditating on battle; and a while would be spent by the host of Uisneach in feasting, in listening to  Huiginn music.' (The translation of E. Knott, ed. The Bardic Poems of Tadhg Dall O (1550±1591), Irish Texts Society 23 (London, 1926), pp. 50±1, has been adapted here.) This poem, celebrating Enniskillen, was composed before the death of Cu Chonnacht MaÂg Uidhir in 1589, and after c. 1570, the date from which its author,  hUiginn (1550±91), was principally active (for his biography, see E. Tadhg dall O  Huiginn (1550±1591), Irish Texts Knott, ed. The Bardic Poems of Tadhg Dall O Society 22 (London, 1926), pp. xxiv-xxxi). The poem is extant in other manuscripts, but none has variants of present interest. Abundance of poetry and music sets a charactersitic seal of approval on Enniskillen. The date and place of this item (Esker, in the barony of Fassadinin, co. Kilkenny) are made clear in an earlier item on this page. The document is a note of the good services of Fitz Edmund of Roscrea in co. Tipperary, after the direction of Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond. The piper in this entry, as also in the one following below, was probably employed by his Irish patron for military purposes. The lordship or territory of the Tyrrells, called Fertullagh, was located west of the Pale, in the region of modern co. Westmeath. Captain Tyrrell was a confederate of Hugh O'Neill, third earl of Tyrone. His fortress, in Danagher, was captured by Sir Charles Blount, though Tyrrell escaped. He eventually submitted to the Crown after the Battle of Kinsale in 1601. Thirteenth Report, p. 45. Galbally is a village and parish on the eastern border of the barony of Costlea, co. Limerick. Thirteenth Report, pp. 184±5. Where ascertainable, the place-names in this ®ant locate in co. Galway, hence the location attributed here. Fifteenth Report, p. 111. A copy of this item is to be found in LPL, MS 611, p. 42, but with no substantive variants. The nature of the unlawful games mentioned in lines 3-4 may only be guessed at. The document is signed: Henry R Sir Richard Bingham (1528±99) was lord president of Connacht at this date. Old English and Irish factions in the province had gone into rebellion during his presidency because, they maintained, Bingham's conduct towards them had been unjust and ruthless. Five commissioners were despatched to parley with the rebels and enquire into their grievances. The commissioners were the Gaelic-speaking Justice of Connacht, Sir Robert Dillon (referred to in lines 11±12, 17 and 31), the Old English

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reformer and Master of the Rolls, Sir Nicholas White, Sir Thomas Le Strange (referred to in line 12), the bishop of Meath, Thomas Jones (referred to in lines 7, 11, 17, 19±20 and 30) and the bishop of Kilmore, John Garvey (referred to in line 18). The bishop of Meath was chie¯y responsible for penning this account on behalf of the commissioners. It recalls the events that befell in Galway between 12 and 27 April 1589, including the one of present concern. On Friday 25 April, the commissioners had assembled in `the Abbey by the waters side' (most probably St Francis's Friary, which was called an `Abbey' in the 1580's, and which stood on a small island close by the city). They were waiting for boats to take them to the rebels who, since they were too afraid of Bingham to risk entering Galway in person, had arranged a rendezvous some short distance from the city. Before the commissioners left, they witnessed the preparations for what subsequently turned into a public satirical impersonation of them mounted by the household servants of Bingham and his brother Sir George (one of whose household men, Ned Baker, is referred to in line 4). This impersonation was played out, the commissioners were later informed, not only in the abbey but also in the streets of the city after their embarcation. The fact that it was mounted by the household servants (one a musician) shows how they might as occasion required double as players. The document itself is dated 4 May 1589. This document is Sir Richard Bingham's reply to charges preferred by the bishops of Meath and Kildare. The alleged play in the church (probably the church of St Nicholas) must have occurred sometime during the stay of the bishop of Meath and his fellow commissioners in Galway, between some date soon after 12 April and their departure Sunday 27 April. Unless, of course, Bingham was making a wry allusion to the previous item. Sir William Russell was Lord Deputy at this date. `Lough-Reogh' (line 2) is Loughrea, co. Galway. As well as the civic reception laid on for Russell, he was regaled with a masque (lines 16±17) performed exclusively by men. This is the earliest reference to an actual masque performance in the Records. The year in which the `game' of the youths and tradesmen of Galway (line 3) was played was probably 1619 (though 1620 is not utterly out of the question; P. Walsh, `An Account of the Town of Galway', Journal of the Galway Archñological and Historical Society 44 (1992), 47±118; see p. 70 and p. 102, n. 135 for discussion of the dating problem). The game's nature is unspeci®ed. Thomas Stafford, Pacata Hibernia (London, 1633; STC 23132), p. 135. The `Lord Barry' (line 2) was David Barry, Viscount Barrymore (²10 April 1617); the `President' (line 3) was the lord president of Munster, Sir George Carew (on whom see further above under the Carew Collections in section 4.8); and the SuÂgaÂn Earl referred to in line 14 was James Fitz Thomas FitzGerald, sixteenth earl of Desmond. Eighteenth Report, pp. 130±5. Judging by the associated place-names in this ®ant, Garryduff here is a place in co. Tipperary. However, there are ®ve possibilities: the ®rst is in the barony of Clanwilliam; the second in the barony of Ormond Lower; the third in the barony of Iffa and Offa East; and the fourth and ®fth in the barony of Iffa and Offa West. The harper of this ®ant, Derby O Dowan (line 2), may be the harper `Dermond Odogan' of the previous item. Eleventh Report, pp. 160±1. Glashare is a parish four miles northeast of the town of Urlingford, co. Kilkenny. It stands partly in the barony of Clarmallagh, co. Laois, but chie¯y in the barony of Galmoy, co. Kilkenny. Eleventh Report, p. 193. Judging by the associated place-names in this ®ant, Grallagh here is a place in co. Tipperary. However, there are four possibilities: the ®rst is in the barony of Ormond Lower; the second in the barony of Ormond Upper; the third in the barony of Clanwilliam; and the fourth in the barony of Middlethird. Fifteenth Report, p. 154. Hospital is a town and parish of the same name in the barony of Small County, co. Limerick.

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Lines: 2±3: `We had music on the plain and in our tents, listening to its strains. There it seems to me a heavy noise was made by the shaking of our hard cloaks.' Other early manuscripts containing these lines have no variants of present interest. The author of this poem was Cormacan Ecces mac Maoilbrighde, chief poet of the north of Ireland, and evidently written in 942 when Muircheartach mac Neill was on a progress. The plain referred to was of that of Hy-Cairbre, the level country extending from the Shannon towards Kilmallock in present co. Limerick. Twelfth Report, p. 97. Dermot mcShane Brenagh (line 2) was probably of Kanturk, co. Cork, since most of the surrounding persons are given as coming from there. Kanturk is a town and parish in the barony of Dunhallow, co. Cork. Mills, Calendar . . . XXIII to XXXI, p. 279. This essoin was taken at Kells (Kenles in line 4) before John Wogan, Justiciar. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), p. 28 cols a-b. The harper here is not actually located, but he comes just after someone from Kilcooly, and before someone from Krenagh (unlocated), so it seems reasonable to assume that he was of Kilcooly too. The Kilcooly in question was probably in co. Galway, since other place-names locate predominantly in co. Galway. There are two candidates, one in the barony of Leitrim, and another in the barony of Ballymoe. Mills, Calendar . . . XXIII to XXXI, p. 181. Ryban in line 4 refers either to the barony of Narragh and Reban East or to the barony of Narragh and Reban West, both in co. Kildare. Donlost is a chapelry in the barony of Kilkea and Moone, co. Kildare, three miles south-southeast of Athy, so the document probably relates to co. Kildare. Oboy (line 2) has proved unlocatable. Twelfth Report, p. 50. `Ballysonon' (line 2) is probably either Ballysooghan North or Ballysooghan South, both in the barony of Offaly East, co. Kildare. The original document was in English. Lines 2±4: `Bran ua Bric, elder of Iarmumu, Gilla PaÂtraic ua DuibraÂthan, man of [Latin] learning of Cill da Lua and sage of Mumu, the blind Ferdomhnach, man of [Latin] learning of Kildare, that is, a master of harping, [died]'. A comparable passage in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 489 has no variants of present interest. Mills, Calendar . . . XXIII to XXXI, p. 192. This Crown plea was heard at Kildare, in the eyre of John Wogan, Justiciar. Eighteenth Report, p. 89. Twelfth Report, p. 64. Teig duff (line 2) was possibly of co. Kilkenny, since other place-names in the ®ant are either Kilkenny or in co. Kilkenny. Twelfth Report, pp. 64±5. One other place-name in the ®ant, Iland, locates in co. Kilkenny, and others may do too. Thus James O Haregan is likely to be of this county. Seventeenth Report, pp. 166±8. No place-names accompany these harpers, but the ®rst two are sandwiched between a Bellaclera and a Domerstown, both in co. Kilkenny. A `Balliragged' (modern Ballyragget) is also mentioned, and is both a town and townland in the barony of Fassadinin, co. Kilkenny. H. Wood and A. E. Langman, ed. Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls or Proceedings in the Court of the Justiciar of Ireland I to VII Years of Edward II, rev. M. C. Grif®th (Dublin, [1956?] ), p. 111 (hereafter, Wood and Langman, Calendar). This is a common plea heard at Dublin before John Wogan, 8 July 1308. The Liberty referred to in line 2 is that of Kilkenny. This record was formerly extant on `roll 85'. Lines 2±10: `Item: that Irish minstrels coming among the English spy out the private and common habits of the English, wherefore great evil has often ensued. It is agreed and forbidden that any Irish minstrel, that is, timpaÂn players, poets, storytellers, bablers, rhymers, clerks, nor any other Irish minstrels, should come among the English, and that no English man receive them or countenance them. And whoever does so and is attainted therein, let him be taken and imprisoned, both the Irish minstrels as well as the English who receive them or give them anything and let them

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then be put at the king's pleasure and their instruments of minstrelsy forfait to our lord the king.' The Kilkenny Statute of 1366 proved a hapless attempt to stem the waxing tide of Gaelicization. The `Skelaghes' (hsceÂlaigi; lines 4±5) mark the ®rst documented English recognition of Irish `storytellers' of which I am aware. Lines 2±14: `The king (it is related that in the statute given at Kilkenny in the fortieth year it is included that no Irish minstrels should tarry amongst the English of the same land, nor any English receive them, upon a certain penalty speci®ed there): because, however, it stands testi®ed and recorded by various men worthy of trust at a parliament held in the presence of William de Windsor governor of Ireland at Kilkenny in the next octave of St Michael past, that Dowenald O Moghane, an Irish minstrel, tarrying amongst the English, has continually remained in the loyalty, peace and obedience of the king, in¯icting various ills on the king's Irish enemies, on account of which he dare not return to those same Irish [people], he [that is, the king] has accordingly granted to him that he can tarry amongst the English, and that the English may receive him into their houses and retain him, as it shall have pleased them, notwithstanding the said statute, for as long as the same Dowenald shall have conducted himself well towards the king and the peace. Kilkenny, 25 October.' E. Tresham, ed. Rotulorum patentum et clausorum cancellariae Hiberniae calendarium (Dublin, 1828), p. 94 col. b, item 164 (his abbreviation marks are expanded and his punctuation retained). Before receiving its charter of civic incorporation in 1609, Kilkenny had a `souerayne' (line 3). Something of the composition of the corporation is evident here: it seems to have comprised at least two chambers, of burgesses and commons (and see below, 9 July 1591). As in Dublin, Kilkenny too had a Tholsel. Although no actual Corpus Christi performances are mentioned in this entry, it witnesses to the civic importance that the feast had already assumed by 1500. Opposite this entry in the left margin is written: 8priviledge of | corpus christi | day8; and beneath this: 8de solempnitate | corporis christi | sancti patricij & | sancti Canici & | ad festum natiuitatis | sancti Iohannis baptiste8 H. J. Hore and J. Graves, The Social State of the Southern and Eastern Counties of Ireland in the Sixteenth Century (Dublin, 1870), p. 90. The original was probably lost in the explosion and ®re at the Four Courts in Dublin in 1922. Note that visiting petulant entertainers, so common in Irish sources, are here on record in an English context. John Bale, The Vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Irelande (Wesel, 1553; STC 1307), f. 24. On the life of John Bale (1495±1563), churchman, Protestant polemicist and antiquarian, see DNB, III, 41±2. This episode occurred during his short-lived tenure of the see of Ossory. It might be noted that Kilkenny's Market Cross was the focus of Bale's civic address, just as it was of his (and the corporation's) plays. Its position is plotted in Fig. 4. Also, the episode documents the ®rst known performance of Bale's play God's Promises and its two companion pieces, Johan Baptystes Preachynge and The Temptacyon of Our Lorde (for their text, see P. HappeÂ, ed. The Complete Plays of John Bale, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1986); all three plays had appeared in print by c. 1547). Opposite line 1 in the right margin is written: Marie; opposite line 5 in the right margin is written: Compulsion; opposite lines 6±7 in the right margin is written: Gods wurde.; opposite line 6 in the right margin is written: ij. maskers.; and opposite line 20 in the left margin is written: Comedies. Lines 1±10: `At length Edmund [Butler] succumbed to nature 5 March 1550, English Style, at Kilkenny, and for ®ve years was buried there, while the clergy of Cashel argued in vain that his body be returned to Cashel. Indeed, Richard Cody, treasurer of Cashel, each year looked for his opportunity to make off with the body by stealth. He ®nally made his attempt in the ®fth year, while the citizens were absorbed in the theatrical plays with which they were accustomed to recreate themselves on Corpus Christi day. He removed [the body, placing it] according to that man's intention

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beneath a marble tomb set up not far from the archiepiscopal seat and made at that man's order while he was alive, and decorated with his likeness and distinctions. This tomb was ®nally levelled in 1634 by the English Protestant dean, because it blocked the choir.' The author of the De Praesulibus Hiberniae, John Lynch, was born in Galway in 1599 or 1600, the son of a Galway schoolmaster. He was educated by the Jesuits in France, and ordained by the bishop of Limerick in 1625. In c. 1630 he was appointed archdeacon of Tuam, and on the surrender of Galway to Commonwealth forces in 1652 he ¯ed to France where he spent the rest of his life, dying there sometime before 1674. The De Praesulibus Hibernie was written in 1672, and is an account of the Roman Catholic bishops and archbishops of Ireland from the earliest times until Lynch's day. He drew extensively on the De Praesulibus Hiberniae Commentarius of Sir James Ware (on whom see further above under the Ware Collections in section 4.8). This is ®rst hard evidence for the performance of Corpus Christi plays in Kilkenny, though it seems very likely that the tradition was much older. Note a partial overlap with Dublin here in Kilkenny's choice of (civic) festival days: Corpus Christi, St Canice's Day (11 October), St Patrick's Day (17 March), Christmas and Easter. The Lord Deputy in 1567 was Sir Henry Sidney. Opposite in the right margin is written: 8for cleaning the | dores8 This civic reception of Sir Henry Sidney into Kilkenny occurred during his third and ®nal tour of duty as Lord Deputy. Though vague in point of detail, it is possible that this description implies water pageantry, as well as town pageantry, having been laid on for him. P. Watters, `Notes of Particulars extracted from the Kilkenny Corporation Records relating to the Miracle Plays as performed there from the year 1580 to the year 1639', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 16 (1883±4), 238±42; see p. 238 (hereafter, Watters, `Notes of Particulars'). For a summary table of Kilkenny play personnel and performance dates, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 179±83. The Midsummer eve and Corpus Christi ridings mentioned here were perhaps synonymous with what the Kilkenny documents refer to as `going in stations'. These accounts are disbursements of Piers Shee. Earlier dates mentioned in them all fall in December 1579, so this reference is for 2 June 1580 (Corpus Christi in that year). Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. This earliest reference to the `Stacions' (line 3) of the Corpus Christi play makes them sound as if they were already a traditional feature of the Corpus Christi celebrations. The fact that the stations could be `placed' suggests that they were physically marked out in some way, though whether with a scaffold stage or with something less substantial is not known. It is also not clear precisely where, or how many, they were, though presumably they were laid out along a route through the centre of Kilkenny. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. This document is probably in the hand of Arthur Shee. Corpus Christi in 1584 fell on 18 June. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. `Setting forth' the Maries (line 3) is the normal expression used for the production of the Kilkenny play. John Busher (line 2) appears in several chits cited below. The eight pairs of gloves (lines 3±4) were possibly given as favours, a practice also noted in the Dublin records. If they were given to eight actors, including the three Maries, then the play had ®ve other characters not named here (other characters appear in payments recorded below). The addition (lines 8±10) is probably in the hand of Adam Shee. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 238. The `setter-forth', James Krininge (line 2),

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was an organ clerk of St Mary's Church. The list of actors allows us to deduce to some extent the narrative of the play. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. The six pairs of gloves may have been not solely for the Maries, but for a complement of six characters (such as are listed in the item for 9 June 1585 above, for example). The Sepulchre (line 3) was presumably the Easter Sepulchre. Its `pereles' (line 3) may either have been parrels (OED, Parrel sb.), bands of rope, of chain or of iron (though how they may have been used in the construction of the Sepulchre is unknown), or parrels (H. Kurath, et al., eds., Middle English Dictionary (Ann Arbor, 1954±), ap(p)areil n.), furnishings, trappings or ornaments. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. This production of the `resurrection' (line 3) evidently took place in St Mary's Church itself (or conceivably, in the church grounds). St Mary's Church is plotted in Fig 4. The church was the focus of corporation interest, so the choice of playing place re¯ects the play's auspices: they were very much a corporation-sponsored affair. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. The expression `to go in stations' implies that characters who did so moved between one station and the next, no doubt in some pre-determined sequence. Moreover, at least one of these stations, in a record of 13 April 1632 noted below, was either close to, or actually coextensive with, the place in the High Street where the play proper was acted. Most probably, then, the stations were identi®able locales arranged along some street route that functioned as halting places where appointed characters would display themselves. Perhaps they even presented some narrative action before moving on to the next station. This item proves that there was a qualitative distinction between play and stations. Payment for acting in the play is substantially greater than for `going in stations'; St Michael and the Devil received 6s sterling for acting, while the `other Devill' and Christ who `went in Stacions' got 18d sterling, and Michael (probably St Michael again) got 9d sterling. If, as might be expected, payment was commensurate with effort, it looks as if whatever occurred at a station was a much less demanding business than acting in the play itself. The period of display at a station may therefore have been comparatively short; perhaps characters con®ned themselves to delivering a few lines, accompanying them, as suggested, with some suitable action and gestures. This does not necessarily mean, however, that these short scenes were merely repeated identically from one station to the next. They may have been, but it is also equally conceivable that Kilkenny supported a variety of processional play somewhat in the manner of the late medieval English Conversion of St Paul. This unique dramatic survival from East Anglia distributes its narrative action between three stations. Its audience was invited to follow the action from one station to the next (see D. C. Baker, J. L. Murphy and L. B. Hall Jr, eds. The Late Medieval Religious Plays of Bodleian MSS Digby 133 and e Museo 160, EETS, OS 283 (Oxford, 1982), p. 6, line 155). In Kilkenny's case, however, the narrative enacted at a station is unlikely to have been as comparably substantial, given the payment differential between play actors and stations actors noted in this item. J. G. A. Prim, `Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 2 (1852±3), 319±35; see p. 322 (hereafter, Prim, `Popular Pastimes'). As in Dublin, Kilkenny too had a civic of®ce of the bullring. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', pp. 323±4. The `subject' referred to in line 2 is the of®ce of the Lord of Bullring, with which this item is concerned (the item is also noticed in J. G. A. Prim, `Documents connected with the City of Kilkenny Militia in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 3 (1854±5), 231±74; see p. 234). The Friday after the feast of St John referred to in line 1 is likely to have been either the Friday after 24 June (that is, 25 June in 1591), since Midsummer was an important date in the corporation's calendar, or Friday after 27 December (that is, 31 December in 1591), since this period was a

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holiday with bullbaiting (compare the 13 October 1609 entry below). The Lord of Bullring's duties included instruction of the youth and the patrolling of civic morals, making his of®ce comparable with Dublin's. Also, note evidence for a Kilkenny merchants guild here (line 8, and again in other documents). It was probably the dominant Kilkenny guild. On evidence for other guilds in Kilkenny, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 58 and 400±1, note 58. The occasion of the `banquetting day' (line 27) is not known, but it was probably a regular event in the civic schedule, not a once-off. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 323. The `Grand Council' and `Demi-Council' (lines 5± 6) were evidently chambers of the corporation, perhaps re¯ecting the bipartite `burgesses and commons' division noted in an edict of Kilkenny Corporation given above (see s.a. 1500). Apart from further de®ning the Lord of Bullring's of®ce, this item shows that the Corpus Christi fair had lapsed for some reason (line 9). Whether the play had also lapsed with it is unknown. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. As well as setting forth the Maries, Thomas Lucas (line 2) was paid `half a Conqueror's Wadge' (line 6), and acted Charlemagne (line 7), one of the Nine Worthies. Like Dublin, Kilkenny too had a civic pageant of the Nine Worthies. The various `conquerors' mentioned in the corporation accounts were probably Worthies. C. Vallancey, Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, 6 vols (Dublin, 1770±1804), II, 391. `Cox' (line 3), the apparent source of Vallancey's information, might appear to be R. Cox, Hibernia Anglicana: Or, the History of Ireland, 2 vols (London, 1689±90), but I have not found the item there. It is the only evidence known for an actual St George riding in Kilkenny. Possibly it was an aristocratic one, since had the riding been held under civic auspices, it might be expected to have shown up in corporation accounts. This payment docket is a rare survival of the kind of material that Watters had access to but which has now been lost. The 8vjs 8d.8 (line 5) and 8Geffrey Rothe Soueraigne8 (lines 5±6) may be in the same hand (presumably Geoffrey Rothe's). The obverse of this warrant is struck through twice with parallel lines. This was probably done after payment was issued. About the author of A Tretice of Ireland, one John Dymmok, very little is known. The Tretice contains a journal of events relating to the Lord Deputy Sir Robert Devereux, beginning 10 May and ending 9 September 1599. Another manuscript copy of it, in London, Inner Temple Library, MS 538, Vol. 35, ff. 49±69v, contains no variants of present interest. This item relates the visit of Devereux to Kilkenny (and some days after that to Clonmel), where civic receptions were presented. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', pp. 239±40. This is a prospective payment for Corpus e bailif' (line 2) was a Christi, the feast falling a couple of days later. The `Freren corporation of®cial. Julius Caesar and Joshua referred to in line 4 were two of the Nine Worthies. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 239. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 240. William Kelly and John Murphy played, respectively, St Michael and Satan (line 3). These characters may indicate that the Kilkenny play included a Harrowing of Hell episode. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 240. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 240. `Kel®ger' (read Bel®ger, line 7) was a devil, Belphegor, who went in stations. Several important considerations arise from this document concerning the organization of Kilkenny's Corpus Christi play at the turn of the sixteenth century. William Courcy had been promised as much income for setting forth the play in 1603 as he had had in previous years; in 1602 this had been 30s sterling. Hence the play by this time was an annual ®xture, and some sort of contract, probably verbal, had been entered

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573

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579 580

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into between the setter-forth and the corporation. Courcy claimed also to have been given a yearly allowance for looking after the clothes and `ornaments' (props?) of the comedy of the Resurrection, but that for the last ®ve years this had not been paid (lines 9±13). Either the comedy of the Resurrection (line 11) was another way of referring to the Corpus Christi play, or was a speci®c episode within it. The setterforth evidently had responsibility for properties, as a modern stage manager might. The addition on the dorse (lines 22±8) is likely to be in the hand of George Shee. The son and heir of Sir Richard Shee mentioned here (line 2) was Lucas Shee. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. The item contains further details concerning the of®ce of the Mayor of Bullring (as it is now being called, lines 3 and 6, following Kilkenny's civic incorporation in 1609, and see the next item). It is clear that a levy was raised on newly weds (lines 5±7), as it was in Dublin, to help fund the of®ce. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. The item contains further information on the of®ce of the Mayor of Bullring. It also contains the ®rst known reference to Kilkenny bull baiting. The baitings evidently occurred over the Christmas period, and were associated with the feast of St John the Evangelist (29 December). J. G. A. Prim, `The Corporation Insignia and Olden Civic State of Kilkenny', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 11 (1870±1), 280±305; see pp. 284±5. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 327. Crowd control barriers, and possibly seating for visitors, were erected when the Corpus Christi `interlude' (line 6) was played. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', pp. 327±8. The `morries' (line 3) almost certainly refers to the Maries (see J. Fry and A. J. Fletcher, `The Kilkenny Morries, 1610', Folk Music Journal 6 (1993), 381±3). Here, special playing apparel is speci®ed for the Maries and the players of the Resurrection, as well as for the Corpus Christi day station. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. The same extract is also given in J. G. A. Prim, `Documents connected with the City of Kilkenny Militia in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Proceedings and Transactions of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archñological Society 3 (1854±5), 231±74; see p. 235. Walter Lawless, part of whose will this is, was a member of one of the in¯uential Kilkenny merchant families. Nothing further is known about `Ffelix Mc Shane harper or musician' (line 7), though his name has a distinctly Irish, rather than English or Anglo-Irish, ring to it. J. G. A. Prim, `Ancient Civic Enactments for Restraining Gossiping and Feasting', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 1 (1849±51), 436±41; see p. 439. This item was taken from the lost eighteenth-century transcription of the Red Book of Kilkenny. Richard Rothe, a wealthy Kilkenny merchant, wrote this complaint to Henry Cary, viscount Falkland, who was currently Lord Deputy. John Seix, Mayor of Bullring, had evidently been doing his job by apprehending a man for adultery. Unfortunately for Seix, and for relations between the earl of Desmond's household and Kilkenny's civic authorities, the man apprehended was a dependent of the earl. (Kilkenny Castle at this time was in the hands of the Desmonds.) The public humiliation of Seix was offered as a snub to the city's authority. These gallery goods are noted after those for the Great Chamber and before those for the earl's chamber. Possibly they were from a minstrels' gallery off the Great Hall of Kilkenny Castle. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 328. `Consey' (line 2) may be a misprint/mistranscription of `Corsey'. The `Red Book' (line 1) was probably the lost Red Book of Kilkenny which Prim read in an eighteenth-century transcription. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 324. Prim, `Popular Pastimes', p. 328. This item provides valuable evidence for the

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location of a playing site, if not indeed of the principal playing site, of the Corpus Christi play at this date. See Fig. 4 for the location of the Market Cross. The `newe tholsell' (line 3) was built on the site currently occupied by the present-day Tholsel. As William Courcy's petition also indicates (see 20 September 1603 above), by about 1600 a new Thosel had been built to replace the earlier one which backed onto Pudding Lane (the lane running parallel to High Street on the north side of High Street's western limit; see Fig. 4). This new building was raised on the site where the city's Tholsel currently stands, and was located virtually overlooking the Market Cross (J. Hogan, `The Three Tholsels of Kilkenny', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 15 (1879±82), 236±52; he noted, p. 243, an inquisition 21 August 1619 taken in `le new Tholsell'). This new building at least antedated 1603, however, as William Courcy's petition makes clear. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 240. The play's subject matter is again suggested by the role played by Thomas Daniell, St Michael the Archangel. A Harrowing of Hell episode seems likely. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 240. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. It is not precisely clear why the copy of the book of Corpus Christi plays was made and sent to Dublin. One possibility, however, is that it was required for (Protestant) archiepiscopal scrutiny and vetting. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. Something of the nature of St Michael's accoutrements becomes clear here. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. This entry makes clear that music featured in the Corpus Christi plays. From how early is not known, but John Bale's performances in 1553 drew on organ music. Who the musicians were is not known, but Kilkenny was not wanting in musical establishments from which to recruit (for example, the musicians in secular and sacred employ at the castle and cathedral respectively). Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 242. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. Two more Worthies are speci®ed in this item, Godfrey (of Boulogne) and Hector (line 3). Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. Mary Rothe who prepared the breakfast for the Corpus Christi actors was the wife of William Courcy. The family seems to have had an extensive involvement with the Corpus Christi play over several years. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 241. This entry makes clear that `young men' acted upon the `Stage' of the Corpus Christi play (line 4) ± suggesting, perhaps, that no women were involved in the playing proper. P. Watters, `Notes of Entries in the Corporation Records, Kilkenny, relative to a Visit of Lord Viscount Wentworth to Kilkenny in the year 1637', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 16 (1883±4), 242±9; see p. 243 (hereafter, Watters, `Notes of Entries'). `Catherlaghe' (line 5) is present-day Carlow. This item is the ®rst of a series of expenses incurred on civic welcomes for the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth. Watters, `Notes of Entries', pp. 245±6. The muster of two hundred Kilkenny men was organized in the context of a civic reception for Sir Thomas Wentworth. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. Musicians were retained by the earls of Ormond well before this time: see, for example, in section 5.5 Households, under Devereux, 6 May ± 28 September 1575. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. Watters, `Notes of Entries', pp. 243±4. This lengthy item is principally concerned with arrangements for Sir Thomas Wentworth's civic entries. The `Square at the Bridge' (line 7) where the musicians took up their place is likely to have been on the north side of St John's Bridge (see Fig. 4). Amongst the various details note too the

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599 600 601 602

603 604

605 606

607

608

609

610 611 612

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erection of a triumphal arch (lines 26, 42, 46 and 57). The `fyddchers' (line 88) are mysterious; the word may have been misread. But whoever they were, they had `Staffes' (wands of of®ce?). Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. The William Flood mentioned here in lines 2±3 was employed on the triumphal arch noted in the previous item. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 247. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 246. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 247. Note that a second singer (line 5) was involved in the song as well as James Kyvan (see line 65 of the entry given above for 10±12, 17± 18, 20, 26, 28, 30 August, 3, 9, 12 and 15 September 1637). Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 247. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 247. More details are given here about the nature of the triumphal arch: `Sallows' (line 3) were needed for it. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 247. Watters, `Notes of Entries', pp. 247±8. The location of `Croker's Cross' (line 3) is plotted in Fig. 4. Where the two stages (lines 2±3) were erected is not mentioned. Also, a stage was set up in St John's Street (line 5; see Fig. 4). Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 245. As well as the ®reworks referred to in line 20 (the ®rst on record in the context of civic ceremonial in Ireland of which I am aware), the reference to one James (line 28), the fool of the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth, is notworthy. This is the only known reference in Irish documents to Wentworth's fool. Watters, `Notes of Entries', pp. 244±5. It is possible that the painting at the Lord Deputy's departure was lavished on a triumphal arch. William Flood was involved again (lines 7±8); see also the next item, and endnote 609. Watters, `Notes of Entries', p. 248. This item may clarify the payment made to William Flood in the one previous. A pageant was evidently set up at St John's Bridge (see Fig. 4). Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 242. Watters, `Notes of Particulars', p. 242. Lines 2±3: `Dramas, tragedies and other scholastic exercises were splendidly and beautifully exhibited in the schools, with great applause and concourse [of people]'. This extract comes from a history of the Irish mission compiled by William St Leger (1599±1665). St Leger was a Jesuit who had joined the teaching staff in Kilkenny in 1629 (see F. Finegan, `Jesuits in Kilkenny', Jesuit Year Book (1971), 9±23). The history covers the years 1641±50 (and 1655±62). The extract notes that plays were put on in the Jesuit schools, something that the playbill for Titvs, or the Palme of Christian Covrage con®rms (see under Kilkenny in section 7.2). The Jesuits had established a Kilkenny residence and school by 1618, though precisely where is not known. Their mission prospered. By the 1640's, it was ripe for expansion, and the Jesuits were put in possession of the grounds of the disolved Augustinian priory of St John's as a site for their college. The original manuscript of St Leger's history, thought to be in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome, has eluded location. This antiquarian transcription may be its only known witness. Thirteenth Report, pp. 63±4. This passage identi®es a class of malefactors, including amongst them entertainers (here, rhymers and Irish harpers). The original document was in English. This set of annals for the years 1443±68 was translated in Dublin in 1666 by An Dubhaltach Mac Firbisigh (²1670) for Sir James Ware, from a lost Irish original. The events related in this passage took place in Eile UõÂ Chearbhaill (Ely O'Carroll), a territory in north co. Tipperary and north-west co. Offaly. `Rath-Imayn' (line 23) is Rathangan, co. Kildare, on the north-east extremity of co. Offaly. According to Irish calendars, the feast of the two Sinchells referred to in line 10 was celebrated on

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26 March. A gairm scoile (a `summons to an assembly of bards') was issued, and some two thousand seven hundred were said to have participated in the convention.  Cearbhaill, hosted it, and the names of the guests Margaret, daughter of Tadhg O were entered onto a roll by Gilla na naem Mac AedhagaÂin (lines 15±16), hereditary  Conchobhair Failghe, referred to in line 6. The lawyer to Margaret's husband, O guests included `gamsters' (line 13), and the poets, musicians and historians referred to in line 18. They received not only hospitality from Margaret but gifts into the bargain. It is not surprising, then, that when she died in 1451, these men of art lamented her passing and so helped to hand down her memory gilded to posterity. On the institution of the gairm scoile, see K. Simms, `Guesting and Feasting in Gaelic Ireland', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 108 (1978), 67±100. Seventeenth Report, pp. 237±40. Lines 2±3: `Eoin Mac Egan and Gilbert O'Bardan, two skilled young harpers of Conmaicne, died.' The place Conmaicne mentioned in line 3 was probably Conmaicne-Cuile-Toladh, now the barony of Kilmaine, south co. Mayo. Seventeenth Report, pp. 162±4. Kilmallock (line 2) is a town in the barony of Kilmallock, co. Limerick. Lines 2±6: `To all, et cetera. You shall have known that we by common assent and by our will have conceded to Thomas Casse, beloved in Christ, and to his heirs on account of his praiseworthy service rendered to us and to [our] hospital hitherto and to be rendered in future, that tenement that Reginald le Harper and Richard le Lother formerly held in our residence of the hospital of Any. . . .'. `Any' (line 6) is Cnoc Aine, or Knockainy, a town a little to the west of Hospital, in the barony of Small County, co. Limerick. The preceptory of St John the Baptist was in the neighbourhood of Knockany, and gave its name to the town of Hospital. Opposite line 2 in the left margin is written an a-shaped nota mark; opposite in the right margin is written: pro Thoma Casse & heredibus Twelfth Report, p. 71. Knockgraffon is a parish in the barony of Middlethird, four and a quarter miles south of Cashel, co. Tipperary. Lines 1±8: `Let those present and to come know that I, Peter, son of Phillip, have given, granted and con®rmed by this my present charter to John de la Barre a messuage as far as it may be built with a garden and croft, which lies within the burgage of Knocktopher in the tenement of Ballypaan . . . With the following witnesses: John Rys, Phillip Rys, William Rys, Robert son of John, Hugh le Harper, Henry son of Roger, William son of Adam, and others. Given at Knocktopher on the ®fth day of December, in the third regnal year of King Edward. . . . The charter of Peter son of Phillip concerning a messuage in Knocktopher.' Since the palaeography of this deed dates to the late thirteenth century, the King Edward of line 7 must be Edward I. An a-shaped nota sign is written opposite the main entry and also opposite the inscription on the dorse. Lines 1±6: `Let those present and to come know that I, Eve, daughter of Phillip le Potter, have given, conceded and con®rmed in this present charter to Olive, daughter of Walter, one patch of land (vicum nominem?) ¯ight of steps of the cemetery of the church of Knocktopher in the north part . . . With the following witnesses: John le Blund, Phillip Rys, Clement Rys, William Barret, Walter Had, Walter son of William, Hugh le Harper, William le Potter and others.' Twelfth Report, pp. 78±9. `Wony' (line 3) was Onie Mac Rory O'Moore, a Leinster rebel, against whom the Lord Deputy Sir Charles Blount was campaigning. O'Moore was under attack at this time. On 16 August he sent Blount the letter referred to in line 3, but Blount forwarded it to his fool, Neale Moore, to reply to. Lines 2±37: `And now back to our Lecale, where, amongst the various things which roused our mirth, there came one night after dinner certain maskers, Irish noblemen, four in number, if I remember rightly. First they sent us preposterous letters

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(according to the old expression) which, after cordially greeting us, announced that they were certain forreigners, recently arrived in those parts, and that they were very keen on spending an hour or two with us. And after getting permission, they enter in this order. First, a boy with a lighted torch, then two [men] beating drums, then the maskers themselves, two by two, then another torch. One of the maskers carried a dirty handkerchief with ten pounds in it, not in bullion, but in the new currency recently minted, which has a harp on one side and the royal arms on the other. They were dressed in shirts with ivy leaves sown on, thickly in some places, and thinly in others, and over their faces they had masks made out of rabbit skin, with holes to see out of, and their noses were made of paper, with high, conical helmets (in the Persian manner), also made from paper and decorated with the same leaves. Let me be brief: we play at dice, now with drum rolls from their side, now with trumpet ¯ourishes from ours. For a long time an uncertain contest is fought. At length the maskers lose and depart cleaned out. Now whoever has seen a dog struck by a stick or a stone running outside with its tail hanging between its legs might have seen those maskers going home penniless, dispirited, in confusion, without saying goodbye. And they say that each of them had ®ve or six thousand paces [to go] to his home, and it was two hours after midnight. Now I will tell you of another jest or gambol which, amongst many, the domestics of Master Moryson presented for us. Two servants squatted on the ground in the way women do (reverently let it be said) when they defecate in open ®eld, except that the servants' backsides pressed upon the ground. Their hands were tied together so that they embraced their knees between them, and a stick was placed between the bend of their arms and legs so that they could not move their arms in any way. Between fore®nger and thumb of each hand they held a certain small stick about a foot in length and sharpened at the further end. These two servants are placed in the following way: one faces the other at about an ell's distance. When these things have been arranged, the two start to approach each other, and tackling with his feet, each tries to topple his opponent; for once thrown over he can never recover himself, but he offers his backside to be prodded with the small stick previously mentioned. This made us laugh for a whole hour so much that the tears streamed from our eyes; and the wife of Phillip the cook laughed and the kitchen maid too, who were both present. You would have said that some barber-surgeon were there to whom everyone was showing their teeth'. This important document was written by Captain Josias Bodley (c. 1550±1618), younger brother of the more famous Sir Thomas who gave his name to the eponymous library in Oxford, who entered military service around 1594. He spent several years thereafter serving in Ireland (see DNB, V, 755±6). The Christmastide entertainments that he describes probably took place at Downpatrick in the barony of Lecale Upper, co. Down. The scene is set after supper, when Bodley and his friends were ready for recreation. The maskers were Irish nobles, not low-class carrowes, to be sure, but for the rest, the salient features of their performance beg comparison with the carrowes as already glimpsed in many documents of this Repertory. There were four in all, so evidently they operated as a group on this occasion. They assumed a ®ctitious identity, announcing it in letters sent in to the company in advance. When they entered, they did so dramatically, preceeded ®rst by a boy with a blazing torch and then by two drummers. They themselves entered in two pairs, and ®nally there came another torchbearer. The appearance of these `forreigners' seems especially to have struck Bodley, for he recorded it carefully: shirts with ivy leaves sown on, rabbit-skin masks with paper noses, and headdresses which were conical paper affairs similarly covered with ivy leaves. The action at the centre of this garnish was a game of dice, punctuated with drum rolls and trumpet ¯ourishes. It may be suspected that the evening's entertainment was a hybrid of English and Irish forms. Elements of the upper-class English pastime of masking are clearly apparent in it, especially in the way in which it was stage-managed. Irish input into the Lecale performance might be suspected in the

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way in which the maskers dressed: their conical headdresses seem to foreshadow those still worn by the Ulster strawboys for mummings. The second entertainment to be described, played by the domestics of the household, is a late Elizabethan Irish analogue of the game played in Henry Medwall's late ®fteenth-century interlude Fulgens and Lucres, there called Farte Prycke in Cule (see A. J. Fletcher, ` ``Farte Prycke in Cule'': A Late-Elizabethan Analogue from Ireland', Medieval English Theatre 8 (1986), 134±9). Another copy of the document, in BL, MS Additional 4784, ff. 93v-4v, is generally an inferior witness and contains no variants of present interest. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), p. 18 col. a. It is unclear whether Meleaghlin O'Brenian was of Leitrim town or somewhere else in co. Leitrim. Fifteenth Report, p. 83. The place-names immediately surrounding this reference locate in co. Limerick, hence the localization attributed here. Fifteenth Report, p. 87. This record of a progress of Sir Henry Sidney through Munster contains a valuable account of a provincial Irish civic reception at a relatively early date. First, after being met by a company of men sent out by the earl of Desmond, Sidney's escort from Killmalock returned home (lines 3±7). Then Sidney approached Limerick and was greeted by the mayor and aldermen (lines 7±9). He entered the Base Town or Irishtown to the sound of artillery ®re (see Fig. 5), where Bartholomew White gave an oration in his honour (lines 10±12). Crossing the bridge (see Fig. 5), Sidney entered the High Town: Sir Jacques Wing®eld carried the Sword of State before him, and as in Waterford, so here too Ulster King of Arms, who probably rode by Wing®eld's side, wore the coat of arms of England; the mayor, bearing his mace, rode with the queen's sarjeant of arms, and both went in front of Ulster King of Arms and Sir Jacques Wing®eld (lines 12±18). As Sidney made his way towards St Mary's Cathedral, he passed in the street a political pageant declaring the state of the city (lines 19±20). Finally he was received at St Mary's by the bishop of Limerick, Hugh Lacy (another of those recognized by Crown and papacy), and his clergy, and a liturgy was offered (lines 30±6). This document records Sir Henry Sidney's re¯ections on another civic reception into Limerick, but its circumstances are less clear than those of the earlier one (see the previous item above). The document also may hint at similar receptions having been laid on at Cork and at Waterford (lines 6±7). Opposite in the left margin is written: His arriual at Lymeryke Little is known of the author of the Tretice, John Dymmok (and see endnote 557 above). Another manuscript copy of it, in London, Inner Temple Library, MS 538, Vol. 35, ff. 49±69v, contains no variants of present interest. J. Ferrar, The History of Limerick (Limerick, 1787), p. 114. The source of this document is the (now missing) `Davis manuscript', a rhyming chronicle of Limerick to 1680. The document seems to be narrating the same episode as the one given next (see s.a. 1637 and endnote 632). 1637 is the correct date of the event, and so `1636' (line 1) should be disregarded. Another manuscript (now in the possession of the Roman Catholic bishop of Limerick) entitled The Annals of the City and Diocess of Limerick, by one Fr. James White, describes on p. 60 the visit by the Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth to Limerick as part of his progress through Connacht, and also states that the visit occurred on 19 August 1636. Though Ferrar's History and the Annals share an unreliable date, that does not imply that other aspects of their descriptions are necessarily unreliable too. The Annals add a few other precise details, such as the fact that Wentworth stayed for nine days, that ®fty young men of the city formed his guard, that he knighted the mayor, Dominic White, at his departure at St John's Gate, and that he gave silver gilt cup worth £60 to the corporation. The excerpt given above indicates that Limerick had a civic barge that was used for Wentworth's transport (line 6). Sir Thomas Wentworth's correspondent in this letter, Edward Conway, Viscount

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634

635

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Conway and Killultagh (1594±1655), came from a family interested in such devices as the letter describes: his father had been a collector of masques, including a recently discovered one by Ben Jonson, The Key Keeper (I am grateful to James Knowles for this information; and see further endnote 635). Wentworth began by listing the orations he had heard ± one in Carlow (`Casterlaghe', line 8), three in Kilkenny, two `very deadly long ones' in Clonmel, and four in Limerick (lines 8±9) ± before proceeding to sketch the pageantry presented in Limerick, from where his letter was addressed. Although Wentworth seems more interested in displaying the urbanity of his response to this provincial pomp than in documenting its content, some of this can still be recovered by reading between the lines. Part of the deÂcor for the civic reception included that characteristically seventeenth-century ingredient, the triumphal arch with ornaments and inscriptions (lines 10±11; compare Kilkenny's use also of a triumphal arch in various entries under Kilkenny above, s.a. 1637). The Limerick pageant forms were heavily classical. Cupids, Apollo, ancient genii and laureate poets all featured (line 12), and the centrepiece that attracted Wentworth's closest attention, though again not without ironic in¯ection in the telling, was evidently a pageant machine presenting the seven planets (lines 13±20). These were somehow set in circular motion, and an actor (or actors) in each planetary sphere sang Wentworth's praises. The sphere of the sun was also made to squirt `sweet waters' (perfume?) onto Wentworth and his entourage. Even in Limerick ± a relatively small city in the west of Ireland remote from the London court ± it was possible for a pageant machine to be prepared pretending to the height of fashion. The Limerick device begs comparison with the engine that Inigo Jones had contrived only some six years earlier for the Whitehall performance of Tempe Restord, a masque in which to the sound of music: `In the midst of the ayre the eight Spheares in rich habites were seated on a Cloud, which in a circular forme was on each side continued vnto the highest part of the Heaven, and seem'd to haue let them downe as in a Chaine.' (E. K. Chambers, ed. Aurelian Townshend's Poems and Masks (Oxford, 1912), p. 90.) There is a second copy of this letter in SCA, Wentworth Woodhouse Muniments, Strafford Letter Book 10, pp. 43±4, though collation is unneccessary since it is a copy. Eighteenth Report, p. 31. Liscarroll is a town and parish in the barony of Orrery and Kilmore, co. Cork. This is the interrogation of Gerald Fitz James Desmond, inhabitant of Lismore, concerning any entertainment had by Cormac O'Connor from Gerald Fitz James FitzGerald, the fourteenth earl of Desmond. The document (as opposed to the event it relates) is dated 3 January 1565. `Lisnrg' (line 19) is probably a contracted form of Lisnagarvy (in the barony of Massereene Upper, co. Antrim). On the addressee of the letter, Edward Conway, Viscount Conway and Killultagh, see endnote 632 above. This item bears valuable witness to Conway's household musical establishment. The musician Thomas Richardson, with three others, came to Ireland in Conway's service sometime in 1633, but Conway subsequently left Ireland, sometime before 9 February 1635, following which the fortunes of the Lisnagarvy consort took a turn for the worse. Debilitated by the sickness of two of its members, the consort was on the verge of breaking up. Richardson, who had acquired a wife and child, was inclined to settle in Ireland, and wrote to Conway the petition given above asking him for a parcel of land in his territory of Killultagh, co. Antrim. He presumably intended to farm it as one of Conway's tenants, and promised to accept no other noble patronage without Conway's prior consent. It appears that Conway had made provision with his estate manager, Sir George Rawdon, for some such eventuality, since Richardson reminded him of the arrangement. If Richardson's petition was granted and he was allowed to turn his hand to farming, he would not have ended up doing anything unusual by Irish standards for a member of his profession. Sir Richard Boyle's household

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643 644 645

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musicians were his tenants too (the heriot cows that he sometimes made over to them probably went towards swelling their herds; see under Boyle in section 5.5 Households, 30 March 1627). Richardson's petition is evidence that by the 1620's and 1630's, the performing arts had also started sending down roots in the New English plantation households of Ulster. Lines 2±6: `Magnus, son of Brian Mac Donnchadha, that is, abbot of the monastery of the Trinity on Loch CeÂ, a man who was the preserving shrine and casket of the bounty and prowess of Ireland, and the man who, of all that had come down from Tomaltach of the Rock, had given and presented most to poets and musicians, and to men of every craft, died at Cill DuibhdhuÂin, and was buried on Trinity Island on Loch CeÂ.' As in many other Irish obituaries, so here, generosity to performing artists is carefully recorded as evidence of the merits of the deceased. Twelfth Report, p. 83. The original document was in English. Lines 2±4: `Calends of January, seventh feria, twenty-sixth of the moon, Anno Domini 633. The slaughter of two sons of Aedh Slaine by Conall, son of Suibne, at Loch Treitni opposite Fremainn, that is, Congal king of Brega and Ailill the harper, ancestor of SõÂl DluÂthaig.' The Annals of Ulster are for the most part out by one year, hence the corrected dating of the excerpt indicated above. The interpolated text (line 2) is in the hand of Cathal Mac Maghnusa. Lough Drin is a little to the east of Mullingar, co. Westmeath. The copy of the Annals of Ulster in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 489, has no variants. Lines 2±4: `Naisse, son of Cithruadh, the most eminent musician that was in Ireland, was drowned on Loch Gill, and his wife the daughter of Mac Donnchadha, and Athairne, the son of Matthew Glas.' Eighteenth Report, p. 123. (The date 1602 in line 3 is Old Style.) Mallow is a town and parish in the barony of Fermoy, co. Cork. Eighth Report, p. 154. Edmund O Floyn (line 1) may have been harper to `Walter Bermyngham, of Meylerston, county Kildare, gent.', who is cited at the start of the ®ant. Note that according to Morrin, Calendar, I, 293, the enrolled pardon gave the Christian name Edward instead of Edmund. The place-name `Meylerstowne' is problematic. Milestown, co. Dublin, is the place-name closest to co. Kildare with the nearest comparable spelling, followed by Millerstown, co. Westmeath. Thirteenth Report, p. 53. The Index to the ®ants declares `Mohar' to be in co. Longford, and this location has been accepted for the piper Conor Maglawey (line 2). However, while several modern places named Moher are to be found throughout Ireland, none is in co. Longford. Eighteenth Report, p. 113. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), p. 26 cols a-b. Sir William Russell was Lord Deputy at this date. It is possible to deduce which Money was intended (there are several in Ireland) from the surrounding place-names that the Journal mentions. These are predominantly in co. Wexford. Therefore, Money in the barony of Scarawalsh, co. Wexford, is probably the one intended here. Opposite in the left margin is written: Mince | Willis Eighteenth Report, p. 39. Moreagh is in the barony of Carbery East, co. Cork. Lines 2±17: `Let all present and to come know that I, Milo le Bret, have given and conceded and con®rmed in this my present charter a messuage in the residence of Moyglare with [its] courtyard and all buildings . . . With the following witnesses: Lord Milo le Bret of Moyhacin, John le Brun, Prior Andrew, Walter, son of Andrew, Walter Godfrey, William Walens, David le Harper, Roger Steward, and many others . . . To all christian faithful who will see or hear these letters and to Roger, painter of Moyglare, everlasting greeting in the Lord. Your community shall have known that for my soul and the souls of my forebears and successors I have given and conceded a messuage in the residence of Moyglare [with] a courtyard and with all buildings in pure and perpetual alms to God and Saint Mary and the sick of the house of St John

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648

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650

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652 653 654

655

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without the Newgate of Dublin for their maintenance . . . With the following witnesses: Lord Milo le Bret of Moyhacin, John le Brun, Prior Stephen, Walter, son of Andrew, Walter Godfrey, William Walens, David le Harper, Roger Steward, and many others.' Opposite the ®rst deed is rubricated in the left margin: Moyclar. `Moyclar' is probably Moyglare, a parish in the barony of Upper Deece, co. Meath. Although the concerns of this document pertain to co. Meath, it is not clear where David le Harper was active. The deed may have been witnessed in Dublin. `Moyhacin' (or `Mayhacin'; lines 5 and 15) seems to have been Rodanstown, co. Meath. Lines 2±6: `Calends of January, the age of the Lord one thousand and four hundred and four score and six years. Mac Diarmata of Moylurg, that is, Ruaidhri, son of  edh, pillar of generosity and valour, and chief supporter and Ruaidhri, son of A maintainer of poetic bands and gamblers, and fosterer of poets and exiles and needy men, the most humane and bountiful man of his own time, died in this year.' Moylurg was a territory in the barony of Boyle, co. Roscommon. Eighteenth Report, p. 111. Mulrankin is a townland in the parish of the same name, in the barony of Bargie, nearly seven miles south-south-west of Wexford, co. Wexford. Mills, Calendar . . . XXXIII to XXXV, pp. 127±8. This plea was heard at Naas before Justiciar John Wogan. It provides evidence for the organization of inter-village games at this date. Lines 2±24: `The young people singing loudly, carolling throughout the whole town, go to work with great joy. And the priests, when they have sung [Mass], go to work at the fosse . . . Three hundred there are of them, as I think, both great and small, and they go carolling loudly . . . a good four hundred go there on that day in great array, and they carol and sing loudly . . . and when they have brought as much stone as they please, they go singing round the fosse before they wish to return to the town. And when they have returned to the town the great ladies meet together and play and drink and carol and talk of pleasant things.' The curious ordering of folios evident here (from f. 61 backwards to f. 55v) is explained by the fact that the manuscript is disarranged; see A. M. and P. J. Lucas, `Reconstructing a Disarranged Manuscript: The Case of Harley 913, A Medieval Hiberno-English Miscellany', Scriptorium 44 (1990), 286±99. Of present interest is the communal carolling of the townspeople of New Ross during the construction of their town wall. On the activities associated with carolling, see R. L. Greene, ed. The Early English Carols, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1977), pp. xxi-lxxx. Rubricated rhyme braces link the couplets on f. 55v. Thirteenth Report, p. 161. Fifteenth Report, pp. 153±4. Lines 2±4: `Piers, son of James, son of Edmund Butler, who would have been earl of Ormond, was killed on the night of Shrove Tuesday, in the house of Donnchadh Oirech Mac Gilla Patraic in Ossory, by Donnchadh's blacksmith while dancing. He was afterwards buried in the monastery of Cuil.' (Cuil was possibly Kilcooley, co. Kilkenny.) Eighteenth Report, p. 85. `Pallace' (line 2) is either Pallas Beg or Pallas More, adjacent townlands in the parish of Forgney, about a mile and a half south-east of Ballymahon, in the barony of Shrule, co. Longford. Seventeenth Report, p. 259. There are two possible candidates for `Parke' (line 2) in co. Offaly, one in the barony of Ballyboy, the other in the barony of Garrycastle. It is not clear which is intended here. Eighteenth Report, p. 66. Raghra is in the barony of Garrycastle, co. Offaly. Lines 2±7: `After SeaÂn mantach's perpetration of that incestuous murder on the fosterer of Ireland's poets and strollers, professors, orphans and jesters, it was not long when God gripped him, as was but due to the wickedness by which he had earned it: four quarters were made of him, and his limbs broken up small into little pieces, and they were distributed among Ireland's cities; the men of art satirizing him

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Notes to section 5

when they used to see those limbs. His head was in Limerick, in the shambles . . .'. This item refers to the decapitation of James Fitz Thomas Fitz James FitzGerald, eighth earl of Desmond, by John manntach Fitz Edmund Fitzgibbon at Rathkeale in 1487. (The item elsewhere mistakenly refers to him as the ninth earl, and puts his death in 1486.) (Another copy of this text in RIA, MS 154 (23 M 18), has no variants of interest.) At the bottom of the extract given above, on p. 290, is a scribal note: Riosdaird Tviber do sgriobh (on 15 July 1719). Lines 2±7: `Though it would be hard to excel that ®rst Allen of the tribe of Baoisgne, this second Allen, a castle with ®rm, stately towers, is better when looked upon. Its muster of valiant heroes is greater, more its youths, more its companies of women. More numerous around the long-lashed scion of Murbhach are poets visiting the mansion, more numerous the variety of its musicians, its reciters of soothing tales, more numerous the royal host of light-hearted women, ever weaving diverse golden  Huiginn, Irish Texts Society embroideries'. (The translation of Knott, Tadhg Dall O  hUiginn is to be 23, pp. 130±1, has been adapted here.) This poem of Tadhg dall O dated before 1587, the year in which Sir John Perrot (on whom see under Perrot in section 4.10) lured the poem's addressee, Domhnall Mac Suibhne FaÂnad, onto his  hUiginn was principally active (see ship, and after c. 1570, the date from which O  Huiginn, Irish Texts Society 23, p. 269; also, see endnote 501 Knott, Tadhg Dall O above). Musicians and tale-tellers are part of the aristocratic staple of Rathmullan Castle. Seventeenth Report, p. 180. Rattoo is a parish in the baronies of Iraghticonnor and Clanmaurice, nearly seven miles west-south-west of Listowel, co. Kerry. Line 2: `Magrath O'Finnaghty, chief musician and timpaÂn player to the SõÂl Muiredaigh, died'. The SõÂl Muiredaigh (line 2) were a tribe in co. Roscommon. Lines 2±10: `Mac Diarmada, that is, Ruaidhri, the son of Tadhg Mac Diarmada, had an encampment about SgeithõÂn-na-gcenn, and about Fuaran-Maighe-Ai, pillaging the Cluainte, and the inhabitants of Uõ Mhaine, from May Day to Michaelmas, for he left not a house without burning [it], nor a corn ®eld without cutting [it] down, from Tochar-choill-an-chairn to Oil®nn, of all that belonged to the posterity of Donnchadh O'Ceallaigh, or to the posterity of Cathal Ruadh O'Conchobhair; and it is not possible to reckon or ever explain all the plunder and spoils that he took from them; and there was not in Ireland a camp in which horses and armour, meat and wine, musicians, minstrels, and men of art, gallowglasses, mercenaries and Scots, were more numerous than that camp of Mac Diarmada'. The events described here are of Mac Diarmada's harrying from Togher, co. Roscommon, to Oil®nn. His encampments were about SgeithõÂn-na-gcenn (ie., Skehinagan, co. Roscommon) and about Fuaran-Maighe-Ai (ie., Oran, a parish in the barony of Ballymoe, co. Roscommon). The Cluainte (`The Plains') referred to in line 3 was the name of a district in the barony and county of Roscommon; Uõ Mhaine referred to in line 4 covered an area in co. Galway and co. Roscommon. Lines 1±8: `The calends of January on Sunday, in the year of the Lord 1636. Brian oÂg, son of Brian, son of Ruaidhri, son of Tadhg, son of Ruaidhri oÂg, that is, a lord of Moylurg, and of Airtech, and of Tir-Tuathail, the best man of his age, and estate, and high lordship, that came of the Gaeidhel of the west of Europe in his own time; for it was he that presented and dispensed most to professors and poets, and to men of art; to visitors, companies, and strangers; to innocent, devout persons, and to pure orders; to paupers, to widows, and people of little property; to the deaf and blind, and to the poor of God; to chiefs, princes, and great champions; to nobles, minstrels, and to great seniors . . .'. `mvighe lvirg' (line 2) is Moylurg, a territory in the barony of Boyle; `airtigh' (line 2) is Airtech, a territory in the parish of Tibohine, in the barony of Frenchpark; and `tõÂre tvathail' (line 2) is Tir-Tuathail, a territory including the parish of Kilronan. All these place-names are in co. Roscommon.

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Twelfth Report, p. 28. Ross is a townland in the barony of Kilkenny West, co. Westmeath. The original document was in English. Eighteenth Report, pp. 89±90. Other place-names in this ®ant are either Kildare or in co. Kildare, hence the tentative attribution to co. Kildare here. Lines 1±5: `Let those present and to come know that I, John, son of John, have given, conceded and con®rmed by this my present charter a messuage to Nicholas Long, as far as it may be built in the tenement of Sheepstown . . . With the following witnesses: Hugh the clerk, Matthew Monsel, Matthew the chamberlain, Stephen, son of John, Walter le Harper, Henry, son of Roger, and many others'. The palñography of this deed dates to c. 1300. `Balnegerach' (line 3) is probably Sheepstown, in the parish of Knocktopher, in the barony of Knocktopher, co. Kilkenny. Walter le Harper may also be the man mentioned in the quitclaim of Walter Ball; see above under Ballygrunnagh, 2 May 1293). Thirteenth Report, p. 46. Shronell, nearly three miles west of Tipperary town, in the barony of Clanwilliam, co. Tipperary, was often regarded in the sixteenth century as being in co. Limerick rather than in co. Tipperary. Twelfth Report, p. 35. Siddan is a village in the barony of Slane Lower, four miles east-south-east of Nobber, co. Meath. The man answering charges here, Donogh O'Connor, was one of the O'Connor Sligo family, hence the location attributed above. `Richarde Barrt harper' (line 3) was probably Richard Barrett, a son of the baron of Ennis (see further the letter of Sir Henry Wallop and Sir Robert Gardener to Burghley in section 5.2, 10 January 1596, and endnote 116). The document is signed at the bottom: Donoghe o. conor Sligo Thirteenth Report, p. 196. `Yonge and Sale' (line 3) were William Yonge and John Sale, merchants of Cashel. Synone is a townland in the barony of Middlethird, co. Tipperary. Lines 1±5: `Then red meat from iron spits, and bragget and new ale and milk water (?) for warriors amd briggands, and druÂith and cup-bearers carving and serving for them. Heads and feet (?) next and . . . of all [kinds of] cattle to charioteers and jugglers and for the rabble and common people, with charioteers and jugglers and doorkeepers carving and dispensing for them'. This prose account of the Suidigud Tellaig Temra (the `Settling of the Manor of Tara') was composed in the Middle Irish period; Â riu 4 (1910), 121±67. The events see R. I. Best, `The Settling of the Manor of Tara', E are set in the reign of Diarmait mac Cerbaill, king of Tara, 545±65. The nobles of Ireland had refused to attend the feast of Tara until of®cial limits had been ®xed to the extent of Tara's royal domain. Another copy of this text in CHL, Book of Lismore, has no variants of present interest. In this extract, certain of the servers at table were also performing artists. John Bale, The Vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Irelande (Wesel?, 1553; STC 1307), f. 31. The passage relates Bale's prevarications to avoid saying a Mass that had been requested of him for the repose of the soul of Edward VI. The date originally appointed for the requiem was Saturday and Sunday of 10 and 11 September. This is the only evidence to have survived of pageants having been performed at Thomastown. The `Kob Dauie' (read `Rob Dauie', line 7) was a special drink containing brandy. Lines 2±7: `From Radulf the villager for Philip le Hore, 1d; from the same for Thomas le Deveneys, 1d; from the same for William, son of Thomas Matthew, 1d farthing and at the feast of St Michael, 1d; from the same for Robert, son of David the harper, 4d; from the same for Thomas Gilleon, 1d'. The text in angle brackets has been deduced from the consistent wording of the preceding entries. Â a Coinnecen, chief professor of the north of Ireland, Lines 2±3: `The timpaÂn player U was killed with his wife and with his people by the Cenel-Conaill.' A comparable passage in Bodl., MS Rawlinson B. 489, has no substantive variants. Much of the contents of the Annals of Ulster up to the year 1220 is also to be found in the Annals

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685

Notes to section 5

of Loch CeÂ; however, since this 1177 entry has no substantive variants there, it has not been recorded. Lines 2±4: `Gilla Isa Mac Fhirbhisigh, professor of Uõ Fiachrach Muaidhe, a most eminent man of history, and of storytelling and of poetry and of computation and of many other arts died in this year.' Uõ Fiachrach Muaidhe was a district co-extensive with the barony of Tireragh, co. Sligo. This record associates storytelling and senchas. Opposite in the left margin is written in another hand: Giolla iosa mac ®r bhisigh. Seventeenth Report, p. 255. `Tobberdower' (line 2) was either in co. Carlow or co. Wexford, to judge by the surrounding place-names of the ®ant, which locate in these two counties. Seventeenth Report, p. 271. The ®ant probably relates to co. Clare, since this is where the place-names mentioned in it locate. The county has two Toonaghs, however, one in the barony of Bunratty Upper, the other in the barony of Inchiquin. Of the two, that in Bunratty Upper may be intended, because the succeeding place-name Knappoge (in the barony of Clonderlaw) is closer to the Toonagh of the barony of Bunratty Upper than that of the barony of Inchiquin. Lines 2±6: `Niall, the son of Conn, son of Aodh buõÂ, son of Brian Ballagh O'Neill, lord of Trian-Congail, a man of general hospitality, exalter of the [religious] orders and of the churches, a successful and triumphant man, who had not paid tribute to the Clann-Neill or Clann-Daly, or to the deputy of the king of England ± a man of very long prosperity and life, and a man well skilled in the arts, both of history, poetry and music, died on 11 April.' Trian-Congail was a region in co. Down and co. Antrim, roughly coextensive with the baronies of Upper and Lower Clannaboy. Lines 1±4: `O scion of Conn, O curly-haired, noble, graceful MaÂg ShamradaÂin, I see you playing chess and I hear music that charms [you], a dark, goodly chess-king. Musicians skilfully playing on cool brass strings, steadily producing their notes, we [poets] striving [in recitation] during the banquet with the accompaniment of (?) gold harps'. (The translation of L. McKenna, ed. The Book of Magauran (Dublin, 1947), p. 299, has been adapted here.) This poem was addressed to Brian MaÂg ShamradaÂin (²1298). His residence was in Tullyhaw, a barony in co. Cavan. Lines 2±3: `O dear, sweet-voiced Brian, generous, princely leader, in return for stories of the FeÂni you do bestow (?) a horse on the timpaÂn players. More appropriate still is the subject of my speech, praise being bestowed on you!' (The translation of McKenna, Book of Magauran, p. 310, has been adapted here.) This poem was addressed to Brian MaÂg ShamradaÂin (²1298). The poet, Giolla PaÂdraig Mac Naimhin, in the course of asking his patron for a horse, remarks on his generosity to timpaÂn players, of whom Mac Naimhin would have been one himself. Lines 2±3: `Liag's Branch [that is, MaÂghnus MaÂg ShamradaÂin] never sleeps but to the sounds of harp or sweet-stringed timpaÂn; [only] brass strings can make the lashes  hUiginn close over his two hyacinth-blue eyes.' This poem, addressed by Raghnall O to MaÂghnus MaÂg ShamradaÂin (²1303), notes the sopori®c use of harp and timpaÂn; a ure which other sources also attest. Lines 2±3: `Many are the harps skilfully played at Tullyhaw; that land with its cattle  hUiginn to is never raided; it is a ®ery hearth.' This poem, addressed by Niall O TomaÂs MaÂg ShamradaÂin (1303±43), uses harp playing as a metaphor for the peace and prosperity of Tullyhaw. Lines 2±3: `Fergal MaÂg ShamradaÂin, chieftain of Tullyhaw, a man who was praised by the poetic bands and by the crosaÂin of Ireland, [died] between Easter [that is, 6 April] and May Day'. MaÂg ShamradaÂin is celebrated for behaving well to poetic bands and crosaÂin. Sixteenth Report, pp. 65±6. The barony of Tullyhunco is in the parish of Killashandra, co. Cavan. The original document was in English.  Ceallaigh was lord of Uõ Mhaine, a territory extending from Clontuskert, William O

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Notes to section 5

686

687

688

689

573

co. Roscommon, southwards to the boundary of co. Clare, and from Athlone  Ceallaigh's invitation westwards to See®n and Athenry in present co. Galway. O was to a gairm scoile (a `summons to an assembly of bards'; see also endnote 614 above). It has been suggested that the event occurred on the site of the Castle of Gallach, Castle Blakeney, co. Galway; also, at the castle of Galey on Lough Ree, co.  Ceallaigh's  ireann go hAointeach: William O Roscommon (see E. Knott, `Filidh E Christmas Feast to the Poets of Ireland, A.D. 1351', EÂriu 5 (1911), 50±69). This item is expanded in the related poetic account immediately following below (and see endnote 686). Lines 2±15: `The musicians of Ireland ± vast the ¯ock ± the followers of every craft in general, the ¯ood of companies, side by side ± the tryst of all is to one house. In preparation for those who come to the house there has been built ± it is just to boast of it ± according to the desire of the master of the place, a castle ®t for apple-treed Emain. There are sleeping booths for the company, wrought of woven branches, on the bright surface of the pleasant hills. The poets of the Irish land are prepared to seek O'Kelly. A mighty company is approaching his house, an avenue of peaked hostels is in readiness for them. Hard by that ± pleasant is the aspect ± a separate street has been appointed by William for the musicians that they may be ready to perform before him. The chroniclers of comely Ireland, it is a gathering of a mighty host, the company is in the town; where is the street of the chroniclers? The fair, generous-hearted host have another spacious avenue of white houses for the bardic companies and the jugglers' (Knott, `Filidh EÂireann go hAointeach'; her translation  DaÂlaigh has been adopted here). The author of the poem was Gofraidh Fionn O (²1387). He relates that a temporary wattle village was constructed for the visitors  Ceallaigh's castle, and was apparently also sectioned according to their next to O profession. Thus poets had their quarter, and a `street' each was assigned to various sorts of entertainer: to lucht senma (`people of instrumental music', `musicians'), senchaide (`reciters of lore'), clõÂara (`poetic bands') and clesaigi (`jugglers'). Another manuscript containing this poem, Franciscan Library, Killiney, MS A 25, has no variants of present interest. Wood and Langman, Calendar, p. 314. The event happened in Waterford and the case is a Crown plea heard before Edmund le Botiller, 4 February 1314. This account of Sir Henry Sidney's civic entry into Waterford begins with his arrival by water, attended by the burgesses of Waterford (lines 4±14). After mooring on the quays, Sidney was met by the mayor, sheriffs and aldermen, and a loyal oration delivered. This included some rehearsal of the city's privileges (lines 14±20). Sidney thanked the citizens for their sentiments, entered the city, and witnessed a pageant within the gate (lines 20±5). The syntax of the narrative seems to have been disrupted at this point; it is highly likely that some text has been lost. Coming where it does, this lacuna unfortunately obscures what sort of pageant it was, save that someone `verye well decked' (line 24) gave an oration from it. Yet another oration greeted Sidney on his way to his lodging (lines 25±6). He was escorted to the lodging by the mayor, Ulster King of Arms and the aldermen (lines 26±9). Sidney was also received in another procession ± exactly when is unclear ± by the bishop of Waterford, Patrick Walsh, and his clergy. Walsh was one of those who had succeeded in being all things to all men, having won the recognition of both Crown and papacy: for all that he wore a cope, he and his clergy (tactfully enough for any Protestant sensibility) went `singinge the presescione {`procession'} in ingylshe {read inglyshe}' (lines 33±4), and they escorted Sidney with song to Christ Church Cathedral, where Sidney prayed before returning to his lodging (lines 34±5). This item occurs amongst Meredith Hanmer's notes (on Hanmer, see endnote 113). The curious reference to the `Lord of Cogg' (line 2) seems to be to some kind of traditional Christmastide disguising in Waterford. This is the only known mention of it. The date 1596, altered to 1593, appears at foot of this page in the manuscript.

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574 690

691 692 693

694 695

696

697

698

699

700

Notes to section 5

This document, a record of the civic entry of the Lord Deputy Sir Charles Blount into Waterford, is dated 5 May, but the occasion took place on 3 May. The correspondent, Humphrey May, was a gentleman usher to Blount. The Latin oration `At the crosse' (line 11) was presumably rendered at the High Cross in Waterford. Much of the political content of the oration has been digested in lines 12±17. This document is a translation into English of an Irish original. Thirteenth Report, pp. 145±6. Seventeenth Report, p. 216. Most of the place-names in this long ®ant either locate, or are likely to locate, in co. Wexford (apart from a couple that locate in co. Carlow). Also, the identi®able place-names nearest to the pipers mentioned here are in co. Wexford, hence the attribution. Calendar (Dublin, n.d.; between 1810±30), pp. 24 col. a ± 25 col. a. This extract is from an account in which Gerald Birn, its author, describes the visit of the company of horsemen mentioned in line 5 to the Wicklow rebel, Feagh McHugh O'Byrne. A harper was with them (lines 7±8), which would have doubtless sounded ominous in Sir John Perrot's ears. Eighteenth Report, pp. 50±2. The identi®able place-names of this ®ant locate in co. Wicklow, hence the attribution here. Some modern annotator has added in pencil `?1578' in the top left-hand corner of this document. However, its wording parallels almost exactly that of a patent roll entry of 8 October 1604 (J. C. Erck, A Repertory of the Inrolments on the Patent Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol. 1, Parts I-II (Dublin, 1846±52); Part I, 86). Sir Henry Harrington had a house in Grangegorman in Dublin (it is mentioned in the account of the Dublin franchise riding of 1603 in the White Book of Dublin Corporation; part of this account is given above under Dublin, 1603). He was active in co. Dublin and co. Wicklow. The patent roll entry (Erck, Repertory, p. 86) says: `To SIR HENRIE, and his sonne WILLIAM, HARRINGTON, esq., were graunted, on the 8th Oct., in the seconde yere, in consideration, of the services of said sir Henrie, and of his surrender of such of®ce, . . . the of®ce of seneschal and chief ruler of the whoall countrie, called O'Birnes countrie, and of the countries following, in co. DUBLIN; Culranell, La Ferture, Fer Cullen, Glancappe, and O Mayle, and of the inhabitantes of same, with the accustomed pro®ttes, dueties, preheminences, etc. . . .'. It then proceeds with the text given above, with one variant of present interest: line 2 [harper] ] om. Erck, Repertory, p. 86. This memorandum occurs in the latter part of the manuscript (for its arrangement, see the description given under Youghal Corporation in section 4.4) under a general heading of persons to be admitted to be inhabitants and fellow trades. Michael Skryne (line 3), ®rst on record here, is later extensively evidenced as one of the household musicians of Sir Richard Boyle (see below under Boyle in section 5.5, passim). Following `1615/' (line 4) there appears (the signature?): R Mintern The conditions of the admission of William Durant, painter and glazier, to the freedom of Youghal stipulate, amongst other things, that he must maintain the windows of the Tholsel in good repair at his own expense. However, he was exempt when they had been battered in by people wanting to get a good view of any visiting players whom the mayor may have licensed to perform inside (lines 17±18). The mayoral licensing of plays witnessed here is also of interest, since it was similarly common in England at this time (compare A. Douglas and P. Green®eld, eds. Records of Early English Drama: Cumberland Westmorland Gloucestershire (Toronto, 1986), pp. 362±3). The signature of the mayor is feint but legible, in the left margin of the document. A. B. Grosart, ed. The Lismore Papers (First Series), viz. Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and `Great' Earl of Cork, 5 vols (London, 1886), I, p. xix. Richard Gough was Mayor of Youghall in 1625±6, but his accounts, now preserved as CAI, F (i), are severely damaged. They no longer

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Notes to section 5

701

702

703

704

705

706

707 708 709

575

preserve the entry that Grosart read. In 1973, the Youghal Corporation documents were salvaged from the dire neglect into which they had been allowed to fall and taken to Cork. It appears that the original entry may have been lost during the period of neglect. The performance referred to may have been staged before the civic authorities. In England this was already a standard preliminary to the public playing of visiting companies (also compare the previous item and endnote 699). It is likely that the Youghal performance took place in the latter part of 1625. The visit of the King's Players may have been motivated by the plague that had closed the London theatres that year until about the last week of November (P. Edwards, G. E. Bentley, K. McLuskie and L. Potter, The Revels History of Drama in English Volume IV 1613± 1660 (London and New York, 1981), p. 71). This Irish leg of the itinerary of the King's Players is omitted from Gurr, Shakespearian Playing Companies, p. 391. This set of Boyle household accounts, like several excerpted below, were prepared by Thomas Jarie, a steward of the household. The document may be a holograph. The identity of `Mris Ann' (line 2) is unknown (Ann was not the name of Boyle's second wife, to whom by this date he was married, nor was she one of Boyle's daughters either, since in 1605 his daugher Ann would have been too young to be rewarding musicians). Though the document has been given a serial foliation, it is in fact a bifolium, the second verso of which is endorsed: To Jarie his Accompt of 70li sr These accounts were prepared by John Robins. Though the document has been given a serial foliation, it is in fact a bifolium, and is endorsed: Robins Accompt of xxxiiijli dd 20 martij 1605 These accounts were prepared by Thomas Jarie. The `Lord of hoathes musitions' (line 2) were those of Sir Nicholas St. Lawrence, eighth Lord Howth (²1607). This item provides further evidence for the existence of a musical establishment in his household. These accounts begin p. 1 and are disbursements since Michaelmas 1607. The item above falls between an earlier one for 25 December and a later one for 31 December, so a date between 25±31 December is likely. Lord Barry (line 2) was Lord David Barry. His son David, Viscount Barrymore, was created ®rst earl of Barrymore on 28 February 1628; in 1621, Sir Richard Boyle had af®liated himself intimately to the Barrys through the marriage of his eldest daughter Alice with Viscount Barrymore. `Mr Cleyton' (line 4) may have been Sir Randal Clayton, an English planter like Boyle, who was clerk of the council of Munster (B. Boydell, `The Earl of Cork's Musicians: A Study in the Patronage of Music in Early Seventeenth Century Anglo-Irish Society', Records of Early English Drama Newsletter 18 (1993), 1±15; see p. 14, note 63). `donnell the queenes harper' (line 4) was Daniel Duff O'Cahill. On his life and activities, see S. Donnelly, `A Cork Musician at the Early Stuart Court: Daniel Duff O'Cahill (c. 1580±c. 1660), the Queen's Harper', Journal of the Cork Historical and Archñological Society, 105 (2000), 1±26. On `donnell duff o Cahill' (line 2), see endnote 705. In the left margin opposite this item is written: pd me On `Donnell' (line 2), see endnote 705. On `Donnell' (line 2), see endnote 705. One of the results of the more paci®c conditions in Munster after the Battle of Kinsale in 1601 seems to have been an increase generally in troupes of players touring the province. The ®rst such troupe known about, the Prince's Players noted here, came to Lismore in 1616, when they received a payment from Boyle of 22s on 11 February (the eve of Shrovetide in that year, and thus a traditional time of festivity). Given Boyle's aspirations, a troupe patronized by no less than the future Charles I was hardly likely to have been turned away. Just before their Lismore visit, and between 1613 and 1615, the Prince's Players had been visiting Barnstaple, a port on the north Devon coast which had a vigorous sea trade with the south of Ireland. They also appear in the Barnstaple Receivers' Accounts for the ®scal year 1616±17 (see

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576

710

711

712

713

714

715

716

717

Notes to section 5

J. M. Wasson, ed. Records of Early English Drama: Devon (Toronto, 1986), p. 49). There is no mention of them there early in 1616 ± necessarily, for they were in Ireland at that time. What they evidently did was to sail from Barnstaple, probably to the port of Youghal, co. Cork, in the opening weeks of 1616, and from Youghal a journey to Lismore was not far, a little over twelve miles. They had returned to England by 16 March, when they were paid for an appearance in Dover (Gurr, Shakespearian Playing Companies, p. 410; Gurr omits their Irish tour). It is possible that the tour was prompted by the annual Lenten closure of the London theatres. Sometime between the Michaelmasses of 1616 and 1617, they had arrived back in Barnstaple (Wasson, Records of Early English Drama: Devon, p. 49). From late 1617 to 1618 and in subsequent years, when the Prince's Players were touring again in the south-west of England, the corporation of Barnstaple began paying them not to perform in the town, possibly in deference to the sensibilites and strong local in¯uence there of the puritan earl of Bedford (Wasson, ibid., pp. 49±50; on the question of payments for non-performance, see J. Coldewey, `Carnival's End: Puritan Ideology and the Decline of English Provincial Theatre', in M. Twycross, ed. Festive Drama (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 279±86). On `Donnell' (line 6), see endnote 705. He was evidently running errands for Boyle. The sum given to Stacie the musician (line 10) is unclear; either it is c (as given above) or x, badly formed. Boyle's `brother ffenton' (line 3) was Sir William Fenton, his brother-in-law and the brother of his second wife, Catherine Fenton. `Lord Roch' (lines 3±4) was David Roche, Viscount Roche of Fermoy (²22 March 1635). Opposite the ®rst entry is written in the left margin: Donnell the harper carried them; opposite the last entry is written in the left margin: This Cli Mrs Ball paid him of my money Sir William Fenton, Boyle's brother-in-law, is referred to in line 2; on `donnell' (line 3), see endnote 705. Opposite is written in the left margin: This C.li I accepted by Mr Davenetes meanes in part payment of the pipestaves I sould to Mr Bence of london This item occurs in the accounts of `Abraham', probably Abraham Bates, a household steward whose name appears in full in some Boyle papers. The lord president referred to in line 2 is doubtless the lord president of Munster, Donogh O'Brien, fourth earl of Thomond (in post from 1615 to 1624). Evidently he maintained musicians. The document is endorsed on the verso: 17 Iunij 1617 Abrahams accompt at the sittinge h.j ab' Corcke this xxjth of Iune 1617 `Mr Brian' (line 2) is possibly one Randall Brian, a merchant or shipper (as noted by Boydell, `Earl of Cork's Musicians', p. 13, note 27). `Mynnyott' (line 2) is Minehead in Somerset, a port frequently used for commerce between Youghal, co. Cork, and England. These accounts were prepared by Abraham Bates, a steward of the household. Possibly the Mr Clayton referred to in line 2 was Sir Randal Clayton, on whom see endnote 705 above. The document is endorsed: 25 Augusti 1617 Abrahams accompt of my Chardges to the Assizes of Corck These accounts were prepared by Robert Mintrems, a steward of the household. `Bandon' (line 2) is Bandon, a town about twenty miles south-west of Cork and built by Boyle as a `model town' in the English manner. This bifolium document is endorsed (f. [2v] ): 8.t Octob: 1618 Robert Mintrems eReceiptf accompte for Receiptes and disbursement at the Sessions at Bandon Bridge Who the players mentioned in line 3 were is not known. Probably they were a visiting troupe, however, and if so, they are the ®rst of the kind on record in Boyle documents. Other anonymous groups of players visited between 29 October and 4 November 1626, and again on 18 November 1627 (see the respective entries under those dates below). The blind harper William Barry (line 1) was harper to Lord David Barry, Viscount Barrymore (see endnote 705 and further references there).

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Notes to section 5 718

719

720

721

722

723

724 725

726

727

728

729

730 731 732 733 734 735 736 737 738 739 740

577

The children who acted the masque referred to in line 2 may have been young members of Boyle's family. This item occurs in a set of accounts prepared by John Walley, a household steward of Lismore. His name is attached to many of the documents given below. Lord Chichester referrred to in line 2 was probably Sir Arthur Chichester (²1625), who had been Lord Deputy between 1605 and 1615 (on him, see endnote 133). His harper, `Nedd Skott' (line 2), may have been the EÂamon Albanach referred to in one of the poems of PaÂidraigõÂn HaiceÂad (see in section 5.1, Before c. 1654). On Sir Randal Clayton mentioned in line 3, see endnote 705 above. These accounts were prepared by Thomas Farmer, a steward of the household. This bifolium document is endorsed (f. [2v] ): xxvo Marcij 1623 A bill of my disbursments, with the remayn of moneys yet in my Custodie. delivered vp to your Lordship the daie and year above written. Th ffarmer./ These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The players referred to in line 1 are unspeci®ed. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The `Wynde Instrument in the Chapple' (lines 2±3) was probably the chapel organ (subsequent payments for its maintenance occur on ff [13v], [16] ± [19], [35v] and [220v] ). The ®rst item (lines 2±3) is for 6 November, and the second (line 5) for 7 November; the six musicians were probably the members of Boyle's household consort. The account is signed at the bottom: I Walley These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. `ffrances Iones' (line 3) was one of the Boyle household musicians; he may have been either a viol-player or lutenist (or both). This item gives some impression of the musical forces employed in the household consort: lutes and viols were played. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. `Michaell Skryne' (line 3) was one of Boyle's household musicians; `ffrances' (line 3) is likely to have been another (the `ffrances Iones' mentioned in the item for 5 December 1626 above and in various documents below); and `vallentyne' (line 4) is likely to have been a third, the `Vallentyne Wayman' mentioned in the item for 5 December 1636 below. These three musicians all appear by name in other Boyle documents. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The six musicians were probably the members of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The ®ve musicians were probably the members of Boyle's household consort, with a sixth, John Myles (line 3), making up the full complement. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The `Players' (line 2) are unspeci®ed. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The `Lord Viscount' (line 2) was Richard, Viscount Dungarvan, Boyle's eldest son and by this date ®fteen years of age. He seems to have been a performer in a Christmastide masque. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The `f®ve Clokes' (line 4) may have been livery cloaks. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The mayor of Dublin referred to in line 2, George Jones, had given a banquet in the

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578

741

742

743

744

745

746

747

748

749

750

751

752

753

Notes to section 5

`Courthouse' (line 2; probably the Tholsel) for Boyle, and for the Lord Chancellor, Sir Adam Loftus and George FitzGerald, sixteenth earl of Kildare, both referred to in line 1. The earl was Boyle's son-in-law, and Boyle knew Loftus well: they had been acquainted for many years, for in 1610 they had been admitted into the King's Inns in Dublin together (C. Kenny, King's Inns and the Kingdom of Ireland The Irish `Inn of Court' 1541±1800 (Dublin, 1992), p. 89). The Dublin waits were evidently in attendance at the banquet (line 3). The four musicians referred to in lines 2±3 were members of Boyle's household consort (respectively, Michael Skryne, Stacie [no surname given], Valentine [Wayman] and Frank/Francis [Jones] ). These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The ®ve musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The ®ve musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. The Lord Deputy referred to (lines 2±4 and 7±8) was Sir Thomas Wentworth. The traditional entertainment line-up of dinner plus play was continuing to be as fashionable as ever at this date. The actors of the play, Wentworth's gentlemen referred to in line 8, were conceivably under John Ogilby's supervision (on whom see in section 7.2, endnote 7). The `Lord Chancellor' (line 9) was Sir Adam Loftus, an old friend of Boyle's. Sir Richard Boyle's son, Viscount Dungarvan referred to in line 2, is last heard of at the height of his masking career here at the age of twenty one, now in London and taking part in a `Royall Maske' of Charles I. This masque was none other than Thomas Carew's spectacular Coelum Britannicum, produced with the aid of Inigo Jones and performed to a packed audience in the Banqueting Hall at Whitehall on 18 February 1634. Viscount Dungarvan had been prepared from childhood for his court deÂbut. Experience of masking was an important element of aristocratic formation. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The ®ve musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. A memorandum in Boyle's own hand is added immediately below this entry as follows: This book was brought me to dublin 12 Maij 1634, and I did return it to mr walley 9 August 1634 . . . These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. `William Stacie' (line 1) was a member of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 1 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. Though evidence for them is sparse, puppet players may have been popular in Ireland at least by the seventeenth century (and compare the reference to a puppet play in Dublin above, s.a. c. 1611). These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. The Lord Deputy referred to in lines 2±4 and 6±7 was Sir Thomas Wentworth. In addition to the presence at dinner of the Lord Chancellor, Sir Adam Loftus (line 8), Boyle noted the attendance of his son, Viscount Dungarvan (line 7), and the Lords Digby (line 7) and Moore (line 8). This particular Twelfth Night at Dublin Castle must have been a veritable family-fest for Boyle, for both Digby and Moore had Boyle af®liations, either directly through marriage or through the marriage of their kinsmen into the Boyle line. (Lord Digby was Robert Digby, Baron Digby of

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Notes to section 5

754

755

756 757

758

759 760

761

762

763

764

765

766

767

768

769 770

579

Geashill; Lord Moore was Sir Charles Moore, Viscount Moore of Drogheda.) Digby's ®rst wife was Sarah, Boyle's second daughter by his second wife, Catherine. Digby had married her in 1626. Before her marriage Sarah had also been the widow of Lord Moore's brother, Sir Thomas Moore (²1623). Digby's connections with the Boyle household were lifelong; he died in the Boyle residence in Dublin, Cork House, in 1642. The location of the play was the parliament house of Dublin Castle. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 1 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The six musicians referred to in line 3 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. Their `Clokes' (line 3) were probably livery cloaks. The colour of the (livery?) cloaks of Boyle's six musicians is speci®ed as red. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. `Vallentyne Wayman' (line 5) also appears in the two items following (not published here), the second of which mentions a quantity of tobacco which he is to buy for Boyle. It is clear that Boyle's household musicians might also double as domestics. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. This is the ®rst reference to `Iacke the singing Musition' (line 2) in the Boyle household accounts. Like the other household musicians, he was issued with a livery cloak. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. Possibly the jugglers referred to in line 2 were visiting itinerant performers. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. This is the ®rst documented case of rope-dancing in Ireland (though it may have been popular long before this); for the last documented instance, see below under Derry in section 7.2, s.a. 1656 or 1657). These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The three musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The accounts run 4±10 November 1638. The fair copy of this item in NLI, MS 6899, f. [145v], has no substantive variants. The four musicians referred to in line 2 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. A sister manuscript exists, NLI, MS 6243. It is a duplicate copy of NLI, MS 6240, but its parallel entries to those recorded here and in the item following have no substantive variants. The four musicians referred to in lines 2 and 5 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. The four musicians referred to in line 1 were probably those of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. Francis Jones, William Knowles, Valentine Wayman and Michael Skreene/Skryne, referred to in lines 2, 4, 6 and 8 respectively, were members of Boyle's household consort. These accounts were prepared by John Walley, a steward of the household. The scribe of this document was probably John Shee, onetime mayor of Kilkenny (according to a letter he wrote, 13 April 1633, preserved in NLI, MS 2505, f. 13). Shee eventually found employment as a steward of the Butler household. The payments surrounding the ®rst item (line 1) fall between 28±30 April, hence the date attributed above. The Lord Deputy referred to in line 1 was Sir Adam Loftus. `Gawran' (line 8) is Gowran, in the barony of Gowran, co. Kilkenny. It is likely that the dancing school referred to (lines 15 and 23) was in Kilkenny.

d:/1¯etcher/notes.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:59 ± b&b/sh

580 771

772

773

774

775

776

777

778

779

780

Notes to section 5

These accounts are probably in the hand of John Shee, steward of the household. Who `the actors of the pley at the Castle' (lines 2±3) were is unspeci®ed. The `Castle' (line 3) was probably Kilkenny Castle. The `Lord' (line 2) was Walter Butler, eleventh earl of Ormond. The date termini of the second item (lines 7±8) are deducible from the surrounding entries: the item falls presumably after 26 October 1631 (a date mentioned on f. 20v) and before 27±31 October 1631 (a run of dates mentioned on f. 21v). Thus 27±31 October 1631, as ascribed here, is likely. `Catherlagh' (line 7) is Carlow, and `Rathvill' (line 11) is probably Rathvilly, a town in the barony of Rathvilly, co. Carlow. These accounts are probably in the hand of John Shee, steward of the household. `Ballycommen' (line 9) is probably the Ballycommon in the barony of Ida, co. Kilkenny. This document is a fair copy of the accounts of Richard Elde, a steward of the household of the nineteenth earl of Essex, Sir Walter Devereux, Lord Governor of Ulster. They were directed to the attention of auditor Thomas Jenison. It is not known who the `certaine boyes that played in enterlude' (lines 5±6) were. This document is a fair copy of the accounts of Richard Shepherd, a steward of the household of Sir Walter Devereux. This document is a fair copy of the accounts of John Mulsho, gentleman servant to Sir Walter Devereux. Sir John Bellew's residence referred to in lines 4±5 was at Bellewstown, co. Louth. The `Singing men at melefante' (lines 3±4) may have been retained to sing at the house maintained by the Lords Deputy at Mellifont, co. Louth; `your Lordes musicions' (line 5) were the musicians of Sir Walter Devereux; Crues (line 6) was harper to the tenth earl of Ormond, Sir Thomas Butler referred to in line 8; the `Singinge men at Rosse' (line 7) may have been professional musicians, but their af®liation is otherwise unspeci®ed; Sir Peter Carew referred to in line ¦ was the brother of Sir George Carew (on whom see further above under the Carew Collections in section 4.8); and Sir Thomas Butler's musicians are referred to in line 8. Opposite this item in the left margin of f. 55v is written: Rewards concerninge The; and opposite this item in the left margin of f. 56 is written: Affaiers of the seide Erle. This set of accounts, and several others below, was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The accounts list wages payed to household servants. The `Thomas quycke' referred to in lines 2, 10, 17 and 21 may be the Dublin-based musician of the same name (see above under Dublin, 17 January 1567, and endnote 338). It appears that he was one of a consort totalling six musicians. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. This payment was included amongst a set of rewards on New Year's Day. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. Sir Christopher Barnewall who is referred to in lines 2±3, of Turvey, co. Dublin, who had been sheriff in 1560, was a notable Dublin ®gure. His children married well (one daughter married Sir Nicholas St. Lawrence, eighth Lord Howth, for example). He died in 1575. Opposite this block of accounts is written in the left margin: Chichesters Bill./ This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. They are for one year, lacking fourteen days, from Easter 1590 to Easter 1591. The Mistress Anne whose virginals went to Kilmainham (line 2) was possibly Fitzwilliam's wife. The payment to the singing boys of Christ Church Cathedral in lines 5±6 may have been made in the context of some May Day festivity. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. They are for half a year, lacking six days. The ®rst items (lines 2±17) appear in the section of the accounts detailing rewards; those concerning the harp cases and virginals (lines 19±32) occur in a section on expenses laid out by yeomen of the wardrobe. The payment to `the harper Sir Robert Sydneys man' (line 35) occurs in a section on gifts and rewards, and that to the trumpeter (line 38) in a section

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Notes to section 5

781

782

783

784

785

786

787

788

789

790

791

792

793

581

detailing payments to yeomen waiters. The reference to `the waytes of Tradath' (lines 2±3), the town waits of Drogheda, co. Louth, is the only one of its kind known; it is likely that Drogheda had a consort of waits whose duties resembled those of their cousins in Dublin. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 7 was Sir Adam Loftus. Grangegorman, the site of some unspeci®ed festivity with music in May (lines 11±13), is on the north side of the river Liffey. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord of Slane referred to in line 2 was Thomas Fleming, tenth Lord Slane (²9 November 1597). He evidently had a consort of musicians. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The items fall in a section specifying rewards. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 3 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 3 was Sir Adam Loftus. The last item `at Donnaghe Trompetors house' (line 9) may have fallen after 14 January (and up to 22 January) since the payment immediately preceding it is dated 14 January. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 2 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 2 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 2 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 2 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household, between 5 August and 1 September. This item falls in a section detailing extraordinary payments. The Lord Chancellor whose fool is referred to in line 2 was Sir Adam Loftus. This set of accounts was prepared by Alexander Westlake, a steward of the household. The date of the item immediately preceeding the ®rst one published above (line 2) was 28 May, so this may help to date the May game referred to in line 4; it was evidently held sometime in May, but probably not on May Day itself. It is not clear whether the musicians at Sir William Sars®eld's house referred to in line 3 were his own or ones brought in for the nonce. (Sars®eld had property at Tully, co. Kildare and at Lucan, co. Dublin; where the house intended here was is unspeci®ed.) A set of accounts on f. 17 of this manuscript, which is in same hand as the excerpt published here, dates to 1584, so the present item is likely to date to about the same time. The Lord Deputy referred to in line 2 was Sir John Perrot. As well as the accounts and other miscellaneous household documents, the manuscript contains a description of Ireland, a description of the services required of principal household of®cers and copies of the Lord Deputy's warrants. It appears from the item above (line 5) that by this date at the very least, musicians made up a staple part of the viceregal household in Ireland. In this document Sir John Perrot's musicians are named. (I have not happened upon

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582

794

795

796

797

798

799

800 801 802

Notes to section 5

men with the same names in other contemporary Dublin documents that I have examined; further research may bring them to light.) This set of accounts was prepared by Robert Holdiche, an administrator during the earlier part of Sir Henry Sidney's career in Ireland, between 1556±9. Holdiche was appointed treasurer at the wars and vice-treasurer and receiver of the Queen's revenue in Ireland, as well as steward of Sidney's households at Thomas Court in Dublin, at Kilkea, co. Killdare, at Loughlinstown, co. Dublin, and at Drogheda, co. Louth. The date bands attributed above correspond to the times when Sir Henry Sidney was in Ireland that could conceivably ®t the item in question. `Millifaunt' (line 2) is Mellifont, co. Louth. The accounts are signed at the bottom: To holdych H Sydney Sidney was in `lymbrycke' (that is, Limerick, line 2) on 26 March 1567, 4 February 1576 (when he was received there with great pomp) and April 1576. However, since these accounts mention Robert Holdiche again (on whom see the previous endnote), their date between 1556±9 becomes likely. The money for the disbursements was laid out by one William Whitefelde. Conceivably, the Limerick musicians were city waits. The accounts are signed at the bottom: To robart holdych H Sydney Since Robert Holdiche (on whom see endnote 794) is named again, a date between 1556±9 is likely. The `swordes' (line 3) is Swords, co. Dublin, and `luske' (line 4) is Lusk, co. Dublin, a town some six miles to the north of Swords. The accounts are signed at the bottom: To robart holdych H Sydney This document mentions various dates from 23 September, but gives no year. Sidney was in Ireland from 23 September in the years 1556±58, 1566±70, and 1575±78. However, the fact that the accounts were directed to Robert Holdiche (on whom see endnote 794) makes a date between 1556±8 likely. The disbursements were made by one Ralfe Knight, according to a note at the top of f. 1. Sidney's gambling (line 2, `play') took place at the residence of Richard Nugent, second Baron Delvin (²23 November 1559). Delvin's family lands were in the barony of Delvin, co. Westmeath. A harper was in attendance (line 4). The accounts are signed at the bottom: To robart holdych H Sydney This document gives the date 20 December, but no year. Sidney was in Ireland on 20 December in the years 1556±8, 1568±70 and 1575±7. However, the fact that the accounts were directed to Robert Holdiche (on whom see endnote 794) makes a date between 1556±8 likely. Sidney had a household at Loughlinstown, co. Dublin (referred to in line 3). The disbursements were registered at Dundalk, co. Louth, and issued by one Raulfe Knight. The accounts are signed at the bottom, f. [2]: To robart holdych H Sydney These accounts record sums paid by Robert Holdiche, a steward of the household. Apart from their evidence for household music in lines 2±7, they are of particular interest for their mention of vizors and masking apparel in lines 8±10. Although no actual masque texts have survived from this period in Ireland (the ®rst being that by John Clavell; see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, Appendix IV), this is the ®rst ®rm evidence for household masking. The manuscript is signed in various places at the end of sets of accounts: H Sydney The Lord Deputy referred to in line 2 was Sir Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex. The `sword players' (line 2) may have performed the sort of art described graphically by Fynes Morryson (on whom see endnote 135), or indeed by Jerome Cardan in 1556 (see Appendix 31 below). They performed at the residence of James Fleming, Lord Slane (²1573), and probably therefore in Slane, co. Meath. The accounts can be dated from internal references. The document mentions the dates 8 and 9 April. Sidney was in Ireland in April in the years 1558±9, 1566±7, 1569±70 and 1576±8. The latter years must be excluded by a reference at the beginning of the document to Sir Thomas Cusack, because Cusack died in 1571. And the fact that the accounts were

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Notes to section 5

803

804

805

806 807

808

809

810

811

583

directed to Robert Holdiche (on whom see endnote 794) makes a date between 1556± 8 likely. The accounts are signed at the bottom: To robart holdych H Sydney Although the monies itemized in this set of accounts were disbursed by John Gough at Drogheda, it is not clear that Drogheda was the place at which the `Maior of bulringe' (line 2) was active on Corpus Christi day. In fact, Dublin seems more likely, given the well documented existence of an of®ce of Mayor of the Bullring in the capital. In the left margin opposite this entry is written: Rewarde These accounts record sums paid by John Payton, a steward of the household. Though they run from 31 May 1567 to 1 January 1568, the event in question must date between 31 May and October 1567, since Sidney was absent from Ireland between October 1567 and 5 September 1568. The `Singing boyes at Drogheda' (line 3) suggest the existence there of some sort of establishment in which musical training was available (perhaps a school or a church?). The reference to the hobbyhorse dancer at Carrickfergus, co. Antrim (lines 5±6), is the only one of its kind that I am aware of in the Irish records. These accounts record sums paid by John Cockeram, a steward of the household, and run from 31 December 1566 to 1 January 1569. `Will the foole' (lines 4±5) seems to have been Sidney's professional fool. The payment to `Quick & his men Mynstrelles' (lines 14±15) may be to the Dublin-based musician Thomas Quycke (see above under Dublin, 17 January 1567, and endnote 338). He appears again in the Michaelmas 1569±70 account cited below. These accounts record sums paid by John Thomas, a steward of the household. These accounts record sums paid by John Thomas, a steward of the household. No price is recorded for the virginals or the `Newe instrumentes' (line 5; the latter may not necessarily be musical). These accounts record sums paid by John Thomas, a steward of the household. They run from 29 September 1568 to 29 September 1570, and thus follow on from those in KAO, U1475 031. The ®rst item (lines 2±3) probably refers to the ceremony in which Sir Henry Sidney received the sword of state (in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin) to mark his appointment as Lord Deputy, and hence is probably to be dated to (October) 1568. The second item (lines 4±6) may be connected with it. `Will' ffoole' (lines 11±13) seems to have been Sidney's professional fool. The item mentioning the preparations for the feast of St George (lines 16±21) probably refers to the subsequent year, 1569. These accounts record sums paid by John Cockeram, a steward of the household, and run for a whole year ended at 29 September 1570. `Mellifant' (line 10) is Mellifont, co. Louth. The activity of a Lord of Misrule (at Drogheda, lines 13±14) probably indicates a date over Christmastide and New Year, thus 1569±70 is likely. Also, the singing men at Drogheda possibly indicate a musical establishment of some sort there, possibly that which also provided the singing boys (see the household accounts of Sir Henry Sidney above, 31 May 1567 ± 1 January 1568, and endnote 804). These accounts record sums paid by John Thomas, a steward of the household, and run from 29 September 1570 to 29 September 1571. Sidney had left Dublin for London on 25 March 1571, so the payments for the apparel and the reward to the choristers (of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin) referred to in lines 7±9 are likely to have been made between 29 September 1570 and 25 March 1571. `Will' ffoole' (line 3) seems to have been Sidney's professional fool. Lines 2±13: `We renew in all respects the issued statute or statutes of our predecessors, the lords Richard and David, against mimi, jesters, poets, timpaÂn players or harpers, and especially against kerns and importunate [women] and dishonest seekers, or rather extorters, of gifts . . . Item. After the fashion of Lord John [Colton], because mortal and also venal sins and many murders are committed through a certain illicit game called Galbardy commonly used to such

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584

812

813

814

Notes to section 5

an extent in the day after Holy Easter and on the third feria following; by the authority of the present council [and] upon pain of greater excommunication, we ®rmly declare our prohibition to all faithful Christian people of our province of Armagh, that no man or woman play that reproveable game at any merited time in future, and especially on the two said days or on any day of that holy week . . .'. Since the ®rst statute here (lines 2±5) is said to renew the legislation of Archbishop Richard FitzRalph (²1360) and Archbishop David MaÂg Oireachtaigh (²1346) before him, its origins, technically, are much earlier than the date ascribed above. The second statute (lines 7±13) bans an otherwise unknown game called `Galbardy' (line 8). Evidently it was a violent one, and occurred in the context of Easter week festivity. Lines 1±12: `Because it is known by experience that in some districts of this province faults are committed, either by excess or by defect, in performing the rites of the dead. Sometimes there is excessive luxury in funeral banquets and in mourning dresses, to the great detriment of the heirs, with little bene®t to the poor, and, perhaps, to the loss of the creditors . . . To moderate this excess, some remedy must anxiously be sought out, as also to check the abuse which gives such pain to pious and religious souls, when, indeed, through the wickedness of some fools and gamesters, improper songs and gesticulations are allowed at wakes, which would even be unlawful in festive rejoicings ± when, indeed, in the darkness fouler works of darkness are also perpetrated. And when the light is out, fear of death is equally extinguished, whose image is presented before the eyes in the body [of the deceased], and thus ought to be retained in their memory'. D. McCarthy, ed. Collections on Irish Church History (Dublin, 1861), p. 144. I have not succeeded in tracing the original document, the Consultatio Ecclesiastica. It contained the deliberations of the provincial synod held in Armagh under Bishop David Rothe of Kilkenny in 1618 (for a summary of his ecclesiastical career, see endnote 89 above). The item given above is the synod's third ordinatio, a legislation against funeral excesses. Though vague in point of detail, some impression emerges of the sort of wake customs practiced at that time. Articles to be inquired of by the Chvrch-Wardens and Questmen of every Parish, in the ordinary Visitation of the Right Reverend Father in God George by divine Providence Lord Bishop of Cloyne (Dublin, 1639; STC 14265.7), sig. A3. These visitation articles comprise six leaves in all. They were issued by Bishop George Synge (consecrated 11 November 1638; ²3 August 1652). The eleventh article given here occurs in section II, `Concerning Parish Churches and Chappels'. The article's content should be compared with that of one of the articles issued by Archbishop Lancelot Bulkeley of Dublin (see below, 1638: STC 14265.9). The content is identical. Lines 2±13: `A constitution that transactions be not held in churches or their lands or cemeteries, nor that secular trades be conducted. . . . And because many bodies of saints and of the saved, to which all honour and reverence are due, are buried in dedicated cemeteries, we strictly instruct parish priests of our diocese and province to give of®cial notice publicly in their churches that none should presume to hold dances, contests [wrestling matches?], or other base plays/games in churches or cemeteries, especially on vigils and feasts of saints, with theatrical plays/games and spectacles of wantonness, through which churches are polluted; that the aforementioned priests, on pain of suspension, warn those [so doing] and advise them that they utterly abstain and desist from [pursuits] of this kind, on pain of the greater excommunication. Otherwise let them give of®cial notice of their names to the ordinary of the place or his of®cial or commissary, so that they may punish those behaving contrarily according to their demerits.' These ecclesiastical muniments are currently in the custody of Archives and Special Collections, the University Library, Durham. I am grateful to A. J. Piper and A. I. Doyle for having provided descriptive details of the roll on which they are written. Synodal legislation of the nature of the

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Notes to section 5

815

816

817

585

one published here has a long tradition; compare, for example, one of the statutes for the diocese of Bath and Wells, c. 1258, which comparably mentions the cemetery as being the resting place of `multa sanctorum corpora ac saluandorum', as well as the forbidden venue for `luctas coreas . . . uel alios inhonestos ludos' (J. Stokes and R. J. Alexander, ed. Records of Early English Drama: Somerset, including Bath, 2 vols (Toronto, 1996), I, 423). In the left margin opposite the constitution above is written in a late fourteenth-century hand: 7m Lines 2±3: `Henceforth, clerics playing football are to pay, as often as they do so, forty pence to the ordinary and forty pence for the repair of the church where such sport is practiced.' This item occurs in a list of provincial constitutions issued by William Rokeby, archbishop of Dublin (22 June 1512; ²29 November 1521), and his fellow bishops. Constitutions, and Canons Ecclesiastical, Treated upon by The Archbishops and Bishops, And the rest of the Clergy of Ireland (Dublin, 1634; STC 14264), p. 50. Articles to be inqvired of by the Church-wardens and Questmen of every Parish in the Lord Primates Visitation Metropoliticall (Dublin, 1638; STC 14265.9), sig. A3. This text corresponds exactly to that of the articles of Bishop George Synge of Cloyne, STC 14265.7, given above, with some additional material at the end. The articles comprise eight leaves in all. They were issued by Archbishop Lancelot Bulkeley (consecrated 3 October 1619; ²8 September 1650). The eleventh article given here occurs in section II, `Concerning Parish Churches and Chappels'.

Notes to section 6 1

2

3

4 5

6

7

8

Opposite p. 273 in the right margin is written: A proclamation | when ye king was | proclaymed kinge | of Irelande/ `Garter' (line 1) and `Clarentieulx and Norrey' (lines 6±7) were heralds, `Clarentieulx' being chief King of Arms. It is noteworthy that the statue subjected to ritual humiliation is in this entry described as having been mounted on wheels, like some ¯oat in a pageant procession might be expected to be. On the Sir John Perrot referred to in line 9, see under Perrot in section 4.10. On Sir Robert Dillon mentioned in lines 2, 3±4 and 6, and Sir Richard Bingham mentioned in lines 7±8, see the Charges against Sir Richard Bingham in section 5.4 under Galway, 25 April 1589, and endnote 508. A Catholicke Conference Betvveene Syr Tady Mac. Mareall a popish priest of VVaterforde, and Patricke Plaine, a young student in Trinity Colledge by Dublin in Ireland (London, 1612; STC 20981), fol. 21v, sig. [F 3v]. The Irish Hvbbvb, or, The English Hve and Crie (London, 1622; STC 20991), pp. 6, 22 and 37. Though ®rst published in 1617 (and dedicated to the then Lord Deputy, Sir Oliver St. John, 14 May 1617), the edition of 1622 is cited here because it contains relevant material not present in the ®rst edition. The items on pp. 22 and 37 are to be found in the ®rst edition (without variants of present consequence). The item on p. 6 appears for the ®rst time in this edition. James Shirley, Narcissus, or, The Self-Lover (London, 1646; Wing 3480), pp. 35±49 (the pagination of what are recte pp. 47±9 is defective in the original, being given there as `147', `148' and `149'; the error has been silently emended above). Narcissus comprises a fascicule, with its own pagination, bound after Poems, &c. (London, 1646; Wing 3481), and before The trivmph of beavtie (London, 1646; Wing 3488). The reference in line 209 to `Aglaura' and `Claricilla', that is, to Sir John Suckling's Aglaura and to Sir Thomas Killigrew's Claracilla, helps establish a date after 1638 for Shirley's composition of Rosania, or, Love's Victory (and see JCS, V, 1105±6).

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586 9

10

11

12

13

14

15

Notes to section 6

James Shirley, The Royall Master (Dublin, 1638; STC 22454), sig. [A 1], sig. [A 4v], sig. [B], sig. [Bv], sig. [L 3] and sig. [L 3v]. There is a version of the Epilogue (lines 43± 68) in James Shirley, Poems, &c. (London, 1646; Wing 3481), pp. 40±1. Variants of present interest are as follows: line 48 OVr . . . Play] SIr, give me leave to Court your stay; line 49 he would] I must. James Shirley, St. Patrick for Ireland (London, 1640; STC 22455), sig. [A 2] and sig. [I 4]. Henry Burnell, Landgartha (Dublin, 1641; Wing 5751), sig. [A 1], sig. [A 4], sig. [K] and sig. [Kv]. Lines 2±13: `After this he went to HuÂi Fidgente, and LonaÂn, son of Mac Eirc, made a feast for Patrick in Mullach Cae, to the south of Carn Feradaig. And a man of Patrick's household, that is, deacon MantaÂn, was preparing the feast at the king's [residence]. A band of men of art came to Patrick to ask for food. They allowed no excuse. Patrick said, ``Go to LonaÂn and to deacon MantaÂn that they may help me.'' These men [that is, LonaÂn and deacon MantaÂn] said, ``Let not heralds/criers [that is, the band of men of art or jesters] bless the beginning of our banquet for us.'' Then Patrick said, ``The victory has been given to the boy who arrives from the north. He is near Cothraige [a name by which Patrick was called] with his ram on his back.'' In that very hour a young man with his mother carrying a cooked ram on her back came along; it was to be carried to the king's feast. Patrick begged the young man to give him the ram to save his reputation. The young man gave it gladly at once. The mother, however, was unwilling for fear of the king. Patrick gave the food to the druÂith, and the earth swallowed them up at once'. Lines 2±6: `And MaedoÂc never received gold or silver, riches or raiment, tribute or fair offering or any single thing but that he did not give it away at once till it was all distributed to the poor of the Lord, and to God's feeble folk, and to men of music and minstrelsy, and men of [poetic] art, in charity and humanity to protect his honour and his nobility and his worth'. Lines 2±15: `The king of Munster, that is, Oengus, son of Nadfraech, had seven harpers who had come [to him] from their own lord out of Gaul. And they were murdered in Muskerry [a region in co. Cork], and their bodies were hidden, so that no one knew [where they were]; and Oengus was greatly concerned, not knowing what had become of his harpers. So he came to CiaraÂn of Saigir to seek help. And CiaraÂn said to him, ``Your harpers have been drowned in a lake, and their harps are on a tree high up on the upper side above the lake.'' ``I beseech you,'' said the king to CiaraÂn, ``come with me to seek them.'' So CiaraÂn arose and some of his company, seven score in number, with him, and went to the lake, and remained there three days and three nights praying and fasting. And after these three days were ful®lled, the lake ebbed, and the bodies were found on the shore. And CiaraÂn restored them to life after they had been a month under the lake. And they took their harps and played them, and sang their song, so that the king and his hosts fell asleep with the music. And from that time on the lake has no water in it, and it is called Loch na Cruitenn [Lake of the Harpers]. And the name of God and of CiaraÂn was praised on account of that'. Opposite line 2 in the left margin is written: capÅ. 8. Lines 2±24: `King Oengus of Munster had most excellent harpers who used to sing sweetly to the sound of the harp of the deeds of heroes in poetic measures. These [harpers] were killed by their enemies while walking amongst the people of the land called Muskerry [a region in co. Cork] and which is in the kingdom of Munster. And their bodies were hidden in a certain lake in a deserted [region], because there was a ®rm peace in Munster in the reign of Oengus. And their harps were hung in a certain tree on the bank of the lake. And King Oengus was disconsolate at not knowing what had befallen them. And knowing holy CiaraÂn to be ®lled with the spirit of prophecy, he came to him in order to know what had befallen his harpers. For when he became Christian, he did not want to ask his magicians and augurers. And holy CiaraÂn said to

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the king, ``Lord king, your harpers have been murdered secretly and their bodies hidden in a lake, and their harps hung in a tree overlooking the lake.'' However, asked by the king, the holy man CiaraÂn came with him to the lake and fasted there that day. And after the fast was ®nished, the water in the lake, having dried up, was not to be seen, and seeing the bodies in the depths of the dried up lake, holy CiaraÂn came to them and in the presence of the king and of everyone, requesting, that is, in the unity of the Father, and Son and Holy Spirit, he revived them there as if from a heavy sleep. And indeed there were seven of them. They had been dead for a whole month and submerged beneath the water. And rising up they at once took their harps and sang sweet songs to the hosts in the presence of the king and bishop, so that on account of the sweetness of the music many men there slept. And they gave glory to God with the rest. But the lake is still called Lough of the Harpers, which in Latin is Stagnum Cytharedarum. Afterwards, holy CiaraÂn returned to his city, having received the blessing of the king and people.' The source collection underlying the Codex Kilkenniensis (known as the D collection) was probably compiled after 1185 and at the latest about 1230 (see Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints' Lives, pp. 216 and 370). But the sources underlying the D collection were evidently written earlier, and may even have been a version of the Irish text witnessed in the Life of St CiaraÂn of Saigir II excerpted previously. Lines 2±6: `Some musicians came to Coemgen to ask food from him, and the saint had no food by him at the time. And he bade them wait for him. And they would not, but began insulting the clerk. Thereupon their wood instruments were turned into stones in punishment for the insult done to the saint; and the ®gures of them still remain on the causeway to the east of the place.' Opposite in the right margin is written: capÅ. 17. Lines 2±23: `One day, some musicians with their harps came to Cill Eith®n, where Coemgen had a convent of monks, and asked an alms of food from the monks. The convent had no food [at the time], and great shame possessed Coemgen and the convent because of that. But it so happened that a little seed [corn] remained over of the convent's provisions, but it was not enough either for the strangers or for the convent. This is what seemed good to Coemgen with the help of the convent to free them from the voice of this reproach: to send some of the monks to dig a plot of ground in which this small quantity of seed which they had might be sown, so that the produce of this seed might serve as food in the evening for the strangers and Coemgen himself, [and for all the monks. And Coemgen] and the rest of the monks were persistently soothing (?) the musicians, trying to pacify them affably and courteously, but to no avail. The players began to demand food forcibly, and there was none there. Therefore they took their leave against Coemgen's wish, and reproached and reviled the convent. And Coemgen, being angry at the shame [put on him], prayed God that the harps which they had might be turned into stones. Thereupon as they were beginning to cross the stream which ¯ows to the south of the church, their harps were turned into stones, and fell into the stream, and they are there in the little heap of stones under the feet of all [who pass] that way. And as to the seed that was sown by Coemgen in the morning of the same day in Cill Eith®n, it was from the produce which came from it in the evening that the monks were fed that same night, as Solomon says in this verse: ``The seed that was sown in the morning at Cill Eith®n ± divine was the grace ± from it without withering the elders were fed at night in turn.''.' Another version of this text in RIA, MS 60 (24 M 38), has no variants of present interest. Lines 1±7: `On one occasion, mimi and histriones came to holy FintaÂn to ask for ®sh to eat, for he was staying near a great river in the town of Terryglass [a town in the barony of Ormond Lower, co. Tipperary]. He answered them, as was true, that he did not have what they asked for. Then a mimus said, ``Water is near you, and if, as you say, you are a holy man, we will easily have from you what we ask for.'' [FintaÂn sends his disciples to a well which is closer to hand than the river, where they catch a large

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®sh. This resists all efforts to cut it up, but the mimi and histriones are content.] Wherefore the mimi said, ``Although our ®sh is tough, it will not be left here by us all the same.'' And departing, they carried off their ®sh with them.' Lines 2±30: `Upon a certain time after these things, while the same FlannaÂn, with studious and divine effort, was sowing the words of the holy gospel of faith along the maritime edges of Scotland to a people not yet fully, but tepidly, believing, he now landed with his own men on a certain island, namely, Man, God having prospered his sailing. However, while the holy FlannaÂn was pausing there for a time, behold, nine jesters, men with particularly ugly faces and horrible costumes, led on by a devilish instinct and overpowered, so to speak, with a dog-like appetite, clamouring all together with jesting shout and impatient demand, putting God and the saint to the test, kept demanding of the blessed man nine black, de-horned rams, and saying, ``Holy FlannaÂn, most noble man, grant our request. Otherwise, every day of our lives we will go about defaming you with our reproaches and in¯icting enduring scandalous insult on all your royal ancestry.'' At which holy FlannaÂn, full of the Holy Spirit and trusting in the Creator for whom all things are possible, replied with unmoved face, ``Your sheep in the present will be to your eternal torment when they appear'' (in order that Scripture may be ful®lled which says, ``Give to everyone who asks from you''). ``But to be sure, your hunger will never be satis®ed thereby, nor your insuperable appetite sated.'' Then blessed FlannaÂn implored the mercy of almighty God, saying, ``Lord Jesu Christ, son of the living God, who by an angel sent a ram caught by its horns in a bush to your blessed patriarch Abraham, to set free his only son, Isaac, deign to show to these nine most foul men the rams that they have importuned so greatly of me, your servant.'' What more should I say? The pure prayer of this father penetrated the ears of the divine piety, and behold, nine black rams without horns, just as the aforesaid accursed ones demanded of the blessed man, appeared coming out of the sea in that very hour. These [that is, the jesters] laid hold of them. But just as the wretched wife of Lot, indeed, not having observed God's command but her in-born malice, was turned to an image of salt, even so these sons of perdition, sons of Bellial, both they and the rams, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, sticking to the earth, all were turned into stones, and thus even to this day they appear plainly to human view.' The date of this vita has been set at c. 1163±7, and its place of composition at Killaloe, on the border of co. Clare and co. Tipperary, by  CorraÂin, `Foreign Connections and Domestic Politics: Killaloe and the Uõ D. O Briain in Twelfth-Century Hagiography', in D. R. Whitelock, R. McKitterick and D. Dumville, eds. Ireland in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 213±31; see p. 216. Lines 2±28: `One day, as Lasair was in Cill Lasrach on the shore of Loch Mic nEÂn (and at that time there was a dearth of food and drink throughout Ireland), two nines [that is, eighteen] of poets and men of learning came to her, and one man of them spoke in a weak and powerless voice: ``O Lasair,'' he said, ``O holy woman, noble and honoured, this poetic company has come seeking you, for neither food nor drink has passed their lips for a long, weary space of time, and they ask from you, who will allay their hunger and thirst, food and drink for [their] use.'' When Lasair heard the words that the young man had spoken, the virgin's modest face blushed deeply, as she had no protection or defence for her modesty; then she arose quickly and went to her own chapel and knelt down, and remained praying ardently and fervently to the Creator to procure food for that harsh, unfeeling band that had come to her. Whereupon Lasair saw a nun approaching her in the cell under a very great load of food and drink. Then Lasair gave thanks and eternal gratitude to the Lord Almighty, and afterwards carried the food unto those pevish and evil-speaking folk. And they ate and drank their ®ll of food and drink there, and thanked God and Lasair for the food and nourishment which they had received from her in the wilderness. They set forth then, and one of that rough band asked Lasair's folk from where the food had been brought

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for them. The serving boy told them that he did not know where it had been obtained from, unless it were by the power of the Lord and the might of the Trinity that the maiden had been preserved from the insults and reproaches of the band of poets. The company and all in common praised the wondrous deeds of God and Lasair on account of this miracle.' On the dating of this text, see L. Gwynn, `The Life of St. Lasair', EÂriu 5 (1911), 73±109. A second, less perfect, version of it in RIA, MS 236 (Stowe B iv 1), has no variants of present interest apart from one: the `da nñnbhar' (`two nines') of poets that approach Lasair (line 3) become in this version `.9. naÂonmar' (RIA, MS 236 (Stowe B iv 1), f. 99), that is, a staggering number of eighty-one poets. Lines 2±14: [The fame of King Rederech spreads far and wide, even into Ireland:] `Wherefore a ioculator, skilled and pro®cient in his of®ce, is sent by a certain Irish king to Wales to the aforesaid king's court, to see if the reputation of it that had spread so far and wide was true. Admitted to the [king's] hall, the ioculator played with his hand on the timpaÂn and harp, and cheered the king and his courtiers during all the feast days of the Lord's Nativity. When the solemnity of the holy Epiphany had passed, the king ordered rewards to be brought and given to the jester, as be®tted royal largesse. Rejecting all these, the jester declared that he was able to have plenty of things of that sort in his native country. [The ioculator/histrio proceeds to request a dish of mulberries, even though it is the middle of winter. Although the request is at once both unseasonable and unreasonable, he threatens to defame the king unless he gets what he wants. The king asks St Kentigern's help, who prays and achieves the miracle which lets the king off the hook. The ioculator/histrio is duly chastened, declaring:] ``Now I will not quit your house and your service, but for as long as I live, I will be your servant.'' So the histrio remained in the king's hall, and served him with his jester's skill for many days.' [In the end the jester abandons his profession, turns to a more upright way of life (`melioris uite uias ingrediens'), and wins God's approval.] Opposite line 2 in the right margin a hand is drawn which points to the word ioculator. Lines 2±54: `Here is related the Enchantment/Blessing of Seirkieran. Donnchadh, son of Flann, son of Maolseachlann, collected a host to build a wall and a ditch around Seirkieran at the request of his wife Sadhbh, daughter of Donnchadh the Fat, king of Ossory. (It was a cause of great jealousy and envy to her that there was a wall around each of the principal churches in Ireland and that her own church Seirkieran was without a ditch or wall.) Then the men of Meath came with her to Tulach Donnchadha to the east of Seirkieran and they spent every day making the ditch around the church. Subsequently her father's corpse came to the churchyard to be buried, borne in a carriage with a team of horses; and straightaway he was buried. When night fell, nine shaggy jet-black crosaÂin came and they were chanting over the grave as is the custom of crosaÂin from that time on. Their eyes and teeth were whiter than snow and every other part of them was blacker than coal. They came, moreover, bringing a poem with them and anyone seeing them was sick with fever for a day and night. And this is that poem: ``The people of Donnchadha MoÂr, son of Cellach, is a proud assembly; they are as sweet troupes calling out when we are on hostings. A host hunting, full of plains, drinking houses, fair maidens, generous princes and great nobles. The shout of his troupes and his soldiers, it is the quaterage of a ®ne host, ranks of raiders in the summer sun, goblets and drinking shouts. Harps and pipes playing in harmony, lively poets; let them go with a pure, ®ne poem to the prosperous king of Raighne. You will get your poem, o son of the king of Raighne with prosperity. Where are the goblets, where the love [for poets] that your father had? This had its effect on the man. They sang together, `Excellent the course he took in the fair world. His soul is baptised with baptism. Now that his recompense on going into the hereafter is heard, we are his people.' '' That troupe used to chant this poem from nightfall till morning over the grave. And everyone who looked at them was sick with fever day and night. And both warriors and clerics grew curious at that, for they were

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surprised that demons should be so openly attending the very pious king. Here is some of his piety: distributing food and drink on every saint's day in each of the principal churches in Ossory, and the feeding of the poor for God's sake in every house in Ossory instead of quatering his soldiers around, and for each house to have three satchels (a satchel for tithes, a satchel for food portions and a satchel for pieces of beeswax) and for this to be done under pain of penance enjoined in confession from that time on. Therefore the clerics entreated God by fasting that he might reveal to them why the demons had assailed him. Then a holy angel came in a vision to the  a Capaill, and said, ``It is well that you have CeÂile De of the line of Fiachach name U  a Congeoidh and this is the third time they have fasted. They are nine of the band of U come to Ireland from hell. And because they were unable to affect the king in his lifetime, they are reviling him at his death. Let a Mass be said tomorrow and holy water sprinkled on the grave and on the whole churchyard and the plain around the  a Congeoidh church and the demons will leave you.'' This was done and the band of U came in the form of black-backed birds in the sky above and they did not dare alight on the consecrated ground. And they said, ``It is too much, too much for us the fasting and blessing. Since we were after his body in [his] lifetime, now that his soul is in  a Cinga and heaven, we can affect it no longer.'' Then they left. Then crosaÂn Fionn U  a ConodhraÂin were present. They were the crosaÂin who memorised Mac Rinntach U  a Congeoidh. And that was the art that the poem and minstrelsy from the band of U was suitable for them and for all the crosaÂin of Ireland from that time until now.' (The  igse 20 (1984), 136±48, has been translation of A. Harrison, `SeÂanadh Saighre', E adapted here.) Lines 1±39: `Jesus, Maria. Cormac Mac CuileanaÂin pledged three vows, that is, that he would not be a single night without doing three things, that is, without giving something [as a gift] and without listening to music he had not heard before and without faithfully celebrating matins in honour of the High King. And as he was about to do battle with Cearbhall Mac Muireagain, there were three crosaÂin who greatly venerated and gave thanks to him then in his presence. And someone bestowed three marvellous big apples on Cormac and he [that is, Cormac] said, ``O crosaÂin,'' said he, ``if you provide entertainment tomorrow for me, you will receive the apples instead of [anyone else in] the whole host.'' And they undertook that they would do it, whether they were alive or dead. ``I will give my hand as a pledge to ful®l that'', said Cormac, and he made a deal with them in that manner. And the battle was waged the next day and Cormac fell in it, and as night was falling, Cearbhall said, ``One of you rise up'', said he, ``to seek information about the army and to see if Cormac ful®lled his pledge.'' And the messenger went to see. And when he was there he saw the heads of the crosaÂin communicating [harmonising?] with each other. It was then that GeÂagaÂn, the most wonderful and most noble of the companions/kinsmen, said, ``Come over to us,'' said he, ``And do you know when you [read, `we'?] undertook to provide entertainment for Mac CuileanaÂin ± and it is hard to provide entertainment ®t for him ± and if we were alive, we would have played for him, and the Almighty has allowed us to entertain him while we are dead.'' And GeÂagaÂn recited these verses: ``Alas, o king of kings, o righteous king, binder of hosts, the music of the heads on a cold night is sadder than every [other] music. Come over here, head of GeÂagaÂn, so that we can set it down. It was a major deed we undertook, namely, entertaining Mac CuileanaÂin. We were three brothers/kinsmen last night, and it was good that we were present among the host. Even though tonight we are [only] three heads singing weak and sad. Alas, o alas, even though it is [a] short [time] from Sunday to Monday, the King of Heaven is shorter in bringing strong ones to poor estate. He gave an apple to each of us, the chieftain who withstood the hosts and willingly made a deal with us that we would make music ± this was sad. Since Paul fell to Neir ± a big story [big news] in the eastern world ± there was not left in the valley [of death] a head like that of Cormac. Alas that Cormac fell in the battle, seeing that his

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seed is missing in the world and that it was the king of Cashel who fell. Cormac from the mound of the kings who was king of Munster of Muadh. Everything uttered from his mouth was borne by strong and weak. Great was he at placing a large vat [of food], great was he to split a red oak (?), great was he at bringing warriors thither, great for making strong from weak. Therefore, silence your music, it is time for you to listen, alas! Give thanks tonight and rise up to [go to] your pitiful bodies.'' ' I am grateful to Alan Harrison for his guidance on the translation of this text and on the question of its dating. Lines 1±11: `Moreover, at the time when they should go into their boat they saw a group going by, and this group was a troupe of crosaÂin. The crosaÂin saw the boat being launched onto the sea. ``Who are the people launching this boat onto the sea?'' they said. The clown of the troupe said, ``I recognize them. They are the three sons of Conall Dearg, descendants of Corra Finn of the Connachtmen, that is, the robbers and plunderers, and they are going on a pilgrimage seeking the Almighty on the sea and mighty ocean. Nevertheless'', said the clown, ``by my word, they do not need more than I to go seeking heaven.'' ``By my word'', said the leader of the troupe, ``it will be long before you make a pilgrimage.'' ``Don't say [that], it shall be done'', said the clown, ``I shall go and make my pilgrimage now without delay.'' ``We have [your] word'', said the crosaÂin, ``you won't take our clothes with you because what you are wearing is not your own.'' ``That will not keep me with you'', he said.' A late Middle Irish date has been suggested for this text (probably eleventh century) by A. G. Van Hamel, ed. Immrama, Mediñval and Modern Irish Series, Volume 10 (Dublin, 1941), p. 94. Lines 2±8: `Here is [when you use] a medley of slat braeclõÂ and leathrannaõÂocht mhoÂr. The death of Mac Muireadhaigh. The drunkeneness of a cupbearer. A grey [haired] crosaÂn drinking a scruple's [worth] at a fool's dinner. A grateful concubine with mangey spots on her head. . . . Here is [when you use] hooked [i.e., hypermetric] rannaõÂocht bheag. A druÂth of the Gaileng who hasn't the intelligence of a priest. An old man who confuses the tying of his shoelaces with the closing of his mantle. A swineherd after quarrelling with a crosaÂn. A mac airbhe who steals. A refuser and his love weapon'. I am grateful to Alan Harrison for his guidance on the translation of this text and on the question of its dating. Lines 2±8: `Three druÂith were there within, Cas and Cathmhaol and Cualann, three crosaÂin, a gentle way, Cleas and Cinnmhear and Cuitbheadh. . . . The three fools of Fionn's house, Meall and Maol and Cnap. Though they used to follow the Fiana, the three lads had not much wisdom. His three good butlers, DruÂcht, DaÂsacht and Daithe. His three doorkeepers, a saying without deceit, Druid and Iath and Oslaic'. The poem has been dated to the late Middle Irish period by G. Murphy, ed. Duanaire Finn: The Book of the Lays of Fionn Part III, Irish Texts Society 43 (Dublin, 1953), pp. 23±4. Line 1: `A grellach, that is, the horse [read meeting place?] of a crosaÂn.' The glossary is dated to the thirteenth, or at the latest fourteenth, century by W. Stokes, `O'Mulconry's Glossary', in W. Stokes and K. Meyer, eds. Archiv fuÈr celtische Lexikographie 1 (Halle, 1900), 232±324; see p. 232. Lines 2±5: `Terrible for us is the way we behave, a cause of shame that will soon make us repent: yelping dogs get their fragments yet lepers get no welcome from us. First let the crosaÂn have his portion, let the stewards of relics have their share; it is dif®cult to dole out his portion to the poor man ± there should be shortage in the storehouse because of him.' (The translation of N. J. A. Williams, The Poems of Giolla Brighde Mac Con Midhe, Irish Texts Society 51 (Dublin, 1980), p. 243, is adapted here; see, ibid., pp. 2±5, for what can be ascertained of the author's life.) Lines 2±7: `The crosaÂin will come towards the end of a changeful world. The Gael will be groanful from the troubles which will come over it, until the holy men (cromanaig) shall arise, Ireland's great saints to aid it.'

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Line 2: `This scurra [buffoon, jester], that is, a crosaÂn.' Lines 1±13: `The crosaÂn came to Brendan and knelt before him and said to him, ``O Brendan'', said he, ``for God's sake take me [with you], and pity my wretchedness, that I may go with you.'' Brendan took him with him for God's sake, and went into the boat, with sixty men . . .' [They sail west towards Aran, then further west, to a great island where furry mice as big as cats lived.] . . . `The brethren asked Brendan, ``What,'' said they, ``do these mice want?'' Brendan said, ``They want to eat and gobble [us up].'' And then Brendan said to the crosaÂn, ``Get up,'' said he, ``and receive the body of Christ and his blood, and depart to the eternal life, for I hear the song of the angels calling you to them.'' Then he rejoiced at that, and said, ``O Lord,'' said he, ``what good have I done that I should be taken to heaven so speedily?'' So after the crosaÂn had received the body of Christ and his blood, he jumps at once [onto the shore] with great joy, with the result that the sea-cats ate all of him, apart from a few of his bones. And he is buried by the brethren, and his name is written in a martyrology, for he was a wonderful martyr. It is plainly due to the Lord's mercy that the infamously sinful man who came last into the boat should be chosen to go to heaven ®rst.' Far-left rank, from top to bottom: `Horsemen, rump for them; Harpers, pig back for them; Judges, hip steaks for them; Literary sages, hip steaks for them; Associate professors, thigh steaks for them; poet of the ®rst grade, thigh steaks for them; poet of the second grade, crooked bones for them; Farmer, thigh steaks for him; Master craftsman, roichnech [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for him; Seers, druids and conjurers, shank for them; Builders and carpenters, rump for them.' Near-left rank, from top to bottom: `Dispensers, the hornless head for them; players on the cuisle, shank for them; Scholars, les chruachait [some portion of the rump] for them; Smiths, hornless head for them; Shield-makers, milgetain [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Chariotmaker, crooked bones for him; Jugglers/tricksters/ acrobats, shank for them; Horn players and players on the buinne [that is, a variety of wind instrument], a middle piece for them; Waiters and ®shermen, meat portions for them; Shoemakers and messengers, fat shoulder for them.' Central rank, from top to bottom: `Great Bowl. Cupbearers, the hornless head for them. Flame. Spit. Flame/ heat. Dispensing waiter. Steaks. Rump steaks.' Near-right rank, from top to bottom: `Stewards, hornless head for them; Chessplayers, shank for them; Drink-bearers, leschruachait [some portion of the rump] for them; Bronze workers, lower rump for them; Physicians, hornless head for them; Sailors, milgetan [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Creccairi [on these see further below], crooked bones for them; Farters, fat shoulder for them; Royal/king's jester, back-meat for him; Royal doorkeepers, neck-meat for them; Tramps (?) and vagabonds, fat shoulder for them.' Far-right rank, from top to bottom: `Charioteers, rump for them; Hunters, pig back for them; Landowners, hip steaks for them; Mariners, hip steaks for them; High noble, thigh steaks for him; Tenant farmer, thigh steaks for him; Poet of the third grade, crooked bones for him; Storyteller, crooked bones for him; Landowner of rented land (?), pig back for him; Poet of the fourth grade, crooked bones for him; Tenant farmer [the lowest of the noble grades] and a poet of the ®fth grade, shank for them; Maccfurmid and fochloc [on these see further below], lower rump for them; Trappers/kitcheners and surveyors, fat shoulder for them; Rath-builders and (?), meat portions for them.' The creccairi in the near-right rank have been plausibly suggested to have been members of the fodaÂna (`lowly professions'), persons who entertained their patrons with raucous chatter (see F. Kelly, `Old Irish creccaire, Scottish Gaelic kreahkir', EÂriu 37 (1986), 185±6). The maccfurmid in the far-right rank was the penultimate of the seven poetic grades, and specialized in the seÂtnad and sainemain metres; he composed satire. Next to him and also a professional satirist, the fochloc was the lowest of the seven poetic grades, and specialized in the dõÂan metre. Far-left rank, from top to bottom: `Horsemen, or charioteers, and stewards, rump for

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them; harpers and timpaÂn players, pig back for them; Judges, hip steaks for them; Literary sages, hip steaks [for them], associate professors, thigh steaks or prime steaks [for them]; Poet of the ®rst grade, thigh steaks for him; Poet of the second grade, crooked bones [for him]; Farmer and nobleman, thigh steaks for them; Master craftsman, pig back, his associate, crooked bones; Seers, druids and conjurers, shank for them; Builders, capenters and saer-churan and rath-builders, lower rump for them; Trumpet players and players on the buinne [that is, a variety of wind instrument], or house builders, a middle piece for them; Engravers and ring-makers, milgataÂn [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Shoemakers and turners, fat shoulder for them.' Near-left rank, from top to bottom: `Dispensers, the hornless head for them; Players on the cuisle, shank for them; Scholars, liss croichte [some portion of the rump] for them; Craftsmen, lower rump for them; Smiths, hornless head for them; Shield-makers, milgitain [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Chariotmakers, milgitan [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Jugglers/tricksters/acrobats, a pig's shank for them; Satirist, the fat shoulder for them; King's doorkeepers, and chine for them.' Central rank, from top to bottom: `Cupbearers, hornless head for them; Fire; Fire; Fire; Great Bowl; Candle; Lamp; Common hall; Door.' Near-right rank, from top to bottom: `Stewards, hornless head for them; Chessplayers, shank for them; Drink-bearers, les chroichti [some portion of the rump] for them; Bronze workers, lower rump for them; Fools, lower rump for them; Physicians and sailors, hornless head for them; Sailors, milgitan [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Creacoiri [on these see the previous endnote], crooked bones or pig shank for them; Clowns, a pig shank for them; Farters, fat shoulder for them; Royal/king's jesters, back-meat for them.' Far-right rank, from top to bottom: `Charioteers, crooked bones for them; Steward, rump for them; Hunters, pig back for them; Landowners, hip steaks for them; Sub-kings, hip steaks for them; Queen and overking, les croichti [some portion of the rump] [for them]; High nobleman, thigh steaks for them; Poet of the third grade, crooked bones for them; Nobleman, crooked bones [for him]; Storyteller, thigh steaks for him; Tenant farmer [the lowest of the noble grades], shank for them; Poet of the fourth grade, pig shoulder, or thus: carpenters and landowners of rented land (?); Fochloch [on him, see the previous endnote], lower rump for him or: tenant farmer; Trappers/kitcheners and creacoiri [on the latter, see the previous endnote], or horn players, a middle piece; Rath-builder and juggler, milgitain [some cut of meat forming a food portion] for them; Landowner of rented land (?), pig back [for him]; Poet of the fourth grade, crooked bones [for him]; Seafarers and miners, fat shoulder [for them]'. Lines 2±3: `Seven door-keepers. Seven distributors . . . chariots arrayed all round. The druÂth in the presence of the king . . . the king and the royal jester/king's jester in the house.' Lines 2±3: `The druid and the druÂith in the same place, and the jugglers/tricksters/ acrobats and the minstrels only in that house.' Lines 2±15: `Harpers with music, with whom are ranked champions, with pig back and a distinguished portion. . . . Let us place horn player and cook in their order; cheering mead, not a ¯atulent sort, is given them to drink. . . . [The] doorkeeper, [the] druÂth strange of sound, a group wild and trustworthy. They greatly deserve proclamation. [The] end of the spine is their portion for their keeping. The satirist's share and the farter's is not neglected. The fat of the shoulder to them pleasantly, not unpleasant to be divided. Good players on the cuisle, chessplayers, in the eastern aurraidiu [probably a section of the hall]. A proper shank is given for their skill, is put for them on their dish. The distributor, the swift cupbearer, the steward of free course in the back of the house in the middle, to them is given a hornless head'. This poem is elsewhere ascribed to the poet Cenn FaÂelad mac Ailella. It is found in various other manuscripts, including TCD, MS 1318 (H. 2. 16; Yellow Book of Lecan), whose version has been selected here for comparison. This version includes a stanza of

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present interest not found in the Book of Leinster version, running as follows: `Clessamnaigh sceo fhuirseoire. soÂinmech angradh ngloir niss comtigh agabad ferr. do ber colptha doibh.' (`Jugglers/tricksters/acrobats, and clowns, their noisy calling is pleasant. No better share than theirs ± a shank is given to them'). Lines 2±4: `Now these are they who are in this torment, that is, thieves and perjurers and treacherous folk and blasphemers and robbers and plunderers and false judges and contentious folk, sorceresses and satirists, renegade brigands and men of [Latin] learning who preach heresy'. Most opinion dates this text to the eleventh century (see K. H. Jackson, A Celtic Miscellany. Translations from the Celtic Literatures, 2nd ed (Harmondsworth, 1971), p. 295). (Variants in the three other main manuscript witnesses are unimportant here; see D. N. Dumville, `Towards an Interpretation of FõÂs AdamnaÂn', Studia Celtica 12±13 (1977±8), 62±77, who also notes other, shorter recensions.) Line 2: `[King] David had control over a great many nimble movements, like a druÂth clowning.' Lines 2±10: `So Herod came afterwards to the land of Judea, and a great feast was made for him then by his princes and by his chiefs. Now, Herodias, Herod's wife, had two daughters, Salvisa and Neptis. Those daughters knew many wondrous arts: one daughter, namely Neptis, [was skilled] in singing and in music and in piping and in all kinds of melody; while the other daughter, namely Salvisa, [was skilled] in acrobatics/ juggling and leaping and activity. Herod brought them to the royal house and asked them to perform their arts and minstrelsy for the multitude, so that they might delight the hearts of the kings and chiefs of the sons of Israel and all the land of Juda and gratify their wishes. The women answered that they would not perform their minstrelsy until their demand was granted . . .'. Lines 2±3: `At ®rst, he put from the house the multitude that was there, between trumpet players, minstrels and pipers'. There are no variants of present interest in the version of the Trõ Bior-ghaoithe an BhaÂis preserved in RIA, MS 399 (23 O 13). Lines 2±5: `He it is that wrought the marvellous miracle in Clonmacnoise, when he was borne there to his grave. The druÂth came to him and repeatedly asked a gift from him. [So the dead king] put his hand out above the ground, and took his ®stful of sand, and ¯ung it into the druÂth's breast, and made a mass of gold out of it. So that is Guaire's ®nal deed of generosity.' The Lebor na hUidre contains the earliest manuscript copy of Cath Cairnd Chonaill. Lines 2±10: `Crom DeroÂil said, ``Here before them, to the east, outside, I saw that band of rabble. One man among them had a close-cropped, black and bristly head of hair; the eyes in his head were big, bulging and pure white. He had a smooth and black face like an Ethiopian. A striped cloak was wrapped about him; a brazen pin above on the front of his cloak; a long bronze crook in his hand, and a sweetly melodious little bell beside him. He brandishes his horse-switch before the host, so that it gives delight and joy to the high king and to all the host.'' Medb said, ``The description is comical and amusing.'' ``The person whose description it is is comical,'' said Cu RuõÂ. ``Who is he?'', said Ailill. ``That's not dif®cult,'' said Cu RuõÂ, ``that's RoÂimid, the royal/king's fool, the fool of Conchobar. Not one of the men of Ulster ever heeded tiredness or sorrow once he saw the royal/king's fool RoÂimid.'' ' Lines 2±52: ` ``I saw a room with nine men in it there. They had fair and yellow hair. They are all equally beautiful. They wore speckled mantles, and above them were nine bagpipes, four-tuned [and] ornamented. The ornament on those four-tuned pipes was enough light in the palace. Describe them, o Fer Rogain.'' ``It is not dif®cult for me to describe them'', says Fer Rogain. ``Those are the nine pipers that came to Conaire out of the elfmound of Bregia, because of the noble tales about him. Their names are: Bind, Robind, Riarbind, Sibe, Dibe, Deichrind, Umall, Cumal [and] Ciallglind. They are the best pipers in the world. Nine nines [that is, eighty-one] will fall before them, and a man for each of their weapons, and a man for each of themselves.'' . . . ``I saw a

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great champion there, in front of the same room, on the ¯oor of the house. The shame of baldness is on him. Each hair growing on his head is as white as mountain cottongrass. He has golden earings in his ears. He wore a speckled mantle. [There were] nine swords in his hand, and nine silver shields, and nine balls of gold. He throws every one of them up [into the air], and none of them falls to the ground, and there is only one of them on his palm at a time; and each whizzing upwards past the other is like the buzzing of bees on a beautiful day. He was swiftest when I saw him at his tricks, and as I looked, they uttered a cry about him and they were all on the ¯oor of the house. Then the prince who is in the house said to the juggler/trickster/acrobat, ``We have come together since you were a little boy, and your tricks never failed you untill tonight.'' ``Alas, alas, fair master Conaire, I have good cause. A keen, angry eye looked at me: a man with the third of a pupil which sees the going of the nine bands. That keen, wrathful sight is not much to him. Battles are fought with it'', he says. ``It should be known till the Day of Doom that there is evil in front of the hostel.'' Then he took the swords in his hand, and the silver shields and the golden apples; and again they uttered a cry and were all on the ¯oor of the house. . . . Describe that, o Fer Rogain. Who has sung that lay?'' ``It is not hard for me to describe him'', said Fer Rogain. ``Taulchinne, the royal/king's druÂth of the king of Tara. He is Conaire's juggler/trickster/acrobat. He's a man of great might, he is. . . . I saw another nine to the east of them. Nine branchy, curling manes on them. Nine grey, ¯oating (?) mantles. Nine crystal rings round their arms. A thumb ring of gold round each man's thumb. An ear-tie of gold round each man's ear. A torc of silver round each man's neck. Nine bags with golden faces on them on the wall above them. Nine rods of white silver in their hands. Describe them.'' ``I know them'', [Fer Rogain] said. ``They are the king's nine harpers, with their nine harps above them. Side and Dide, Dulothe and  l and O  lene and OlchoÂi. A man will die by each of Deichrinne, Caumul and Cellgen, O them.'' ``I saw another trio on the dais. They had three bedgowns about them. They had four-cornered shields in their hands, with gold bosses on them. They had apples of silver and small inlaid spears.'' ``I know them'', says Fer Rogain, ``they are the king's three jugglers/tricksters/acrobats, Cless and Clissine and Clessamun [`Trick', `Little Trick', `Trickster']. The three are of the same age, three brothers, three sons of Naffer Rochless. A man will die by each of them.'' ``I saw another trio by the room of the king himself. They had on three blue cloaks, and three bedgowns with red insertion over them. Their arms had been hung above them on the wall.'' ``I know those'', he said. ``Dris and Draigen and AittõÂt [`Thorn', `Bramble', `Furze'], the king's three satirists, three sons of Sciath Foilt. A man will die by each of their weapons.'' . . . ``I saw a trio of jesters close to the ®re. They wore three dark cloaks. If the men of Ireland were in one place, even though the body of his mother or his father were in front of each man, not one could stop laughing at them [the jesters]. Wherever the king of a cantred is in the house, not one of them attains his seat on his bed because of that trio of jesters. Whenever the king's eye lights upon them it smiles at every glance. Describe them, o Fer Rogain.'' ``That's not hard. Mael and Mlithe and Admlithe. Those are the three jesters of the king of Ireland. A man will die by each of them, and they will share a man's triumph among them.'' ' Opposite Atchonnarc (line 2) is written in the left margin in a box: imda na cuslennach; opposite Atcondarc (line 11) is written in the left margin in a box: imda tulchinne druith; opposite Atconnarc] (line 29) is written in the left margin in a box: imdaõ na crvtiri; opposite Atconnarc (line 36) is written in the left margin in a box: imdai na clessamnach; above foditib (line 36) is written superscript: .i. hi cenglaib; opposite Atconnarc (line 40) is written in the left margin in a box: imdai tri nanmed ind rig; opposite Atcondarc (line 46) is written in the left margin in a box: imda na fursiri Lines 2±9: `Mughain was greatly jealous of Mairenn, and Mughain said to a female satirist that she would give her her own judgement [that is, the satirist could name her terms] if she would snatch the gold headdress from the queen's [Mairenn's] head; for

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Mairenn was thus without hair, so that it was a queen's headdress that covered her [physical] shortcoming. So the she-satirist then came to the place where Mairenn was and started demanding something from her. The queen declared that she did not have it. ``Have this, then'', said the female satirist, and she snatched the gold headdress from her head. ``Now God and CiaraÂn help'', said Mairenn, ``by giving their hands to my head.'' Nor, indeed, had the gaze of anyone in the crowd alighted upon her when ¯axen, curling, golden hair, which grew on her through CiaraÂn's power, fell down to her shoulders'. The composition of this text has been attributed to the Middle Irish period (E. Windisch, `Ein mittelirisches Kunstgedichte uÈber die Geburt des KoÈnigs Aed SlaÂne. Mit BeitraÈgen zur irischen Metrik', K. SaÈchs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft. Berichte 36 (1884), 191±243), and since its copy in Lebor na hUidre is in the hand of the scribe MaÂel Muire (²1106), the composition must necessarily have occurred in the earlier part of the Middle Irish period. Versions of this text in BR, MSS 2324±40 and 5100±4 have no variants of present interest. Lines 2±7: `The druÂth of Mael Fhothartaig, that is, Mac Glas, was juggling/ performing tricks or acrobatics, on the ¯oor of the house. . . . As Congal got up, AedaÂn thrust a spear at him so that it went through his heart. The druÂth jumped away. AedaÂn let the spear go so that it went out through his [the druÂth`s] innards. . . . A raven was taking the fool's entrails out of him on the steps. He was contorting his mouth. The churls were laughing. Mael Fhothartaig was ashamed. Then he said, `O Mac Glass, put your bowels back in. Why have you no shame? Churls are laughing at you'. Lines 2±10: `Mac Con took counsel with his druÂth. Do DeÂra was his name. He was of the DaÂirine. The druÂth was exactly like Mac Con in form and appearance. ``Well,'' said Lugaid, ``EÂogan will now challenge me to single combat and his ardent spirit ± [he being] son and heir of the king and grandson of another ± will overthrow me.'' ``[Such words] come ill on your lips,'' said the druÂth, ``You are utterly doomed. I will go against him'', said the druÂth, ``with your diadem on my head and wearing your battle-dress, so that all will say that it is you who will fall there. If it happen then that I fall, take yourself off at once, for all will say that it is you who have fallen there and the battle will be won. EÂogan will be looking for you throughout the battle, however. Then if he sees the calves of your legs, you will be wounded.'' That is done. The druÂth is killed.' A version of this narrative in NLI, MS G 7 has no variants of present interest. Though the composition of this text is probably to be dated to the ®rst half of the ninth century, some of its elements suggest archaic sources, possibly as early as c. 700 (see M. O Daly, ed. Cath Maige Mucrama, Irish Texts Society 50 (Dublin, 1975), pp. 18±22). The narrative witnessed in this tale received other treatments, as for example in the SceÂla Moshauluim and the Cath Cinn Abrad, both also ninth-century compositions; the former too has some archaic elements. However, for present purposes, Cath Maige Mucrama illustrates the topos adequately. Lines 2±11: `So Mac Con Glinne went swiftly, eagerly, impatiently; and he lifted his cloak, folded ®ve times and well strapped, onto the slope of his two shoulders, and tied his shirt over the rounds of his fork, and strode thus across the green to the house of PichaÂn, son of Mael®nd, to DuÂn Coba, on the borders of Iveagh and Corcalee. And at this pace he went quickly to the stronghold. And as he came to the very meeting house where the hosts were gathering, he put on a short cloak and short garments, each upper garment of his being shorter, and each under [garment] being longer. In this way he began clowning for the host from the ¯oor of the royal house (that is, something not ®t for his person), and satirizing and farting and singing songs; and it has been said that never before, nor since, has there come anyone more renowned in the practice/arts of satire'. The story was probably composed in the last quarter of the eleventh century (see K. H. Jackson, ed. Aislinge Meic Con Glinne (Dublin, 1990), p. xxvi). Lines 2±35: `The performers of the croÂnaÂn came to them. There were thrice nine of

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them, and they wished to perform the regular croÂnaÂn and that was not what MarbhaÂn wanted but the hoarse croÂnaÂn; and the reason he chose that was, in the hope that they might break their heads and their feet and their necks, and that their breathing might be exhausted by it sooner than by the regular croÂnaÂn. So the three nines [that is, the twenty-seven performers] were performing the croÂnaÂn in that manner, and whenever they wanted to stop, MarbhaÂn would say, ``Perform as much croÂnaÂn for us as was promised.'' The three nines soon became exhausted and again MarbhaÂn asked for croÂnaÂn to be performed for him . . . A man inside the house said, ``I will perform an art for you''. ``What art, and who are you?'', said MarbhaÂn. ``I'm a good professor in my art to SenchaÂn, and my name is Casmhael the harper.'' ``Let me ask you a question, Casmhael'', said MarbhaÂn. ``Where did harping come from, or who ®rst composed poetry, or who ®rst made the harp and timpaÂn?'' ``I don't know that, o ®rst of poets'', said Casmhael. . . . Someone inside the house said, ``I will perform an art for you, MarbhaÂn.'' ``Who are you?'', said MarbhaÂn, ``And what art do you have?'' He said, ``My name is Coirche Ceoilbhinn [`Peformer of Melodious Music'], professor of timpaÂn playing of the burdensome poetic company.'' ``Let me ask you a question, Coirche Ceoilbhinn'', said MarbhaÂn. ``Why is the timpaÂn called the `saint's timpaÂn', and no saint ever played a timpaÂn?'' ``Indeed, I don't know'', said the timpaÂn player. ``I will tell you,'' said MarbhaÂn. ``This is the reason. When Noah, son of Lamech, went into the ark, he brought a great number of musical instruments with him, and especially he brought a timpaÂn, and he had a son who was accustomed to play on it. And they were in the ark during the time that the ¯ood was over the world. When Noah and his family were coming out of it, the son wanted to take the timpaÂn with him. ``You won't bring it'', said Noah, ``unless I obtain a request.'' The son asked him what the request was. Noah said he would be content through naming the timpaÂn after himself. The son granted him that favour, so that ever since, the timpaÂn of Noah has been its name; and that is not what you ignorant timpaÂn players call it, but the `saint's timpaÂn'.'' . . . SenchaÂn was ashamed at that, and because he found no one else to comply with MarbhaÂn's request, he said he would perform the croÂnaÂn for him himself. ``It will be the more harmonious for me [to hear it] from yourself than from any other person at all. SenchaÂn raised his beard into the air, and MarbhaÂn would have nothing other from him than the hoarse croÂnaÂn. And whenever SenchaÂn wanted to stop, MarbhaÂn would say, ``Perform enough croÂnaÂn for me.'' SenchaÂn was ashamed at that, and by exerting himself too much in performing the croÂnaÂn, one of his eyes started out of his head so that it hung down on his cheek. . . . Someone in the house said, ``I will perform an art for you myself, MarbhaÂn.'' ``Who are you and what is your art?'', said MarbhaÂn. ``I'm the best storyteller in the burdensome poetic company,'' he said, ``and in all of Ireland, and Fis Mac Fochmarc is my tribe's name.'' ``If you're the best storyteller in Ireland,'' said MarbhaÂn, ``you know the principal stories of Ireland.'' ``So I do'', said the storyteller. ``Well then,'' said MarbhaÂn, ``relate the TaÂin Bo Cualgne to me.'' ' The text has been dated to the late Middle Irish period, or possibly to the early thirteenth century (see M. Joynt, ed. TromdaÂmh Guaire, Mediñval and Modern Irish Series, Volume 2 (Dublin, 1931), p. xii). No substantive variants of present interest are to be found in other early manuscripts of the tale as collated in Joynt's edition. Lines 2±18: `It was made thus: [there was] fasting on the land of the king for whom the poem had been composed, and a council of thirty laymen and thirty bishops and thirty poets as to making a satire after the reward [for the poem] was refused. So the poet himself had to go in a company of seven ± that is, six along with himself ± on whom the six poetic grades had been [conferred], and these are their names: that is, fochloc, maccfuirmid, doss, cano, clõÂ, aÂnrad, ollam [that is, in ascending order, a poet of the seventh and lowest poetic grade up to a poet of the ®rst and highest poetic grade], that is, the seven to go at sunrise to the top of a hill which should be on the boundary of seven lands, and the face of each [poetic] grade of them towards his land, and the

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face of the ollam there towards the land of the king whom he should satirize, and the backs of them all towards a whitethorn which should be on the hilltop, and the wind from the north, and a slingstone and a thorn [from the whitethorn] in each man's hand, and each of them to chant a verse in this kind of metre at these two [that is, at the slingstone and the thorn] for the king, the ollam chanting his verse before the others, and afterwards they chanting their verses at once, and each of them [is] to put his stone and his thorn at the foot of the whitethorn. And if it happens that they were in the wrong, the earth of the hill would swallow them up. But if it happens that the king was in the wrong, the earth would swallow up him and his wife and his son and his horse and his arms and his dress and his dog. The satire of the maccfuirmid [falls] on the dog, the satire of the fochloc on the dress, the satire of the doss on the arms, the satire of the cano on the wife, the satire of the clõ on the son, the satire of the aÂnrad on the land, the satire of the ollam on the king.' L. Breatnach, ed. Uraicecht na RõÂar (Dublin, 1987), p. 140, has noticed a related text in TCD, MS 1363 (H. 4. 22), p. 66 cols a-b. Here, in place of `7 dealg don sciaigh illaÂimh gach fhir' (lines 10±11), it reads: `no delb in ®r dia ndentar do criaidh ¦ dealg don sgiaich ilaim cach ®r ¦ siat agoin na deilbe da ndeilgib sgiach' (`or an earthen image of the man against whom it [the satire] is made, and a thorn from the whitethorn in each man's hand, and they piercing the image with their whitethorn thorns.'; TCD, MS 1363 (H. 4. 22), p. 66 col. a). Lines 2±7: `Then another group of his chieftains go with great tuns and pitchers of red gold. It is an effort for two warriors to carry them. They arrange those pitchers at the backs and corners of the hall, and they ®ll, across the hall, everyone's goblet or golden cup out of those great pitchers, so that each becomes drunk and merry. Every melody and every music is played to them, so that the whole court becomes a sound of music. Another group perform juggling/tricks/acrobatics and clever tricks for them.' Lines 2±6: `Jugglers/tricksters/acrobats come into his presence and cause the likeness of a sun and moon full of radiance to do him reverence as a sun and a moon. Next the maidens of the house come and bring golden cups full of mares' milk to him and to the ladies. Knights mount upon their horses and are jousting in the hall until the king and all his folk go to bed.' Lines 1±17: `The juggler/trickster/acrobat took a ball of silk out of his conjuring bag and threw it upwards so that it went into a cloud in the air. He took a hare out of the same bag, and the hare went running up the thread; and he took out a little dog, and let it go after the hare, and it was barking sweetly in pursuit. Then he took a small youth out of the same bag and told him to go up the thread after the hound and the hare. From another bag that he had he took a beautiful, neat young woman, and told her to follow after the youth and the dog and to protect the hare from harm by the  Ceallaigh enjoyed hound. The young woman quickly ran up after it. And Tadhg O looking at them and listening to the noise of the hunt, until they ®nally were up into the cloud completely out of sight. They were silent for a long time, until the juggler said: ``I'm afraid there's mischief going on up there, and if there is it won't go  Ceallaigh. ``The dog will be eating the unpunished''. ``What's that?'' asked Tadhg O hare'', said the juggler, ``and the youth making love to the woman.'' ``That would be natural'', said Tadhg. He pulled down the thread and found the youth between the woman's legs and the hound gnawing the hare's bones.' The composition of Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomhnaill has been dated on internal evidence to some time between 1537 and the mid-sixteenth century; see S. H. O'Grady and R. Flower, eds. Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the British Museum, 3 vols (London, 1926±53), II, 350±1. Lines 1±4: ` . . . when seated on the smooth benches of their royal mansion, drinking their noble banquets of wine and their harsh, heady draughts; their royal faces ¯ushed and glowing, as they listen to verses and poetic lays about their ancestors and forebears, eloquently uttered by reciters and royal bards . . .'.

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Notes to section 6 54

55

56

599

Line 2: `Feidlimid was a sceÂlaige and an harmonious harper of the enduring stock'. Other manuscripts containing this poem have no variants of present interest. Lines 2±3: `My answer to Campion is that here he is like a player who would be reciting jeering stories on a scaffold rather than an historian'. Lines 2±21: `A young man from Ireland, eighteen years of age, inserted two knives in his nostrils for half their length, so straight that they stood perpendicular to his face ± they were our own knives ± so that it was necessary to pass them through those openings by which the mouth communicates with the nose, and as a result of this, these openings had become larger and lower down than they were naturally. Similarly he passed a crooked straw, standing perpendicularly, through every part of his face, forehead, eye-brows, eye-lids, cheeks, and the tip of his nose, merely by the motion of his chin muscles, by which these parts sometimes assumed extraordinary shapes. He also set a very large sword on his forehead and held it there without any other assistance than this. With powerful blows of a sword, falling in the manner of a razor, he cut a number of straws sticking right out from his belly, and never missed a blow. He then struck the skin of his belly with similar blows and was not wounded. Again, he held a large knife by one end in his mouth, and placed on the other end a piece of wood with an iron point, and again on the iron point a small leaden dish, which he kept constantly whirling with a rapid motion. He applied several swords and daggers by the points to his body, having their hilts resting on the ground, and two besides in his hands held only by the points, and then, supporting himself merely by the tips of his hands and feet resting on these swords, he whirled himself about in a marvellous manner among them. When I asked whether Ireland had many such as [him], he answered that there were lots, and [that they were] more accomplished by far, and these men performed things far more marvellous.'; Jerome Cardan, Hieronymi Cardani Mediolanensis Medici, De Rervm Varietate, Libri XVII, 2nd ed. (Basle, 1581), p. 797. Opposite the start of this account in the right-hand margin is printed: Prñstigia- | tor Hiber- | nicus.

Notes to section 7 1

2

3

4

Lines 2±6: `They are extremely curious about playing the harp, on which almost everybody plays, and they make music with it as the English do with the viol, the French with the lute, the Italians with the guitar, the Spanish with the castanettes, the Scottish with the bagpipes, the Swiss with the ®fe, the Germans with the trumpet, the Dutch with the drum, and the Turks with the sweet ¯ute.'; M. de la Boullaye le Gouz, Les Voyages et Observations dv Sieur de la Bovllaye-le-Gouz (Paris, 1653), p. 458. Lines 2±5: `Where there were poets, bards and reciters, acrobatic dancing, wines and feasts ± a perpetual pastime and spirited warriors ± and stately ornamented music was created on harps' (S. Donnelly, `Cranngha(i)l ``A Sound or Effect in Music'' ', Celtica 22 (1991), 16±17; his translation is adapted here). This poem re¯ects on the former  BruÂdair, was aristocratic pastimes of pre-Cromwellian Ireland. The poet, DaÂibhõ O born before the Cromwellian period and so may have known personally the pastimes which he recalls. Memoirs of the Right Honourable the Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Deputy General of Ireland (London, 1722), p. clxx. This description relates graphically the circumstances of the performance of praise poetry in the pre-Cromwellian period. Its essential accuracy can be measured by comparison with other accounts from the period proper (as, for example, the Information for Ireland of Thomas Smyth; see above, section 5.2, s.a. 1561). A Journal of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, and Labour of Love in the Work of the Ministry, of that Worthy Elder and Faithful Servant of Jesus Christ, William

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600

5

6

7

8

9

Notes to section 7

Edmundson, who departed this Life, the Thirty First of the Sixth Month, 1712. (London, 1715), pp. 37±8. William Edmundson (1627±1712) spent much time in Ireland, where he became leader of the Society of Friends. He was a prominent preacher. He would have been about thirty years old when the incident narrated above occurred. EIS, p. 41, suggests that the stage players were English, since Londonderry was readily accessible from ports on the west coast of England. The passage shows that the tradition of rope-dancing executed by stage players, ®rst on record in Ireland on 30 March 1638 (see under Boyle in section 5.5), was still to be witnessed during the Protectorate. Opposite in the right margin of p. 37 is printed: The Day of | the Lord | proclaimed | to a Multi- | tude about | a Stage.; opposite in the left margin of p. 38 is printed: W. E. Im- | prisoned at | Londonderry; and further down the same page is printed: The Rope- | Dancer sorely hurt | by a Fall. This is taken from a Parson's Cess for Fishamble Street (Fishamble Street is the street continuing due north of the pillory and past the church of St John the Evangelist towards the river; see Fig. 3). A later cess of 1646 (on p. 260 of this manuscript) makes it clear that John Huggard was still living there then, and speci®es that he lived on the east side of the street, though only in the extract given above is there any mention of him being a musician. Huggard was in Fishamble Street (with a tenant) at least as early as 1626 (see p. 62 of this manuscript), and apparently continuously since he reappears in subsequent cesses. He is not in the 1622 cess (p. 28 of this manuscript and following). The next cess is that for 1626, so Huggard presumably arrived in the street between 1622 and 1626. It is not known what the status of the `inmates' of Huggard was; they seem to have been resident in his house, though in what capacity is unknown. Lines 2±3: `Stephen Holte, musician, was admitted to the franchise by a special grace, and for a ®ne of one pair of gloves paid to the mayor's wife'. This important document, written as a counter-petition against the bid of the courtier-playwright Sir William Davenant to secure the of®ce of Master of the Revels in Ireland (see EIS, pp. 43±4), reveals that Sir Thomas Wentworth had previously granted that of®ce to John Ogilby (1600±76), a Scottish dancing master who had accompanied Wentworth to Dublin and who was instrumental in setting up the Werburgh Street Theatre (on Ogilby, see DNB, XLII, 14±17). Also, the document notes the construction of a theatre in Dublin (the Werburgh Street Theatre) at Ogilby's expense, as well as his importation from England of actors and musicians. Although these evidently formed the staple of the company, it is possible that some Werburgh Street Theatre personnel had already been active in Dublin, for the wording of Ogilby's 1661 patent seems to imply that plays were being presented in the city before his theatre opened, and that part of his brief had been to reduce this unlicensed state of affairs to order. Some element of unregulated playing in Dublin in the early years of the seventeenth century would certainly also accord with Barnaby Rich's description in The Irish Hvbbvb, or, The English Hve and Crie of 1617 of the four (Dublin) roisterers who had nothing better to do for the afternoon than consider whether they should stroll off to watch a play (see Appendix 6.4 (ii) ). This important document cites an instrument of the then Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth, dated 28 February 1638, now not known to exist, by which John Ogilby was appointed Master of the Revels for Ireland. The document is also informative about the nature of theatricals available in Dublin before the opening of the Werburgh Street Theatre: Ogilby `did effectually reduce the publick presentacions of tragedies and comedies to the proper and harmeles use whereby those recreacions formerly obnoxious were made inoffensive' (lines 10±12). This suggests that, before the opening of the theatre, playing had nevertheless been proceeding in an irregular fashion, and corroborates what the previous document also suggests (see the Petition of John Ogilby, 8 May 1661, above and endnote 7). The author of this biographical notice of John Ogilby was John Aubrey (1626±97), on

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Notes to section 7

10

11

601

whom see DNB 1, 716±7. Aubrey records the licensing of Ogilby as Master of the Revels (`Ceremonies', line 5) for Ireland, the location of Ogilby's theatre in Werburgh Street (lines 6±7), and an unpublished play by Ogilby, `The Merchant of Dublin' (line 10). This play, known only from Aubrey's reference here, may conceivably have been written after the Restoration, however. Variants of substantive interest in another Aubrey manuscript, Bodl., MS Aubrey 7, f. 20, read: line 5 Ceremonies] Revells; line 6 [at Dublin] a] a pretty; lines 9±10 He . . . printed] om. W. R. Chetwood, A General History of the Stage (Dublin, 1749), p. 51. Chetwood categorically dates the opening of the Werburgh Street Theatre to 1635, but also gives the regnal year as 10 Charles I (lines 3±4), that is, 27 March 1634 to 26 March 1635. (Chetwood also refers to Ogilby as ®rst Master of the Revels in Ireland; lines 5±6.) EIS, p. 31 and note 2, dismissed Chetwood, along with another early theatre historian, Thomas Wilkes (see the item following below), for having advanced `without any speci®c proofs differing years' for the theatre's opening, and it is undisputably true that Chetwood, like so many others of his vintage, was unperturbed about sourcing his claim. Yet because Chetwood lived in Dublin in the early eighteenth century, he was well placed to gather authoritative information on early Dublin theatres. Joseph Ashbury, Ogilby's successor in the of®ce of Master of the Revels, was also still alive in Dublin at this time, and Chetwood may even have received information directly from him. To return to the doubts voiced in EIS about Chetwood's credibility: damage to this was thought to be caused by a discrepancy between Chetwood's date of 1635 and that advanced by Wilkes ± a discrepancy held to re¯ect badly on both of them. But in fact the discrepancy is more apparent than real. EIS was not strictly accurate in saying that Wilkes dated the establishment of the theatre to 1634. What Wilkes said was `about the year 1634', thus leaving some small room for manoeuvre around that date. Furthermore Chetwood, alongside his date of 1635, noted very precisely that he had discovered no record of any theatre established in Dublin until the tenth regnal year of Charles I. While 10 Charles I certainly covered part of 1635, its larger part covered 1634. Therefore, once it is realized that 10 Charles I straddled much of 1634 and the beginning of 1635, the apparently contradictory opinions of Chetwood and Wilkes may be reconciled. In sum, the Werburgh Street Theatre had opened before June 1636 (on the evidence of the letter of Sir Thomas Wentworth to Archbishop William Laud, cited under Dublin, 10 July 1637, in section 5.4, and see endnote 470); if Chetwood and Wilkes are to be credited ± and it seems there are less grounds than previously thought for not crediting them ± then that theatre may have opened early in 1635. Chetwood also sets the closure of the theatre in 1641 (lines 7±9). Since the rebellion spoken of occurred in October of that year, this dates the closure quite precisely. The Lords Justice at that time mentioned in lines 9± 10 were indeed William Parsons and John Borlase. T. Wilkes, A General View of the Stage (London, 1759), p. 306. Apart from its bearing on the date of the opening of the playhouse (see the previous endnote), this account of the layout of the Werburgh Street Theatre is the earliest to survive. Although Wilkes's information was second-hand, whoever his informant was may have been relating an authentic tradition because his details, though scant, ®nd echoes in the hall playhouses of Caroline London. In seeking an English analogue to Wilkes's description, it seems most logical to begin with any theatres that Ogilby may have been personally acquainted with in London before coming to Dublin. There is reason to believe that Ogilby's London theatrical connections were with that in¯uential playhouse, the Cockpit, in Drury Lane. This theatre, almost certainly that depicted in a set of Inigo Jones drawings dated to between c. 1616 and c. 1618, resembled in all essential aspects of internal layout two other major London hall playhouses, Blackfriars and the Salisbury Court: its galleried auditorium was U-shaped; seating also ¯anked its stage immediately to the left and right; three doors were set in the rear of the stage (one each to the left and to the right, and between these two a larger, central door); and above

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602

12

13

14

15

16

Notes to section 7

the doors ran a balcony. For further discussion of the likely nature of the Werburgh Street Theatre layout, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 265±7. Wilkes calls Ogilby `deputy-master of the revels' (line 2), but where the status of deputyship comes from is not clear; Ogilby is not so denominated anywhere else. It is also said that James Shirley was Ogilby's close friend (lines 7±8). The date of the rebellion is incorrectly set at 1645 (line 11). R. Hitchcock, An Historical View of the Irish Stage 2 vols (Dublin, 1788), I, 11±13. Hitchcock, who was prompter at the Theatre Royal, may in essence be following Chetwood, but seems to add a few original details on the Werburgh Street Theatre layout, from which this extract derives its sole value (unless they are embroideries of the basic account in Wilkes; see the previous item). JCS, V, 1141. Bentley was not able to identify the periodical in which the article containing the above extract, by John Malone, was published. The article describes the founding of the Players Club in New York and describes their club house. The 1635 date (line 9) is probably Malone's inaccurate inference. This history of Kerry was possibly written by one Father O'Sullivan, active in the mid-eighteenth century. `Mr. Nic: Pierce of Clenmaurice' (lines 3±4) was probably Nicholas dall Pierse (on whom see endnote 44 to the Records proper). Another copy of the document, in RIA, MS Stowe I v 1, section H, has no variants of present interest. This unique playbill advertizes the performance of Titvs, or the Palme of Christian Covrage in Kilkenny by the Jesuits and their students. Its plot related the eventual triumph of the Christian courage of Titus over the ruthless efforts to de¯ect him from the true faith by the King of Bungo. The play was inspired by the Histoire Ecclesiastiqve des Isles et Royavmes dv Iapon (Paris, 1627) by FrancËois Solier, an account of the Jesuit mission to Japan in the 1580's. However, Solier's account served simply as a point of departure. Titus and his family have no named parallels in Solier's work, though they may be loosely based upon the family and character of a certain Don Paul, a persecuted christian in Japan whose wife voices the principle around which the play also revolves: `Il vaut bien mieux . . . perdre les biens & la vie pour la confession de la foy, que les aduanturer apres pour quelque autre subiect' (`It is much more worthwhile to lose possessions and life for confessing the faith than for venturing them on account of whatever other cause.'; Solier, Histoire Ecclesiastiqve, p. 622). The playbill testi®es to Kilkenny's thriving theatrical traditions at this late date (for further discussion, see Fletcher, Drama, Performance, and Polity, pp. 194±5). These accounts were prepared by John Walley, steward of the household.

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Addendum At the proof stage of this book's production, I became aware of three further references, all to harpers, which ordinarily ought to have found a place in the Repertory. I give brief notice of them here, although it has not been possible to consult the primary sources from which they derive, except in the case of the third item. 1. A certain Connor O'Spellan served as harper to Gerald FitzGerald, eleventh earl of Kildare (²16 November 1585). K.W. Nicholls, `The Geraldines of Allen', The Irish Genealogist 4 (1970), 194±200; see p. 200. 2. A certain Daniel oÂg O'Cahill, harper, purchased land from Viscount Barry in 1585 and 1606. O'Cahill had a kinsman, Daniel Duffe Mac Cormaic O'Cahill, who was also a harper. See Edmond Barry, Barrymore: Records of the Barrys of County Cork (Cork, 1902), pp. 184±5. 3. BL, MS Cotton Titus B. xxiii, f. 514v, contains a reference to a certain O'Kellane, harper to DoÂnal Mac Carthy moÂr, earl of Clancare (² c. early February 1597), as being among the `Freindes' of the earl: `O Kellane his harper'. The tract in which this reference occurs was written by Nicholas Browne in 1597. Its incipit, f. 508, runs: `The meanes howe to keepe the Prouynce of Mounster and suche are of anye force thearin. from beinge able hearineafter to raise any power . . .'.

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General Index [Note. This General Index applies only to the material presented in sections 5, 6 and 7 of the Repertory proper, excluding their endnotes, and to the Addendum.] Abraham and Isaac, Weavers' pageant of, 228±9 Achonry, co. Sligo, 198 Act Book, of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. See under Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin actors and players, 171, 194, 231, 234, 337, 242, 244, 277, 295, 316, 326, 331, 333, 340, 350, 354±7, 363±4, 374, 379, 403±5, 407±9, 418±19, 439, 442, 446, 457, 460, 485±6, 488±9; cluithcheoÂir, 482. See also plays and players; puppets, puppet plays and puppet players Acts, sent from England for the Irish parliament, 189 Adam and Eve, Glovers' pageant of, 228±9 Adam and Eve, Tailors' play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin  dam oÂenathair na ndoÂene, 481 A Advertisements for Ireland, 193 Advice to a prince, 156 aes cõÂuil. See under ceol Aglaura, 447 Ailill, harper, 384 Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, 477; Mac Con Glinne, 477  amon (Ned Scott), harper, 162 Albanach, E Albanagh, Rowry, harper, 207 All Hallows, priory of, Dublin, 228; prior of, Dublin, 233 Allen, Giles, mayor of Dublin, 266±7 A Manchan, romcaicill feÂin, 466 Andowe, John, proctor of St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 231 Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVI, 170 A NioclaÂis, nocht an gclaÂirsigh, 160 Annaghmore, co. Offaly, 199 Annales Hiberniñ, 165 Annals: of Clonmacnoise, 209, 397±8; of Connacht, 166, 203, 387, 389, 397; of the Four Masters, 165, 167, 169, 204, 376, 391, 396; of Ireland, 203, 375; of Loch CeÂ, 172, 180, 211, 383±4, 391±2, 395; of Ulster, 167±70, 199, 203, 344, 384, 395 Annas and Caiaphas, Barbers' pageant of, 229 Anne, of Denmark, wife of James I, 405±6 Ann Lyffy. See Liffey, river Annunciation to the shepherds, Hoopers' pageant of the, 229 aonach, 148; of Carmun, 206

Archer, John, sovereign of Kilkenny, 347 Archer, Patrick, sovereign of Kilkenny, 355±6 Archer, Peter, Mayor of Bullring, Kilkenny, 360 Archer, Simon, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 355 Archer, Thomas, sovereign of Kilkenny, 352, 354 arches, triumphal, 367±8, 371, 382 Ard, co. Fermanagh, 199 Armagh, co. Armagh, 199; ecclesiastical province of, 432 Armiger, Edward, player, 331 Armstrong, Archie. See under fools, professional Arnold, Sir Nicholas, 252 Articles, applied to Gerald Fitz James FitzGerald, fourteenth earl of Desmond, and his brother John, 175 Ashbury, Joseph, theatre manager and actor, 295 Assembly Rolls. See under Dublin, co. Dublin Auctarium Vitarum aÁ JA collectarum, 487 Ayleward, David, 167 Bacchus, Vintners' play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin bagpipes and bagpipers, 187±8, 426, 439, 445, 474, 484 Baker, Ned, 340 Bakers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of; and see under Hoggen Green, Dublin Balf, Walter, 200 ball games, 433±4 Ball, John, 438; declaration of, 437 Ball, Nicholas, mayor of Dublin, 273 Ball, Robert, mayor of Dublin, 302, 305±6 Ball, Walter, mayor of Dublin, 268, 271 Ballychalatan, co. Tipperary, 200 Ballycommon, co. Kilkenny, 419 Ballyedmond, co. Wexford, 200 Ballygrunnagh, co. Kilkenny, 200 Ballymacrossan, co. Offaly, 201 Ballymote, co. Sligo, 201 Ballynabanaba, co. Galway, 195 Ballypierce, co. Carlow, 201 Ballyshannon, co. Donegal, 201

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606

General Index

Ballysheenan, co. Tipperary, 202 Balrothery. See under dances and dancing Baltimore, co. Cork, 202 Balylayn, co. ?, 167 Banbha, 160 banchaÂinte. See under caÂinte and caÂintecht Bandon, co. Cork, 407 Barber-Surgeons' guild, of Dublin, accounts of, 265, 270, 273 Barbers, of Dublin, 229. See also Annas and Caiaphas, Barbers' pageant of barge, civic, of Limrick, 381 Barlow, William, trumpeter, 317±18, 322, 332, 334, 337, ?418 Barnewall, Sir Christopher, 421 Barrett, Richard, harper, 181, 393 Barry, David, ®fth Viscount Barry, Barrymore or Buttevant, 213, 342, 405, 603 Barry, David, sixth Viscount Barry, Barrymore or Buttevant, 214 Barry, James Fitz Richard, fourth Viscount Barry, Barrymore or Buttevant, 214 Barry, James, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 364 Barry, John Fitz John, ®rst Viscount Barry, Barrymore or Buttevant, 234 Barry, William, harper, 407 Bathe, William, drummer, 227 Batten, John, drummer, 322 bear baiting. See under bears and bearwards bearing of balls, Dublin ceremony of, 257, 279 bears and bearwards, 194, 429, 444; bear baiting, 320 Beaumont, Francis, playwright, 488 Bee, William, drummer, 328, 336 Bel®ger (Belphegor), a devil in the Kilkenny plays, 357 Bellew, James, mayor of Dublin, 305 Bellew, Philip, mayor of Dublin, 225 Bellew, Sir John, 419 Bellot, Thomas, 315 Bennett, Richard, piper, 226 Bennett, Robert, mayor of Dublin, 328 Bermingham, Edmond, tenth Lord Athenry, 341 Betha Brenainn, 466±7 Bethu PhaÂtraic, 453 Bingham, John, declaration of, 438 Bingham, Sir George, 340 Bingham, Sir Richard, lord president of Connacht, 340±1, 439 Birn, Gerald, 401 Bishop, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 316 Black Monday (Easter Monday), in Dublin, 233, 264, 266, 268, 270, 272, 288, 321±3, 327, 329±31, 333 Blackrock, co. Dublin, 299 Blount, Sir Charles, ®rst earl of Devonshire and

eighth Lord Mountjoy, Lord Deputy, 191, 295±6, 378, 400. See also under entries, civic Bluytt, William, mayor of Youghal, 403 Blyndharpour, Willielmus. See Dodmore, Willielmus Bodley, Sir Josias, 315 Boindrige, 154 Book of Disbursements. See under Ormond, earls of, Butler family Book: of Ballymote, 148, 162, 464, 478±9; of Common Prayer, 172; of Fenagh, 466; of Fermoy, 463±4; of Howth, 202; of Lecan, 159, 195; of Leinster, 156, 162, 206, 467±70, 473, 476, 481; of Lismore, 466±7, 477±9; of Magauran, 396±7; of The O'Conor Don, 160, 196, 218, 338, 481; Red, of Kilkenny Corporation, 197, 353, 359, 361; Red, of Ormond, 394; Red, of Ossory, 196±7, 433; Yellow, of Lecan, 153±4, 157, 159±60, 163, 394, 465, 468±9; Treasurer's, of Dublin Corporation, 235±41, 243±51, 253±77, 279±300, 302±15; White, of Dublin Corporation, 299 BoÂrama, 162 Borlace, Sir John, 487, 489 Bourke, John, 218 Boyle, Peggie, daughter of Sir Richard Boyle, 194 Boyle, Richard, Viscount Dungarvan, 194, 409, 412, 414 Boyle, Sir Richard, ®rst earl of Cork, 194, 409, 411±12, 414±17; diary of, 405±8, 410±14; household accounts of, 404±17, 491. See also under music and musicians boys, acting in interlude, 419. See also under actors and players Bradley, John, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 325 Bradshaw, John, musician, 426 Brady, Hugh, bishop of Meath, 252 braigetoÂir and braigetoÂracht, 148, 468±70, 477 Branganstown, co. Louth, 203 Breathnach, Muiris, 210 Brehon, David, Mayor of Bullring, 360, 362 BreÂifne, cos. Cavan and Leitrim, 204 Brenagh, Dermot Mac Shane, harper, 343 Brenagh, Walter, harper, 339 Bretha CroÂlige, 149 Â tgid, 147 Bretha E Bretha im Fhuillema Gell, 152 Bretha Nemed deÂidenach, 155 Bretha Nemed toõÂsech, 164 Breviat of the getting of Ireland, A, 169 Brian andois do nim do Maghnus, 396 Brice, John, mayor of Dublin, 304 Britannia, 174 Brittas, co. Dublin, 204 Brook, John, trumpeter, 289, 294±5, 297±305, 307±11, 313±14, 316

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General Index Brookes, John. See Brook, John Brosna, co. Kerry, 212 Brown, John, drummer, 317±19, 323, 328 Brown, John, musician, 336 Brown, Martin, drummer, 323±4 Brown, Richard, mayor of Dublin, 320 Browne, Nicholas, 603 BruthghaÂir beannacht id bhaitheas anuas do ghnaÂth, 162 Bryen Reoghe, piper, 219 buinne and buinnire, 468±9 Bulkeley, Lancelot, archbishop of Dublin, 331, 434; visitation articles of, 434 bull baiting, 197, 264, 320, 358 Bullock, . . ., taborer, 239±40 bullring, in Drogheda, 220; in Dublin, 228, 235±6, 264±5; in Kilkenny, 352, 358. See also Mayor of the Bullring, Dublin; Lord of Bullring, Kilkenny; Mayor of Bullring, Kilkenny Bunratty, co. Clare, 381 Burghley. See Cecil, Sir William Burnell, Henry, playwright, 451, 488; Landgartha, 451±2, 488 Burnell, Sir Robert, mayor of Dublin, 224 Burran, Nicholas, mayor of Dublin, 294, 297 Burrane, co. Cork, 204 Busher, John, setter forth of the Maries, 350±1; setter forth of the Resurrection play, 352 Butchers, of Dublin, 229; of Kilkenny, 358. See also six tormentors, Butchers' pageant of Butler, Edmund, terrier of, 394 Butler, John, 418 Bycton, James, trumpeter, 236±40 Byrne, Nicholas, trumpeter, 289±91 Cahir Castle, co. Tipperary, 204 Cain and Abel, Corvisers' pageant of, 228±9 CaÂin Fhuithirbe, 163 caÂinte and caÂintecht, 147±54, 156±9, 162±3, 469±70, 477; banchaÂinte, 148±9, 159, 475 Caisshell, Nicholas, drummer, 260 camel pageant, 237, 247 cantilenae. See songs, singers and singing Cappervarget, co. Kildare, 205 Carbury, co. Kildare, 205 Cardan, Jerome, 482 cards and card players, 174±5, 182, 184, 188, 190 Carew, Sir George, lord president of Munster, 185, 342 Carew, Sir Peter, 419 Carlow, co. Carlow, 365, 372, 382, 418 Carmun. See under aonach carols and caroling. See under dances and dancing Carpenters, of Dublin, 228±9; of Kilkenny, 359, 361. See also Carpenters, Millers, Masons

607

and Helliers guild, of Dublin; see also Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of; see also under Hoggen Green, Dublin Carpenters, Millers, Masons and Helliers guild, of Dublin, 237, 247; Guild Book of, 237, 247 carraghe(r)s. See cearrbhach Carrick on Suir, co. Kilkenny, 367 Carrickbeg, co. Longford, 206 Carrickfergus, co. Antrim, 429 Carrignacurra, co. Cork, 206 Carrignamuck, co. Cork, 207 Carroll, Sir James, mayor of Dublin, 319 car(r)o(u)ghes. See cearrbhach car(r)owes. See cearrbhach carvage. See cearrbhach Carvile, William, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 332 Cary, Henry, viscount Falkland, Lord Deputy, 322, 360 Cashel, co. Tipperary, 348, 463 Ca sõÂoth don cheoÂl do-chuala, 196 Casse, Stephen, 242, 244 Casse, Thomas, 376 castanets, 484 Castleroe, co. Kildare, 207 Castletown, co. Cork, 212 Cath Almaine, 163 Cath Cairnd Chonaill, 472 Cath Maige Mucrama, 476 Cath Muighe Rath, 163 Catholicke Conference, A, 313±14, 439 Cawyll, Patrick, ®ddler, 239 cearrbhach, 173±5, 178±84, 187±8, 190, 192±3, 207, 224, 387, 397 Cecil, Sir Robert, thirteenth earl of Salisbury, 183±4, 186, 189, 339, 400 Cecil, Sir William, Baron Burghley, 181 Ceithearnach Uõ Dhomnaill, 480 ceol, 159, 161, 163, 202, 218, 338, 343, 391, 396, 454, 462±3, 470±1, 477, 479; aes cõÂuil, 148, 398, 454, 456; crann cõÂuil, 397, 456. See also music and musicians Cerdraige, 154 Ceres, Bakers' comedy of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin Chain Book, of Dublin, 196, 228±30, 257, 316, 319±20, 322, 325, 328, 330, 336 Chappell, William, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, 331 Character of the Irish, 160 Charles I, king of England, 210, 360, 412, 414, 487±8 Charles II, king of England, 486±7 Chester, 429 Chichester, Sir Arthur, Lord Deputy, 189, 208, 309, 314, 402?, 407

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608

General Index

choristers, 322; of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 270, 273, 286, 296 (?), 310, 430±1; of Kilkenny, 370 chorus, 166 Christ, as a character in the Kilkenny plays, 351±2 Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 222, 233, 248±9, 251, 265±6, 270, 334, 430; Act Book of, 333, 336; White Book of, 227±8; prior of, 233 Christ Church Cathedral, Waterford, 399 Christmas plays, at Trinity College, Dublin. See under Trinity College, Dublin Christmastide plays of 1528, Dublin. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin Chronicles of England, Scottlande, and Irelande, 231 Chroniques. See under Froissart, Jean church ales, 432, 434 CõÂa an saoi le sinntear an chruit, 161 cithara, 165±6, 174, 210, 222, 455, 460; cithareda, 432, 455; citharista, 455; citherator, 223 cithareda. See under cithara citharista. See under cithara citherator. See under cithara Civic Assembly. See under Dublin, co. Dublin civic sword. See under swords claÂirsech, 160, 194, 224 Clanawly, co. Longford, 207 Clancahill, co. Cork, 195 Clanemalyrie, 185 Clanmaurice, co. Kerry, 489 Clann Chathail, 195 Clanricarde, earls of, Bourke family: Richard, second earl, 218; Ulick, third earl, 341; Richard, fourth earl and lord president of Connacht, 186, 286 Claracilla, 447 Clare, John, piper, 226 clesamnach and clesaigecht, 147±8, 152±3, 197, 398, 468±9, 471, 474, 476, 479±80, 484 Clifford, Sir Conyers, 201 Clogh Icully, co. Limerick?, 208 Cloghan, co. Offaly, 208 Clonagh, co. Limerick, 209 Clonegeraghe, co. Wexford, 209 Cloneonrie, in Leinster, 209 Clonlayr, co. ?, 167 Clonmacnoise, co. Offaly, 472 Clonmel, co. Tipperary, 209, 355, 368, 372, 381±2 clowns. See fuirseoÂir and fuirseoÂracht Cloyne, co. Cork, 210; diocese of, 432 cluiche. See under games and gamesters cluithcheoÂir, 482 Codex Salmanticensis, 457±8 CoÂir Anmann, 159 Coleraine, co. Londonderry, 210

Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, 197, 354 College Green, Dublin, 233 Colleron, John, Dublin wait, 225 Collier, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 228 Colton, John, archbishop of Armagh, 432; synodal statutes of, 432 comedy, 234, 348, 442, 448, 486; of the Resurrection, Kilkenny, 357, 359. See also under Hoggen Green, Dublin; Trinity College, Dublin Conal Clocach, 152 Conan, Grif®th ap, 165 Cong, co. Mayo, 211 Connacht, 173, 218, 286 Conpteours (?city accountants), of Dublin, 229. See also King Arthur with his knights, Conpteours' pageant of Conqueror, a character in the Kilkenny plays, 354 Conran, Philip, mayor of Dublin, 282 Consey, William, 361 constitutions, of the synod of Dublin. See under Dublin, co. Dublin contortionists and girners, 153, 157 Conway, Edward, Viscount Conway and Killultagh, 381, 383. See also under music and musicians Cooke, William, player, 333 Cooks, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of  chae, 154 Corcho O Corco Mruad, 154 Corey, Gilbert, proctor of St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 243 Cork, co. Cork, 178, 214±17, 381, 405, 429 corn and cornaire, 146, 152±3, 156, 159, 195, 206, 468±70. See also trumpets and trumpeters cornemuse. See bagpipes and bagpipers cornets, 325, 334 Corperaunt. See Shrove Tuesday Corporation Book of the Irishtown, Kilkenny, 348 Corpus Christi fair, Kilkenny. See under Corpus Christi Corpus Christi play, Kilkenny. See under Corpus Christi; music and musicians Corpus Christi, 225, 228±31, 234±5, 242, 244, 247, 252, 347±51, 355, 359±62, 364±5, 374, 429; guild of, Dublin, 229±30; pageant lists of, of 1498, Dublin, 228±9, 257; play of, Kilkenny, 354±7, 361±5, 374; fair of, Kilkenny, 353, 362; playbook, Kilkenny, 363; ridings, Kilkenny, 349, 351 CoÂrus BeÂscnai, 148 CoÂrus Iubaile, 146 Corvisers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Cain and Abel, Corvisers' pageant of

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General Index Cosgrave, Christopher, Mayor of the Bullring, 301 Cosgrave, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 274 coshering, 176, 189, 193 costume and disguise, of Gaelic entertainers, 464, 473±4, 476±7; face-blackening, 461, 473; of St Michael in the Kilkenny plays, 363. See also livery; see also masking apparel under masques and masquers Council Book of Youghal. See under Youghal, co. Cork county: Carlow, 205; Cavan, 207, 397; Clare, 208; Cork, 211±12; Galway, 339; Kerry, 176, 196, 489; Kilkdare, 205, 344; Kilkenny, 345; Laois, 378; Longford, 206±7, 384; Monaghan, 385; Offaly, 389; Roscommon, 391; Tipperary, 219; Waterford, 214; Westmeath, 374, 400; Wexford, 401; Wicklow, 401 Courcy, William, actor and trumpeter, 350; petition of, 357; setter forth of Corpus Christi play, Kilkenny, 357; Mary Rothe, wife of, 364±5 Courtayne, James. See Curtane, James Cowley, Henry, 205 Cowley, James, mayor of Kilkenny, 362±6, 369±71, 373±4 Cowley, Robert, 170 Coyll, Patrick, musician, 335 Coyne, Christopher, copyist of the Kilkenny Corpus Christi playbook, 363 crann cõÂuil. See under ceol CreÂacht do dhaÂill me im arthach galair, 484 creccaire, 148, 467±9 Credan, Thady, harper, 220 Crede Mihi, 222 Creeve, co. Antrim, 218 Crispe, Richard, 166 Crispin and Crispiana, Shoemakers' play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin CrithenbeÂl, satirist, 159 Croker's Cross, Kilkenny, 371 Cromwell, Thomas, 170 croÂnaÂn, 148, 477±8 Cronica Regum Mannie et Insularum, 220 crosaÂn and crosaÂntacht, 146±7, 157±9, 162, 209, 397, 461±7, 481 Crosbie, Patrick, 185 crowd and crowder, 224 Crues, harper (of Sir Thomas Butler), 179, 193, 272, 419 cruit, cruitire and cruitirecht, 148, 153±4, 156±9, 160±3, 165, 168±9, 195, 204, 206, 338, 345, 396, 454, 456, 461, 467±8, 470, 474, 477, 481, 484; crutta, 165. See also harps, harpers and harping crutta. See under cruit, cruitire and cruitirecht cuddies, 181 cuisle and cuislenach, 146, 152±3, 163±4, 197,

609

206, 461, 467±8, 470. See also pipes, pipers and piping cuitbidi. See under jesters curse, poetic, 478±9 Curt(t)a(i)ne, James, drummer, 215±16 Curwin, Hugh, archbishop of Dublin, 243 Cusack, John, mayor of Dublin, 308±9 Cusack, Robert, mayor of Dublin, 251 Customs of the Irish, 180 cythara. See cithara D'eÂis an daingin do radas-sa d'EÂireannchaibh, 162 DaÂl Mugaide, 154 Dalkey, co. Dublin, 248 Dalway harp. See under harps, harpers and harping Dames Gate, Dublin, 228, 299 dances and dancing, 172, 176, 178, 180, 191, 193, 202, 220, 232, 309, 389, 433, 484; Balrothery (a variety of dance named after Balrothery, co. Dublin), 191; carols and caroling, 202, 388±9, 424; dancing devil, 394; dancing with hobby-horse, 429; dancing master, 418; dancing school, 418; Matachin dance (a variety of sword dance), 191; Morris dance, 440; Whip of Dunboyne (a variety of dance named after Dunboyne, co. Meath), 191; rope dancers and rope-dancing, 416, 485; sword dancers and sword-dancing, 187±8, 191, 214;. See also sword players dancing master. See under dances and dancing dancing school. See under dances and dancing Daniel, Thomas, actor of St Michael in the Kilkenny plays, 362±3 Davenant, Sir William, 486 David, harper, 394 Davies, James, musician, 426 Davies, Sir John, 186 Davis, John, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 354 Davys, Sir John, 309 Deaths of the Apostles, play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin de Bermingham, John, ®rst earl of Louth, 203 Decair comhall don chumhaidh, 202 De Hibernia Insula Commentarius, 184 de la Barre, John, 377 de Malpas, Roger. See under fools, professional Denham, Sir John, 315 Denis, William, taborer, 237±8 Denum sid mbhunaidh ai Briain, 396 De Ossoriensi Diocesi, 171 De Praesulibus Hiberniae, 348 De rebus in Hibernia gestis, 179 De Rervm Varietate, 482±3 Dermot, James, musician, 325, 335±6 Derry, co. Londonderry, 485 Derrymaclaughna, co. Galway, 218

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610

General Index

Descriptio itineris Capitanei Iosiae Bodley in Lecaliam, 378±9 Desmond, earls of, FitzGerald family: Maurice Fitz Thomas Fitz James, ninth earl, 169; James Fitz Maurice, tenth earl, 234; Gerald Fitz James, fourteenth earl, 173±4, 211±12, 380±3; James Fitz Thomas, sixteenth earl (the SuÂgaÂn Earl), 184, 342 Desmond, Gerald Fitz James, 382±3 de Ursinis, Jordan, cardinal, 199 de Windsor, William, governor of Ireland, 346 Devenish, Edmund, mayor of Dublin, 282 Dever, Patrick, piper, 385 devils, characters in Kilkenny plays, 352, 356 devils, dancing. See under dances and dancing Deyse, Edward, trumpeter. See Dyose, Edward, trumpeter Dia mor dom imdeghail, 159 Di Astud Chirt 7 Dligid, 147 dice and dice players, 173, 182, 184, 190, 193, 199, 378. See also cearrbhach Di Chetharslicht AthgabaÂla, 149±51 Digby, Robert, Baron Digby of Geashill, 414 Dillon, Sir Lucas, 438 Dillon, Sir Robert, 340, 374, 438±9 Dilson, Henry, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 335 Dind RõÂg. See Tuaim Tenbath Dingle, co. Kerry, 218 Dirrifaddaghe, co. Tipperary, 219 Discourse of Ireland, A, 192 discourse for the reformation of Ireland, A, 178 doctors, in pageant of St George, 196 Do DeÂra, druÂth, 476 Dodmore, Willielmus (alias Willielmus Blyndharpour), harper, 168 Do druÂthaibh 7 meraibh 7 daÂsachtaibh, 157 domestics and servants, as actors and gameplayers, 340, 379 Donell, piper, 401 Donn BoÂ, musician, 164 Donogh buy, piper, 401 Donore, co. Westmeath, 219 Donoure, co. Cork, 219 Doubtful Heir, or Rosannia, or Love's Victory, The. Downing, John, 417 Downmogan, co. Kilkenny, 219 dragon, in Corpus Christi procession, Dublin, 229, 247; in St George's Day pageantry, Dublin, 196, 229, 247; in the Triumph of the Peace, Dublin, 237; refurbishment of, 248, 253 Drangan, co. Tipperary, 220 Drenam, Philip, drummer, 253±7, 261±4, 266±72, 274±7, 279, 281±3, 285±9, 291±2 drisiuc, 146, 148±9, 153, 155, 157±8, 164±5 Drogheda, co. Louth, 220, 422, 429, 431; Register, of the the mayors of, 338

drums and drummers, 215±17, 227, 230, 237±40, 244, 253±8, 260±4, 266±72, 274±7, 279, 281±3, 285±9, 291±4, 296±305, 307±10, 312±4, 317±19, 321±31, 333, 335±6, 360±2, 367, 369, 372±3, 378, 402±3, 414, 417±18, 444, 446, 484. See also tabors and taborers Drury, Sir William, 214 druÂth rõÂg. See under druÂth druÂth, 146, 148±54, 156±7, 159, 163±4, 394, 453, 464, 469±72; druÂth rõÂg or rõÂg druÂth, 156±7, 164±5, 468±9, 474; geÂim druÂith, 164; precones, 453; Mac Glas, 476; RoÂimid, 473; Taulchinne, 474; uÂa MagleÂine, 164. See also fools, professional Dublin Castle. See under Dublin, co. Dublin Dublin Chronicle. See under Dublin, co. Dublin Dublin, co. Dublin, 165, 185, 196, 220, 223, 225, 228, 230±4, 245, 255±6, 309, 315±16, 319, 322, 325, 360, 363, 369, 373, 382, 386, 394, 411, 421, 424, 439, 444, 448, 451, 485±8; ecclesiastical province of, 432±3; constitutions of synod of, 433±4; Assembly Rolls, 224±6, 228, 230, 242, 244±5, 247±9, 251, 253, 257, 259±66, 268±73, 275, 277±8, 280±2, 285, 287±90, 292±5, 299±305, 307, 309, 314±20, 322±4, 327±8, 330, 336±7, 486; Castle, 256, 267, 295, 412±13, 448, 488±9; Chronicle, 231, 233±4, 244±5, 248±9, 251±2, 255; Civic Assembly, 225±6, 228, 230, 242, 244, 248±51, 264, 269, 273±4, 279±80, 285, 288±9, 291±3, 298, 301±2, 304, 306±7, 309, 317±20, 324, 328, 330; parliament house of, 414 Duff, Teig, piper, 345 Duffe, David. See FitzGerald, David Duffe, Sir Thady, mayor of Dublin, 322 Duisk, co. Kilkenny, 337 Duke, David, 270 Dundalk, co. Louth, 338 Dungarvan, co. Waterford, 214 Durant, William, 403 Dyose, Edward, trumpeter, 290, 293, 295 Earl Marshal, ordinances of, for ceremonial protocol, 436 Eblana. See Dublin, co. Dublin ecclesiastical province, of Dublin. See under Dublin, co. Dublin Edict, of the Dublin Parliament, 234 Edict, of the Irish Parliament, 171±2, 194±5 Edict, of the Lord President and Council of Munster, 185±6 Edmundson, William, 485; Journal of William Edmundson, 485 Edward I, king of England, 200, 377 Edward III, king of England, 224, 346 Edward IV, king of England, 226 Edward VI, king of England, 200±1, 237±8, 240, 394

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General Index Egerton, Sir John, third earl of Bridgwater, 186 Eile UõÂ Chearbhaill, lordship of, 375 Elizabeth I, queen of England, 172, 174±5, 178, 181±2, 184±5, 189, 193, 199, 204±9, 214, 218±20, 245, 252, 266, 271, 279±80, 282, 284, 290, 295, 339±40, 342±5, 349, 376±82, 384±7, 389±93, 395, 397, 399±401, 437±9; vili®cation of statue representing, 437±9. See also under music and musicians Elliott, John, mayor of Dublin, 300, 302, 304 Ellis, Edward, 210 Embroiderers, of Dublin, 228. See also Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of Emperor, pageant character, in pageant of St George, 196; in play or pageant, 242, 247±8, 254, 258; head of, painted, 242, 258; Empress, pageant character, in pageant of St George, 196; in play or pageant, 242, 244, 247, 254 Empress. See under Emperor, pageant character England, 179, 183, 189, 194, 248±9, 255, 259, 270, 331, 347, 351, 400, 406, 436, 439, 444, 486±7 Enniskillen Castle, co. Fermanagh, 338 entries, civic: of Sir Henry Sidney into Cork, 381; into Dublin, 256; into Kilkenny, 348; into Limerick, 380±1; into Waterford, 381, 398±9; of Robert Devereux, twentieth earl of Essex, into Clonmel, 355; into Dublin, 291; into Kilkenny, 355; into Limerick, 381; of Sir Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, into Dublin, 291; of Sir William Russell into Galway, 341; of Sir Thomas Wentworth into Carlow, 382; into Kilkenny, 365±73, 382; into Limerick, 381±2; of Sir Charles Blount into Waterford, 400 Epilogue, by John Clavell, for a play at the `New house' (the Werburgh Street Theatre?), Dublin, 441 Epilogues, by James Shirley, for plays at the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin. See under Shirley, James Esker, co. Kilkenny, 339 Essex, earl of, players of. See under Essex, earls of, Devereux family Essex, earls of, Devereux family: Sir Walter, nineteenth earl, 264, 419; Household Accounts of, 419; Sir Robert, twentieth earl, 209±10, 291±2, 354; players of, 277. See also under entries, civic; music and musicians face-blackening. See under costume and disguise Fagan, Christopher, mayor of Dublin, 260 Fagan, Richard, mayor of Dublin, 275 farters and farting. See braigetoÂir and braigetoÂracht fedanach, 148

611

Feenagh, co. Limerick, 212 FeÂgthar tech Finn a nAlmhan, 464±5 Feidlimid, sceÂlaige and harper, 481 Ferdomhnach, dall, harper, 345 Fertullagh, co. Westmeath, 339 FõÂachairecht, 158 Fiand, Richard, mayor of Dublin, 252 Fiants, 175, 178, 184±5, 198±201, 204±9, 214, 218±20, 245, 339, 342±5, 376±9, 382, 384±7, 389±93, 395, 397, 400±1 ®ddlers, 316, 417 ®fes, 323±4, 484 Fifteen Signs of Doomsday, 159 Â ireann go hAointeach, 398 Filidh E Fingal RoÂnaÂin, 476 ®reworks, 372 FõÂs AdamnaÂin, 470 Fishamble Street, Dublin, 222 Fishers, of Dublin, 229 Fitz Edmund, Piers Butler, 219, 339 FitzGerald, David, 176 FitzGerald, Peter, copyist of Kilkenny orations and verses, 367, 369 FitzGerald, SeaÂn Mac Eamainn, 210 Fitzgibbon, John manntach Fitz Edmund, 390 FitzJohn, Thomas Fitz Simon, Mayor of the Bullring, 246 Fitz Le Harpour, Alexander, 345 Fitz Lewis, John, 197 Fitz Patrick, Dominic White, mayor of Limerick, 381 Fitz Phillip, Brian Mac Mahon, harper, 393 FitzRalph, Richard, archbishop of Armagh, 432 Fitzsimons, John, mayor of Dublin, 255 Fitzsimons, Michael, schoolmaster of Dublin, 264; Orationem in aduentum comitis Essexiñ Dublinium, 264 Fitzsimons, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 249 Fitzsimons, Thomas, recorder of Dublin, 233 Fitzwilliam, Sir William, 256, 397, 420±4, 438; household accounts of, 420±5 Fitzwilliams, Sir Thomas, 252 Fleming, James, ninth Lord Slane, 428 Fleming, Thomas, tenth Lord Slane, 267, 423. See also under music and musicians Fleming, Walter, musician, 324 Fletcher, John, playwright, 442, 444, 488; comedy by, 442 Fludd, William, painter of the triumphal arch, Kilkenny, 367±69, 371, 373 ¯utes, 484 fochloc, 164, 468±9, 478±9 fools, professional, 184, 187, 191; Archie Armstrong, fool of Charles I, 414; James, fool of Sir Thomas Wentworth, 372; James, fool of Sir Walter Devereux, 419; John, fool of Sir Adam Loftus, 422±5; Neale Moore, fool of Sir Charles Blount, 191; Will

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612

General Index

fools (cont.): [Sheyntton?], fool of Sir Henry Sidney, 429±31; Roger de Malpas, in a `fool's coat', 338. See also druÂth  irinn, 194, 482 Foras Feasa ar E Forstall, Richard, harper, 209 Forster, Sir Christopher, mayor of Dublin, 325, 330, 336 franches. See franchises and franchise ridings, of Dublin Franchise Register, of Dublin, 275, 307, 313, 324 Franchise Roll, of Dublin, 227, 230 franchises and franchise ridings, of Dublin, 224±5, 227±8, 233, 247, 255, 261, 265, 269, 271±3, 275, 285?, 288, 298±301, 303, 305±9, 312, 314±16, 318±22, 325±6, 328, 330, 336, 486 Friday Book, of Dublin Corporation, 292 Frithfholaid rõÂg Caisil fria thuatha, 154 Froissart, Jean, 223; Chroniques, 223 fuirseoÂir and fuirseoÂracht, 146, 148, 151, 153±4, 156±7, 163, 197, 463±4, 469, 477 Fyrewelthe, Mr . . ., Dublin orator, 296 Galbally, co. Limerick, 339 Galbardy, prohibited Eastertide game, 432 Galway, co. Galway, 340±1, 431, 438; ordinances for, 340 gambol, 379 games and gamesters, 171, 178, 193±4, 199, 260, 315, 320, 340, 375, 397, 433; cluiche, 149; ludi teatrales, 433 Gardener, Sir Robert, 181 Garryduff, co. Tipperary, 342 Garvey, John, bishop of Kilmore, 340 Garvey, Robert, Lord of Bullring, 353 Gaydon, John, mayor of Dublin, 269 geÂim druÂith. See under druÂth  eda SlaÂine, 475 Genemain A General History of the Stage, A, 295, 487 General Register, Trinity College, Dublin, 324, 326 General View of the Stage, A, 295, 488 General, The, 446 gentlemen, as actors and game-players, 295 gentraige, 157 Gerald, Mr. See under music and musicians Gerrott, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 283 GlasdaÂmh, 162 Glashare, co. Kilkenny, 342 Glovers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Adam and Eve, Glovers' pageant of go clis (`juggling spears'), 147 Godred II, lord of the Isle of Man, 220 God's Promises, 347 Goldsmiths, of Dublin, 229. See also Three Magi, Goldsmiths' pageant of goltraige, 157. See also cruit, cruitire and cruitirecht; harps, harpers and harping

Gorboduc, 295 Gore, Edward, musician, 280±1. See also waits and city musicians Gore, John, musician, 313. See also waits and city musicians Gough, Edward, Mayor of the Bullring, 305 Gough, Patrick, mayor of Dublin, 263 Gough, Richard, mayor of Youghal, 403 Gowere, Edward, musician, 426 Gowran, co. Kilkenny, 417 Grallagh, co. Tipperary, 343 Grangegorman, co. Dublin, 422 Granshagh, co. Kerry, 212 Guaire, 472 Guild Merchant, of Dublin (also known as Holy Trinity guild), Roll of, 221±2, 260. See also Merchants, of Dublin guitars, 484 gunpowder, explosion of, in Dublin, 288±9 Handcock, Matthew, mayor of Dublin, 297, 305 Hanwood, James, harper, 227 Hanwood, Robert, Dublin wait, 225 Harbard, Nicholas, mayor of Dublin, 231 Har¯eite, Edward, 210 Harford, Christinn, mayor of Youghal, 402 Harper, John, 232 harps, harpers and harping, 160, 168, 170, 173±4, 176±81, 184±9, 191±4, 198±9, 201, 203, 205±12, 218±20, 222, 227, 232, 245, 262, 278, 315, 324, 332±3, 344, 347, 360±1, 375, 384, 392, 397, 400±2, 407, 418±19, 422±3, 427, 484, 489; Dalway harp, 210. See also cithara; claÂirsech; cruit, cruitire and cruitirecht. See also crann cõÂuil under ceol Harrington, Sir Henry, 290, 402 hautboys, 280, 418 Heathcote, John, deposition concerning, 329 Helliers, of Dublin. See Carpenters, Millers, Masons and Helliers guild, of Dublin Henry II, king of England, 221 Henry IV, king of England, 168 Henry VI, king of England, 225 Henry VII, king of England, 228, 231, 347 Henry VIII, king of England, 169, 171, 194, 205, 234, 238, 435±6; proclamation as king of Ireland, 435 Heptads, 152 Hereford, 405 Hickes, Sir Michael, 315 Hickey, Matthew, actor of Conquerors in the Kilkenny plays, 363, 374 Hill, John, trumpeter, 269±72, 274±5, 277, 279±83, 285±90 Historiñ Catholicñ Hiberniñ Compendium, 178±9 Historical View of the Irish Stage, An, 488±9 Historie of Ireland, The, 175

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General Index Historie of the Kingdome of Ireland, The, 180, 221 History and Antiquities of the City of Dublin, The, 249, 266 History and Antiquties of Dublin, The, 233±4, 326 History of Kerry, 489 History of Limerick, The, 381 History of the County of Dublin, The, 232 histriones, 171, 234, 457, 460. See also actors and players hobby-horses, 429, 445. See also dances and dancing Hoggen Green, Dublin, 231, 233, 252; play of the Passion in 1506 on, 231; play of the life of St Laurence in 1523 on, 233; Christmastide plays of 1528 on, 233; play of the Deaths of the Apostles in 1528 on, 233; play of the Passion in 1528 on, 233; Bakers' comedy of Ceres in 1528 on, 233; Carpenters' play of Joseph and Mary in 1528 on, 233; Shoemakers' play of Crispin and Crispiana in 1528 on, 233; Smiths' play of Vulcan in 1528 on, 233; Tailors' play of Adam and Eve in 1528 on, 233; Vintners' play of Bacchus in 1528 on, 233 Holt, Stephen, musician, 486 Holy Cross, monastery of, co. Tipperary, 200 Holy Trinity guild. See Guild Merchant, of Dublin Holy Trinity Priory, Dublin, account roll of, 223 Hone, John, drummer, 216 Hooe, John. See How, John Hoopers, of Dublin, 229 Hoper, Richard, accounts of, 278, 284 Hospital, co. Limerick, 343 House carpenters, of Dublin, 228±9 House of the Players, The, 489 How a bullock is to be divided, 181 How, David, drummer, 217 How, John, drummer, 216±17 hubla clis (`juggling balls'), 147. See also jugglers and juggling Huggard, John, Dublin wait, 305, 307, 327, 329±30, 334, 336, 485. See also waits and city musicians Huggard, Nicholas, Dublin wait, 320, 325. See also waits and city musicians Huggard, William, Dublin wait, 293±4, 301±2, 311±12, 314, 318, 320, 327. See also waits and city musicians Hugh boy, piper, 200 Hunt, Edmond, 194 Hy-Cairbre, co. Limerick, 343 Image of Irelande, The, 176±7 Immram UõÂ Chorra, 463±4 Imokilly, co. Cork, 212

613

indentures, 338 Information for Ireland, 172 Inishbo®n, 173 Inisheer, 173 Inishmaan, 173 Inishturk, 173 interludes, 172, 194, 270, 359, 419, 486±7 Intlea, John, piper, 214 ioculatores. See jesters Ireland, 165±6, 168±9, 172, 174, 191, 199, 203, 209, 212, 214, 220, 223±4, 233±4, 256, 261, 266, 268±9, 343, 347, 375, 383±4, 390, 395, 397±8, 435±6, 438, 442, 460±1, 466, 478, 486±9 Irish Banqvet, An, 197±8 Irish Gentleman, The, 442 Irish Hvbbvb, The, 439±40 Irish Triads, 156±7 Isle of Man, 457 Itinerary. See under Moryson, Fynes Jack, singing man, 415 Jacob, Sir Robert, 309 James I, king of England, 193, 198, 201, 208, 297, 301, 344, 379, 400±2 James, fool of Sir Thomas Wentworth. See under fools, professional James, fool of Sir Walter Devereux. See under fools, professional Jans, Edward, mayor of Dublin, 324 jesters, 180, 183±4, 187±90, 397, 432, 458, 460; cuitbidi, 475 Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of, 228±9 Johan Baptystes Preachynge, 348 John . . ., trumpeter, 282 John, fool of Sir Adam Loftus. See under fools, professional Jonas, virginal maker, 279 Jones, Francis, musician, 408, 411, 417 Jones, Hugh, trumpeter, 282±3 Jones, James, mayor of Dublin, 283 Jones, Sir Roger, 189 Jones, Thomas, bishop of Meath, 340±1 Jonson, Ben, playwright, 442, 448; Alchemist, 442 Joseph and Mary, Carpenters' play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin; Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of Journal of William Edmundson. See under Edmundson, William jousting, 480 jugglers and juggling, 194, 415 Justice Luttrells Booke, The, 170 Justice, Mr. See under music and musicians Justiciary Rolls, 166±7, 222±3, 343±6, 387±8, 398

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614

General Index

Kanturk, co. Cork, 343 karroghe. See cearrbhach karrowes. See cearrbhach Kearnan, John, 397 Kells, co. Meath, 343±4 Kelly, Thomas, drummer, 293±4, 296±305, 307±10, 313±14, 317 Kelly, William, actor of St Michael in the Kilkenny plays, 356 Kenan, William, ®ddler, 227 Kennedy, John, setter forth of the Marys, Kilkenny, 356 Kennedy, Walter. See under organs and organists kern, 187, 189, 191 kerro(g)he(r)s. See cearrbhach Keynan, Cornelius, harper, 205 Keynan, Owen, harper, 205 Kilcooly?, co. Galway, 344 Kildare, co. Kildare, 344±5 Kildare, earls of, FitzGerald family: Sir Gerald, seventh earl, 253; Gerald, ninth earl, 205, 233; Thomas, tenth earl, 233; Gerald, eleventh earl, 344, 603; Henry, twelfth earl, 281, 284, 341; George, sixteenth earl, 411, 488 Kilkenny Castle. See under Kilkenny, co. Kilkenny Kilkenny, co. Kilkenny, 196, 337, 346±9, 354±9, 363, 365, 382, 419, 489; assembly at, 348; Castle, 352, 360±1, 418; corporation records of, 349±52, 354±7, 362±74; edict of corporation of, 347; Statute of, 346 Kilkenny-West, co. Westmeath, 374 Killeigh, cos. Tipperary and Offaly, 375 Killininneen, co. Westmeath, 376 Killutagh, co. Antrim, 383 Kilmaine, co. Mayo, 376 Kilmainham, co. Dublin, 421±2 Kilmallock, co. Limerick, 376, 380 King Arthur with his knights, Conpteours' pageant of, 229 King, Gregory, drummer, 230 King of Dele, in pageant of St George, 196 King's Inns, Dublin, Black Book of, 326 King's Lynn, Norfolk, 403 King's Players, 404 Kinsale, co. Cork, 296; Siege of Kinsale, 296 knights, in pageant of St George, 196 Knockainy, co. Limerick, 376 Knockgraffon, co. Tipperary, 377 Knocktopher, co. Kilkenny, 377 Knowles, William, musician, 410, 417 Krininge, James, setter forth of the Marys, 351. See also under organs and organists Krydane, William, harper, 379 Kurtane, James. See Curtane, James Kyvan, James, composer and singer, 368, 370 La bhraith an Choimdheadh an CheÂadaoin, 465

Lacy, Hugh, bishop of Limerick, 380 Lancaster, Thomas of, son of Henry IV, 168 Landgartha. See under Burnell, Henry land-gavel, of Drogheda, 220 LaÂnellach Tigi RõÂch 7 Ruirech, 146 Langton, Thomas, sovereign of Kilkenny, 352 Laud, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 331 Lawless, John, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 355; standard bearer on Corpus Christi, 355 Lawless, Philip, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 355; actor of Joshua in the Kilkenny plays, 355 Lawless, Walter, will of, 360 Lawless, William, of Dublin, 224 Lawless, William, of Kilkenny, actor of Godfrey and Hector in the Kilkenny plays, 364 le Mareschall, John, 376 le Piper(e), William, 222±3 Le Strange, Sir Thomas, 340 Le Tabourer, John, 344 Leabhar Breac, 471, 477 Leabhar Chlainne Suibhne, 391 Leabhar UõÂ Mhaoilchonaire, 159 Lebor Bretnach, 162 Lebor na hUidre, 470, 472, 474±5 le Bret, Milo, 386 Lecale, co. Down, 378 Ledrede, Richard, bishop of Ossory, 196 Lee, Captain Thomas, 290 le Feure, Robert, 222 le Harper, David, 386 le Harper, Reginald, 376 le Harper, Symon, 398 le Harper, Walter, 200 le Harpour, Henry, 346 le Harpour, Roger, 222 le Harpur, David, 337 le Harpur, Henry, 221 le Harpur, Hugh, 377 le Harpur, Hugh (a second, later, Hugh), 377 le Harpur, John, 221 le Harpur, Robert, 337 le Harpur, Roger, (possibly the same Roger le Harpour appearing on 222), 344 le Harpur, Stephen, 337 le Harpur, Symon, 221 le Harpur, Thomas, 221 le Harpur, Walter (a second Walter), 393 le Harpur, Walter, 221 Leinster, 173, 185, 209 LeitheÂid Almhan i nUltaibh, 391 Leitrim, co. Leitrim, 379 Lennett, musician, 424 Lennon, John, mayor of Dublin, 273 Lennon, Richard, Mayor of the Bullring, 287 Leonard, Lord Grey, Lord Deputy, 234

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General Index Lewis, Peter, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 252 Liber Primus, of Kilkenny Corporation, 347 Liber querelarum, 324±5, 331±4, 336 Liffey, river, 299 Limerick, co. Limerick, 367, 380, 382, 426 Liscarroll, co. Cork, 382 Lismore, co. Kerry, 212, 382 Lismore Papers, The, 403±4 Lisnagarvy, co. Antrim, 383 livery, 225, 237, 239±41, 243, 246±51, 253±6, 258±9, 262±4, 267±70, 272, 274±5, 279, 281±3, 285±7, 289±90, 293±7, 300, 303, 305, 307±9, 311, 314, 415 livestock, law tract concerning, 154 Loftus, Adam, archbishop of Dublin, 204, 252, 302 Loftus, Sir Adam, chancellor of Ireland, 411, 414, 417, 422±5 London, 382, 405±6, 418, 488 London Companies, 210 Longus, Nicholas, 392 Lord of Bullring, Kilkenny, 197, 352±3; Mayor of Bullring, Kilkenny (after 1609), 358±9, 362 Lord of Cogg, Christmas game, in Waterford, 399 lord of misrule, 431 Lorgan, Cornelas, drummer, 402 Lough Drin, co. Westmeath, 384 Lough Gill, co. Sligo, 384 Lough Gur, co. Limerick, 212 Lough Key, co. Roscommon, 383±4 Loughlinstown, co. Dublin, 427 Loughrea, co. Galway, 341 Lucas, Thomas, setter forth of the Maries, 354; actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 354; actor of Charlemagne in the Kilkenny plays, 354 lucht senma. See under seinm ludi and ludi teatrales. See under games and gamesters Lusk, co. Dublin, 426 lutes, 234, 408, 427±8, 431, 484 Lye, George, 291 Lye, Matthew, 296 Lyon, William, bishop of Cork, 181±2 lyra, 165, 193 Mac AedagaÂin, Baothgalach, 167 Â edh, Ruaidhri Mac Ruaidhri, 387 Mac A Mac Airt, Cormac, 147 Mac Briain Mac Donnchadha, Magnus, 383 Mac Brian Ballagh O'Neill, Niall Mac Conn Mac Aodh buõÂ, 396 Mac Carthy moÂr, DoÂnal, earl of Clancare, 603 Mac Cearbhaill, Maelruanaigh, timpaÂn-player and harper, 203 Mac Cerbhaill, Donnslebhe, 167 Mac Cerbhaill, Gilla caech, 167

615

Mac Cerbhaill, William, 167 maccfuirmid, 164, 468, 478±9 Mac Cithruaidh, Naoisse, musician, 384 Mac Collimet, harper, 376 McCongawney, Shane, relation of, 438 Mac Con Glinne. See Aislinge Meic Con Glinne Mac Conghalaigh, Conchubhar, harper, 195 Mac Coyne, Moriertagh, piper, 376 Mac Craghe, Dermod, harper, 343 Mac Craith, Donnchadh, 178 Mac Cridan, Diarmait, 210 Mac Cridan, GiollapaÂdraig, harper, 210 Mac Crossan, Ouin oge, rhymer, 201 Mac Crossan, Patrick. See Crosbie, Patrick Mac Cruitin (Mac Cuirtin?), Gilla-Duibin, 168 Mac Crydan, Donogh, harper, 343 Mac CuileanaÂin, Cormac, 462±3; and the crosaÂin, 462±3 Mac Dermod reogh, Owen, harper, 385 Mac Dermott, Cormac, harper, 186, 193 Mac Diarmada, Ruaidhri Mac Tadhg, 391 Mac Diarmaid, Cormac, harper. See Mac Dermott, Cormac, harper Mac Domhnaill, Pilib, 210 Mac Donchyn, Brian Mac Patrick, piper, 378 Mac Donnell, Art Mac Gillegrome, harper, 345 Â SochlachaÂin, Aedh, Mac Donnsleibhe O musician, 211 Mac Donogh, Donell, piper, 206 Mac Ea, Owen, 185 Mac Eagan, Patrick, 206 Mac Eamainn, Muiris, 210 Mac Ecorffe, Shane ballagh, harper, 385 Mac Egan, Eoin, harper, 376 Mac Ekelle, Cahell, piper, 401 Mac Emainn Butiler, Piarrus Mac Semais, 389 Mac Erca, Muircheartach, 162 Mac Fannyn, Conly, piper, 219 Mac Fhirbhisigh, Gilla Isa, 395 Mac Gennay, Hugh, harper, 342 Mac Gilla ruaidh, Uilliam oÂg, 169 Mac Gillecosgelie, Cormock, harper, 385 Mac Glade, Teige, harper, 345 Mac Glannaghie, Cosnige, piper, 209 Mac Glas. See under druÂth Mac Gyllechriste, Brene, piper, 401 Mac IÂ Chonmhaige an tSleÂibhe, Murchad, 168 Mac Innaighneorach, Amhlaeibh, 165 Mac James, Richen buoy, piper, 206 McKegan, harper, 245 Mac Kreadan, Guillipatricke Mac Conohour, harper, 208 Mac Kyernane, Owny, harper, 345 McMahon, Peter, 220 Mac Morris, Thomas, 183 Mac Morris, William, 183 Mac Murrough, 223±4 Mac Nadfraech, Oengus, king of Munster, 454±5

d:/1¯etcher/index.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:58 ± b&b/amj

616

General Index

Mac Namara, Donald, harper, 339 Mac ODoran, John, piper, 204 Mac Reyry, Teige Mac Donell, harper, 395 Â a ConodhraÂin, crosaÂn, 462 Mac Rinnach, U Mac Rory, Donold, harper, 393 Mac Ruaidhri oÂg, Brian oÂg Mac Ruaidhri Mac Taidhg, 392 Mac SeaÂin, Diarmait, 210 Mac SeaÂin, SeÂamus, 210 Mac Shane, Donyll, piper, 205 Mac Shane, Fearganainm Mac Meolmurry, harper, 212 Mac Shane, Felix, harper, 360 Mac Shane, Meolmurry, harper, 212 Mac Shane, Owohny Mac Meolmurry, harper, 212 Mac Shane, Thomas reough, piper, 378 Mac Taidhg, Donnchadh, 210 Mac ThomaÂis, Muiris, 210 Mac Tirlagh, Brian, piper, 201 MaÂg Oireachtaigh, David, archbishop of Armagh, 432 MaÂg ShamradaÂin, Brian, 396 MaÂg ShamhradaÂin, Fergal, 397 MaÂg ShamradaÂin, MaÂghnus, 396 Maglawey, Conor, piper, 385 Magrath, Meyler, archbishop of Cashel, 184 Magrath, Miler, archbishop of Cashel, 381 Magrath, Pilib Mac Taidhg, 210 Maid Marian, character in Morris dance, 440 maidens, in pageant of St George, 196 Mairg fheÂagas ar Inis Ceithleann, 338 Mallow, co. Cork, 385 Mandeville's Travels, Irish version of, 480 Marco Polo, Irish narrative of, 478 Mariners, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Noah's Ark, Mariners, Vintners, Shipcarpenters, and Salmon Takers' pageant of Market Cross, Kilkenny, 347±8, 362 Marsh, Thomas, drummer, 291±2 Marshal, Nicholas, Lord of Bullring, 362 Mary, queen of England, 171±2, 243, 347, 394 Marys, three, in the Kilkenny plays, 350±2, 359 masking. See under masques and masquers masking apparel. See under masques and masquers Masons, of Dublin, 228±9; of Kilkenny, 361. See also Carpenters, Millers, Masons and Helliers guild, of Dublin; Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of masques and masquers, 286±7, 341, 378±9, 407, 409, 412, 486±7; masking, 221, 309; masking apparel, 378, 427; visors, 427 Master of the Revels, Ireland, 295, 452, 486±7, 489; Patent for Master of the Revels, Ireland, 486±7

Matachin dance. See under dances and dancing May Day, 262, 264, 278, 289, 292, 321±5, 327, 330±1, 333, 335±6, 391, 421 May games, 341, 421, 425. See also games and gamesters; maypoles May, Humphrey, 400 Mayor of the Bullring, Dublin, 229, 240±2, 245±6, 251, 255, 263±4, 266, 271, 276±8, 292, 301, 306, 312, 429; young men of the Bullring, Dublin, 318 Mayowe, Thomas, player, 231 maypoles, 217, 290, 317, 326 Meath, 173, 220, 461 Mellifont, co. Louth, 419, 426, 431 Memoirs of the Marquis of Clanricarde, 484 Merchant of Dublin, The. See under Ogilby, John Merchants, of Dublin, 229; Merchants' Guild, of Kilkenny, 352±3, 358, 360, 362. See also Prophets, Merchants' pageant of Merrion, co. Dublin, 299 Mesca Ulad, 473 Meskell, Morris, drummer, 216±17 Meyler, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 227 Meylerstowne, co. Kildare, 385 MõÂadslechta, 152±3 Miaghe, Nicholas, proctor of St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 243 Midsummer, 242, 261±2, 268, 283, 286, 293, 296±7, 300, 302±3, 307±8, 310±11, 313, 316, 321, 337, 355; Midsummer plays, Kilkenny, 352, 363±4, 374; Midsummer riding, Kilkenny, 349±51 Midsummer plays, Kilkenny. See under Midsummer Midsummer riding, Kilkenny. See under Midsummer Millers, of Dublin. See Carpenters, Millers, Masons and Helliers guild, of Dublin mimus, 184, 224, 234, 432, 457 Minot, Thomas, archbishop of Dublin, 433; provincial council of, 433 minstrels and minstrelsy. See under music and musicians MionannaÂla, 163 mna siubhail, 173, 183 Mo cosc duit, a Doidhin mic Nine, 156 Mo-chean d'altrom an oirbheirt, 160  Eachach, 161 Mo-chean d'Eoghan O Mohar, co. Longford, 385 Mollony, John, harper, 390 Money, co. Wexford, 386 Montague, Captain Charles, 290 Moore, Neale. See under fools, professional Moore, Sir Charles, Viscount Moore of Drogheda, 414 Moreagh, co. Cork, 386 Morris dance. See under dances and dancing Moryson, Fynes, 190; Itinerary, 190±2

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General Index Mos, John, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 235 Moses with the children of Israel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of, 228±9 mouth crimes, law tract concerning, 146 Moyglare, co. Meath, 386 Much Ado about Nothing. See under Shakespeare, William Mullingar, co. Westmeath, 392 Mulrankin, co. Wexford, 387 mummers and mumming, 221 Munster, 173, 175, 178, 184, 191, 365, 374, 454±5, 463, 603 Murphy, John, actor of Satan in the Kilkenny plays, 356 Muscraige. See under Muskerry music and musicians, 148, 150, 153±4, 156±70, 172, 174, 176, 179±81, 184, 186±7, 191, 193, 195, 197±9, 201, 203±12, 219±22, 224±5, 227, 236±41, 243±8, 253, 250±65, 267±272, 274±5, 277, 279±83, 285±91, 293±5, 296±305, 306±20, 322±5, 327, 329±39, 342±6, 350, 359±60, 364, 366, 375±6, 379, 382±5, 387, 389±96, 401, 403±22, 424±9, 431, 439, 454, 456, 461±3, 467±72, 474, 477, 481, 484±6, 489, 491; of Sir Richard Boyle, 408±17; of Thomas Butler, 419; of James Butler, 366; of Edward Conway, 383; of Sir Walter Devereux, 419; of Elizabeth I, queen of England, 429; of Thomas Fleming, 423; of Donough O'Brien, 406; of Sir John Perrot, 272, 426; of Sir Thomas Radcliffe, 428; of Sir William Russell, 284, 286; of Sir Nicholas St. Lawrence, 404; of Christopher St. Lawrence, 311±12; of Sir Thomas Wentworth, 332; of Mr Gerald, 429; of Mr Justice, 429; for the Kilkenny Corpus Christi plays, 364; minstrels and minstrelsy, 166, 169±70, 178, 187, 194, 203, 211, 224, 235±7, 239±40, 281, 303, 346, 426, 428±9. See also bagpipes and bagpipers; buinne and buinnire; ceol; corn and cornaire; cuisle and cuislenach; drums and drummers; organs and organists; pipes, pipers and piping; songs, singers and singing; timpaÂn, timpaÂnplayers and timpaÂn-playing; trumpets and trumpeters; waits and city musicians Muskerry, co. Cork, 454±5; Muscraige, 154 Mylls, Edward, musician, 426 Naas, co. Kildare, 387 Narcissus, or, The Self-Lover. See under Shirley, James Neptis, daughter of Herodias, 471 New Description of Ireland, A, 188±9, 312 New Ross, co. Wexford, 388 News from the Holy Isle, 192 Nine Worthies, 234, 244, 249; Mayor of the

617

Bullring and batchelors' pageant of, 229, 242 Nir bhaidh tene Teallaich Eachtach, 397 Noah, 478 Noah's Ark, Mariners, Vintners, Shipcarpenters and Salmon Takers' pageant of, 228±9 Nodlaig do-chuamair don Chraoibh, 218 Nogell, Richard, 349 Norris, Sir John, lord president of Munster, 178 Notes for the reformation of Ireland, 184 Nowere, James, musician, 426 No Wit, no Help to a Woman's, 443 Nugent, Henry, musician, 275, 294 Nugent, Richard, second Baron Delvin, 427 O'Bardan, Gilbert, harper, 376 obloÂir and obloÂirecht, 146, 148, 150, 153, 155, 163±4, 169, 390, 394, 469. See also jugglers and juggling O'Boe, Daniel, drummer, 367, 369 O'Braonain, Melaghlin roe, harper, 339 O'Brenian, Meleaghlin, harper, 379 O'Brenon, Moillaughlen roe, harper, 400 O'Brien, 223±4 O'Brien, Denis, count of Fornonia (?),193 O'Brien, Donough, fourth earl of Thomond, 341, 406. See also under music and musicians O'Brinan, Gillpatrick, harper, 344 O'Cahill, Daniel Duff, harper, 405±6 O'Cahill, Daniel Duffe Mac Cormaic, harper, 603 O'Cahill, Daniel oÂg, harper, 603 O'Carroll, Captain Mak, 339 O'Casy, Donogh, piper, 379 Occulean, Denis, 199 Â Ceallaigh, Tadhg, 480 O Â Ceallaigh, William, 397±8 O Â Cearbhaill, Margaret, 375 O Â Cearbhaill, Tadhg, 375 O Â CianaÂin, Brian, 170 O O'Clabby, Brian buy, piper, 201 Â Cobhthaigh, Tadhg, 161 O Â Comhdhain, Tadhg, 172 O Â Conmaidh, Gilla na naem, 167 O O'Connor, 223±4 O'Connor, Cormac, harper, 382±3 O'Connor, Donogh, 393 O'Connowghane, Cormuck, harper, 198 O'Coyqnan, Muriartagh, harper, 211 Â Cuill, poetic school of, 213 O Â CuirnõÂn, Matha, musician, 204 O O'Cullinan, Conoghor, piper, 204 O'Cullinan, Daniel, piper, 204 O'Cullinane, Donogh, piper, 386 O'Daly, Moellony, harper, 201 O'Darmodie, Teige, harp maker, 345 O'Dea, Fr John, 200 O'Dogan, Dermond, harper, 342

d:/1¯etcher/index.3d ± 3/10/0 ± 8:58 ± b&b/amj

618

General Index

O'Donnell's Kern. See Cethearnach UõÂ Dhomnaill O'Doran, Donnoghoe, harper, 401 O'Dowan, Melaghlin, harper, 208 O'Down, Derby, harper, (probably the Dermond O'Dogan above), 342 O'Downie, William oge, harper, 207 O'Driscoll, 202 Â Duibhgennain, Daighre, 180 O O'Dullany, Dermot, piper, 390 O'Dullany, Owen, piper, 390 O'Duoennanus, Nuisius, musician, 193 O'Dwedy, Dermod, harper, 212 O'Dwedy, Rusell oge, harper, 212 O'Dwedy, William roe, harper, 212 O'Farrall, Morogh MacTege, 207 O'Ferrayle, Donell Mac Fergasse, piper, 401 O'Ferrayle, Fergasse, piper, 401 O'Ferrayle, Patrick oge, piper, 401 O'Finane, Brian Dorrogh, harper, 198 O'Finane, Edmond oge, harper, 198 O'Finane, Gillepatricke, harper, 198 O'Finnaghty, Magrath, musician and timpaÂn player, 391 O'Floyn, Edmund, harper, 385 O'Fogarty, Shane, alias Shane O'Coggee, piper, 339 O'Fynane, Shane boy, harper, 198 Ogan, John, 237 O'Gibbenny, Edmund, harper, 387 Ogilby, John, theatre manager and Master of the Revels, Ireland, 295, 448, 486±9; petition of, 486; The Merchant of Dublin, 487 Ogloerne, Adam, 167 Â hAllmhuraÂin, Eoghan, 161 O O'Hamine, Donogh, harper, 208 O'Haregan, James, harper, 345 O'Higgin, Irriell McDonnell Keogh, harper, 198 O'Higgin, Owen, harper, 198 OileÂan CarruÂn lagluÂb lõÂomhtha leÂir, 162 oÂinmhid, 152±3; rõÂgoÂinmhid, 473 oÂinseach, 170 oir®dech and oir®dedh, 148, 150, 160, 164±7, 384, 391±2, 454, 456, 462±3, 469, 471±2. See also music and musicians O'Kellane, harper, 603 O'Kenudy, Hugh reogh, piper, 385 O'Killin, Owen, piper, 390 O'Killyn, Donell, piper, 208 O'Kredan, Donogho, harper, 393 O'Lackyne, Teige, harper, 392 O'Lalor, Donald, harper, 245 Olc beatha na coisigheadh, 396 O'Linche, John, 184 Olive, daughter of Walter, 377 Â LuinõÂn, Matha, musician, 199 O O'Malley, 173 O'Moghane, Dowenald, minstrel, 346

O'Moore, Onie Mac Rory, 378 O'Mowrigane, Owen, harper, 201 O'Mulconry's Glossary, 159, 465 O'Mullane, Richard, harper, 219 O'Murhowe, Gerald, piper, 377 O'Neill, 223±4 O'Neill, Toirdhealbhach Luineach, 218 O'Nolane, James, harper, 219 On the forms of distraint, 151 operas, 486 Oran, co. Roscommon, 391 Orationem in aduentum comitis Essexiñ Dublinium. See under Fitzsimons, Michael orations, 209, 234, 291±2, 296, 341, 355, 365, 369, 380±2, 399±400; written copies of, 341, 367, 369, 380 Orders, for Connacht, 178 Orders, taken by the Lord Chancellor and Council of Ireland, 177±8 Orders, to be taken by the earl of Desmond in Munster, 173 Ordinances, for Connacht and Thomond, 171 Ordinances, for Munster, 171 Ordinances, for the Government of Ireland, 169 organ clerk. See Krininge, James, under organs and organists organa, 166 organs and organists, 332, 347; Kennedy, Walter, 273; Krininge, James, 351 Ormond, earls of, Butler family: Thomas, seventh earl, 231; James, ninth earl, 234; Thomas, tenth earl, 348, 354, 399, 419; Walter, eleventh earl, 417±19; Book of Disbursements of, 417±19; James, twelfth earl, 365±8, 373. See also under entries, civic; music and musicians O'Roddy, John Warner, minstrel, 166 O'Roddy, Nicholas, 166 Orpheus oÂg ainm Eoghain, 161 O'Rourke, Brian, 400 O'Rourke, Sir Brian, 437±9 Â Ruairc, Tadhg, 210 O O'Ryan, Edmund, piper, 200 O'Selive, James, harper, 199 O'Seloive, Gillaglasse, harper, 199 O'Shagnes, James reigh, 175 O'Shallon, Gilleglasse, harper, 389 O'Shanchan, Dermot, harper, 219 O'Spellan, Connor, harper, 603 Ossory, 389, 461 O'Toole, Art, 290 O'Trassy, John, piper, 382 Oweyn, Robert, 222 Owrey, Walter, trumpeter, 230 Oxmantown, Dublin, 239, 252 Pacata Hibernia, 342 pageant lists of 1498, Dublin. See under Corpus Christi

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General Index pageants, 196, 228±30, 347, 373, 380, 394, 399, 444; pageant machine, of the seven planets, 382 Painters, of Dublin, 229 Pallas, co. Longford, 390 Palmer, John, 374 Park, co. Offaly, 390 parliament house. See under Dublin, co. Dublin parliaments, 234, 346 Parsons, Sir William, 487, 489 Passion of Christ, pageant of the Corpus Christi guild, Dublin, 229. See also guild of, Dublin, under Corpus Christi Passion play, in 1506 and in 1528. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin Patent Rolls, 224, 266, 346 Paule, William, 183 Penitential commutations, 154 Pentecost performances. See under St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin Perrot, Sir John, Lord Deputy, 181, 401, 425, 438; letter of, to Justices of the Peace, 179; notes of, for the reformation of Ireland, 179; ordinances of, for Munster, 174; household accounts of, 425±6. See also under music and musicians Perry, (William?), actor, 337 Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of, 228±9 Phelan, Thomas, musician, 359 Pictor, Roger, 386 Pierse, Nicholas dall, harper, 160, 193, 196, 391 (?),489 Piggott, William, mayor of Dublin, 274 Pilate and Pilate's wife, Tailors' pageant of, 229 Pilate, a character in pageants, 242 piobaire. See pipes, pipers and piping Piper, Tirlagh, piper, 395 pipes, pipers and piping, 152, 170, 175, 178±9, 185, 193, 200±1, 204±6, 208±9, 214, 219, 225±6, 339, 345, 376±9, 382, 385±6, 389±90, 395, 401, 421±2, 472, 474. See also bagpipes and bagpipers; cuisle and cuislenach Platten, co. Meath, 232 playbook. See under Corpus Christi; see also Coyne, Christopher playhouse (probably the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin), 331, 337 playne and perfect description of Irelande, A, 176, 264±5 plays and players, 171±2, 178, 193±4, 217, 226, 231, 257, 272, 276±7, 320, 324, 326, 348, 405, 412, 418, 432, 434, 440, 442±4, 446±7, 449±52, 487. See also actors and players; puppets, puppet plays and puppet players Plunkett, . . ., harper of Sir William Fitzwilliam, 422. See also harps, harpers and harping Plunkett, Oliver, fourth Baron Louth, 220

619

Plunkett, Patrick, third Baron Louth, 381 Poolbeg, co. Dublin, 299 Porters, of Dublin, 228±9 precones. See under druÂth prestigiator, 482 Preston, Richard, sixteenth earl of Desmond, 360 Price, Charles, captain 194 Price, John, musician, 334±5 Prince's Players, 405 Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf®cs and Discoveries of the English Nation, The, 218 Privy Council, 381 proclamation, of Henry VIII as king of Ireland, 435±6 Prologue, for a play at the `New house' (the Werburgh Street Theatre?), Dublin, 441 Prologues, by James Shirley, for plays at the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin. See under Shirley, James Prophets, Merchants' pageant of, 229 puppets, puppet plays and puppet players, 413±14, 413, 439 Purcell, John, actor of a Conqueror in the Kilkenny plays, 363 Pyreghan, John, musician, 294 Queen of Dele, a character in the pageant of St George, 196 Queen's Players, 276±7 Quinn, Nicholas, trumpeter, 317 quit-claims, 337 Quotations from law tracts, 152 Quycke, Thomas, 253, 256, 420, 429, 431. See also waits and city musicians Radcliffe, Sir Thomas, third earl of Sussex, 243, 248±9, 428. See also under music and musicians Raggett, Richard, sovereign of Kilkenny, 350±1 Rahra, co. Offaly, 390 raker. See reccaire rakry. See reccaire Rathangan, co. Kildare, 205 Rathfarnham, co. Dublin, 487 Rathkeale, co. Limerick, 390 Rathmullan Castle, co. Donegal, 391 Rathvilly, co. Carlow, 418 Rattoo, co. Kerry, 391 Ravenscroft, William, 186 Reagh, Thomas, piper, 389 rebecs, 206 reccaire, 172±3 Recognizance Book. See under Tholsel, of Dublin recorders, 234 Rederech, king of Wales, 460 Regionum et insularum atque locorum descriptiones, 176

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620

General Index

Register, of the mayors of Drogheda. See under Drogheda, co. Louth reÂim. See contortionists and girners Reough, James, 178 Rerum Hibernicarum Annales, 234 Resurrection, play of the, in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 235; comedy of the, in Kilkenny, 357, 359 revels, 487 rhymers, 160, 169±70, 172±6, 178±82, 185, 187±90, 192±3, 199, 201, 205±7, 212±13, 218, 224, 262, 344, 346±7, 375, 384, 392, 397, 402 Richard II, king of England, 223 Richardson, Mr, proctor of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 284, 286 Richardson, Thomas, musician, 383 riding of St George, on the Triumph of the Peace, 237 ridings, Kilkenny. See under Corpus Christi rõÂg druÂth. See under druÂth rõÂgoÂinmhid. See under oÂinmhid rindile, 151 Ringsend, co. Dublin, 299 Rithmus facture ville de Rosse, 388±9 Roche, David, Lord Roche of Fermoy, 213 Roche, David, Viscount Roche of Fermoy, 406 Roche, Maurice, mayor of Cork, 217 Roche, Maurice, Viscount Roche of Fermoy, 341 Roger, harper, 222 RoÂimid. See under druÂth Rokeby, William, archbishop of Dublin, 231 Rome, 231 Rookes, . . ., actor, 331 rope dancers and rope-dancing. See under dances and dancing Rosania, or, Love's Victory. See under Shirley, James Roscommon Castle, 438 Rosmor, co. ?, 167 Ross, co. Westmeath, 392, 419 Rothe, David, bishop of Ossory, 432 Rothe, Geoffrey, sovereign of Kilkenny, 354 Rothe, Mary. See under Courcy, William Rothe, Richard, 360 Rothe, Robert, sovereign of Kilkenny, 349 Rounsell, Richard, mayor of Dublin, 267, 275 Royall Master, The. See under Shirley, James Ruadhan, SeaÂn, 210 Ruisel, SeÂamus, 210 Russell, Sir William, Lord Deputy, 181, 284±7, 386; Journal of, 284, 286±7, 341, 386. See also under entries, civic; music and musicians Rutter, Jasper, virginal maker, 333±4 sackbuts, 332, 334 St Andrew's Church, Dublin, 266 St Barnabas, 203; St Barnabas' Eve, 329 St Canice's Cathedral, Kilkenny, 196

St St St St St St St St St

Canice's Day, 348 Catherine's Church, Dublin, 296 CiaraÂn of Saigir, 454; Life of, 454 CiaraÂn, 475 Coemgen, 166, 456; Life of, 456±7 FintaÂn, 457 FlannaÂn, 457±8 Francis's Friary, Galway, 340 George, 245±6, 265; chapel of, Dublin, 196, 265 St George, character in the pageant of St George, 196 St George's Chapel, Dublin. See under St George St George's Day pageant and pageant list. See under St George's Day St George's Day, 196, 225, 266, 354, 431; pageant and pageant list, 196,229, 253, 265 St George's Lane, Dublin, 265 St James, 200 St John of Jerusalem, Dublin, prior of the Hospital of, 233 St John the Baptist, 172; ?feast of, 352; homily on the Passion of, 471 St John the Baptist's Eve, 247, 264, 329 St John the Evangelist, as a character in the Kilkenny plays, 351; ?feast of, 352 St John the Evangelist, Dublin, church of, 222, 296; Vestry Book of, 333, 485 St John's (Church?), Kilkenny, 356, 372 St John's Bridge, Kilkenny, 367, 373; pageant at, 373 St John's Gate, Drogheda, 220 St John's Street, Kilkenny, 371 St Kentigern, 460; Life of, 460 St Kevin. See St Coemgen St Lasair, 459; Life of, 459 St Laurence, play of the life of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin St. Lawrence, Sir Christopher, ninth Lord Howth, 189, 311. See also under music and musicians St. Lawrence, Sir Nicholas, eighth Lord Howth, 404, 422. See also under music and musicians St Leger, Sir Anthony, Lord Deputy, 234±5, 238, 243, 435 St MaedoÂc of Ferns, 454; Life of, 454 St Mary Magdalene, 265, 270 St Mary's Abbey, Dublin, 233 St Mary's Cathedral, Limerick, 380 St Mary's Church, Kilkenny, 352 St Mary, the Blessed Virgin, 375, 386, 462; as a character in the Kilkenny plays, 351 St Michael, as a character in the Kilkenny plays, 352. See also under costume and disguise St Michael, octave of the feast of, 346 St Nicholas's Church, Galway, 341 St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 234, 249, 266,

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General Index 309; Pentecost performances of 1509 in, 231; Pentecost performances of 1555 in, 243 St Patrick, 450, 453 St Patrick's Day, 225, 348, 452, 488 St. Patrick for Ireland. See under Shirley, James St Peter, 166, 264, 321 St Peter's Church, Waterford, 398 St Peter's Day, 326, 328 St Peter's Eve, 329 St Philip, 200 St Stephen, 202 St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, abbey of (Thomas Court), 249, 266 St Werburgh's Church, Dublin, 222, 226±7; churchwardens' accounts of, 226±8, 230±2; register of, 331; Poor Relief Levies of, 337 Salmon Takers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Noah's Ark, Mariners, Vintners, Shipcarpenters and Salmon Takers' pageant of Saltair na Rann, 471 Salvisa, daughter of Herodias, 471 Sanas Cormaic, 157 Sars®eld, Sir William, mayor of Dublin, 255, 425 satirists and satire. See caÂinte and caÂintecht Saultes, Thomas, bailif of Waterford, 202 Savadge, David, 349±50 Scabblerston, co.Kildare?, 392 sceÂal, sceÂlaige and sceÂlaigecht, 158, 224, 346, 391, 395±6, 478, 482 Scotland, 166, 172, 203, 457, 486 Â amon Albanach), harper, 407 Scott, Ned (E Seagrave, Christopher, mayor of Dublin, 248 Sedgrave, Nicholas, 257 Sedgrave, Walter, mayor of Dublin, 276 seinm, 147, 161±2, 166±8, 172, 194±6, 203, 396, 398, 456, 478; lucht senma, 456 Seirkieran, co. Offaly. See SeÂnadh Saigri Seix, John, Mayor of Bullring, 360 SeÂnadh Saigri, 461±2 senchaid, 169, 172, 194, 468. See also tale-teller Senchas Geraltach, 169, 390 Sepulchre, Easter, 226±8, 230±2; Sepulchre, in the Kilkenny plays, 352 Shakespeare, William, playwright, 488; Much Ado about Nothing, 210 Shankee. See senchaid shannaghes. See senchaid Shearmen, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of Shee, Adam, 349, 351 Shee, Arthur, sovereign and deputy sovereign of Kilkenny, 350±1; warrants of, 350±1 Shee, George, mayor of Kilkenny, 357, 374 Shee, Helias, sovereign of Kilkenny, 355 Shee, Lucas, sovereign of Kilkenny, 356±7 Shee, Piers, sovereign of Kilkenny, 349

621

Shee, Richard, 373 Shee, Sir Richard, will of, 358 Shee, William, mayor of Kilkenny, 362 Sheepstown, co. Kilkenny, 392 Sheregold, Edmund, musician, 282 Sheregold, Edward, deposition of, 282 Sheyn, Matthew, bishop of Cork, 381 [Sheyntton?], Will. See under fools, professional Shipcarpenters, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Noah's Ark, Mariners, Vintners, Shipcarpenters and Salmon Takers' pageant of Shirley, James, poet and playwright, 443±4, 448, 488±9; Epilogues, for plays at the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin, 442±7; Prologues, for plays at the Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin, 442±7; Narcissus, or, The Self-Lover, 442±7; Rosania, or, Love's Victory, 446±7; The Royall Master, 448±9, 488±9 Shoemakers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also under Hoggen Green, Dublin Shronell, co. Tipperary, 393 Shrove Tuesday, 225, 257, 285 Sidney, Sir Henry, Lord Deputy, 214, 243, 256±7, 266, 348, 380±1, 426±7, 429; household accounts of, 426±31. See also under entries, civic; music and musicians Sidney, Sir Robert, 423 Siege of Kinsale. See under Kinsale, co. Cork SõÂl Muireddaigh, 391 singers of the Passion, in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 235. See under songs, singers and singing Sir Henry Sidney's Ordinances, 175 six tormentors, Butchers' pageant of, 229 Skef®ngton, Sir William, Lord Deputy, 233±4 Skehinagan, co. Roscommon, 391 skelaghes. See sceÂlaige and sceÂlaigecht Skinners, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of Skryne, Michael, musician, 403, 408, 411, 417, 491 Slaters, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of Sligo, co. Sligo, 393 Smith, Richard, musician, 312±13 Smith, Thomas, mayor of Dublin, 279 Smiths, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Pharaoh with his host, Smiths, Shearmen, Bakers, Slaters, Cooks and Masons' pageant of; see also under Hoggen Green, Dublin songs, singers and singing, 170, 172, 176, 181, 186±92, 196±7, 210±11, 266, 284, 286, 310, 319, 347, 359, 368, 370, 430, 432, 455, 471; `balletes', 266; cantilenae, 196; cantiones, 432; poetic deeds of heroes, 455; singing boys, 273,

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622

General Index

songs, singers and singing (cont.): 320, 330, 424, 429±30; singing boys, of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 421; singing men, of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 278, 284, 431; singers of the Passion, in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin; singing men, of St John the Evangelist, Dublin, 308, 311±12, 321, 323; singing men, at Drogheda, 431; singing men, at Mellifont, 419, 431; singing men, at Ross, 419; liturgical, in Limerick, 380; liturgical, in Waterford, 399. See also Jack, singing man Spain, 183 Springham, George, 251, 253 Stacy, William, musician, 406, 409, 411, 413 Stainers, of Dublin, 229 Stanihurst, Richard, 193 Stanton, Richard, 237 Staples, Edward, bishop of Meath, 233 station days and station places, 264, 269, 272±3, 280±1, 294, 349, 352±3, 356±7, 359, 362 statue, vili®cation of. See under Elizabeth I, queen of England Statute, of Kilkenny. See under Kilkenny, co. Kilkenny Stevins, Oliver, Mayor of the Bullring, 235 storgaÂnaidhe, 472 Strong, Adrian, virginal maker, 332±3, 335 suÂantraige, 157 SuÂgaÂn Earl. See under Desmond, earls of, FitzGerald family Suidigud Taigi MidchuÂarda, 470 Suidigud Tellaich Temra, 394 Swayne, John, archbishop of Armagh, 199 sword dancers and sword-dancing. See under dances and dancing sword, of Emperor in pageant. See under swords sword, of state. See under swords sword players, 428. See also sword dancers and sword-dancing under dances and dancing swords, 242, 248, 482±3; sword, of Emperor in pageant, 254, 258; civic sword, 251, 255, 263; sword of state, 243, 248±9, 267, 380, 400, 425, 430 Swords, co. Dublin, 426 Synge, George, bishop of Cloyne, 432; visitation articles of, 432 Synone, co. Tipperary, 393 table of matters in the Council Book, A, 175 tabors and taborers, 422, 237±40. See also drums and drummers Taghaim TomaÂs rogha is roghraÂdh, 180 Tailors, of Dublin, 229, 309, 312; Guild Accounts Book of, 240, 242, 244, 247±8, 254, 258, 296, 304, 306, 308, 314, 316, 321±31, 333, 335; pageant (wagon?) of, 254. See also under Hoggen Green, Dublin

TaÂin Bo Cualgne, 478 Talbot, John, piper, 226 tale-teller, 175. See also senchaid taman, 146, 148, 153±5, 158, 160, 164 Tanner, Matthew, 338 Tanners, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Jesus, Mary, Joseph and the camel, Skinners, Carpenters, Tanners and Embroiderers' pageant of Tara, co. Meath, 197, 394 Taulchinne. See under druÂth Taverner, Richard, 240 Taverner, Roger, trumpeter, 240±1, 243±8, 250±65, 267±70 Taylor, Francis, mayor of Dublin, 288 Taylor, William, musician, 331 Tech MidchuÂarda, diagrams of, 467±9 Tech MidchuÂarda, prose version I, 469; prose version II, 469 Tecosca Cormaic, 147 Temair toga na tulach, 197 Temptacyon of Our Lorde, The, 348 Terryglass, co. Tipperary, 457 Tholsel, of Dublin, 235, 241, 257 (`the newhall'?), 261, 266; Recognizance Book of the court of the, 279; of Kilkenny, 347, 357, 362; of Youghal, 403 Thomas Court. See St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, abbey of Thomas, Lord Burgh, Lord Deputy, 201 Thomastown, co. Kilkenny, 394 Thomond, 167 Three Magi, Goldsmiths' pageant of, 229 three Marys, Corpus Christi guild pageant of, 229 Thurles, co. Tipperary, 394 Tiar taÂinig tuÂs na senma, 160 tibia, 166 timpaÂn, timpaÂn-players and timpaÂn-playing, 147±8, 156±8, 163, 167, 169, 193, 203, 206, 224, 346, 395±6, 432, 468, 477±8 timpaÂnach. See timpaÂn, timpaÂn-players and timpaÂn-playing timpaÂnacht. See timpaÂn, timpaÂn-players and timpaÂn-playing timpanistae. See timpaÂn, timpaÂn-players and timpaÂn-playing timpanum and tympana, 165±6, 460 Tirconnell, co. Fermanagh, 395 Tireragh, co. Sligo, 395 Titvs, or the Palme of Christian Covrage, 489±91 Tobberdower, co. Carlow or co. Wexford, 395 Togail Bruidne Da Derga, 474±5 Toonagh, co. Clare, 395 Topographia Hiberniae, 165 Torchoir ceoÂl Cloinne Cathoil, 195 tournaments, 222, 234, 284, 436 Toy, The, 445 Tract, on Latin declension, 466

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General Index Tract, on metrics, 464 tragedy, 347, 374, 414, 486 tragicomedy, 451±2, 488 treatise on the government of Ireland and the character of the people, A, 186±8 Tredath. See Drogheda, co. Louth Tretice of Ireland, A, 354, 381 Trewman, Robert, musician, 426 Triall gach einfhir gu cuÂirt tTeaboÂid, 204 TrõÂ Bior-ghaoithe an BhaÂis, 472 Trian-Congail, cos. Down and Antrim, 396 Trinity College, Dublin, 326; General Register of, 324, 326; comedy at, 324, 326; Christmas plays at, 324, 326 Trinity guild, of Dublin. See Guild Merchant, of Dublin triumph, at the proclamation of Henry VIII as king of Ireland, 435 Triumph of the Peace, 236±7 Triumphalia Chronologica de Coenobio Monasterii Sanctae Crucis Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis in Hibernia, 200 triumphs, 436. See also Triumph of the Peace TromdaÂmh Guaire, 477±8 Trumpet, Collin, 225 Trumpet, Thomas, 225 Trumpeter, Donough, 420, 433±5 Trumpeter, John (of Dublin), 302 Trumpeter, John (of Kilkenny), 350 Trumpeter, Ralph, 428 trumpets and trumpeters, 179, 193, 196, 206, 223, 241, 243±4, 248±9, 252±3, 256, 263, 267, 271, 274, 277, 280, 282, 284±5, 287, 289±91, 293±4, 296, 298±9, 305, 314, 317, 340, 378, 412, 414, 417±18, 420±5, 428, 430±1, 446, 484 Tuaim Tenbath, 164 Tullyhaw, co. Cavan, 396 Tullyhunco, co. Cavan, 397 Twelfth Night, revels on, 412, 414 Twelve Apostles, Fishers' pageant of, 229 twelve names of the fool, 156 tympana. See timpanum and tympana tympanours. See timpaÂn, timpaÂn-players and timpaÂn-playing Tyrrell, family of, 339 Tyrrell, Sir John, mayor of Dublin, 299, 307±8 Tyrrell, Walter, mayor of Dublin, 234 Â a Brain, Bran, 167 U uÂa Casaide, Gilla Mo Dutu, 481 Â a Cinga, Fionn, crosaÂn, 462 U Â a Coinnecen, timpaÂn-player, 395 U Â a Congeoidh, a band of crosaÂin, 462 U Â a Connalta, Giolla Maire dall, 165 U Â edh, 168 Â a Corcrain, A U Â a Corcrain, Florence, 169 U Â edh, 166 Â a Finn, A U Â a hAnghluinn, Finn, 169 U Â a hEoghusa, Athairne, 168 U

623

 a hEoghusa, SeaÂn, 168 U uÂa MagleÂine. See under druÂth  a Raighilligh, 169 U Uõ LonargaÂin, family of, 195 Uõ Mhaine, territory of, in cos. Roscommon and Galway, 391, 397; customs of, 195 Uõ SidheachaÂin, family of, 195 Ulster, 173, 181, 473 Ulster King of Arms, 380, 399 unchaghes. See oÂinseach Unton, Sir Henry, 183 Uraicecht Becc, 148; Uraicecht Becc, later recension, 158  iremhoÂin, 338 Urra ac oighreacht E Ussher, Alexander, mayor of Dublin, 233 Ussher, John, mayor of Dublin, 262, 264 Ussher, Robert, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, 326 Verses on honori®c portions, 158 View of the Present State of Ireland, A, 182±3 Vintners, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Noah's Ark, Mariners, Vintners, Shipcarpenters, and Salmon Takers' pageant of; see also under Hoggen Green, Dublin viols, 406, 408, 484 virginals, 278, 331, 358, 360, 419, 421±2, 427±8, 430. See also Jonas, of Dublin virginal maker Viscount Dungarvan. See Boyle, Richard, Viscount Dungarvan visors. See under masques and masquers Vita Sancti Ciarani de Saigir, 455 Vita Sancti Fintani de DuÂn BleÂsci, 457 Vita Sancti Flannani, 457±8 Vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Irelande, The, 347, 394 Voyages et Observations, 484 Vulcan, Smiths' play of. See under Hoggen Green, Dublin waits and city musicians, 226, 249, 253, 255±7, 259, 280±1, 294, 296, 303, 306±7, 309±10, 312, 314, 320, 327, 330, 411±12, 424; livery of, 236, 238, 255±9, 294, 298, 302, 309±10, 312, 314, 320, 330; of Drogheda, 422. Wales, 165±6, 266, 460 Walley, John, 407 Wallop, Sir Henry, 181, 271 Walsh, Patrick, bishop of Waterford, 399 Walsh, Roger, 202 Walsyngham, Sir Francis, 271 Waterford, co. Waterford, 202, 381, 398±400 Wayman, Valentine, musician, 408, 411, 415, 417 Weavers, of Dublin, 228±9. See also Abraham and Isaac, Weavers' pageant of Wentworth, Sir Thomas, ®rst earl of Strafford, 331±2, 381±2, 412±14, 448±9, 486±9. See also under entries, civic; music and musicians

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624

General Index

Werburgh Street Theatre, Dublin, 448, 451, 486±8; disposition of, 488 West BreÂifne, co. Leitrim, 400 Westminster, London, 487 Weston, Nicholas, mayor of Dublin, 289 Whip of Dunboyne. See under dances and dancing White Book, of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. See under Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin White, Bartholomew, 380 White, Dominic, 380 White, John, harper, 338 White, Nicholas, orator, 399 White, Sir Nicholas, 340 White, Stephen, 380 White, William, actor of Julius Caesar in the Kilkenny plays, 355

Whitwell, . . ., servant of Sir Richard Bingham, 340 Wickin, Symon, mayor of Waterford, 202 Will [Sheynton?], fool of Sir Henry Sidney. See under fools, professional Williams, Thomas, musician, 324 Wing®eld, Jacques, 278, 380 Wolsey, Thomas, cardinal 233 wrestling, 387±8 Youghal, co. Cork, 197, 214, 402±3; Council Book of, 402±3 young men of the Bullring, Dublin. See under Mayor of the Bullring, Dublin Young, Gerard, mayor of Dublin, 293±4 Zoilomastix, 193