Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios (Oxford Studies in Ancient Culture and Representation)

OXFORD STUDIES IN ANCIENT CULTURE AND REPRESENTATION General Editors

Simon Price R. R. R. Smith

Oliver Taplin

OXFORD STUDIES IN ANCIENT CULTURE AND REPRESENTATION Oxford Studies in Ancient Culture and Representation publishes significant interdisciplinary research into the visual, social, political, and religious cultures of the ancient Mediterranean world. The series includes work which combines different kinds of representations which are usually treated separately. The overarching programme is to integrate images, monuments, texts, performances and rituals with the places, participants, and broader historical environment that gave them meaning.

'Truly Beyond Wonders Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios

ALEXIA PETSALIS-DIOMIDIS

OXPORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

OXPORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford 0x2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Sao Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis 2010 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2010 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library Data Available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available Typeset by SPI Publisher Services Ltd, Pondicherry, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham, Wiltshire ISBN 978-0-19-956190-2 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2

For Harry

"Bits of the grass I pulled I posted off To one going in to chemotherapy And one who had come through. I didn't want To leave the place or link up with the others. It was midday, mid-May, pre-tourist sunlight In the precincts of the god, The very site of the temple of Asclepius. I wanted nothing more than to lie down Under hogweed, under seeded grass And to be visited in the very eye of the day By Hygeia, his daughter, her name still clarifying The haven of light she was, the undarkening door.3 Seamus Heaney, extract from cOut of the Bag3, Electric Light (London, 2000)

PREFACE This book is based on my doctoral thesis at the Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London (c "Truly Beyond Miracles55: the Body and Healing Pilgrimage in the Eastern Roman Empire in the Second Century AD5, 2001). I would like to thank my supervisors Dr Jas5 Eisner and Professor Robin Cormack for all their help during that time. Jas5 has continued to support my work well beyond my PhD supervisions, and he has simultaneously inspired me and helped me to develop and clarify my ideas through his rigorous critiques of my writings. I am immensely grateful for Simon Price's support and encouragement since he examined my thesis and throughout the process of writing of this book. I have benefited greatly from discussions with him and from his careful and insightful comments on my manuscript. I am also grateful for responses I have received at various stages from Simon Swain, Bert Smith, Jeremy Tanner, Richard Gordon, Ewen Bowie, and Robin Osborne. Simon Swain generously allowed me to see parts of Seeing the Face, Seeing the Soul: Polemon's Physiognomy from Classical Antiquity to Medieval Islam (Oxford, 2007) before it was published. I have also benefited from many discussions with friends and colleagues, in particular Sorcha Carey, Zahra Newby, Jason Konig, lannis Karras, Barbara Graziosi, and Johannes Haubold. More recently a Symposium on Aelius Aristides held at Columbia University in April 2007 was a unique opportunity to meet other scholars working on Aelius Aristides and proved very stimulating. I would like to thank Oxford University Press, in particular Dorothy McCarthy and Kathleen Fearn, for their help in the preparation of this book. Naturally all opinions and errors are my own. I am grateful to a number of people who have helped me gain access to archaeological and numismatic material, in particular Dr Wolfgang Radt at Pergamon and Andrew Meadows at the British Museum. I would like to acknowledge the financial support during my doctoral studies of the Arts and Humanities Research Board and the London University Scholarship Fund (Masom); also, subsequently, of the Leverhulme Trust, the Hellenic Society (Dover Fund), and the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies (Hugh Last Fund, which paid for the publication of the images in this book). I have made every effort to contact those who hold copyright over the images reproduced here, but I will be happy to correct any omissions if notified. The twelve lines from 'Out of the Bag5 from Electric Light by Seamus Heaney (copyright 2001 by Seamus Heaney) are reprinted by kind permission of Faber and Faber Ltd and Farrar, Straus and Giroux, LLC.

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PREFACE

On a personal note, this book owes much to my parents and grandparents, who in very different ways transmitted to me a deep love of the Greek landscape, its monuments and history. I want to thank my husband Harry for his fundamental enthusiasm and support for my work, his careful and intelligent comments on my script, his assistance and humour at archaeological sites, his ability to solve countless problems with my computer, and of course for so much more. This book is dedicated to him. I hope that one day my children will read it and not be disappointed: Nikolas, who was patient while I wrote a book about a snake called Glykon, Julia Hilary, who was born the day after I finished the manuscript, and the baby I am expecting now as I proof-read it. A.P.-D. London, February 2010

CONTENTS Illustrations Plates Abbreviations Map Introduction 1. Pilgrimage Polemics: TSfeos Asklepios Glykon5 in Image and Text The image of cNeos Asklepios Glykon5 in the context of contemporary Asklepian iconography The religious debate about cult images, oracles, and the figure of the thews aner\ direct divine presence, religious symbolism, or fraud? Pilgrims in Lucian's Alexander or the False Prophet: the rhetoric of religion/superstition, and the model of elite and popular religion 2. Discourses of the Body and Travel: the Cultural Context of Healing Pilgrimage Viewing and interpreting the body in Graeco-Roman culture: the novels, medical, and physiognomical writings Discourses of travel and measurement: Polemon's Physiognomy', Itineraria, axM&Pemplous texts, images of the landscape The body and travel in the Hieroi Lqgoi 3. The Hieroi Logoi of Aelius Aristides: Aristides before his God in Body and Logos The Hieroi Logoi as text: self-consciousness and the creation of a world for religious pepaideumenoi The protagonist of the Hieroi Lq0oi\ Aelius Aristides Theodoros, Asklepios' servant, orator, and patient

xi xx xxi xxvi i 12 14 42 60 67 69 84 101 122 122 132

4. Collecting and Displaying Marvels: Paradoxography and the Asklepieion of Pergamon 151 Collecting and displaying the human body in Graeco-Roman culture 154 The second-century building programme of the Pergamene Asklepieion: the construction of an encyclopaedic taxonomy for the pilgrim 167

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CONTENTS

(1) (2) (3) (4.) (s)

The covered street (Via Tecta), colonnaded street, andpropylon entrance 172 The peristyle courtyard 185 The theatre 191 The temple of Zeus-Asklepios 194 The rotunda and library 203

5. Choreography and Commemoration: the Asklepieion of Pergamon Ritual journeys within the sanctuary: communitas and the pursuit of personal miracles Miraculous bodies on display: encountering the diachronic community of pilgrims Conclusion Bibliography Index Index Locorum

221 222 238 276 280 303 312

ILLUSTRATIONS

1 Marble statue of Glykon from ancient Tomis. H: 66 cm. Second century AD. Muzeul de Istorie Na^ionala §i Arheologie, Constanta, 2003. Courtesy of the Director of the Museum of National History and Archaeology, Constanza, Romania.

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2 Bronze statuette of Glykon. H: 6.8 cm. From the Agora at Athens. Second century AD. D. Burr Thompson, Miniature Sculpture from the Athenian Agora (Princeton, NJ, 1959), no. 79. Agora Museum, Athens. American School of Classical Studies at Athens: Agora Excavations.

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3 Bronze statuette of Glykon. H: 6 cm. Thought to come from the Agora at Athens. Second century AD. Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 03.986. Francis Bartlett Donation of 1900. Photograph © Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

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4 Marble statue of Asklepios. H: 179 cm. From the Asklepieion of Epidauros. £.AD 160. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 263.

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5 Marble votive relief showing a family of worshippers approaching with offerings from the left; in the centre is an altar, beyond which Asklepios stands leaning on his staff, and behind is a huge coiled snake with erect head. H: 49 cm, W: 54 cm. From the Asklepieion of Piraeus. 400-350 BC. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 1407.

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6 Marble statue of beardless young Asklepios. H: 130 cm. From the baths of the theatre at Argos. Second century AD. Argos Museum, excavation number 350. Ecole Fran^aise d'Athenes, Ph. Collet.

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7 Marble statuette of Hygieia dedicated by Gaius. H: 50 cm. From the Asklepieion at Epidauros. C.AD 200. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 271.

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8 Marble statuette of Telesphoros dedicated by Gaius. H: 43 cm. From the Asklepieion at Epidauros. £.AD 200. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 281.

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9 Marble statue of Asklepios and Telesphoros from the House of the Abduction of Europa, Kos. c. AD 150-200. Archaeological Museum of Kos, 101. Image courtesy 22nd Ephorate of Prehistorical and Classical Antiquities.

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10 Marble statue of Hygieia and Eros or Hypnos from the House of the Abduction of Europa, Kos. c. AD 150-200. Archaeological Museum of Kos, 98. Image courtesy 22nd Ephorate of Prehistorical and Classical Antiquities. 11 Bronze coin from Abonouteichos. Obverse Antoninus Pius laureate, facing right. Reverse showing coiled snake with erect head with beard or hair hanging down, facing right. Legend: ABQNOTEIXEITQN FAYKQN ('Glykon of the Abonouteichites'). BM 1844-4-25-1283 (Devon). Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 12 Bronze coin from lonopolis. Obverse Lucius Verus laureate, facing right. Reverse showing coiled snake with erect head facing left. Legend: IQNOnOAEITQN FAYKQN (cGlykon of the lonopolitans5). RecGen 11, 131 no. 12, plate XVII, fig. 16 = LIMC IV, i, 281, no. 7. Bibliotheque nationale de France, Cabinet des Medailles. 13 Bronze coin from lonopolis. Obverse head of Alexander Severus laureate, facing right. Reverse showing female personification of lonopolis feeding a large snake with hair hanging down. Legend: IQNOIIOAIZ ('lonopolis3). RecGen 11,170 no. 16, pi. XVII, fig. 20 = LIMC IV, i, 281, no. 20. Bibliotheque nationale de France, Cabinet des Medailles (formerly Collection Waddington). 14 Bronze coin from Nikomedia. Obverse head of Caracalia wearing radiate crown facing right. Reverse showing coiled ribbed body of snake with male head in profile facing right. Legend: NIKOMHAEQN AIZ NEQKOPQN (cof the Nikomedians who have held the neokorate twice5). RecGen I 3, 545, no. 225, plate XCIV, fig. 12 = LIMC IV, i, 281, no. 12. Bibliotheque nationale de France, Cabinet des Medailles. 15 Bronze coin from Epidauros. Obverse Antoninus Pius laureate, facing right. Reverse showing Asklepios seated on a throne facing left, with dog and snake, within a tetrastyle temple. BMC Epidauros: 159, no. 29, plate XXIX, 22 — http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4637/. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 16 Bronze coin from Epidauros. Obverse bust of Antoninus Pius facing right. Reverse showing the shepherd Aresthanas finding the infant Asklepios being suckled by a goat on Mt. Titthion. BM 1906-4-2-43 (Lambros) = http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/5263/. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

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34

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17 Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of Asklepios laureate, facing right, snake-encircled staff on the right, border of dots. Legend: AEKAAniO[E] ('Asklepios'). Reverse showing veiled female figure seated, her chin resting in her right hand, facing left, border of dots. Legend: KQIQN (cof the Koans'). EMC Caria and Islands: 214, no. 204, plate XXXIII, 2. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

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18 Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of Hippokrates facing right, snake-encircled staff on right, border of dots. Legend: III (CHIP[POKRATES]'). Reverse showing snake-encircled staff, border of dots. Legend: KQIQN (cof the Koans'). BMC Caria and Islands: 216, no. 216, plate XXXIII, 7. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

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19 Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of physician Xenophon, facing right, border of dots. Legend: EENO&QN ('Xenophon'). Reverse showing Hygieia standing facing right, feeding a snake from a patera, border of dots. Legend: KQIQN (cof the Koans'). EMC Caria and Islands: 215, no. 214, plate XXXIII, 6. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

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20 Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing Caracalla wearing a toga and holding a patera and a roll; he stands facing right before a temple, within which Asklepios is seated; between the temple and Caracalla, a youth facing left is sacrificing a bull. Legend:

[EIIIZTPMKAIP]EA-ATTAAOV TIEPrAMHNQN FLPQTQNTNEQKOPQN ('during the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times'). BMC Mysia: 155, no. 324, plate XXXI, 5. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 21 Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing Caracalla in military dress, holding a spear; he is saluting the Asklepian serpent coiled round a tree before him; between Caracalla and the tree, a statue of Telesphoros on base. Legend: ETIIZTPMKAIPEA-ATTAAOV

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nEPPAMHNQN IIPfiTQN.r-NE[G]KOPQN (cduring the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times5). EMCMysia: 156, no. 326, plate XXXI, 6. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 41 22 Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing three temples; Asklepios is seated within the temple on top. Legend: £777 ZTPA KAIPEA ATTAAOV nEPFAMHNQN nPQTGN F NEQKOPQN (cduring the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times5). BMC Mysia: 156, no. 327, plate XXXII, i. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 41 23 Fragments of the Severan Marble Plan depicting part of the Subura, including Porticus Liviae, streets, alleys, and residential and commercial buildings. Fragment numbers icAab on slab VIII-2 at upper left, fragments ica-i and lol-v on slab VIII-3 at upper centre, fragments na-d on slab VTI-7 at lower centre, and fragment 12 on slab VII-8 at lower right. Early third century AD. Image by D. Roller after G. Carettoni, A. Colini, L. Cozza, and G. Gatti, Lapianta marmorea di Roma antica: Forma urbisRomae (Rome, 1960), fragment photos courtesy of Stanford Digital Forma Urbis Project. 95 24 Double-headed herm identified as Xenophon-Isokrates or Xenophon-Arrian. H: 32 cm. From Athens. Second or third century AD. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 538. 104 25 Marble votive inscription. H: £.42 cm, W: 49 cm, D: 8.5cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1929, 22. AvP VIII,3 no. 145. D-DAI-IST-PE-PM-4944_34.24i. 118 26 Marble statue of seated philosopher, base inscribed cAristides of Smyrna5. H: 164 cm. From Rome. Late second or early third century AD. Vatican Museum, Library. D-DAI-Rom 06627. 120 27 Ground plan of the Asklepieion of Pergamon in the second century AD. AvP VIII,3, x. i. Sacred Road with entrance gate; 2. Propylon forecourt; 3. Propylon; 4. Sanctuary courtyard; 5. Cult niche; 6. Temple of Zeus Asklepios; 7. Cistern; 8. Peristyle house; 9. Rotunda (substructure); 10. Cult niche; n. Library; 12. North portico; 13. Theatre; 14. West portico; 15. Western exit (towards Hellenistic Long Hall); 16. West room; 17. South-west room; 18. Small latrines; 19. Large latrines;

ILLUSTRATIONS

20. South portico, basement cryptoporticus; 21. Cryptoporticus; 22. Hellenistic drawing well; 23. Roman bath; 24. Hellenistic temple; 25. Hellenistic temple; 26. Hellenistic temple of Asklepios; 27. Incubation complex; 28. Incubation complex; 29. Well; 30. Hellenistic south portico (basement level); 31. Hellenistic east portico. 28 Model of the Asklepieion of Pergamon. View eastwards. D-DAI-IST-PE-63-47929 Groundplan of the Via Tecta (no. i) with baths (no. 2) and early Roman portico (no. 3); colonnaded street (no. 4) with fountain (no. 5) and heroon (no. 6). Asklepieion of Pergamon. Detail from AvP XI,2 plate 84. 30 The Via Tecta and colonnaded street beyond. View westwards (towards the sanctuary). Asklepieion of Pergamon. D-DAI-IST-PE-69-22.6. 31 The colonnaded street. View westwards (towards the sanctuary). Asklepieion of Pergamon. D-DAI-IST-PE-7O-44. 32 Marble bust of Euripides (Farnese type) from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 50 cm. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 773. D-DAI-IST-PE-66-64. 33 Marble bust of philosopher (Sokrates?) from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 42cm. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 772. D-DAI-IST-PE-66-83. 34 Marble bust of Antisthenes from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 43cm. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 785. D-DAI-IST-PE-66-76. 35 Marble bust of Xenophon from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 49cm. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 784. D-DAI-IST-PE-78-I25.I. 36 Marble bust of Hadrian from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 34.5 cm. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 763. D-DA1-IST-PE-66-93. 37 Groundplan of the Propylon and forecourt. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3, plate 4738 Corinthian capitals: (a) from the portico of Propylon forecourt and (b) from the Propylon itself. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. D-DAI-IST-PE-PM 4521.33.155 and D-DAI-IST-PE-74-23.5. 39 East tympanum of the Propylon with Charax clipeus inscription, and part of the gable. Diameter of the clipeus 80 cm, height of the block 130 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Inventory number 1930, 7. AvP VIII,3 no. 141. D-DAI-IST-PE-74-n.

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168 169

173 174 174

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177

178

179 180

181

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40 Reconstruction drawing of the elevation of the west side of the Propylon. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3, plate 60. 183 41 Reconstruction drawing of the eastern side of the Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3 plate 85. 184 42 Supposed original plan of the Asklepieion of Pergamon. i: 2000. Drawing by O. Ziegenaus, A. Hoffmann, and Clauss Haase. 185 43 Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by A. Claudius Charax to Antoninus Pius. H: 128 cm, W: 61 cm, D: 59 cm. Found east of the Roman bath (Fig. 27 no. 23). From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. AvP VIII,3 no. 8. D-DAI-IST-PE-58-I86. 186 44 The north portico. View towards the north-east. Statue bases stand in a row in the courtyard. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 187 45 The Hellenistic stoa. View westwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 189 46 Reconstruction drawing of the cryptoporticus of the south portico. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Drawing by Adolf Hoffmann and Werner Jo Brunner. 190 47 The cryptoporticus. View from the entrance of the rotunda back towards the centre of the courtyard. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by H. Boyd-Carpenter. 191 48 The theatre. View westwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 192 49 Reconstruction drawing of theatre scaenaefrons. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Drawing by Adolf Hoffmann and Werner Jo Brunner. 193 50 Groundplan of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3 plate 62. 195 51 The exterior of the Pantheon in Rome. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 197 52 The dome of the Pantheon in Rome. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 199 53 Marble inscription to Zeus-Soter-Asklepios, dedicated by Aimilius Sabeinus and Aimilius Herennianus. H: 34.3 cm, W: 57.5 cm, D: 4.7 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. AvP VIII,3 no. 63. D-DAI-IST-PE-63-I85. 202 54 Reconstruction drawing of the cross-section of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3 plate 83. 204

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55 Groundplan of the superstructure of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3 plate 81. 206 56 Groundplan of the substructure of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon. AvP XI,3 plate 80. 207 57 The entrance to the rotunda at the south-east, to the substructure from ground level, and to the superstructure via the stairs. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 208 58 The drawing well at the south-east entrance to the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Photograph by A. Petsalis-Diomidis. 209 59 Marble statue of Hadrian from the library. H: £.2.30 m. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, 160. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-76. 210 60 Inscribed marble base of the statue of Hadrian from the library. H: 54 cm, W: 108.5 cm, D: 9icm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. AvP VIII,3 no. 6. D-DAI-IST-PE-Repro 07-1.1. 211 61 Inscribed marble statue base honouring Flavia Melitine. H: 117 cm, W: 61.5 cm, D: 59 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. AvP VTII,3 no. 38. D-DAI-IST-PE-Repro 07-1.3. 212 62 The library. View eastwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon. D-DAI-ISTPE-8o-i77.i. 213 63 Marble capital of a pilaster from the wall of the library. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. D-DAI-IST-PE-PM 46n_33.245. 214 64 Reconstruction drawing of a bookshelf and marble wall decoration in the library. Asklepieion of Pergamon. Drawing by O. Deubner. 215 65 Marble inscription, the Lex Sacra. H: 63 cm, W: 40.5 cm, D: 13.8 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1965, 20. AvP VIII,3 no. 161. D-DAI-IST-PE-65-i2O.i4. 223 66 Marble votive inscription dedicated by Tatianos. H: 13.5 cm, W: 7 cm (top) and 8 cm (bottom), D: 6 cm (top) and 7 cm (bottom). From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1933, 32. AvP VIII,3 no. 135. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-564. 245 67 Inscribed marble base for a statuette dedicated to Kypris. H: 14 cm, W: 15.5 cm, D: 10 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1933, 29. AvP VIII,3 no. 129; plate 37, no. 129. 246 68 Bronze plaque dedicated by Sotas the second and Dionysia. H: 4.8 cm, W: 6.2 cm, D: 0.15 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, inventory number 1934, 27. AvP VIII,3 no. 81. D-DAI-IST-PE-67-I49. 247

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69 Votive marble altar dedicated by Claudia Pantagathe. H: 23 cm, W: 22 cm, D: 15.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1932, ijn.AvP VTII,3 no. 100. D-DAI-IST-PE-63-I77. 248 70 Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by Aspasia daughter of Bokros in honour of her grandson Herodes. H: 6.7 cm, W: 16.3 cm, D: 23.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1933, 27. AvP VIII,3 no. 123. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-sn.

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71 Marble votive inscription thought to have been part of an altar, dedicated by a 'doctor of actors3. H: 11.5 cm, W: 83.5 cm, D: 34 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1934, 21. AvP VIII,3 no. 102. D-DAI-IST-PE-58-2OO.

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72 Marble votive inscription dedicated by Julius Meidias. H: 17 cm, W: 18 cm, D: 3 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1933, 4-o.AvP VIII,3 no. 139. D-DAIIST-PE-62-52O.

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73 Marble votive inscription dedicated by Publius Aelius Theon. H: 32.2 cm, W: 56 cm, D: 15.5 cm. Second century AD. D-DAI-IST-PE-83-233.4.

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74 Marble votive stele dedicated by Dione. H: 26.5 cm, W: 28 cm, D: 7.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number VTS 1963, 40. AvP VIII,3 no. ii$b. D-DAI-IST-PE-67-4-I. 256 75 Marble votive altar dedicated by Oneso. H: 28 cm, W: 18 cm, D: 17 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1933, 88. AvP VTII,3 no. 72. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-5I4.

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76 Bronze bracelets dedicated to Asklepios (a) W: 2 cm, Diameter 5.5 cm; Bergama Museum, inventory number 1934, 6, AvP VTII,3 no. 109 (b) H: 3.3 cm, Circumference c.iS cm; Bergama Museum, inventory number M 1959,10, AvP VIII,3 no. inc. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. (a) D-DAI-IST-PE-62-398 and (b) D-DAI-IST-PE-62-535. 258 77 Marble votive altar dedicated by Eueteria. H: 40 cm, W: 28 cm, D: 28 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1930, 6. AvP VIII,3 no. 86. D-DAI-ISTPE-6i-373.ii.

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78 Bronze votive plaque with eyes dedicated by Tapari. Rectangular plaque: H: 5.9 cm, W: 2.1 cm, D: 0.2 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Bergama museum, inventory number 1959, M 3. AvP VIII,3 no. nib. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-393. 79 Bronze plaque with ears dedicated by Proklos. Rectangular plaque: H: 3.3 cm, W: 5.5 cm. H: 8.5 cm (total). From the Asklepieion

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of Pergamon. Second century AD. Bergama museum, inventory number VTM 1964, w.AvP VIII,3 no. nsb. D-DAI-IST-PE-64200.10. 80 Bronze votive plaque with gilded ear dedicated by Fabia Secunda. H: 9 cm, W: 4.3 cm (top) and 7.3 cm (bottom), D: £.0.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number

261

M 1959,127. AvP VIII,3 no. 91. D-DAI-IST-PE-67-7-I2. 262 81 Inscribed marble fragment which probably crowned a small passage or window of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, dedicated by Tiberius Licinius Ca-[... ]. W: 135 cm, D: 65 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Inventory number 1929, 24. AvP VIII,3 no. 73. D-DAI-IST-PE-Repro 07-1.2. 266 82 Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by Polemon in honour of Demosthenes. H: 104 cm, W: 40.5 cm, D: 40.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Inventory number 1932, 6. AvP VIII,3 no. 33. D-DAI-IST-PE-62-528. 268 83 Bronze votive snake. L: 39 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. Bergama Museum, inventory number 1959, M 24. AvP VIII,3 no. i6ob. D-DAI-IST-PE-6i-i24.

274

PLATES

I Floor mosaic depicting the arrival of Asklepios on Kos. H: 1.13 m, W: i.ii m. From the House of Asklepios, Kos. Third century AD. Archaeological Museum of Kos. Image courtesy 22nd Ephorate of Prehistorical and Classical Antiquities. II Floor mosaic depicting a figural scene in an octagon, set within geometric patterns; Asklepios is seated on a throne pouring an offering on an altar with his right hand, a serpent-encircled staff by his left hand. H: 1.59 m, W: 1.66 m. From the House of Achilles at Palmyra. AD 250-73. Photograph © Ted Kaizer; by permission of the Museum of Palmyra. III Tabula Peutingeriana, fifth segment. H: 0.34 m, L: 6.745 m (total eleven segments). Twelfth- or early thirteenth-century copy of a fourth-century AD road map. Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek. akg-images. IV Nile Mosaic from Palestrina. H: 4.31 m, W: 5.85 m (at base). Second century BC. Museo Prenestino Barberiano, Palestrina. Nimatallah/Art Resource, NY.

ABBREVIATIONS AA AAA

AJA AJP ANRW ASAtene

AvP BABesch BAR BCH BMC Mysia etc

ESA CIL CMG CP CRAI CQ DiskAB EA GRBS HSCP HTR IG JBL Jdl JHS JRA JRS LIMC OGIS PastPres RA

Archaologischer Anzeiger ApxoLLoXoyLKa AvdXeKTOi e| AQriv&v, Athens Annals of Archaeology American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Philology Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt^ ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin, 1972-) Annuario della ScuolaArcheologica diAtene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente Altertiimer von Pergamon Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical Archaeology British Archaeological Reports Bulletin de correspondence hellenique B. V. Head, P. Gardner, G. G. Hill, etal.,A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, 29 vols. (London, 1873-1927) Annual of the British School at Athens Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Corpus Medicorum Graecorum Classical Philology Comptes Rendus de I'Academie des Inscriptions The Classical Quarterly Diskussionen zur archaologischen Bauforschung Epigraphica Anatolica Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies Harvard Studies in Classical Philology Harvard Theological Review Inscriptiones graecae Journal of Biblical Literature Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts The Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Roman Archaeology The Journal of Roman Studies Lexicon IconographicumMythologiae Classicae (Zurich and Munich, 1981-) W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Selectae^ 2 vols. (Leipzig 1903-5. Reprinted Hildesheim, 1960) Past and Present Revue Archeologique

XX11

ABBREVIATIONS

RE

REA RecGen

REG RIL RM RN RFC

Sammelbuch SNG SNR StCl TAPA TAPS ZPE Alex. Arrian, Periplous Barton, Power and Knowledge

Beard, North, and Price, Religions

Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft (1893-) Revue des etudes anciennes W. H. Waddington, E. Babelon, and Th. Reinach, Recueil General des Monnaies Grecques d'Asie Mineure^ vols. 1-4 (Paris, 1904-25); for vol. i second edition of 1925 used Revue des etudes grecques Rendiconti delPIstituto lombardo, Classe di lettere, scienze morali e storiche Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung Revue Numismatique Roman Provincial Coinage, ed. A. Burnett and M. Amandry (London and Paris, 1992-). Vol. I, A. Burnett, M. Amandry, and P. P. Ripolles, From the Death of Caesar to the Death of Vitellius (44- BC-AD 69) (1992); Supplement I, A. Burnett, M. Amandry, and P.P. Ripolles (1998); Vol. 77, A. Burnett, M. Amandry, and I. Carradice, From Vespasian toDomitian (AD 69-96) (1999); Vol. FZ7, M. Spoerri Butcher, De Gordien Tra Gordien III (238-244 apres J.-C.). i Province d'Asie (2006). Roman Provincial Coinage in the Antonine Period project online at http://rpc.ashmus. ox. ac.uk/project. Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden ausAgypten Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau. Revue Numismatique Suisse Studii clasice. Societatea de studii clasice din Republica socialists Romania Transactions of the American Philological Association Transactions of the American Philosophical Society Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik Lucian, Alexander or the False Prophet Arrian, Periplous of the Euxine Sea T. S. Barton, Power and Knowledge'.Astrology., Physiognomies and Medicine under the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994) M. Beard, J. North, and S. Price, Religions of Rome ^ 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1998)

ABBREVIATIONS

Behr, Sacred Tales Cox-Miller, Dreams Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius

Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods

XX111

C. A. Rehr.AeliusAristides and the Sacred Tales (Amsterdam, 1968) P. Cox-Miller, Dreams in Late Antiquity: Studies in the Imagination of a Culture (Princeton, NJ, 1994) E. J. Edelstein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius: Collection and Interpretation of Testimonies, 2 vols. (Baltimore, MD, 1998) (first published 1945)

J. Eisner and I. Rutherford, eds., Pilgrimage in GraecoRoman and Early Christian Antiquity: Seeing the Gods (Oxford, 2005) M. Gleason, Making Men: Sophists and Self-presentation Gleason, Making Men in Ancient Rome (Princeton, NJ, 1995) 5 Heuchert, 'Coin iconography V. Heuchert, £The chronological development of Roman provincial coin iconography5, in C. Howgego, V. Heuchert, and A. Burnett, eds., Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces (Oxford, 2005), 29-56 Aelius Aristides, Hieroi Logoi^ Orations 49-53 H.L. 5 A. Hoffmann, The Roman remodeling of the AskleHoffmann, 'Remodeling pieion5, in H. Koester, ed., Pergamon: Citadel of the Gods. Archaeological Record, Literary Description, and Religious Development^ Harvard Theological Studies 46 (Harrisburg, PA, 1998), 41-61 C. G. Kiihn, Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia^ 20 vols. Kiihn, Galen (Leipzig, 1821-33. Reprinted Hildesheim, 1964-5) LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions L. R. LiDonnici, The Epidaurian Miracle Inscriptions (Atlanta, GA, 1995) R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New MacMullen, Paganism Haven, CT, 1981) H. Miiller, £Ein Heilungsbericht aus dem Asklepieion5, Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht5 Chiron 17 (1987), 193-233 B. Puech, Orateurs et sophistes grecs dans les inscriptions Puech, Orateurs d'epoque imperiale (Paris, 2002) W. Radt, Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten, Funde und Radt, Pergamon Erforschung einer antiken Metropole (Koln, 1988) B. P. Reardon, Courants litterairesAgrees des IT'etllTsiecles Reardon, Courants litteraires apresJ.-C (Paris, 1971) Schepens and Delcroix, G. Schepens and K. Delcroix, 'Ancient paradoxography: Taradoxography5 origins, evolution, production and reception5, in O. Pecere and A. Stramaglia, eds., La letteratura di consumo nel mondo greco-latino: atti del convegno internazionale., Cassino, 14-17 settembre 1994 (Cassino, 1996), 373-460

XXIV

ABBREVIATIONS

Swain, Hellenism

Worrle, cLex Sacra'

S. Swain, Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the Greek World, AD 50-250 (Oxford, 1996) M. Worrle, 'Die Lex Sacra von der Hallenstrasse (Inv. 1965, 20)' in Ch. Habicht, Altertiimer von Pergamon VIII. 3 Die Inschriften des Asklepieions (Berlin, 1969), 167-90

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Map of the eastern Roman empire in the second century AD

Introduction

In the autumn of AD 144 the orator P. Aelius Aristides returned to Asia Minor from a trip to Rome during which he had suffered greatly as a result of sickness and the terrible weather conditions. While the doctors were at a loss it seemed best to Aristides to go the warm springs near Smyrna. Here first the Saviour began to make his revelations. He ordered me to go forth unshod, and I cried out in my dream, as if in a waking state and after I had accomplished the orders of the dream, 'Great is Asklepios! The order is accomplished3. I seemed to cry out these things, while I went forth. After this an invitation and a journey from Smyrna to Pergamon with good fortune.1

This is the way Aristides describes the beginning of his intense relationship with the healing god Asklepios. Sickness, epiphanic dreams, uncomfortable therapies, sacred journeys, and the landscape of Pergamon are key features in this passage and in the narrative of the Hieroi Logoi as a whole. The text is a public, literary exploration of the author's relationship with the healing god, and as such it is a major focus of this case study of Aristides' involvement with the cult of Asklepios. Simultaneously the archaeology and epigraphy of the sanctuary of Asklepios at Pergamon are also important sources, as Aristides stayed there for two years in accordance with a divine command. Underlying this cross-disciplinary approach is an understanding of the integrity of religious experience, encompassing a variety of discourses, both literary and visual. While the story of Aristides and the cult of Asklepios is specific, it can also be read as emblematic of its time: Aristides was a very successful orator at a time when public oratory was the most popular and high-profile cultural activity, while there was a flowering of the cult of Asklepios and of oracles in Asia Minor at the time. These facts alone suggest that the story of Aristides and the cult of Asklepios can be seen as part of a wider significant cultural trend, and its analysis should shed light more broadly on the culture of the Second Sophistic. 1

H.L. Il.y. For the text of Aristides' Orations see B. Keil, Aelii Aristidis Smyrnaei quae supersunt omnia, vol. II, OrationesXVII-LIII Continent (Berlin, 1958) and F. W. Lenz and C. A. Behr, eds., P. Aelii Aristidis Opera quae exstant omnia, vol. I, Orationes I-XVI Complectens (Lugduni Batavorum, 1976-); translations with some modifications are from C. A. Behr, The Complete Works of P. Aelius Aristides, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1981 and 1986).

2

INTRODUCTION

A central aim of this study is to interpret the Hieroi Lqgoi and significantly to change perceptions of this text, which has been seriously misinterpreted. The tradition of hostility to this text goes back at least as far as the early tenth century, with the scornful scholia of Arethas archbishop of Caesaria, and is still current.2 The misinterpretation and hostile reception of the Hieroi Logoi in a Christian cultural context does not seem to be a coincidence. Although it is dangerous to draw conclusions ex silentio^ it is noteworthy that no such negative reactions to the Hieroi Logoi occur in Graeco-Roman antiquity; on the contrary Philostratos and Libanios5 comments are wholly laudatory. In a Christian cultural context the Hieroi Logoi can be jarring not least because of the similarities between Christian religious sensibilities and discourses and those of Aristides. In brief, readers often react against Aristides5 focus on and presentation of himself, in particular his body and his intimate relationship with the god. The text is also often seen as repetitive and tedious, without particular literary merit, but it is principally the self-portrait of the author which rouses rancour. It is argued here that when seen in the right context what can appear as a bizarre private text emerges as an eloquent public expression of religious experience, with significant ramifications for our understanding of the religion and culture of the Second Sophistic. It is not an exaggeration to claim that religion has been marginalized in Second Sophistic studies from the 19605 until relatively recently. Traditionally emphasis has been placed on Classicism and Greek cultural identity, and religion has tended to be seen as only one aspect of these overarching cultural trends.3 From the 19905 there has been an increased emphasis on, and exploration of, religion in Second Sophistic culture.4 This book argues for the centrality of religion, its coherence and its connection to other aspects of culture and society. But the perception of a distinct cultural division between elite and popular, which underlies much Second Sophistic scholarship in general, extends to the domain of religion, and runs somewhat as follows: while the uneducated people actually took religion seriously, the elite went through only the motions and upheld ritual traditions out of nostalgia for the past, and because it was an expedient tool for political and social control. A number of Second Sophistic texts touching on 2 The notes of Arethas, which have never been fully published, will be included in a new edition of Aristides' Hieroi Logoi currently being prepared by L. Pernot and L. Quattrocelli for Les Belles Lettres. Se L. Quattrocelli, 'Aelius Aristides' reception at Byzantium: the case of Arethas', in W. V. Harris and B. Holmes, eds., Aelius Aristides between Greece, Rome, and the Gods. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition XXXII (Leiden, 2008), 279-93. 3 E. L. Bowie, 'The Greeks and their past in the second sophistic', PastPres 46 (1970), 3-41; reprinted with corrections in M. I. Finley, ed., Studies in Ancient Society (London, 1974), 166-209, G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1969), Swain, Hellenism. 4 S. Goldhill, 'Religion, Wissenschaftlichkeit und griechische Identitat im romischen Kaiserreich', in D. Elm von der Osten, J. Riipke, and K. Waldner, eds., Texte als Medium und Reflexion von Religion im romischen Reich. Potsdamer altertumswissenschaftliche Beitrage 14 (Stuttgart, 2006), 125-40.

INTRODUCTION

3

religion seem to support this division, but if interpreted within the culture of religious polemic of the time, seem far less secure as sources. Recent studies on contestation and apologetic in second-century religion have explored this feature.5 The analysis of elite writings on religion in this book suggests that the elite/ popular dichotomy was at root rhetorical. This includes attacks on popular religion (superstition) as much as statements of religious conviction, such as those adopted by Aristides, Plutarch, and Apuleius. Although they may contain an element of description of non-elite practices, attacks on popular forms of religion emerge as an effective way of branding certain religious practices and attitudes as unacceptable rather than objective descriptions of non-elite forms of behaviour. Those who see a significant elite/popular dichotomy also tend to interpret religious culture as wholly imposed from above, not leaving any space for independent non-elite innovations and influence from the bottom up.6 The lack of popular voices in the literary and epigraphical record does nothing to contradict this position, though this absence is inevitable. A focus on the material evidence corrects the picture to some extent. A model of religious practice and innovation as two-way, involving influence and interaction between social elites and non-elites, is perhaps a more fruitful approach. Within a model of religion and culture characterized by an elite/popular dichotomy, the figure of Aristides is highly problematic because in him an intense personal religion intersects unmistakably with the social and intellectual elite. As a prolific and successful orator Aristides has not, of course, been ignored by Second Sophistic scholars; but the HieroiLogoi has caused much consternation. Here, it seems, is zpepaideumenos^ an educated intellectual member of the social elite, who actually took GraecoRoman religion intensely seriously. A simple way of solving this conundrum has been to understand Aristides as an exceptional, self-obsessed, and indeed unhinged individual. But the elite/popular divide is not peculiar to Second Sophistic studies, and reflects a widespread approach in Classical scholarship to religion. One aspect of this is manifested in a focus on ritual and cult, on rules and things done, rather than things experienced and felt. This is the tangible, quantifiable, and to some extent acceptable aspect of ancient religion. The imperial cult fits very 5

J. North, 'The development of religious pluralism', in J. Lieu, J. North, and T. Rajak, eds., The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (London, 1992), 174-93, Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 211-44, and M. Edwards, M. Goodman, and S. Price, eds., in association with C. Rowland, Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews and Christians (Oxford, 1999). 6 A. Momigliano, 'Popular religious beliefs and the Late Roman historians', in A. Momigliano, Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography (Oxford, 1977), 141-60, P. Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (London, 1981), 12-22; see D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance (Princeton, 1998), 34 n. 79, for a list of Brown's pages against popular religion; also the review by J. Eisner in CP 95 (2000), 104-7, and J. Eisner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford, 2007), 257-8.

4 INTRODUCTION

comfortably into this model, as it can be convincingly interpreted as an artificial construction by the elite for political ends, and only really embraced by people cin the east'. The emphasis on ritual is due in large part to the nature of the available sources: while there are plenty of sacred laws and votive offerings, there are few sources which touch on religious feeling and experience, something which is of significance in itself. But this is not the whole story. The hostility elicited by a text like the Hieroi Lqgoi and its marginalization in the interpretation of the culture of the Second Sophistic speak of a more profound antipathy to such expressions of personal religious experience, where they do exist. One objection seems to be that such sources are each unique and as such unrepresentative. What can be done with this evidence, which probably reflects no more than the delusions of a particular individual? In contrast, a study of the duties and functions of priests, for example, does not confront this problem, as the inscriptional sources which might be used in such a study would have been communally produced, the activities publicly enacted, and the object of analysis is concrete actions and not intangible perceptions. Such studies focusing on ritual are a vital part of the history of Classical religion, but they tell only part of the story. Any attempt to access and understand the world of religion cannot afford to marginalize expressions of individual encounters with the divine—they are the stuff of religion. The sum total of such encounters, ritual practice, and the material aspects of religious worship all together make up the world of religion. While they are not all available to Classical scholars, where such 'biased' evidence exists it can bring us as close as we can hope to get to ancient religion.7 The analysis of the Hieroi Logoi, then, emerges as an important piece in the puzzle of Second Sophistic religion and culture, and not a minor footnote. I make no apology for approaching this fascinating text seriously and with a sense of respect, although this does not preclude me from recognizing its peculiarities and seeing how strangely it can come across when read out of context. The practice in this book of referring to the text by its original Greek title, and not by C. A. Behr's translation Sacred Tales^ is not coincidental. This title subtly suggests the idea of apocryphal, even childish narratives, and plays its part in the undervaluing of the text as an important source in the history of religion of the period. Behr's translation has become canonical in English scholarship, whereas its distorting effect is avoided in the French translation of Hieroi Logoi as Discours Sacres.8 The approach adopted here is to explore the complexities of Aristides' text by contextualizing it within the Graeco-Roman culture from which it emerged. It is argued that the Hieroi Logoi is firmly rooted in the concerns and discourses of 7

J. Eisner and J. Masters, eds., Reflections of Nero: Culture, History and Representation (London, 1994), 1-58 A.-J., Festugiere, Personal Religion among the Greeks (Berkeley, CA, 1954), 88, where Sacred Discourses or Sacred Stories is suggested.

INTRODUCTION

5

Second Sophistic culture, and that religion was a vital aspect of that culture. This book challenges the perception of a simple and absolute elite/popular distinction in the religion and culture of the period. One of the ways this is achieved is by means of the examination of a broad range of evidence about the body and travel, including both those sources traditionally considered elite and more popular genres such as paradoxographical and physiognomical texts. Even these distinctions are questioned by an examination of the rhetoric of authorial selfpresentation. The fact that paradoxography and physiognomies were seen as distinct genres and new terms were invented to designate them only in the nineteenth century suggests that in antiquity they were considered integral to the broader culture and not only of popular interest. My argument is not that such areas of culture did not appeal to non-elites, but that they also appealed to the social and intellectual elite, and that there was no clear distinction between the two. The reading of the Hieroi Logoi offered in this book brings together the body, travel, and miracle (thauma)^ a combination which is arguably original to the Second Sophistic. This interpretation is also significant in that it offers a bridge from the Second Sophistic to early Christian and Byzantine culture, in which the body, travel, and miracle are frequently and intimately intertwined, for example in the miracle narratives about Saint Thekla (first-century saint, fifth-century text) and Saint Artemios (fourth-century saint, seventh-century text), and in the growing practice of pilgrimage.9 The danger of sweeping cross-cultural comparisons, ahistorical judgements based on superficial similarities which do not reflect similarity in the nature of people's experiences, is very real and urges caution. However, in this instance Graeco-Roman and early Christian religion in the second to the fifth centuries were contemporary, and flourished in the same part of the world. Contact and exchange are part of the history of these religions.10 But suggesting similarity between Graeco-Roman and early Christian discourses about miracles often elicits a negative response. It is frequently maintained that the concept of miracle was fundamentally different in these two cultural and religious contexts: the Christian miracle was something which occurred outside nature through divine intervention, whereas in many of the Graeco-Roman miracles there is a progression from natural to very unusual, extraordinary, and even incredible phenomena, some directly involving the divine, others apparently not and occurring within the richness and variety of the natural world. Although I consistently use Svonder5 or cmarveP to translate the

9

S. F. Johnson, The Life and Miracles of Thekla: A Literary Study (Washington, DC, 2006), V. S. Crisafulli and J. W. Nesbitt, eds., The Miracles of Saint Artemios: A Collection of Miracle Stories by an Anonymous Author of Seventh-Century Byzantium (Leiden, 1997). 10 L. Pernot, 'La Seconde Sophistique et 1'Antiquite tardive', Classica. Revista Erasileira de Estudcs Classicos 19.1 (2006), 30-46, especially 34-7.

6

INTRODUCTION

term thauma^ I also refer to the 'discourse of miracles' in a Graeco-Roman context, and this could be questioned on the basis that it apparently elides the Graeco-Roman and Christian concepts. While it is important to recognize differences, for instance the Christian idea of religion conflicting with certain important social and legal practices as compared to the Graeco-Roman notion of the divine suffused and present in quotidian public life, I would argue that the concepts of the miraculous in early Christian and Graeco-Roman circles were not radically different in the first centuries AD. The understanding of the Christian miracle as occurring outside nature is based on Hume's theories, developed in the eighteenth century, following centuries of theological theorizing, and is of limited relevance to the early Christian concept of miracle. An unwillingness to recognize similarity between early Christian and Graeco-Roman religion seems to underlie this objection, both on the part of those committed to Christianity and of those inimical to it who wish to see Graeco-Roman culture as fundamentally separate. Such an unwillingness also seems to underlie objections by Classical scholars to interpreting visits to sanctuaries of Asklepios as phenomena of healing pilgrimage. Despite a growing body of scholarship on Greek and Roman pilgrimage,11 the concept still often elicits a suspicious or dismissive response. While the study of Christian pilgrimage in Late Antiquity is well established, contemporary phenomena of pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman religion have usually not been categorized or interpreted as 'pilgrimage'.12 Not only is the concept judged to add little or nothing to our understanding of ancient religious practice, it is even seen as misleading by imposing a later Christian model on Classical religious practice. This approach can be explained in part by the fact that the intellectual model of pilgrimage developed in Western historical, art-historical, and literary disciplines was based on Medieval and later Christian practices and does not function well as an analytical tool in the Classical context. The anthropological models of pilgrimage developed in the 19605 and 19705 were also largely based on contemporary Christian (Catholic) pilgrimages. Various aspects of GraecoRoman pilgrimage do not sit comfortably in these models. For example, the celebratory character of Graeco-Roman pilgrimage is at odds with the penitential

11

e.g. J. Chelini, and H. Branthomme, Histoire des pelerinages non-Chretiens: entre magique et sacre. Le chemin des dieux (Paris, 1987), M. Dillon, Pilgrims and Pilgrimage in Ancient Greece (London, 1997), Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods. 12 e.g. J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster, 1977), and id., Egeria's Travels (Warminster, 1999), H. Sivan, 'Holy Land pilgrimage and western audiences: some reflections on Egeria and her circle', CQ 38 (1988), 528-35, Brown, Cult of Saints (n. 6), E. D. Hunt, Early Christian Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire 312-460 (Oxford, 1982), P. Maraval, Lieux saints et pelerinages d'Orient: histoire et geographic des origines a la Conqwte arabe (Paris, 1985), D. Frankfurter, ed., Pilgrimage and Holy Space in Late Antique Egypt (Leiden, 1998), R. Ousterhout, ed., The Blessings of Pilgrimage (Urbana, IL, 1990).

INTRODUCTION

7

emphasis of many Christian pilgrimages;13 and the combination of strictly religious and other motives and discourses in Graeco-Roman pilgrimage contrasts with the strong Christian distinction between curiositas and true piety.14 However, anthropological studies of pilgrimage in a variety of religious and even secular traditions in the 19808 and 19905 developed more nuanced models for understanding this complex phenomenon, and challenged the Christian monopoly on the concept of pilgrimage.15 Aspects of this scholarship can fruitfully be applied to Classical pilgrimage. A significant benefit in exploring Classical pilgrimage is that instead of interpreting discrete pieces of evidence largely in isolation from each other, such as texts about sacred travel and the epigraphy, architecture, and sculpture of sanctuaries, the opportunity arises to see these elements in relation to each other and as reflecting or constructing the experience of pilgrims. Journey, arrival at the sanctuary, activities there, and onward journeys are seen as part of a continuous meaningful process, a total religious experience. This approach places the pilgrim centre stage, and favours a viewercentred approach. It involves the analysis of a broad range of evidence, literary and visual, reflecting the importance of both these elements in the pilgrim's experience. By focusing on pilgrimage Classical religion is seen in relation both to contemporary early Christianity and diachronically in relation to other religious traditions, with the result that artificial distinctions are broken down and our understanding is deepened and enriched. But the pilgrimage model is not obligatory: the option is also open to cast the story of Aristides and Asklepios as one about the body, travel, and religion set in the Greek East of the Roman empire. The project is interdisciplinary, and makes use of techniques of literary criticism and visual analysis. Texts are not used in a traditional historical way to extract topographical and chronological details; instead their rhetoric is analysed with a 'historical5 intent in order to delineate aspects of second-century culture and religion. Developments in art history in the last twenty or so years inform 13

I. Rutherford, Theoric crisis: the dangers of pilgrimage in Greek religion and society3, Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 61 (1995), 275-92, at 276-7, and 'Tourism and the sacred: Pausanias and the traditions of Greek pilgrimage', in S. E. Alcock, J. F. Cherry, and J. Eisner, eds., Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece (New York, NY, 2001), 40-52, at 40-4. 14 C. K. Zacher, Curiosity and Pilgrimage: The Literature of Discovery in fourteenth-century England (Baltimore, MD, 1976), 18-41, and D. Howard, Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, CA, 1980), 23-4. 15 B. Pfaffenberger, 'The Kataragama pilgrimage: Hindu-Buddhist interaction and its significance in Sri Lanka's polyethnic social system^ Journal of Asian Studies 38:2 (1979), 253-70, E. A. Morinis, Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition: A Case Study of West Bengal (Delhi, 1984), id., ed., Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage (Westport, 1992), M. J. Sallnow, 'Communitas revisited: the sociology of Andean pilgrimage', Man 16 (1981), 163-82, id., Pilgrims of the Andes: Regional Cults in Cusco (Washington, 1987), J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds., Contesting the Sacred: The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (London, 1991), and I. Reader and T. Walter, eds., Pilgrimage in Popular Culture (London, 1993).

8

INTRODUCTION

approaches adopted towards the visual in this book. The discipline has undergone a radical transformation, moving away from a purely aesthetic approach which privileges a Western tradition of fine art towards a broader understanding of its object of study as "the domain of images5, including images traditionally thought of as "low5 art or even "non-art5.16 Although such images were sometimes used in the past to illuminate the history of fine art they are now seen as visually interesting in their own right and examined with the sophisticated techniques and vocabulary of art history. Tow5 imagery such as talismans and schematic reproductions of cult images have, for example, been established as legitimate subjects of art historical scrutiny.17 An exciting aspect of this fundamental development has been the breaking down of the rigid division between "scientific5 and "artistic5 images, and to some extent, therefore, of the rigid rhetorical dichotomy maintained between the disciplines of "science5 and "art5.18 The transformation of art history into what might be called visual history has challenged traditional definitions of "image5 and in particular of "image5 as excluding "text5.19 The widening domain of images brings with it the challenge of creating new systems of classification for the interpretation of the visual.20 Such developments inform this study. A wide range of visual evidence is examined, including both traditional objects of art historical inquiry such as architecture and sculpture, and types of evidence which have not, until recently, been seen as part of the mainstream history of art, such as coins and inscriptional votive dedications. The choice of material has been made on a thematic and not on a "qualitative5 basis. A broad definition of the object of art historical inquiry is therefore implicit. Associated with the movement away from a purely aesthetic art history there has been an increasing emphasis on the reception of images. On one level this involves the study of contexts of display. This study emphasizes the "scopic integrity5 of particular healing sanctuaries and the importance of viewing programmes which were both created by pilgrims through patronage and dedication and were imposed on pilgrim viewers. This approach inevitably involves the examination of rules which governed the organization of the context of display (the sanctuary), including in particular the movement of pilgrims both as viewers

16

D. Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago, IL, 1989), J. Elkins, The Domain of Images (Ithaca, NY, 1999), especially 3-91, and T. Brennan and M. Jay, eds., Vision in Context: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight (London, 1995), 3-12. 17 Freedberg, Power of Images (n. 16), 99-160. 18 C. A. Jones and P. Galison, eds., Picturing Science., Producing Art (London, 1998), and M. Kemp and M. Wallace, Spectacular Bodies: The Art and Science of the Human Body from Leonardo to Now (Berkeley, CA, 2000). 19 Elkins, Images (n. 16), 83-4, and Brennan and Jay, Vision (n. 16), 3-4. 20 Elkins, Images (n. 16), 82-91 and 95-251.

INTRODUCTION

9

and as objects of view. On another level a viewer-centred approach involves a much broader investigation of the discourses of viewing of the particular culture under scrutiny. The awareness of the culturally and historically specific nature of such viewing discourses has been another aspect of the broadening discipline of art history.21 The methodology adopted here involves the investigation of a variety of types of Graeco-Roman viewing in the second century AD, focusing particularly on those concerned with the human body and with landscape. In so doing it breaks down the division between scientific, pseudo-scientific, and artistic viewing regimes of the body and makes comparisons between ways of viewing the body and the physical landscape. These discourses of viewing, which together evoke a certain second-century mentalite, are employed in the interpretation not only of the Hieroi Lo0oi but also of the visual evidence associated with the Pergamene Asklepieion. The book takes a circuitous route to the Hieroi Lqgoi and the Pergamene Asklepieion in order to interpret them in the right cultural context. The first two chapters do not deal directly with the Hieroi Logoi, but instead set the scene, on the one hand by exploring the nature of religious polemical writings of the time, especially their relation to material evidence, and on the other by exploring discourses of the body and travel. The third chapter focuses specifically on the Hieroi Logoi^ and the last two chapters examine the material aspects of Aristides' pilgrimage—the archaeology and epigraphy of the Pergamene Asklepieion. The first chapter is concerned with religious polemic in text and image. It consists of a case study of the cult of cthe new Asklepios Glykon' which developed in the mid second century AD at Abonouteichos by the Black Sea. It argues that it is not possible to take at face value anything Lucian writes in Alexander or the False Prophet about events at Abonouteichos, and that the elite/popular dichotomy described is an aspect of Lucian's polemic rather than an objective reflection of the situation on the ground. The Alexander and the visual evidence associated with the cult (sculptural and numismatic) are shown to be equally embedded in the polemical moulding of the new cult. This is achieved by the contextualization on the one hand of the Alexander within a framework of other polemical writings about religion, and on the other hand of the visual evidence of the cult within the traditions of Asklepian iconography. This analysis concludes that the cult was fundamentally a traditional Asklepian cult, and that the story which emerges is not one of elite versus popular religion, but exegetical versus charismatic religious pilgrimage. This trend is seen to crystallize around three important features offering direct access to the divine: the cult image, oracles, and the figure of the theios aner. This case study exposes the immense complexities involved in handling both literary and visual evidence about religion in this period. 21

Brennan and Jay, Vision (n. 16).

10

INTRODUCTION

The second chapter examines discourses of the body and travel, which later emerge as key aspects for a full understanding of the Hieroi Lo0oi. The first section is about the body in Graeco-Roman culture. It draws on an important body of scholarship on the culture-specific and often contested nature of inscribing5 the body and of giving meaning and structure to the experience of sickness, and the role of these processes in the construction of identity.22 Concepts of viewing, accessing, interpreting, and locating identity in the body are explored in a range of texts, which crosses the traditional elite/popular divide, including novels, certain dialogues of Plutarch, and medical and physiognomical writings. The second section focuses on texts and images of landscape and travel and explores their underlying structures, ideas of movement, mensuration, and circumscription in word or image. It is argued that a number of common themes emerge in both body and travel discourses, namely, the structure of listing and mensuration, the rhetoric of techne and its paradoxical combination both with the presentation of the author/practitioner in the mode of a thews aner and in the construction of thaumata. A key aspect of discourses of the body and travel emerges as their role in creating biographical and autobiographical narratives. In the third section of the chapter I turn specifically to the Hieroi Lqgoi^ focusing on its combination of the themes of travel, the body, and autobiographical narrative. Having explored aspects of the highly polemical religious culture of the Roman East, and having argued for the prominence of, and explored aspects of, the discourses of the body and travel in Graeco-Roman culture more broadly, I turn in chapter three to focus directly on the Hieroi Logoi. This chapter argues that the text is a highly sophisticated way of linking a personal charismatic contact with the god, enacted in the locus of the body, with traditional ambitions of a member of the elite, such as social prominence and oratorical success. Far from being a bizarre private text the Hieroi Logoi emerges as a public autobiographical text firmly rooted in second-century cultural trends. Its originality lies in its weaving together of the body, travel, and miracles in a powerful apologetic presentation of the author as a new-style elite holy man (theios aner\ a model that is found repeatedly in early Christian and Byzantine culture. In the last two chapters I turn to the physical context in which Aristides' relationship with Asklepios unfolded and which underlies much of the narrative 22

Especially M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 3 vols. (London, 1990) (first published in French in 1976-84) and id., 'Nietzsche, genealogy, history5, in P. Rabinow, ed., The Foucault Reader (London, 1991), 76-100, S. Sontag, Illness as Metaphor and Aids and Its Metaphors (London, 1991), Gleason, Making Men, Barton, Power and Knowledge, J. Perkins, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London, 1995), H. King, Hippocrates' Woman: Reading the Female Body in Ancient Greece (London, 1998), and 'Chronic pain and the creation of narrative', in J. I. Porter, ed., Constructions of the Classical Body (Ann Arbor, MI, 1999), 269-86.

INTRODUCTION

II

of the Hieroi Logoi. The Pergamene Asklepieion was rivalled only by the god's sanctuaries at Epidauros and Kos, and its archaeological and inscriptional record is very rich. Chapter four offers a reading of the architecture and spatial arrangement of the sanctuary, which underwent a major building programme in the second century AD. This is organized in two sections. The first aims to explore the culture and ambience of the sanctuary which collected sick and miraculously healed bodies through an examination of the wider culture of collecting and displaying the extraordinary human body in the Roman empire. The evidence includes literary collections in the paradoxographical genre, and references to actual imperial collections ofmirabilia^ and to the display ofthaumata in temples, while issues of viewing and display are explored. The range of evidence used in this section again argues against an elite/popular divide in attitudes to collecting and viewing extraordinary human bodies. The second section consists of a detailed examination of the archaeological remains of the sanctuary and an interpretation of the second-century building programme. Themes of order, universality, and inclusiveness are emphasized, and the Asklepieion of Pergamon is interpreted as the physical framework in which the experience of illness and miraculous healing was constructed. Chapter five builds on this interpretation of the space and its impact on pilgrims firstly by examining the choreographed rituals of incubation set out in the second-century Lex Sacra^ and secondly by analysing sculptural and inscriptional votive offerings on display in the sanctuary. The interpretation of the Lex Sacra makes use of anthropological studies about pilgrimage. The Lex Sacra is understood in combination with the architecture of the sanctuary, and together the spatial and ritual frameworks are shown to structure pilgrims' contact with the divine. Votive dedications are then analysed as autobiographical accounts of such contact with the divine, making extensive use of the explorations of the discourses of the body and travel in chapters two and three. The discussion focuses on the way that the absent, miraculously healed body of the departed pilgrim is evoked in text and image (and what differences these entail), on the effect of the communal display of votive offerings within the sanctuary and on the pilgrim's experience of 'reading' them. Throughout chapter five there is an exploration of the tension between the role and identity of the pilgrim group as a whole and those of the individual in search of a personal encounter and miraculous healing.

ONE

Pilgrimage Polemics: cNeos Asklepios Glykon5 in Image and Text

Aelius Aristides (C.AD 117-180) wrote a number of orations on explicitly religious subjects, but even in his political speeches there are numerous references to the gods and his relationship with them. In particular, he loved the healing deity Asklepios, and spent two whole years at his sanctuary at Pergamon. These are two characteristic passages which publicly express his emotions concerning pilgrimage to the Pergamene Asklepieion and his direct visionary contact with the god: And neither membership in a chorus, nor the companionship of a voyage, nor having the same teachers is so great a circumstance, as the gain and profit in having been fellow pilgrims at the sanctuary of Asklepios and having been initiated in the highest of the rites under the most beautiful and most perfect Torch-bearer and Mystagogue, and under him to whom every law of necessity yields.1 For it seemed as if I touched him and perceived that he himself had come, and was between sleep and waking, and wished to look up and was in anguish that he might depart too soon, and strained my ears to hear some things as in a dream, some as in a waking state; my hair stood on end, and I cried for joy, and the pride in my heart was inoffensive. And what human being is capable of describing these things in words? If there is anyone who is initiated, he knows and understands.2 Aristides5 contemporary Lucian (born C.AD 120) also wrote a number of works concerning religion including Alexander or the False Prophet, a satirical pamphlet concerning a new manifestation of Asklepios as a hybrid snake with a human head at Abonouteichos by the Black Sea. The pilgrims5 contact with the deity is described in a manner that could hardly offer a greater contrast to the passages quoted above: When the city had become over-full of people, all of them already bereft of their brains and sense, and not in the least like bread-eating humans, 1 2

Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16; dated by C. A. Behr, AD 167. H.L. 11.32-3; dated by C. A. Behr, AD 170/171.

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

13

but different from beasts of the field only in their looks, he [the prophet Alexander] seated himself on a couch in a certain chamber, clothed in apparel well suited to a god, and took into his bosom his Asklepios from Pella, who as I have said, was of uncommon size and beauty... Now then, please imagine a little room, not very bright and not admitting too much daylight; also, a crowd of heterogeneous humanity, excited, wonderstruck in advance, agog with hopes. When they went in, the thing, of course, seemed to them a marvel, that the formerly tiny snake within a few days had turned into so great a serpent, with a human face, moreover, and tame!3 Little by little, Bithynia, Galatia, and Thrace came pouring in, for everyone who carried the news very likely said that he not only had seen the god but had subsequently touched him, after he had grown very great in a short time and had a face that looked like a man's.4

Pilgrimage and the epiphany of Asklepios are here ridiculed, where they are celebrated in Aristides' writings. While Lucian's Alexander', characterized by humour, urbanity, and a scoffing attitude to religion has resonated with modern readers, Aristides3 writings have fascinated and appalled commentators in equal measure. Both are, in fact, steeped in polemic and apologetic concerning the cult of Asklepios in particular, and simultaneously representative of important trends in religious development in this period. While Aristides5 Hieroi Lo0oi is a driving force and focus of this book as a whole, this chapter analyses Lucian's Alexander and the material evidence associated with the new cult of Asklepios at Abonouteichos with the aim of shedding light on the polemical and apologetic nature of religious (and in particular Asklepian) discourse which underpins Aristides' Hieroi Lqgoi. The Alexander depicts the cult as new-fangled, fraudulent, vulgar, and barbarous, and particularly targets the new hybrid cult image and the prophet Alexander. Despite efforts to read against the grain of the text, interpretations of the cult of the new Asklepios Glykon at Abonouteichos have been essentially influenced by Lucian's humorous and highly hostile account. However, in addition to Lucian's Alexander there is numismatic, sculptural, and inscriptional evidence for the cult; the site of Abonouteichos itself lies under the modern town of Inebolu in Turkey, and as a result has not been investigated by archaeologists. This evidence suggests that in the small city of Abonouteichos on the southern coast of the Black Sea, during the reign of Antoninus Pius (AD 138-61) the god Asklepios manifested himself in a new form, as a snake with a part human head, cneos Asklepios Glykon', and that this new version of the cult flourished 3

Alex. 15-16. For the text see U. Victor, Lukian von Samosata: Alexandras oder der Lugenprophet (Leiden, 1997), and translation from the Loeb edition with some changes. 4 Alex. 18.

14

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

well into the third century.5 The material and inscriptional evidence has usually been interpreted in the light of Lucian's text, often to corroborate aspects of it. The discussion here focuses firstly on the material evidence and asks, as far as possible independently of the literary evidence, what story it tells about the cult. It is analysed in the light of the body of Asklepios imagery to ascertain to what extent and in what ways it differs from the traditional iconography, and it is interpreted in the context of religious competition expressed in polemics and apologetics in this period. Lucian's text is then also analysed as a product of this religious culture, focusing particularly on the use of the rhetoric of paideict to construct an elite versus popular model. It is argued that taken together the material and literary evidence suggest a dynamic debate between an exegetical and a charismatic approach concerning appropriate religious behaviour for the elite. In this debate the most highly contested areas are those where direct contact with the divine is at stake, in particular cult images (perceived as either imbued with divine immanence or, at the other end of the scale, as crude inanimate objects), oracular and healing sanctuaries (seen either as the locus for divine manifestation or as fraudulent businesses) and holy men (characterized either as c holy man3, (flefo? avrjp) or 'fraud3, (yorjs)). This analysis of the new cult of Asklepios at Abonouteichos shows that Asklepian pilgrimage could be the focus of intense contestation and religious polemic.

THE IMAGE OF 4NEOS ASKLEPIOS GLYKON* IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY ASKLEPIAN ICONOGRAPHY A small number of sculptures in the round have been identified as images of Glykon, on the basis of their similarity to his image on coins (identified by the name of the god beneath), and to Lucian's description.6 There is some uncertainty in the identification of certain headless statues of snakes.7 Amongst the images which have been identified as Glykon is a marble statue measuring 66 cm high from ancient Tomis on the Black Sea (Constanza in Romania) dated to AD 150-70 (Fig. i), and two bronze statuettes of approximately 6 cm high from 5 On Abonouteichos see C. Marek, Pontus et Bithynia. Die Rb'mischen Provinzen im Norden Kleinasiens (Mainz am Rhein, 2003), 117 and Stadt, Am und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatien^ DAI Istanbuler Forschungen 39 (Tubingen, 1993), 82-8, L. Robert, 'Lucien en son Temps', in L. Robert, A trovers^ AsieMineure. Poetes et Prosateurs, Monnaies Grecques, Voyqgeurs etgeographie (Paris, 1980), 393-436, at 395, R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean World from the Second Century AD. to the Conversion of Constantine (London, 1986), 241-2. On the creation of the Roman province of Paphlagonia see S. Mitchell, Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1993) vol. i, 91-3. 6 LIMCIV, i, 280-1, nos. 1-3. 7 LIMC IV, i, 282, no. 21 (from Ephesos), and Marek, Pontus (n.s), 115, fig. 169 (from Amastris), and 117 (reference to another statue from Gadara, Umm Qais in Jordan).

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

15

8

Athens dated to the late second or early third century AD (Figs. 2 and 3). The marble statue was found in 1962 buried together with twenty-three other religious images of the Severan period. The presence of a traditional anthropomorphic Asklepios among these is noteworthy and perhaps indicates the separate identity that Glykon had come to have.9 The size of the marble Glykon leaves open the question of whether this statue was displayed in a private house or in the context of a civic cult. The bronze statuettes are high-quality, easily portable objects, and their discovery far from Abonouteichos is evidence that they were used in a private capacity as pilgrimage souvenirs or talismans.10 The reproduction of the cult image of Artemis of Ephesos in terracotta statuettes is a comparable phenomenon.11 The find spots of these three Glykon statues indicate that the cult was successful beyond its home city. Although all three images follow the same fundamental design of a long coiled snake body ending in a bifurcated tail and supporting an erect hybrid head, there is considerable variation in the arrangement of the coils (in two schematic coils in Figs. 2 and 3, intricately looped and piled up in Fig. i), the angle of the neck (curved in Figs, i and 2, straight in Fig. 3), the shape of the hybrid face (elongated into a snout in Figs, i and 2, more rounded and humanlike in Fig. 3), and the texture of the hair (straight in Figs, i and 3, curly in Fig. 2). On the bronze statuettes two locks of hair hang down diagonally across the face. In all three sculptures the body of a snake, with scales on the upper side and a ribbed appearance on the underside, is combined with a human head of hair through which human ears emerge. Variations in the depiction of Glykon suggest that 8 G. Bordenache Battaglia 'Glykon', inLZMC IV, i, 279-83. On the discovery of the statue of Glykon in Constanza in 1962 see G. Bordenache, 'Contributi per una storia dei culti e dell'arte nella Tomi d'eta Romana', StCl 6 (1964), 157-63. The bronze statuette in the Agora Museum in Athens (Fig. 2) was excavated by the American School in 1937 in a cistern house on the Kolonos Agoraios. The statuette in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 3) is first recorded in the collection of E. P. Warren with the note 'Acquired from Ready in London; said to come from Athens.' See L. Robert, cLe Serpent Glykon d'Abonouteichos a Athenes et Artemis d'Ephese a Rome', CRAI (1981), 513-35, at 516; reprinted in L. Robert, Opera Minora Selecta: Epigraphie et antiquitesgrecques^ vol. 5 (Amsterdam, 1989), 747-69. See Mitchell, Anatolia (n.5), vol. 2,13 n. 24 for a reference to two further unpublished images of Glykon from Byzantium and Dorylaeum, and see above n. 7 for two further headless statues of snakes likely to be Glykon. 9 Compare engraved gem, possibly from Antioch, depicting Glykon and Asklepios facing each other (LIMCIV, i, 282, no. 19). 10 On the use of these Glykon statuettes as talismans for personal devotion see Robert, 'Glykon' (n.8). 11 See J. Eisner, 'The origins of the icon: pilgrimage, religion and visual culture in the Roman East as "resistance" to the centre', in S. E. Alcock, ed., The Early Roman Empire in the East (Oxford, 1997), 178-99, at 187-8. For the story of the riot at Ephesos in response to St Paul's opposition to the production of images of Diana see Acts of the Apostles 19: 23-41, and discussion in P. Debord, Aspects sociaux et economiques de la vie religieuse dans I'Anatolie Greco-Romaine (Leiden, 1982), 17. On the reproduction of cult images at Christian pilgrimage shrines see D. Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago, IL, 1989), 99-135.

16

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

FIG. i. Marble statue of Glykon from ancient Tomis. H: 66 cm. Second century AD.

there was not a rigidly canonical image, and may even reflect people's different experiences face to face with the god. The snake was a well-established feature of traditional Asklepian iconography, and was usually depicted coiled around the walking staff of the itinerant healing divinity (Fig. 4). Large, beaked, and even bearded snakes also occurred, and in this respect the fundamental concept of

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

YJ

FIG. 2. Bronze statuette of Glykon. H: 6.8 cm. From the Agora at Athens. Second century AD.

FIG. 3. Bronze statuette of Glykon. H: 6 cm. Thought to come from the Agora at Athens. Second century AD.

18

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

FIG. 4. Marble statue of Asklepios. H: 179 cm. From the Asklepieion of Epidauros. c.AD 160.

Glykon iconography is not innovative (Fig. 5). Its innovation lies iconographically in its striking hybrid nature and phenomenologically in its explicit and continual assertion of the full identification of the god with the snake. The combination of animal and human features, confusing established taxonomic categories, alludes to the unique status of the deity, his "otherness3, and is a potent way of visually asserting a thauma. The posture of Glykon further

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

19

FIG 5. Marble votive relief showing a family of worshippers approaching with offerings from the left; in the centre is an altar, beyond which Asklepios stands leaning on his staff, and behind is a huge coiled snake with erect head. H: 49 cm, W: 54 cm. From the Asklepieion of Piraeus. 4OO-35O BC.

emphasizes this aspect by erecting the hybrid head towards the viewer. Both the posture of direct confrontation and the nature of the extraordinary head suggest immanent presence. The image engenders in the viewer direct recognition of Glykon's miraculous quality, and can thus be termed 'charismatic', in the sense developed by Max Weber in the context of human leaders.12 At the same time, the image allows for a symbolic or exegetical approach: the snake as symbol of Asklepios, the human ears alluding to the god's attention to the worshipper's request. The new name cGlykon', 'sweet one', suggesting the possibility of tender contact between deity and worshipper, could be accommodated into both charismatic and exegetical attitudes to the image. The establishment of this new cult image is striking at a time when the rhetoric of religious conservatism—dutiful preservation of tapatria—was very powerful and old or archaizing cult images were particularly privileged.13 Simultaneously, however, the concept and term 12

For M. Weber on charisma see J. E. T. Eldridge, ed., Max Weber: The Interpretation of Social Reality (London, 1970), 229-35, especially 249, and H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (London, 1991), 245-52; also C. Lindholm, Charisma (Oxford, 1990). 13 On the centrality of tradition to all religious groups in this period see 'Introduction: apologetics in the Roman world', in M. Edwards, M. Goodman, and S. Price, eds., in association with C. Rowland, Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Oxford, 1999), 1-13, at 3-7; on the rhetoric of'traditional' religion see MacMullen, Paganism, 3-4; on the claims to antiquity of the cults of Mithras, Isis, and Christianity see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 278-88; on the ancient and modern fiction of religious authenticity of the past see D. Feeney, Literature and Religion at Rome (Cambridge, 1998), 133-6. On old and archaizing cult images see N. Spivey, Understanding Greek Sculpture (London, 1996), 46-7.

20

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

neos could also carry favourable connotations, for example in the appellation of Hadrian as neos Asklepios,14 The peculiarity of the new cult image emerges if it is examined within the framework of Asklepian imagery produced in the second and third centuries AD in the eastern Roman empire. A brief examination of this type of imagery, both its iconography and the viewing contexts which conditioned its reception, establishes a context within which to place Glykon's image. In comparison to other divinities the range of Asklepios iconography is narrow. There are minor variations on the theme of an anthropomorphic bearded Asklepios with his snake-encircled staff either standing or seated, while a beardless young Asklepios either standing or seated is less common, and occurred most frequently in Peloponnesian sanctuaries.15 The traditional fourth-century BC statuary types of Asklepios continued to be produced in the first to third centuries AD and were displayed in sacred, civic, and domestic spaces. A marble statue from the Asklepieion of Epidauros measuring 1.79 metres high, dated AD 160-70, depicts Asklepios standing, leaning on his snake-encircled staff, looking to the right (Fig. 4).16 He is a mature bearded man, wearing a traditional himation which leaves his upper body bare, and sandals which allude to his travels in order to cure the sick. The snake, with which his cult was closely associated, is an accompaniment or symbol. Some fourth-century BC Attic votive reliefs depict the snake in large scale, either with Asklepios or in isolation, and some form of identification of snake and deity is implied. For example a marble votive relief from the Asklepieion at Piraeus depicts a family of worshippers approaching an altar behind which stand Asklepios leaning on his staff (Giustini type) and beyond him an enormous coiled snake with an erect head, perhaps a parallel or alternative manifestation of him, but not a wholesale replacement (Fig. 5).17 The statue of Asklepios from Epidauros is closely modelled on the

14

AvP 111,2, 258, no. 365. See below, chapter four, pp. 214-16. See B. Holtzmann, 'Asklepios', mLIMC II, i (Zurich and Munich, 1984), 863-97. Pausanias 2.10.3 ca beardless figure of gold and ivory made by Kalamis' (Sikyon), 2.13.5 'a temple of Asklepios as a beardless youth' (Phlious), 2.32.4 'the image of Asklepios was made by Timotheos, but the Troizenians say that it is not Asklepios, but a likeness of Hippolytos', undoubtly beardless (Troizen), 8.28.1 'the god as a beardless youth', statue by Skopas (Gortyn). 16 K. Romiopoulou, Ellenoromaika Glypta tou Ethnikou Archaiologikou Mouseiou (Athens, 1997), 88-9, no. 89 = LIMCII, i, 886, no. 321. Athens National Museum no. 263. 17 LIMC II, i, 881, no. 202. Athens National Museum no. 1407. See also Archinos relief from the Amphiareion with simultaneous scenes of healing by god and snake, N. Kaltsas, Ethniko Archaiologiko Mouseio. Ta Glypta. Katalogos (Athens, 2001), 209, no. 425, Athens National Museum no. 3369, and interpretation in A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Amphiaraos present: images and healing pilgrimage in Classical Greece', in R. Shepherd and R. Maniura, eds., Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects (Aldershot, 2006), 203-29, at 209-10. On snakes and the Asklepios cult see: (i) Literary and epigraphical references to real or visionary snakes: LiDonnici, JVLiracle Inscriptions^ 96-7 [A 17] (man's toe 15

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

21

fourth-century BC Este type, but its sculptural style (in particular the heavy use of the drill for the hair and drapery, producing strong shadows) gave a distinctly modern flavour to the Classical prototype. Its display in the oldest sanctuary of Asklepios, but in a new bath complex (Building K) built by the Roman senator Julius Antoninus Pythodorus, reflects this dual identity.18 An example of a beardless youthful Asklepios measuring 1.30 metres high, and dated to the second century AD, was found in the baths of the theatre at Argos (Fig. 6).19 This was a public, civic but not sacred viewing context; Asklepios' close association with springs and health regimes perhaps accounts for the frequent display of his statues in baths throughout the empire.20 But the particular cultural resonances of viewing the Greek god of healing in his youthful Teloponnesian5 guise in Argos itself, but in a building devoted to the Roman practice of bathing, were unique and complex. The paucity of myths concerning Asklepios, which may be linked to the late establishment of the cult in the fourth century BC, accounts for the fact that he is rarely depicted in narrative scenes.21 The exceptions to this pattern include two

healed of an ulcer by a snake which came out of the abaton and licked it), iio-n [B 13(33)] (Thesandros of Halieis cured of consumption by a snake which rode home with him in his wagon, sanctuary then founded in Halieis), 112-13 [B 17(37)] (Kleimenes of Argos cured of his paralysis by Asklepios' ministrations which included winding a snake around him) and [B 19(39)] (snake lies on stomach of woman from Keos, she gives birth to five children), 114-15 [B 22(42)] (Nikasiboula of Messene has sex with a snake, she gives birth to twins), 116-17 [C 1(44)] (mute girl cries out at the sight of a snake in the sanctuary), 118-19 [C 2(45)] (Melissa is healed by a snake opening the tumour on her hand), 124-5 [C 15(58)] (fragmentary reference to snake); Pausanias i.n.8 (sacred snakes in the sanctuary of Asklepios at Titane), 2.28.1 (yellow, tame snakes sacred to Asklepios at Epidauros) (2) Visual evidence: E. Mitropoulou, Deities and Heroes in the Form of Snakes (Athens, 1977), at 188-201 (3) Comment: Edelstein and Edelstein, Asdepius 2, 227-31, R. Garland, Introducing New Gods: The Politics of Athenian Religion (London, 1992), 121-2 and J. Schouten, The Rod and the Serpent of Asklepios, Symbol of Medicine (translated by M. E. Hollander) (Amsterdam and New York, NY, 1967), 35-42. 18

See M. Melfi, I santuari di Asclepio in Grecia. I (Rome, 2007), 99-106, and H. Halfmann, Die Senatoren aus dem ostlichen Teil desImperiumRomanum bis zum Ende des2. Jahrhunderts n.Chr. (Gottingen, 1979), 171-2, no. 89. 19 LZMCII, i, 870, no. 31, Argos Museum (body found in 1972 (excavation number 350), head recorded in 1979). See J. Marcade, 'Sculptures Argiennes (III)', Etudes Ar0iennes, BCH suppl. 6 (1981), 133-94, at 148-50, no. 180, fig. 19. 20 e.g. colossal head (originally gilded) in the Baths of Caracalla in Rome (probably commissioned for the baths) see M. Marvin, 'Freestanding sculptures from the Baths of Caracalla', AJA 87 (1983), 347-84, at 363-4, pi. 49, fig. 12, and another youthful Asklepios in the baths of the theatre at Sparta LIMCII, i, 870, no. 25 (Antonine period) Sparta Museum no. 1007. See also reference to statues of Asklepios and Hygieia as appropriate decoration for a bath in Lucian, Hippias 5. 21 On the establishment of the cult see Garland, New Gods (n. 17), 116-35, and Edelstein and Edelstein, Asdepius 2, 108-25. On the use of 'Asklepio-' type personal names, and the argument that it reflects the growth of the cult see R. Parker, 'Theophoric names and the history of Greek religion', in S. Hornblower and E. Matthews, eds., Greek Personal Names and their Value as Evidence^ Proceedings of the British Academy 104 (Oxford, 2000), 53-80, at 57 and 73.

22

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FIG. 6. Marble statue of beardless young Asklepios. H: 130 cm. From the baths of the theatre at Argos. Second century AD.

instances of the depiction of the mythological scene of the finding of the infant Asklepios, on a coin from Epidauros (examined below) and on a fourth-century BC votive relief from Athens, while a series of fourth-century BC marble votive relief from the Asklepieion at Athens and Piraeus display narrative scenes of sacrifice

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23

and healing (Fig. s).22 In these Classical votive reliefs, and in statuettes from the Roman period a number of personifications and mythological figures were often depicted with Asklepios: Epione (his wife), Hygieia (either his wife or daughter), laso and Panakeia (daughters), Podaleirios and Machaon (sons), Telesphoros (a child god, usually depicted hooded and cloaked, whose name suggested a good conclusion to the ailment).23 Although these figures remained mythologically insubstantial, their cultic significance is indicated by a number of votive dedications made to them: for example, in the Severan period at Epidauros a certain Gaius dedicated two marble statuettes, one of Hygieia (56 cm high) and one of Telesphoros (43 cm high) in payment for healing (Figs. 7 and 8).24 The snake which encircles Hygieia's body, and which she probably would have been feeding from a patera, again resembles the snake which encircles the staff of Asklepios, and not the independent manifestation of the god, such as Glykon. The statue of Telesphoros is unusual in its use of fourth-century BC iconography of the sons of Asklepios as divine infants.25 The resulting mixture of infant anatomy with adult posture and dress is unsettling and comes closest to the hybrid effect of Glykon, its strangeness perhaps reflecting Gaius' healing experience in the sanctuary. Despite the limited typological range, images of Asklepios and his companions were frequently viewed in sanctuaries and public places, and also on coinage (discussed below). In the domestic sphere, however, there are very few surviving images of Asklepios, in particular on lamps, terracottas, and gems.26 This is surprising, given the god's sphere of activity, and is an important reminder of the civic support that the cult enjoyed, notwithstanding its 'personal' dimensions

22

Marble relief of the infant Asklepios and a female figure, probably the nurse Trygon in Kaltsas, Katalogos (n. 17), 228, no. 479 = LIMC II, i, 869, no. 6; narrative scenes of sacrifice and healing include 140-2, nos. 267-72; 210-16, nos. 426, 428-9, 432, 437, 438, 440-2, 444-5 and 222-7, nos. 464-6, 468, 472-5, 478. 23 On the myth of Asklepios as hero and his relatives see Edelstein and Edelstein, Asckpius 2, 1-91, especially 85-91. 24 Romiopoulou, Elknoromaika Glypta (n. 16), 112, no. 116 (Hygieia) = LIMC V, i, 554, no. 44. On the iconography of Hygieia see LIMC V, i, 554-62 and H. Sobel, Hygieia. Die Gottin der Gesundheit (Darmstadt, 1990). Romiopoulou, Ellenoromaika Glypta (n. 16), 114, no. 119 (Telesphoros). On Telesphoros and his iconography see M. Putscher, 'Telesforos, der Knabe im Kapuzenmantel', in F. R. Hau, G. Keil, and C. Schubert, z
24

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FIG. 7. Marble statuette of Hygieia dedicated by Gaius. H: 50 cm. From the Asklepieion at Epidauros. C.AD 200.

which have been emphasized in scholarship. In the instances where images of Asklepios have been found in domestic settings their significance varies according to iconography and accompanying sculptures and mosaics, and is not limited to a symbol of health. Two examples of domestic Asklepian imagery are found in late second and early third century AD houses in the main city on the island of Kos. The cultural context was mixed Greek and Roman, while the presence of the

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25

FIG 8. Marble statuette of Telesphoros dedicated by Gains. H: 43 cm. From the Asslepieion at Epidauros. C.AD 200.

famous Asklepieion a short distance away gave a particular resonance to this imagery. In the richly decorated House of the Abduction of Europa a number of marble sculptures were found, including Asklepios accompanied by the small hooded figure of Telesphoros, and Hygieia holding a snake and offering it an egg, with the small figure sleeping by her side, probably Hypnos in the form of

26

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Eros (Figs. 9 and io).27 Other marble sculptures from the house were of Hermes seated on a rock with a ram at his side (possibly Hermes Eumelios), Artemis ready to shoot an arrow with a dog by her side, a group consisting of drunken Dionysos and a Satyr with small figure of Pan on a column covered in vines and an Eros and panther at their feet, and two female portraits.28 There are niches in the walls for the statues, but the exact display scheme is not known. The display of Asklepios, Telesphoros, and Hygieia together with other mythological figures, both in sculpture and mosaic (e.g. Europa and the bull, from which the house takes its name), emphasized their mythological origins and connections. Simultaneously the iconographic choice of pairing them with Telesphoros and Hypnos (if this is the case) respectively alluded to their functions as healing deities (incubation, sleeping the night in the sanctuary, was the main healing ritual), and connected them to the Asklepieion. A rare mosaic of Asklepios from the House of Asklepios on Kos makes a more explicit allusion to the Koan cult. Dated to the Severan period and measuring i.i3m by i.iim, it was located in a cubiculum, and other surviving mosaics from the house show a nymph sitting on a sea monster, and erotes in combat with wild animals (Plate I).29 Asklepios is depicted disembarking from a boat, to be greeted by a man dressed in Koan costume, while Hippokrates, the famous Classical Koan physician, is seated nearby. In one of the most private areas of the house, then, the subject chosen is Asklepios' arrival on Kos and his ongoing connection with the island through the Asklepiads, one which mirrors the themes of official Koan numismatic imagery, as we will see below. The intensity of the gaze between Asklepios and the Koan man does simultaneously convey a more personal and epiphanic aspect of the worship of Asklepios. 27

Asklepios: Kos Museum no. 101. Hygieia: Kos Museum no. 98 = LIMC V, i, 560, no. 71 = 605 no. 147. On the House of the Abduction of Europa see L. Morricone, 'Scavi e ricerche a Coo (1935-1943), Relazione preliminare', Bolletino d'arte 35 (1950), 54-75, 219-46, 316-31, at 236-40, figs. 61-74 (excavation report), and F. Sirano, 'La Casa cosiddetta del "Ratto d'Europa"', in M. Livadiotti and G. Rocco, eds., La Presenza Italiana net Dodecanese tra il 1912 e il 194-8. La Ricerca Archeologica. La Conservazione. Le Scelte Progettuali (Catania, 1996), 136-40, and on the mosaic of Europa see id., 'II mosaico della casa cosiddetta del Ratto di Europa a Coo', Atti del I Colloquio delPAISCOM, Ravenna 29 Aprile-s Mqggio 1993 (Ravenna, 1994), 541-77. 28 Kos Museum nos. 91 (Hermes), 94 (Dionysos group), 95 (female portrait), 97 (Artemis), 100 (female portrait). The mythological and religious sculptures have been dated to the second half of the second century AD. On the Hermes statue see F. Sirano, 'A seated statue of Hermes from Cos: Middle Imperial sculpture between myth and cult, a new proposal of identification', in I. Jenkins and G. B. Waywell, eds., Sculptors and Sculpture ofCaria and the Dodecanese (London, 1997), 134-9. 29 LIMC II, i, 887, no. 340. See A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Landscape, transformation and divine epiphany3, in S. Swain, S. J. Harrison, and J. Eisner, eds., Severan Culture (Cambridge, 2007), 250-89, at 283-7. On the discovery of the mosaic see Morricone, Coo (n. 27), 317. On Koan mosaics in general see L. M. De Matteis, 'I Mosaici di Coo', in M. Livadiotti and G. Rocco, eds., La PresenzaItaliana nel Dodecaneso tra il 1912 e il 1948. La Ricerca Archeolo0ica. La Conservazione. Le Scelte Prqgettuali (Catania, 1996), 174-81, and Mosaici di Cos. Dagli Scavi delleMissioni Italiane e Tedesche (1900-1945)- Monografie della ScuolaArcheologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente 17 (Athens, 2004).

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27

FIG. 9. Marble statue of Asklepios and Telesphoros from the House of the Abduction of Europa, Kos. c.AD 150-200.

A domestic mosaic from the House of Achilles at Palmyra, dated to AD 250-73, achieves a very different effect. It is the central rectangle of the portico, measuring i.59m by i.66m, and encloses a geometric bordered octagon within which a beardless Asklepios is seated on a throne, facing the viewer frontally, with a snakeencircled staff by his left hand, and pouring an offering from a patera on to an

28

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FIG. 10. Marble statue of Hygieia and Eros or Hypnos from the House of the Abduction of Europa, Kos. c. AD 150—200.

altar with his right (Plate II).30 This type of Asklepios is thought either to be based on the cult image at Gortyn by Skopas, mentioned by Pausanias, or more loosely on Thrasymedes' cult image at Epidauros.31 Unlike the Koan narrative image, this 30 See H. Stern, LesMosaiques desMaisons d'Achille et de Cassiopee a Palmyre (Paris, 1977), 22, and fig. 16; see fig. 3 for the octagon in situ, and fig. 4 for a plan and superimposed mosaics. 31 Pausanias 8.28.1.

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29

one emphasizes the cultic and hieratic aspects of the god, and may have alluded specifically to the Greek (Peloponnesian) manifestation of the cult. The other surviving octagons from the portico contain the head of Medusa and a Dionysiac figure, while the scene of Achilles on Skyros, which gives its name to the house, is also situated in the portico.32 The enthroned, cultic Asklepios is thus placed within a Greek mythological framework, and the whole decorative scheme should be interpreted within the multifaceted and complex cultural identity of Palmyra, a city which has been described as 'Semitic, Greek and Roman all at once3.33 This eclectic glance at some contemporary Asklepian sculptures and mosaics reveals a spectrum of functions, ranging from the more obviously religious, such as votive images of the god and his companions displayed in sacred space, to a broader role of adorning civic or domestic non-sacred space principally through the evocation of the mythological and cultural connotations of Asklepios. The rare domestic mosaics indicate that even within the narrow typological range available the particular composition and viewing context could produce very different effects. Within the spectrum of depictions of Asklepios the image of Glykon is innovative in its hybrid nature and its direct identification of the deity with the snake, although simultaneously its iconographic roots can be traced back to traditional Classical Asklepian imagery. The similarity in appearance between Glykon and traditional Asklepian serpents coupled with the small scale and schematic nature of numismatic images results in occasional uncertainty in identifying images of Glykon on coins.34 Although this may be no more than our failure of interpretation it is also possible that the grey area reflects an ancient conception of the fundamental ontological connection between the traditional and new Asklepios. But some coins from Abonouteichos actually bear the legend Glykon in the reverse inscription or in the exergue beneath the image of the snake, thereby clearly indicating a desire for

32

Stern, Mosaiques (n. 30), 23-5. On the interaction of Semitic, Greek, and Roman language in epigraphy, names, and culture at Palmyra, (which became a colonia under Severus or Caracalla) see F. Millar, 'The Roman coloniae of the Near East: a study of cultural relations', in H. Solin and M. Kajava, eds., Roman Eastern Policy and Other Studies in Roman History. Societas Scientiarum Fennica, Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 91 (Helsinki, 1990), 7-58, at 42-6; reprinted in F. Millar, The Greek World, the Jews, and the East (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006), 164-222. 34 Contemporary numismatic images of Asklepian beaked and bearded snakes which bear strong resemblance to Glykon include: (i) Pergamon: http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3i97/ (Marcus Aurelius), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3i98/ (Marcus Aurelius), BMC Mysia 150, no. 330, pi. XXX,i (Commodus) and (2) Kos: BMC Caria and the Islands, 217, no. 235, pi. XXXIII, 10 (Caligula). This image has older precedents: (i) Epidauros: SNG Copenhagen, Danish National Museum, Argolis-Aegean Islands 128 and 129 (350-146 BC) (2) Pergamon: SNG von Aulock 7455 (third to second century BC) (3) Kos: SNG von Aulock 2761 and 2762 (167-88 BC). 33

30

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the new god to be recognized.35 Glykon also appears without his legend on coins from his home city and from the neighbouring cities of Nikomedia, Tieion, and Gangra-Germanikopolis.36 These are civic issues, which place Glykon on the reverse and the portrait of the emperor (or a member of the imperial family) on the obverse. Both Rome and the city elites were involved in the production of this coinage, the former in its grant of the right to mint coins and the latter in the exercise of choice as to the design.37 The area of circulation of civic bronze coinage appears to have been small (£.50 miles radius) and so the images on the coins were meant for the eyes of the local citizens and their immediate neighbours.38 Although the impact of numismatic images is difficult to estimate, Plutarch does provide evidence for elite intellectual analysis of the designs of both sides of a Roman coin.39 Moreover, although controlled by the local elite the images seem to address the wider body of citizens in their focus on local myths, deities, and topography, real or desired symbols of shared civic identity.40 The display of a city's Greek heritage became increasingly important in the culture of the Second Sophistic, and numismatic images often displayed this in the form of Greek mythical founders or in the narration of famous mythical incidents (such as the birth of a god) which it was claimed had occurred in that 35

B. V. Head, A Guide to the Principal Coins of the Greeks: From arc. 700 B.C. to A.D. 270. Eased on the work of Barclay V. Head (London, 1932), 85, no. 2, pi. 47, fig. 2 (BM 1844-4-25-1283 (Devon)) (Antoninus Pius) (Pl.i.i), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/488i/ (Antoninus Pius), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/5359/ (Antoninus Pius), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/5364/ (Lucius Verus) (Pl.i.2), LIMC IV, i, 281, no. 8 (Geta). On explanatory inscriptions for new images to be understood see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3,40. 36 (i) Tieion: http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/5562/ (Antoninus Pius) (2) Nikomedia: RecGen I 3, 545 nos. 225-7, pi. XCIV 12-14 (Caracalla), and 562, no. 353, pi. XCVII, 14 (Maximinus) (3) Gangra-Germanikopolis: SNG von Aulock 6820 (Julia Domna, AD 217). 37 For a brief introduction to Roman provincial coinage see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, and K. W. Harl, Civic Coins and Civic Politics in the Roman East A.D. 180-275 (Berkeley, CA, 1987), 12-30. On control of coinage see P. Weiss, 'The cities and their money3, in C. Howgego, V. Heuchert, and A. Burnett, eds., Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces (Oxford, 2005), 57-68, and Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 40-4. On frequency of production and difficulties of measuring provincial coin production see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 32-40; on 'workshop system3, use of the same obverse dies in the coinage of different cities, and implications for range of choice see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 43-4. 38 Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 31, and J.-P. Callu, La Politique monetaire des empereurs romains de 238 a 311 (Paris, 1969), 35~5739 Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae 274E, where the question is 'Why did their ancient coinage have stamped on one side a double-faced likeness of Janus, on the other the stern or the prow of a ship?3 40 On the prominence of religion on coinage in the eastern provinces see C. Howgego, 'Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces3, in Howgego, Heuchert, and Burnett, Coinage and Identity (n. 37), 1-17, at 2-4, Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 48-52; on the importance of mythologies (local variants) to local identity, and the seriousness with which these concerns should be treated see S. R. F. Price, 'Local mythologies in the Greek East3, in Howgego, Heuchert, and Burnett, Coinage and Identity,, 115-24, especially 116 and 123; and G. Williamson, 'Aspects of identity3, in Howgego, Heuchert, and Burnett, Coinage and Identity, 19-27 on the meaning of the depiction of local myths on coins, the Roman/provincial relationship, and the multifaceted nature of identity in the Roman world.

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31

41

place. Civic coinage then, together with monumental sculpture and architecture, was an important medium for the expression of civic pride and collective identity formulated within a highly competitive and polemical framework.42 The appearance of Glykon on civic coinage from Abonouteichos between the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Trebonianus Gallus confirms that the image and cult it represented were long considered appropriate as civic symbols. Between AD 161 and 169, during the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, the name of Abonouteichos was changed to the more prestigious lonopolis, 'city of Ion', the mythical ancestor of the lonians, possibly as a result of the success of Glykon's cult.43 The continued use of the image of Glykon on coins after the adoption of the new name implies that the claim to a prestigious Greek identity was thought to be enhanced by the image of the new hybrid god. Glykon appears on the reverses of two coins bearing the legends ABQNOTEIXEITQN FAYKQN (£Glykonofthe Abonouteichites5) zndlQNOriOAEITQN PAYKQN (cGlykonof the lonopolitans'), and on their obverses portraits of Antoninus Pius and Lucius 41 On use of mythology especially in western Asia Minor to establish Greekness see Howgego, 'Coinage and identity5 (n. 40), 4-7 and Price, 'Local mythologies' (n. 40); on the depiction of founders and foundation stories see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography3, 51-2. On the importance of 'Greek' foundation credentials for cities in this period and the Panhellenion see Price, 'Local mythologies' (n. 40), 122 (arguing against the importance of the Panhellenion), A. J. S. Spawforth and S. Walker, 'The world of the Panhellenion I: Athens and Eleusis', JRS 75 (1985), 78-104, and 'The world of the Panhellenion II: three Dorian cities',/RS 76 (1986), 88-105, D. Willers, Hadrians panhellenischesPro^ramm.Archaolo^ischeEeitrage zurNeue^estaltun0 Athens durch Hadrian (Basel, 1990), C. P. Jones, 'The Panhellenion', Chiron 26 (1996), 29-51, and Swain, Hellenism, 75-6; and on the perception of proximity and continuity with the classical past in the second century see E. L. Bowie, 'The Greeks and their past in the second sophistic', PastPres 46 (1970), 3-41; reprinted with corrections in M. I. Finley, ed., Studies in Ancient Society (London, 1974), 166-209. 42 On reasons for production of civic coinage see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography5, 32; a Hellenistic inscription from Sestos lists 'pride' and 'profit' as the reasons: OGIS I, 339 (see L. Robert, 'Les monetaires et un decret hellenistique de Sestos', RN 6th ser. 15 (1973), 43-53; reprinted in id., Opera Minora Selecta: Epigraphie et antiquites grecques (Amsterdam, 1989), vol. 6, 125-35, and RPC I, 16-17). On civic rivalries in Asia Minor see Mitchell, Anatolia (n. 5), vol. i, 204-10 and on the role of imagery see Z. Newby, 'Art and identity in Asia Minor5, in S. Scott and J. Webster, eds., Roman Imperialism and Provincial Art (Cambridge, 2003), 192-213. Monumental sculpture expressing civic identity include the theatre friezes at Hierapolis in Phrygia (AD 205-10) and Nysa (Severan period). See F. D5Andria and T. Ritti, Hierapolis., ii. Lesculture del teatro: i rilievi con i cicli di Apollo eArtemide (Rome, 1985), P. Chuvin, 'Observations sur les reliefs du theatre de Hierapolis: themes agonistiques et legendes locales', RA (1987), 97-108, R. Lindner, Mythos und Identitat: Studien zur Selbstdarstellung kleinasiatischer Stadte in der romischen Kaiserzeit (Stuttgart, 1994) and Price, 'Local mythologies' (n. 40), 118-21. 43 See Robert, 'Lucien' (n. 5), 411-14 for a discussion of the choice of the name 'lonopolis' which he suggests is 'une sorte d'atticisme religieux' (412). See also Howgego, 'Coinage and identity5 (n. 40), 6, W. Hollstein and F. Jarman, Tsis und Serapis in lonopo\\s\JahrbuchfurNumismatik und Geldgeschichte 45 (1995), 29-37, and Swain, Hellenism, 76. There is a brief mention of'Abonouteichos5 in Arrian, Periplous 14.3, and the change of name is noted in the anonymous Periplus Ponti Euxini 19 ('And from the area of Garion to Abonouteichos ("the fortification of Abonos"), which is now called lonopolis, it is one hundred and twenty stades and sixteen miles.5) The modern name of the town Tnebolu' derives from 'lonopolis5.

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FIG. ii. Bronze coin from Abonouteichos. Obverse Antoninus Pius laureate, facing right. Reverse showing coiled snake with erect head with beard or hair hanging down, facing right. Legend: ABQNOTEIXEITQN FAYKQN ('Glykon of the Abonouteichites5).

Verus (Figs, n and 12).44 A comparison between these reverses reveals the degree to which the image of Glykon could be varied. In the coin from the reign of Antoninus Pius Glykon is presented as a long coiled snake with a bifurcated tail, an erect head facing right and what appears to be either a long beard or hair hanging down. In the coin from the reign of Lucius Verus the coiled snake faces left and although the head is elongated like that of an animal, it bears human features and hair. The variation in these depictions, like the variation in the statues of the god, suggests that the city elite in control of coin design was not intent on standardizing the image of the new god. The attempt to depict Glykon's most distinguishing feature—his hybrid head—even in such small schematic images should be interpreted as part of the process of creating a unique and striking civic symbol. The traditional anthropomorphic Asklepios did not offer this opportunity: he appeared frequently on coins all over Asia Minor, and it has been argued that this should be interpreted as a sign of increasing Hellenization and of the influence of the city of Pergamon, where the most prominent Asklepian sanctuary in Asia Minor was located.45 TSTeos Asklepios Glykon3 occurred only on coinage from Abonouteichos/Ionopolis and from a few larger neighbouring cities whose decision to adopt it exalted the cult and its 44

Head, Coins (n. 35), 85, no. 2, pi. 47, fig. 2 (BM 1844-4-25-1283 (Devon)), and http://rpc.ashmus.ox. ac.uk/coins/5364/. 45 e.g. Asklepios and Hygieia from Abonouteichos/Ionopolis: RecGen 11,167, nos. 4 and 4a, pi. XVII figs. 8 and 9 (Antoninus Pius); from Pergamon: RFC ii: 144, no. 921 = BMC Mysia, 141, no. 258, pi. XXVIII, 9 (Domitian). See table showing numbers of coin-issuing cities using certain popular reverse images, including Asklepios in Julio-Claudian, Flavian, and Antonine periods, Heuchert, cCoin iconography5, 49, table 3.3. See Debord, Vie religieuse (n. n), 35 (meaning of images of Asklepios on coins) and 33-7 (more generally on the cult of Asklepios in Asia Minor).

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33

FIG 12. Bronze coin from lonopolis. Obverse Lucius Verus laureate, facing right. Reverse showing coiled snake with erect head facing left. Legend: IQNOIJOAEITQN FAYKQN ('Glykon of the lonopolitans5).

home city.46 The Roman iconographic tradition of depicting the cult image within a schematic temple, which was adopted in the Eastern provinces, is not employed on any of the surviving coins depicting Glykon, and this further encourages the viewer to focus exclusively on the innovative cult image.47 Its hybrid cotherness? in the coins as much as in the statues alludes to a unique charismatic Asklepian experience available at Abonouteichos/Ionopolis.48 A coin issued under Alexander Severus and bearing the legend IQNOTIOAIZ £ ( Ionopolis?), depicts the personification of the city, or the city's Tyche, seated facing left, wearing a turreted crown, and feeding a large snake from a patera (Fig. 13).49 This is an unusual image type, although it does occur in some other cities unconnected to Glykon.50 In this case, however, the depiction of long hair on the head of the snake, and the particular history of the Glykon cult in that city makes it likely that the snake would have been interpreted as Glykon. The image captures the intimate, mutually beneficial and above all exclusive relationship between city and new cult. This exclusivity may have been challenged by the Nikomedians' adoption and radical modification of the image, well beyond the 46

See above n. 36. On the iconographic tradition of depicting temples and other buildings on coins see B. Burrell, Neokoroi: Greek Cities and Roman Emperors, Cincinnati Classical Studies, NS 9 (Leiden, 2004), 309-12 (temples of the neokoroi), Howgego, 'Coinage and identity' (n. 40), 4-5, Heuchert, 'Coin iconography5, 50-1 and M. J. Price and B. L. Trell, Coins and their Cities: Architecture on the Ancient Coins of Greece, Rome and Palestine (London, 1977) for a list of architecture on ancient coinage. 48 On zoomorphic and hybrid cult objects on coins see Howgego, 'Coinage and identity5 (n. 40), 3-4. 49 RecGen 11,170 no. 16, pi. XVII, fig. 20 = LIMCIV, i, 281, no. 20. See Robert, 'Lucien5 (n. 5), 400-2. 50 e.g. Pergamon: EMC Mysia, 157, no. 331, pi. XXXII4 (Elagabalus); Nikomedia: SNG von Aulock 7129 (Decius). 47

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FIG. 13. Bronze coin from lonopolis. Obverse head of Alexander Severus laureate, facing right. Reverse showing female personification of lonopolis feeding a large snake with hair hanging down. Legend: IQNOHOAIZ ('lonopolis').

existing repertoire (Fig. 14).51 On the reverse of a coin from the reign of Caracalla appears the ribbed body of a snake in two coils together with a classicizing male portrait in profile, and bearing the prestigious legend NIKOMHAEQN AIZ NEQKOPQN (cof the Nikomedians who have held the neokorate twice5).52 Glykon is here depicted with a fully human instead of a hybrid head, although overall he maintains his hybrid nature in the combination of body and head. This is a significant departure from the imagery of Abonouteichos/Ionopolis, and the concurrent display of its neokorate status effectively 'personalizes5 the god for the city of Nikomedia. The use of numismatic imagery in Abonouteichos/Ionopolis, then, emerges as an important medium for moulding the popular cult of Asklepios into something more distinctive, which could also function as a civic symbol. That the city elite controlled coinage is undisputable; but various power models could be accommodated into this framework, ranging from elite articulation of a well-established popular cult, through an elite and popular dialogue with input from both groups, to aggressive elite appropriation of a potentially subversive popular cult. The evidence does not allow for a proper assessment. Certainly the pattern 51

RecGen 13, 545, no. 225, pi. XCIV, fig. 12 = LIMCIV, i, 281, no. 12. See also RecGen I 3, 545, no. 226 and 227 (pi. XCIV, figs. 13 and 14) = LIMC IV, i, 281, nos. 13 and 14. 52 On neokorates see A. Johnston, 'Hierapolis revisited', The Numismatic Chronicle 144 (1984), 52-80, S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1984), 64-5, and Burrell, Neokoroi (n. 47), especially 147-62, on Nikomedia. On civic rivalry between Nikomedia and Nikaia in particular see L. Robert, 'La titulaire de Nicee et de Nicomedie: la gloire et la haine', HSCP 81(1977), 1-39; reprinted in id., Opera Minora Selecta: Epi0raphie et antiquites grecques (Amsterdam, 1989), vol. 6, 211-49 (status and titles), and W. Weiser, 'Romische Stadtemiinzen aus Bithynien und Pontus. II. Numismatische Zeugnisse des Streites der Nikaier und der Nikomedier um den Vorrang', SNR 68 (1989), 55-8 (legends).

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35

FIG 14. Bronze coin from Nikomedia. Obverse head of Caracalla wearing radiate crown facing right. Reverse showing coiled ribbed body of snake with male head in profile facing right. Legend: NIKOMHAEQN AIZ NEQKOPQN (cof the Nikomedians who have held the neokorate twice').

of developing distinctive iconographic and cultic elements within the traditional Asklepian cult was not new, and is reflected in the coinage not only of a small town like Abonouteichos/Ionopolis at the edge of the Graeco-Roman world but also in the great centres of Asklepian worship: Epidauros, Pergamon, and Kos. From the fourth century BC to the second century AD Epidauros displayed its iconic fourth-century BC cult image by the sculptor Thrasymedes of Paros either in isolation or in a schematic tetrastyle temple: Asklepios seated on a throne facing left, holding his staff in his left hand and raising his right hand above a coiled snake (Fig. is).53 The display of this image in a schematic temple perhaps emphasizes the location of the divinity in the sanctuary. Sometimes a dog is depicted lying by his side and this may be connected to the pre-existing cult of Apollo Maleatas on the hill Kynortion, and may also allude to the myth of the shepherd Aresthanas5 finding of the infant Asklepios on Mt Titthion (Nipple), after his mother Koronis was killed by Apollo in revenge for her infidelity. Coins bearing an image of a dog lying down on its own also allude to this myth, while another example with a bust of Antoninus Pius on the obverse elaborates the incident into a polemical narrative on its reverse by showing Aresthanas coming 53 BMC Peloponnesus, 159, no. 29, pi. XXIV, 22 = http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4637/ (Antoninus Pius); BMC Peloponnesus, 156, no. 7, pi. XXIX, 14 (323-240 BC). Pausanias' description of the cult image accords well with the numismatic depiction (2.27.2): The image of Asklepios is, in size, half as big as the Olympian Zeus at Athens, and is made of ivory and gold. An inscription tells us that the astist was Thrasymedes, a Parian, son of Arignotus. The god is sitting on a seat grasping a staff; the other hand he is holding above the head of a serpent; there is also a figure of a dog lying by his side. On the seat are wrought in relief the exploits of Argive heroes, that of Bellerophontes against the Chimaera, and Perseus, who has cut off the head of Medusa.'

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FIG. 15. Bronze coin from Epidauros. Obverse Antoninus Pius laureate, facing right. Reverse showing Asklepios seated on a throne facing left, with dog and snake, within a tetrastyle temple.

across the goat suckling Asklepios, the pastoral location of Mt Titthion emphasized by a cypress and olive tree at either side of the scene (Fig. i6).54 Epidaurian numismatic allusions to this myth should be understood within the context of the competing claims of sanctuaries, as both Epidauros and Trikka in Thessaly claimed to have been the birthplace of the god.55 Coins from Kos, on the other hand, focused not so much on myths of Asklepios' life but on the Asklepiad medical inheritance to which it lay claim: the head of Asklepios is often displayed on the obverses of coins in profile facing right often together with a symbolic staff encircled by a snake, and this model is also used for the famous Koan physicians and csons of Asklepios5 Hippokrates, who lived in the fifth century BC, and Gaius Stertinius Xenophon, from the first century AD, thereby polemically creating a visual genealogy (Figs. 17-19).56 54 BM 1906-4-2-43 (Lambros) = http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/5263/. On the depiction of the dog in connection with Asklepios see Schouten, Rod and Serpent (n. 17), 42-5 and Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius 2, 227. On the depiction of landscapes on provincial coinage as an assertion of locality see Howgego, 'Coinage and identity3 (n. 40), 12. For an Ephesian depiction of landscape related to a foundation myth see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography5, 40, pi. 3.1.6 (Paris, Bibliotheque National, Inv. 687): obverse head of Antoninus Pius, reverse Zeus Hyetios seated on top of rock, pouring rain on mountain god Pion, reclining and holding cornucopia; temple on a rock, three other buildings and cypress tree. 55 See Strabo 9.5.17 (Trikka the oldest sanctuary) and Pausanias 2.26.7 (Delphic Apollo named Epidauros as the birthplace). See Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius i, testimony nos. 10-20. 56 Imperial times: BMC Caria and Islands, 214, no. 204, pi. XXXIII, 2, obverse head of Asklepios facing right, snake-encircled staff, reverse female figure seated facing left; EMC Caria and Islands, 216, no. 216, pi. XXXIII, 6, obverse head of Hippokrates facing right, snake-encircled staff, reverse snake-encircled staff; BMC Caria and Islands: 215, no. 214, plate XXXIII, 6, obverse head of Xenophon, facing right, reverse Hygieia standing facing right, feeding a snake from a patera, border of dots. For another Koan image of

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

37

FIG. 16. Bronze coin from Epidauros. Obverse bust of Antoninus Pius facing right. Reverse showing the shepherd Aresthanas finding the infant Asklepios being suckled by a goat on Mt. Titthion.

The close association of Asklepios with Pergamon is expressed by authors as diverse as Martial (who uses the term Tergameus deus' for Asklepios) and Aelius Aristides (who writes that Pergamon was cthe hearth of Asklepios', the god's chosen 'starting point for his association with the whole continent5 of Asia), and is surely an important factor in that city's confident use of a wide range of Asklepian images.57 From the reign of Domitian onwards Asklepios and his associated deities appear frequently on Pergamene coins, and there is a special emphasis on the figure of Telesphoros.58 Although the famous Pergamene cult statue by Phyromachos depicted Asklepios standing, the city's numismatic iconography includes the god both standing and seated, sometimes within a temple.59 Hippokrates seated on a stool facing left, his head supported by his right hand, a snake-encircled staff in his left see Tubingen University SNG, Caria and Lydia 3548 (obverse bust of Faustina II facing right, AD 147-75) and 3549 (obverse bust of Lucilla facing right, AD 164-9). On C. Stertinius Xenophon see K. Buraselis, Kos. Between Hellenism and Rome: Studies on the Political., Institutional and Social History of Kos from ca. the Middle Second Century BC until Late Antiquity, TAPS 90, Part 4 (Philadelphia, PA, 2000), 66-no (career and genealogy), S. Sherwin- White, Ancient Cos: An Historical Study from the Dorian Settlement to the Imperial Period (Gottingen, 1978), 149-52 (career), and 283-5 (patronage at the Koan Asklepieion). 57

Martial, Epigrams 9.16.2, and Aristides, Oration 23 Concerning Concord 15. On Pergamene coinage in the Roman period see B. Weisser, 'Die kaiserzeitliche Miinzpragung von Pergamon', unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Munich, 1995) (microfiche). 58 e.g. http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3i8o/ (Antoninus Pius), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/ 3I94/ (Antoninus Pius), http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3225/ (Marcus Aurelius). On the cult of Telesphoros in Pergamon see E. Ohlemutz, Die Kulte und Heiligtiimer der Gb'tter in Pergamon (Wiirzburg, 1940), 158-63. 59 On the depiction of Asklepios on Pergamene coinage see H. von Fritze, 'Asklepiosstatuen in Pergamon', Nomisma: Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der antiken Miinzkunde 2 (Berlin, 1908), 19-35, and Holtzmann, Asklepios' (n. 15), 866-7.

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FIG. 17. Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of Asklepios laureate, facing right, snake-encircled staff on the right, border of dots. Legend: AZKAAIIIO[Z] ('Asklepios'). Reverse showing veiled female figure seated, her chin resting in her right hand, facing left, border of dots. Legend: KQIQN (cof the Koans').

i

i

i

i

1cm

FIG. 18. Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of Hippokrates facing right, snake-encircled staff on right, border of dots. Legend: in (
A unique design is that of Asklepios standing on a pedestal with two centaurs on either side of him facing outwards.60 The desire to locate the god within the topography of Pergamon is expressed in a coin showing him standing between the personifications of two local river gods, Keteios and Seleinos, and the figure of Asklepios is frequently used to symbolize the city of Pergamon on coins celebrating chomonoia3 with other cities.61 The identification of the city with 60

http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3in/ (Commodus), see Heuchert, 'Coin iconography5, 43. http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3224/ (obverse Marcus Aurelius, reverse statue of Asklepios holdin a snake-encircled staff, erected on tall pedestal, river gods Keteios and Seleinos reclining on either side). See F. Imhoof-Blumer, 'Flufi- und Meergotter auf griechischen und romischen Miinzen (Personifikationen der 61

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

39

FIG. 19. Bronze coin from Kos (imperial times). Obverse head of physician Xenophon, facing right, border of dots. Legend: SEN00QN ('Xenophon'). Reverse showing Hygieia standing facing right, feeding a snake from a patera, border of dots. Legend: KQIQN ('of the Koans').

the image of Asklepios is also a strong element in a series of coins issued in the name of Marcus Caerelius Attalus to celebrate Caracalla's visit of AD 216, but equally important is the theme of the emperor's religious contact with the god.62 This is expressed both in an image of traditional sacrifice in which the emperor stands in front of a bull facing the temple in which an anthropomorphic Asklepios is seated (Fig. 20), and also in an unusual image of epiphanic contact between the emperor and Asklepios in the form of a snake, coiled around a tree with Telesphoros looking on (Fig. 21).63 Caracalla's grant to Pergamon of a third neokorate temple in which he was worshipped as Asklepios' synnaos is also celebrated in this series of coins (Fig. 22).64 Two temples (to Augustus and Trajan) are depicted from a three-quarter angle in mixed perspective on either side and a third temple (to Caracalla and Asklepios) is depicted frontally above them. Asklepios is seated within this temple, and the legend reads EHI ETPA KAIPEA ATT AAO TlEPrAMHNQN UPQTQN TNEQKOPQN ("during the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times5). While the display of neokorate Gewasser)', SNR 23 (1923), 173-421. On Pergamon alliance coins see U. Kampmann, Die HomonoiaVerbindungen der Stadt Pergamon oder der Versuch einer kleinasiatischen Stadt, unter romischer Herrschaft eigenstandige Politik zu betreiben (Saarbrucken, 1996). 62

On the series of coins commemorating Caracalla's visit to Pergamon AD 216 see B. Weisser, 'Pergamum as paradigm', in Howgego, Heuchert, and Burnett, Coinage and Identity (n. 37), 135-42, especially 136-7, pis. ii.1-2,12-24, and Harl, Coins and Politics (n. 37), 55-8, pis. 23,1-8 and 24,1-6. Ancient texts on Caracalla's visit: Dio Cassius 78.16,7-8; Herodian 4.8.3. 63 BMC Mysia, 155, no. 324, pi. 31,5 (sacrifice) and 156, no. 326 pi. 31,6 (epiphany); on the former see Price, Imperial Cult (n. 52), 152-3. 64 BMC Mysia, 156, no. 327, pi. 32,1. On the imperial cult in Asia Minor see Price, Imperial Cult (n. 52).

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FIG. 20. Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing Caracalla wearing a toga and holding a patera and a roll; he stands facing right before a temple, within which Asklepios is seated; between the temple and Caracalla, a youth facing left is sacrificing a bull. Legend: [EniZTPMKAIP]EA-ATTAAOVriEPrAMHNQN nPQTQNTNEQKOPQN ('during the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times').

temples on civic coinage is not unusual amongst the cities who had received such honours, in this case the meaning is compounded by the display within the temple of the image not of Caracalla but of his synnaos Asklepios, the major deity and symbol of the city itself. In this way the religious focus and civic identity of Pergamon are visually merged with the imperial cult. The placement of the temple to Caracalla and Asklepios above the others gives it visual prominence but is probably intended to suggest depth of field. This feature, together with the depiction of the other two temples in perspective, creates the impression of the sacred topography of Pergamon. Notwithstanding the immense sophistication and variety of Pergamene numismatic imagery of Asklepios and his associated gods the modification and development of traditional Asklepian numismatic imagery is fundamentally similar to the processes traced in the case of Abonouteichos/Ionopolis. The manipulation and personalization of Asklepian numismatic imagery reveals the particular aspects of the cult which cities wished to emphasize and the Asklepian identity which they wished to take on: Epidauros as centre of the cult by virtue of being the birthplace of the god; Kos as the inheritor of the medical arts through its famous physicians Hippokrates and C. Stertinius Xenophon; Pergamon as the unchallenged possessor of the major cult in Asia Minor, with a particular emphasis on Telesphoros; and Abonouteichos/Ionopolis as the unique locus for charismatic contact with the newly manifested god. The numismatic evidence

PILGRIMAGE POLEMICS

41

FIG. 21. Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing Caracalla in military dress, holding a spear; he is saluting the Asklepian serpent coiled round a tree before him; between Caracalla and the tree, a statue of Telesphoros on base. Legend: EHIZTPMKAIPEA-ATTAAOV UEPFAMHNQN UPQTQN-T-NE[Q\KOPQN ('during the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times').

FIG. 22. Bronze coin from Pergamon issued by the general Marcus Caerelius Attalus to commemorate Caracalla's visit to the city in AD 216. Obverse bust of Caracalla laureate, facing right, wearing a cuirass ornamented with the gorgoneion. Reverse showing three temples; Asklepios is seated within the temple on top. Legend: EUl ETPA KAIPEA ATTAAOV nEPFAMHNQN TIPQTQN F NEQKOPQN ('during the generalship of Caerelius Attalus, of the Pergamenes who were the first to acquire the neokorate three times').

from Abonouteichos/Ionopolis suggests that the city did no more than welcome the opportunity to host and even develop a distinctive Asklepian cult, something which is exceptional only in the particular direction which was chosen—'otherness' and charisma.

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THE RELIGIOUS DEBATE ABOUT CULT IMAGES, ORACLES, AND THE FIGURE OF THE THEIOS ANER: DIRECT DIVINE PRESENCE, RELIGIOUS SYMBOLISM, OR FRAUD? Texts about religion, as much as religious images of this period, need to be interpreted in the context of intense inter-cult competition. The "market-place in religions3, as J. North has described it, was characterized by religious contestation, polemic, and apologetic.65 An important feature of this debate was the construction of sharp dichotomies distinguishing between legitimate and illegitimate forms of religion: religion (evaefieia, creligio5) versus magic (/zaye/a, yo^reta, cmagia?) or superstition (SeioiScLLfjiovLa, csuperstitio?), the genuine holy man (flcfos- awfip) versus the charlatan magician (yo^s, /uayos).66 These were emotive terms which carried explicit moral weight. An underlying elite versus popular dichotomy, expressed as Iqgos^ paideia^ and philosophic versus ignorance and stupidity, was crucial in this polemical construction of religion. The manner of description and consequent moral characterization of particular religious behaviours was of great significance, as the very same actions were sometimes presented as acceptable religious behaviour and at other times as superstitious antics. Within this atmosphere of contestation the focus on religion in texts of various genres, including essays (Plutarch's De Superstitione^ Delside et Osiride^ De E apud Delphos^ De Defectu Oraculorum)^ legal defence (Apuleius5 Apologia), satirical pamphlets (Lucian's De Morte Peregrini)^ hagiography (Philostratos3 Apollonios ofTyana\ and pilgrimage and travel narratives (Aelius Aristides' Hieroi Logoi, Pausanias5 Description of Greece, Lucian's De Dea Syria), suggests that discussion and renegotiation of the meaning of religion by pepaideumenoi was an important aspect of the elite self-image.67 65 J. North, 'The development of religious pluralism', in J. Lieu, J. North, and T. Rajak, eds., The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (London, 1992), 174-93, and M. Edwards, M. Goodman, and S. Price, eds., in association with C. Rowland, Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Oxford, 1999). 66 See C. A. Faraone and D. Obbink, eds., Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (Oxford, 1991) (ancient Greece), Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 211-44 ('religio' and 'superstitio' in the Roman empire), J. Z. Smith, 'Towards interpreting demonic powers in Hellenistic and Roman Antiquity3, ANRW II.i6.i (1978), 435-9, and A. B. Kolenkow, 'Relationships between miracle and prophecy in the GrecoRoman world and Early Christianity', ANRWII. 2 3.2 (1980), 1470-506. On the difficulty of using the terms elite and popular see MacMullen, Paganism, 8-9, Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 247 and Price, Imperial Cult (n. 52), 107-8. 67 e.g. Apuleius, Apologia 55.10-11 (he explicitly claims that writing a speech in praise of Aesculapius is evidence of his good religious practices); dramatizations of or references to discussions of pepaideumenoi about religion include Plutarch's Quaestiones Convivales and De E apud Delphos, and Pausanias 7.23 (an account of a discussion at the Asklepieion at Aigion between Pausanias and a man from Sidon on the subject of the nature of Asklepios). See MacMullen, Paganism, 29-30 and M. Galli, 'Pilgrimage as elite habitus: educated pilgrims in sacred landscape during the Second Sophistic', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods, 253-90.

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43

The literary evidence for the cult of Glykon at Abonouteichos, Lucian's Alexander or the False Prophet^ is a product of this culture of religious polemic and apologetic. Although its satirical nature has long been recognized, it has at the same time been used more or less straightforwardly as a factual historical document.68 Claims for the historical accuracy of Lucian's account have been bolstered by the interpretation of a small number of inscriptions. While two dedications in Latin cto Glycon, at the command of the god3 ('Glyconi... iussu Dei') set up by M. Antonius Onesas at Apulum and Aurelius Theodotus at Alba Julia are rightly seen as evidence for the success and diffusion of the cult, other inscriptions have been pressed much harder to accord with Lucian's text.69 A fragmentary inscription from Syrian Antioch has been identified as a part of an oracle by Glykon about the plague recounted in the Alexander.™ This, however, does not conclusively prove the historical accuracy of even this episode in Lucian's account, let alone the text more generally: it does no more than demonstrate that in his polemical attack on the cult of Glykon Lucian included a real contemporary oracular pronouncement, which may have originated in Abonouteichos or in another oracle in Asia Minor. Two other inscriptions have been linked to Lucian's claim that Glykon's prophet Alexander was promiscuous and fathered children of female pilgrims: the first, from Caesarea Troketta, is from a 68

Examples of straightforward readings include A. M. Harmon, Introduction to the Loeb edition (1925), 173: 'Lucian was in a position to know a good deal about Alexander, and clearly believes all that he says. Without doubt his account is essentially accurate, but it need not be credited absolutely to the letter'; and more recently J.-J. Flinterman, 'The date of Lucian's visit to Abonuteichos', ZPE 119 (1997), 280-2, (an attempt to assign a historical date to the supposed visit of the narrator of \h^ Alexander to Abonouteichos identified straightforwardly as the author Lucian). The following offer sophisticated readings of the text, often in conjunction with archaeological and epigraphical evidence, but fundamentally assume the feasibility of reading through Lucian to assemble a picture of the cult as it 'really3 was: F. Cumont, 'Alexandras d'Abonuteichos', Memoires couronnees de Pacademie de Belgique, vol. 40 (1887), M. Caster, Etudes sur Alexandre ou le faux prophete de Lucien (Paris, 1938), Robert, 'Lucien' (n. 5), C. P. Jones, Culture and Society in Lucian (Cambridge, 1986), 133-48, Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (n. 5), 241-50, G. Sfameni Gasparro, 'Alessandro di Abonutico, lo "pseudo-profetta" owero come costruirsi un'identita religiosa. I. II profeta, "eroe" e "uomo divino" ', Studi eMateriali di Storia delle Reli0ioni 62 (1996) [1998] 565-90, and 'Alessandro di Abonutico, lo "pseudo-profetta" owero come costruirsi un' identita religiosa. II. L'oracolo e i misteri', in C. Bonnet and A. Motte, eds., Les syncretismes religieux dans le monde mediterraneen antique. Actes du colloque international en Phonneur de Franz Cumont (Bruxelles-Rome, 1999), 275-305, A. V. B. Miron, 'Alexander von Abonuteichos. Zur Geschichte des Orakels des Neos Asklepios Glykon', in W. Leschorn, A. V. B. Miron, and A. Miron, eds., Hellas und dergriechische Osten. Studien zur Geschichte undNumismatik dergriechischen Welt. Eestchrift fur Peter Robert Franke zum 70. Geburtstag (Saarbriicken, 1996), 153-88, and A. Chaniotis, 'Old wine in a new skin: tradition and innovation in the cult foundation of Alexander of Abonouteichos', in E. Dabrowa, ed., Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient World, Electrum: Studies in Ancient History V.6, (Krakow, 2002), 67-85. On realism and pseudo-realism in the Lucianic ceuvre see J. Bompaire, Lucien Ecrivain. Imitation et Creation (Paris, 1958), 471-538. 69 CIL III, 1021 and 1022. 70 P. Perdrizet, 'Une inscription d'Antioche qui reproduit un oracle d'Alexander d'Abonotichos', CRAJ (1903), 62-6, and Robert, 'Lucien' (n. 5), 403-5; Alex. 36.

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base originally supporting a statue of Apollo and paid for by a certain cMeiletos, son of Glykon, a Paphlagonian, priest3; and the second, thought to come from Smyrna or possibly Tieion, is a funerary inscription commemorating "Neiketes son of Glykon, doctor from Tieion, died aged nineteen.'71 Although the association of these individuals with the cult is plausible, it is far from certain; even if the connection were firmly established these inscriptions would support only the claim that the god was believed to father children, and not claims of a prophet's actual fraudulence and promiscuity. More broadly, such inscriptional evidence cannot be used to confirm or disprove other aspects of Lucian's text. Inscriptional comparanda from contemporary cults has also been used to suggest the fundamental historical accuracy of Lucian's account;72 again, such convergences do no more than suggest that Lucian used plausible contemporary religious practices in his literary satire. Scholars have been keen to find external evidence to confirm Lucian's fascinating story about the prophet of the cult, Alexander. It has been argued that two inscriptions referring to an Alexander should be connected with Glykon's prophet, although in both cases an equally if not more plausible interpretation is that they refer to Alexander the Great. The material in question is a small marble altar from Bithynian Claudianopolis decorated with a relief of a ox head and bearing the inscription cof Alexander5 (AXegdvSpov), and an inscription from Skopje mentioning Draco, Dracena, and Alexander, the first two probably being local Balkan snake divinities.73 While it is not impossible that these inscriptions do refer to Glykon's prophet, the use of Lucian's claim that Alexander received cult to bolster this interpretation is unconvincing.74 Lucian's claim that the prophet persuaded the emperor to allow the minting of a coin with his own image on it has even led one scholar to identify as Alexander the female figure of lonopolis, or possibly the Tyche of the city, who is clearly named on a coin from Abonouteichos (Fig. 13).75 Many readers have adopted Lucian's view of

71 Robert, 'Lucien' (n. 5), 405-8; G. Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna, I, Inschriften griechischer Sttidte aus Kleinasien 23 (Bonn, 1982) no. 442; addendum G. Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna II.2, Inschriften griechischer Sttidte aus Kleinasien 24.2 (Bonn, 1990), 373; C. P. Jones, CA follower of the god Glykon?', EA 30 (1998), 107-9; Alex. 42 (Alexander fathering children). 72 Chaniotis, 'Old wine in a new skin' (n. 68), especially 68 and 81. 73 E. Gibson, 'The Rahrni Koc collection. Inscriptions. Part VIII, A dedication to Alexander', ZPE 42 (1981), 213-14 (Alexander the Great), and W. Ameling, 'Bin Altar fur Alexander von Abonuteichos', EA 6 (1985), 34-6 (Alexander of Abonouteichos); and CIL III, 8283, see M. Sasel Kos, 'Draco and the survival of the serpent cult in the central Balkans', Tyche 6 (1991), 183-92 (Alexander the Great). 74 Alex. 24. 75 See above, p. 33; Alex. 58, see Bordenache, Tomi' (n. 8) especially 161-2. L. Robert argued in favour of allowing the possibility of Alexander's petition to the emperor in 'AIT HZ AMEN OS sur les monnaies', Hellenica. Recueil d'Epigmphie de Numismatique et d'Antiquites Grecques (Paris, 1960), vol. 11-12, 53-62, but see critical replies by P. Weiss, 'Zu Miinzpragungen mit den Formeln AIT HZ AMEN OY und

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76

Alexander as a fraud. Even scholars who emphasize the literary status of the text, and do not necessarily accept Lucian's claims of Alexander's bad faith, nevertheless implicitly accept his presentation of the prophet as immensely powerful and pre-eminent in the cult.77 It is salutary to remember that beyond Lucian's text there is no firm evidence for the existence of Alexander, who could even be a literary creation based on the generic charlatan holy man and given the name Alexander in order to create a ludicrous anti-hero contrasted with Alexander the Great.78 The attempt to 'lift' the humour from the text in order to uncover a bed of accurate historical facts about the cult is fraught with difficulties because the external evidence gives an incomplete if not skewed picture on account of the chance element of preservation. Decisions to accept or reject certain claims on the basis of likelihood and plausibility are inevitably subjective.79 But even if hypothetically we could be assured of a representative range of external evidence the aim of reading through the humour of the text to the facts underestimates a key element of the text's historical significance: its satire, which is rooted in the religious polemic and rhetoric of the time. The subject of the pamphlet is identified in the opening sentence as the life, enterprises, and trickery (^ayyavtia) of Alexander who is described as a fraud (yo???).80 His main achievement is the establishment of the cult of Glykon at

EIZANFEIAANTOZ\ in Studien zum antiken Kleinasien ii. (Bonn, 1992), 167-80, 'Cities and money5 (n. 37), 57-68, especially 59 on Alexander, and J. Nolle, 'Stadtisches Pragerecht und romische Kaiser. Suchten die Stadte Kleinasiens beim romischen Kaiser um das Recht nach, Bronzemiinzen zu pragen? Uberlegungen zu dem Formular alr^oafjievov TOV Sefvo?', Rivista Italians di Numismatica 95 (1993), 487-504. 76

The list includes David Hume, Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals. Reprinted from the 1777 edition with Introduction and Analytical Index by L. A. Selby-Bigge (Oxford, 1990), 120-1, sect. X, part II, 94, e.g. 120, 'that false prophet, Alexander' and 'the impostor'; and more recently MacMullen, Paganism^ 72, 'the pious fraud Alexander5, 98, 'the fraudulent Alexander5. 77 For instance, see Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (n. 5), 245: Alexander was 'given charge of the city's shrine5; R. B. Branham, Unruly Eloquence: Lucian and the Comedy of Traditions (Cambridge, MA, and London, 1989), 186: 'There is no known instance in the pagan world in which a single "religious genius55 achieved success equal to that of Alexander5; Sfameni Gasparro, 'Alessandro di Abonutico I5 (n. 68), and 'Alessandro di Abonutico II5 (n. 68), and Chaniotis, 'Old wine in a new skin5 (n. 68). 78 Allusions to Alexander the Great include: an explicit comparison (Alex, i); a parallel drawn between the narrator and Alexander's biographer Arrian (Alex. 2); the story of Alexander and his accomplice's sojourn in Macedonia (Alex. 6); a reference to the story of Alexander the Great5s father having been a divinity in the form of a snake (Alex. 7); the comparison of the ritual viewing of Alexander and Glykon with the final viewing of Alexander the Great by his companions just before he died (Alex. 16); Alexanders elite circle of friends who were allowed to kiss him parodies Alexander the Great5s circle (Alex. 41). See Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (n. 5), 243 n. 7. 79 Chaniotis, 'Old wine in a new skin5 (n. 68), at 68 e.g. elides the narrator with Lucian, refers to the 'fact5 that Lucian was personally acquainted with Alexander and had tried to mobilize the provincial governor against him, but distances himself from the 'claim' that Alexander had planned his assassination (no reasons given). 80 Alex. i.

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Abonouteichos, and therefore all religious behaviour connected to it is automatically presented as risible, where in other contexts it might be appropriate and dignified. As in other contemporary texts, the elite/popular dichotomy is central to Lucian's construction of a religious discourse. Satire is the main strategy used to persuade the reader. R. B. Branham has explored the effective psychological impact of satire in areas where straight argumentation might fail to persuade.81 He argues that the reader is amused by depictions of the vulgarity and stupidity of pilgrims to the cult of Glykon, and that through this process the text is able to manipulate and redefine what constitutes reprehensible religious behaviour. It is not by argument that the reader is persuaded that the new god and his prophet are fakes, and therefore that the behaviour of pilgrims is superstitious nonsense: instead casual assertion and, most importantly, urbane assumption of obvious 'truths5 operate in a humorous manner. In this way the reader is seduced into the elite circle ofpepaideumenoi. One of the ways this is achieved is by the literary device of a narrator addressing a friend, Kelsos. The clever and elusive opening of the work introduces the idea that the narrator and his addressee belong to an elite circle, and the reader is really offered no option but to adopt the attitudes of the pepaidenmenoi and join them in ridiculing Alexander and Glykon.82 The use of an authorial persona in itself warns against straightforwardly ascribing to Lucian the views expressed in the Alexander. This literary technique occurs frequently in Lucian's oeuvre (for example in the De Dea Syria and the Verae Historiae).33 Its use in works touching on religious subjects, in addition to the variety of views expressed in propria persona^ make it very difficult to arrive at a coherent view of Lucian's religious position.84 In the Alexander the narrator openly identifies himself as a follower of Epicureanism. This emerges as a useful tool in the debunking of the cult of Glykon, as he contrasts the "truth5 of Epicurean philosophy and reason with the irrational and superstitious worship of the snake god and his deceitful prophet.85 The Epicurean narrative voice in confrontation with the cult of Glykon mirrors the narrated action which involves a dispute between Alexander and the local Christians and Epicureans, compounding the levels of religious conflict.86 The dynamic becomes yet more 81

Branham, Unruly Eloquence (n. 77), 181-210, especially 189-90. Alex. 2: the narrator rhetorically protests that the subject of Alexander cis not worthy of being read by enlightened people' (pepaideumenoi). 83 On the use of a narrator figure in the Alexander and in the De M^orte Peregrini see Branham, Unruly Eloquence (n. 77), 193-5, and in the De Dea Syria see J. L. Lightfoot, Lucian: On the Syrian Goddess (Oxford, 2003), 161-74. On Lucian's style, his use of dialogue andpersonae see Reardon, Courants litteraires^ 155-80, C. Robinson, Lucian and his Influence in Europe (London, 1979), 1-45 and S. Said, 'Le ccje" de Lucien', in M.-F. Baslez, Ph. Hoffmann, and L. Pernot, eds., Uinvention de I'autobwgraphie d'Hesiode a saint Augustin (Paris, 1993), 253-70. 84 85 M. Caster, Lucien et la Pensee Religieuse de son Temps (Paris, 1937). e.g. Alex. 25 and 47. 86 On Alexander's war with the Epicureans sec Alex. 25, 38, and 43~782

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complicated when the narrator's views on Epicurus and his teachings are expressed with a fervour reminiscent of the followers of Alexander and Glykon, and when he makes a surprise entry into the action and behaves in a violent and vengeful manner, failing to live up to the Epicurean ideals he has so forcefully proclaimed.87 R. B. Branham has convincingly argued that the text satirizes the character of the narrator.88 Both the portrayal of the narrator and the narrated action of the Alexander articulate religious conflict and contestation characteristic of the period. Despite the ambiguous effect of the portrayal of the narrator, and the importance of distinguishing between the voice of the narrator and Lucian's own attitude to religion as a whole, the texfs overall success in attacking Alexander and the cult of Glykon does allow one to speak of 'LucianY, as opposed to cthe narrator's5 presentation of Alexander and the cult. Lucian's choice of the cult of Glykon is surely not coincidental: a charismatic cult image, a theios aner and the cult of Asklepios in general, in common with oracular cults, potentially offered direct contact with the divine. These three foci receive a number of responses in texts, ranging from conviction, via symbolic exegesis, to scepticism. The presentation of the cult image of Glykon in the Alexander is highly sceptical. The narrator claims that the object of cult in Abonouteichos/Ionopolis was a large tame snake from Macedonian Pella with a hybrid head made out of linen.89 This creature was exhibited draped around the prophet Alexander, and to a select number of worshippers who came to consult him it spoke directly, by means of a contraption with tubes.90 The dissemination of the image of the hybrid snake in the form of statues, paintings, and even numismatic images is mentioned as a significant step in the spread of the cult.91 The narrator claims that for his own aggrandizement Alexander deceitfully presented this snake with a fake head as a real god on earth, the new manifestation of Asklepios, and that he was accepted as such by the uneducated rustic people of Paphlagonia but also by some elite Romans, such as P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus, governor of Upper Moesia and then of the province of Asia, and M. Sedatius Severianus, governor of Cappadocia.92 This is exemplified not only in the scenes of ritual viewing, touching, and autophone oracles, but right from the outset of the story where Alexander is presented as finding a goose egg containing a tiny snake at the foundation of the new temple (which in reality

87

Alex. 47, 61 (narrator's adulation of Epicurus and his teachings), 53-7 (narrator enters the action). Branham, Unruly Eloquence (n. 77), 204-10. 89 Alex. 7 (purchase of snake in Pella), 12 (linen head). 90 Alex. 15-17 (viewing of Glykon), 26 (autophone oracles). 91 Alex. 18 (reproductions of Glykon), 58 (coins showing Glykon and also Alexander); on the claim that Alexander was depicted on coins see above n. 75. 92 See below pp. 63-5. 88

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he had planted there), and 'taking it in his hands, he asserted that at that moment he held Asklepios5.93 By juxtaposing what 'really3 went on with people's mistaken beliefs, the idea of a real divine presence of the new Asklepios Glykon at Abonouteichos is ridiculed by the narrator of the Alexander. The belief that cult statues of the gods really were the gods is referred to in a number of texts from the first to the third centuries AD including Plutarch's Momlia and Philostratos3 Vita Apollonii.94 Plutarch, who served as priest at Delphi for the last thirty years of his life, expresses concern about such attitudes, arguing that the assertion of immanent presence in religious images led ignorant people to superstition, and educated people to atheism.95 While Plutarch writes soberly that the worship of cult images in this way was pitiful and offensive to the gods, Lucian mines the phenomenon for its humorous effects in a number of his writings, including the Alexander, Deorum Concilium, and luppiter Trqgoedus. In the last of these he develops the idea of the identification of cult statue with god to the point of ranking the gods not on the basis of their powers but of the materials of their statues and the status of the artists who

93

Alex. 14. Further references to pilgrims' direct encounters with Glykon and their belief that he was a living god on earth: Alex. 12 ('a serpent's head of linen, which had something of a human look, was all painted up, and appeared very lifelike'), 13 ('[Alexander] congratulated the city because it was at once to receive the god in visible presence' (evapyrj rov flew)), 16 ('When they went in, the thing, of course, seemed to them a miracle (repaariov), that the formerly tiny snake within a few days had turned into so great a serpent, with a human face, moreover, and tame!'), 17 ('we must excuse those men of Paphlagonia and Pontus, thick-witted, uneducated fellows that they were, for being deluded when they touched the serpent—and besides saw in a dim light what purported to be its head opening and shutting its mouth'), 18 ('everyone who carried the news very likely said that he not only had seen the god born but had subsequently touched him, after he had grown very great in a short time and had a face that looked like a man's'), 19 ('the god would reply explicitly to any question that anyone should put'), 20 ('As a matter of fact, this trick, to a man like you, and if it is not out of place to say so, like myself also, was obvious and easy to see through, but to those drivelling idiots it was miraculous and almost as good as incredible.'), 26 ('But as he wished to astonish the crowd still more, he promised to produce the god talking—delivering oracles in person without a prophet.'), 38 ('On the second day [of the Mysteries] came the manifestation of Glykon and the birth of the god.'). 94 (i) Lucian, De Sacrificiis n (some people believe that they see the gods themselves transported to earth by sculptors and not inanimate objects when they look at images in temples), Pro Imaginibus 23 (the belief that Pheidias' Athena and Praxiteles' Aphrodite really are those goddesses is unworthy) (2) Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 3790 (some Greeks refer to cult statues as the gods themselves), De Superstitione I67D-E (superstitious people have anthropomorphic images of the gods made, dress them up and worship them) (3) Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 5.20 (Apollonios criticizes a merchant's treatment of statues of gods, suggesting that the gods are in some way affected by this behaviour). On presence in religious images see R. Shepherd and R. Maniura, eds., Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects (Aldershot, 2006), Spivey, Sculpture (n. 13), 48-52, 78-83, and R. Gordon, 'The real and the imaginary: production and religion in the Graeco-Roman world', in id., Image and Value in the GraecoRoman World (Aldershot, 1996), 5-34, at 7-8, M. Barasch, Icon: Studies in the History of an Idea (New York, NY, 1992), 23-48 and Freedberg, Power of Images (n. n), 27-40 and 82-98. 95 Plutarch, De Superstitione I67D-E, i7iA-B and De Iside et Osiride 378A, 3790.

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made them!96 Immanence and spontaneous oracles also occur in the De Den Syria in the description of the animation, movement, sweating, and even levitation of the statue of Apollo at the sanctuary at Hierapolis.97 This is a difficult text to interpret, and the question of whether the work is deeply ironic or playfully sincere remains open.98 If the former, this passage would express deep scepticism about divine presence in cult images and oracles, in a similar vein to the Alexander-, if the latter, it would express a different non-sceptical Lucianic approach to certain divine images. Lucian's focus on zoomorphic or hybrid deities in a number of texts is a key way in which he discredits the non-sceptical conviction of divine immanence in cult images. Whether Greek or Egyptian, these are ridiculed by presenting them as weird and fundamentally as nothing more than animals. Lucian's attack on Glykon draws on a long tradition of scepticism towards zoomorphic deities.99 In the Deorum Concilium Momos expresses outrage at the debasement of the true Greek pantheon by the supposed recent inclusion of foreign and ludicrous deities. This is not, fundamentally, an attack on Egyptian religious beliefs and practices, but Greek ones. Lucian's polemical tone strongly suggests that it is not only the uneducated people but also members of the elite who worship images, and moreover images of animal deities. The Alexander and the Deorum Concilium can be read as critiques of certain modes of elite Greek religious behaviour; the principal way they operate is to polemically construct this behaviour as low-class, foreign, and irrational, contrary to the concepts of logos zndpaideia. An important feature of this uncouth behaviour is an inappropriate attitude to religious images, in particular a literal identification of image with deity and the worship of the image. But in the Deorum Concilium Lucian also gives voice to another influential attitude to religious images, that of symbolic exegesis. In response to Momos' ridiculing of the strange shapes of satyrs and Egyptian deities Zeus says: CA11 these points that you mention about the Egyptians are in truth unseemly. Nevertheless, Momos, most of them are matters of symbolism [ainigmata] and one who is not an adept in the mysteries really must not laugh at them.'100 96

97 Lucian, luppiter Tragoedus 7-12. Lucian, De Dea Syria 36-7. On the authorship of the De Dea Syria and the nature of the text see Lightfoot, Syrian Goddess (n. 83), especially 184-208, ead., Tilgrims and ethnographers: in search of the Syrian Goddess', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods, 333-52, J. Eisner, 'Describing self in the language of the other: Pseudo (?) Lucian at the temple of Hierapolis5, in S. Goldhill, ed., Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire (Cambridge, 2001), 123-53, Swain, Hellenism, 304-5 and Jones, Lucian (n. 68), 41-3; on the 'charismatic' cult statue of Apollo see J. Eisner, 'Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of Classical art', CQ^-6 (1996), 515-31, at 528-31. 99 Lucian, Deorum Concilium 4, 10, Athenaios, Deipnosophistai 7 299e-3ooa and Herodotos 2.65. See A. Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs 332 BC-AD 642: From Alexander to the Arab Conquest (London, 1987), 176-9. 100 Lucian, Deorum Concilium n. 98

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This attitude of initiate elite 'reading' of religious images occurs frequently in the writings of Plutarch. He uses the rhetoric of logos and philosophic to propose an exegetic form of religion through allegorical and symbolic readings of cult images and myths.101 For example, he rejects the idea that the Egyptian sacred bull Apis is an incarnate god in his own right on a par with Osiris, and instead he adduces etymological arguments in support of the cmore moderate3 position of the majority of Egyptian priests who say that cwe must regard Apis as the bodily image (et/coW) of the soul of Osiris5.102 The strange live animal appearance of Apis disguises the spiritual presence of the god Osiris. In this way Plutarch reveals that there are intellectual and religious truths behind apparently strange religious images and objects of cult. While in the Deorum Concilium Momos openly ridicules Apis on the grounds of his animal appearance, in the Alexander the attack on Glykon the hybrid snake is accomplished by the rhetoric of logos expounded by the Epicurean narrator, in a manner reminiscent of Plutarch's

101 (i) Examples in Plutarch's work of the importance of reasoning about and interpreting religious matters include: Delside et Osiride 35iC (true knowledge of the gods is the highest good), 3520 (reasoned enquiry must follow religious initiation), 354? (symbolism in the teachings, names, and images of Egyptian religion), 378A (use of religious symbols is hazardous because misinterpretation leads either to superstition or to atheism), 378C-D (reasoning about the gods is the most divine human quality; the people (01 -noXXoi) act ridiculously because they say and think unholy things about the gods), 382D-E (importance of logos and philosophic); De Superstitione in particular I64E-I66C; De E apud Delphos 384F (the connection between religion and discovery of the truth). (2) Examples of symbolic interpretation of images, costumes, and temples include: Delside et Osiride 352B-C (ritual garments and shaven heads reflect true understanding of divine ceremonies in the hearts of Isis devotees), 3540 (statues of sphinxes at oracular sanctuaries indicate that their teaching is enigmatical), 354F-355A (symbolic explanations of paintings and sculptures of Egyptian gods), 359A (temples of Isis reflect myths in their architecture), 363F (images in the temple of Athena at Sais interpreted allegorically), 37iC~372A (symbolic explanation of images of Typhon and Osiris), 372D-E (the horns and dark clothes of the image of Isis interpreted as evidence that she is the Moon), 376A (the sistron explained symbolically), 38iD~382C (Egyptian sacred animals and anthropomorphic statues of Greek gods interpreted as reflections of the nature of divinities—immanence denied in both), 382C-D (the robes of the cult statues of Isis and Osiris interpreted symbolically); DePythiae Oraculis 399F-4ooA (the imagery of votive dedications (ava.drnia.ra) set up by cities is interpreted as civic symbolism); Quaestiones Graecae 3oiF (aetiological myth explaining the unusual iconography of Zeus Labrandeus), 3040 (aetiological myth explaining peculiar ritual dress of priest of Herakles and bridegrooms on Kos). (3) Examples of symbolic interpretation of rituals and myths include: De Iside et Osiride 3556 (Egyptian myths are not to be taken literally), 3630 (various levels of interpretation of myth); De E apud Delphos 3850 (religious matters are often concealed in riddles in order to stimulate people's minds). See also Pausanias 8.8.3 where he moves from scepticism about myths to this Plutarchan position: 'When I began to write my history I was inclined to count these legends as foolishness, but on getting as far as Arkadia I grew to hold a more thoughtful view of them, which is this. In the days of old those Greeks who were considered wise spoke their sayings not straight out but in riddles (aiVty^ara), and so the legends about Kronos I conjectured to be a sort of Greek wisdom. In matters of divinity, therefore, I shall adopt the received tradition.'). On exegesis in Graeco-Roman religion, Judaism, and Christianity see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 282-5. 102 Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 3626-0.

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5!

discussions.103 Both Plutarch and Lucian claim that their readings of such religious images reveal the truth and show what is really there. Although they reveal very different 'truths5, both readings are polemics against image worship— against a non-sceptical conviction of immanent presence corresponding to the visual image. They both exclude the people in their emphasis on logos, paideia^ and philosophic, and address themselves to an intellectual elite.104 Lucian and Plutarch are both concerned about the aesthetic and moral proprieties of the religious behaviour of the socio-political elite. The evidence of the De Dea Syria, in conjunction with the explicitly polemical tone of the Alexander and the apologetic tone of many of Plutarch's essays—in particular De Iside et Osiride, DeE apudDelphos, andDeDefectu Oraculorum—suggests that there was a variety of attitudes to religious images available to the elite, including those which asserted the immanence of the deity. Lucian's attack on Glykon and in particular his desire to expose as fraudulent his divine presence (in both the cult image and its oracular pronouncements), imply that the cult did offer this sort of charismatic experience to pilgrims. Whereas Lucian implies that it was fundamentally to a particular (low) social class that the image addressed itself, in fact what is likely is that the charismatic Glykon invited a particular kind of response—the nonsceptical conviction of immanent presence. These polemics on the subject of the treatment of religious images are part of a larger debate, in which what is really at stake is the much more profound issue of divine presence on earth, and human attempts to control it. Immanence, symbolic presence, or absence, with the corresponding intellectual attitudes of conviction, exegesis, and scepticism, were not confined to religious images, but applied also to religious ritual, to sacred places, and to holy men. Oracles, which were thought to manifest the god's will or knowledge directly to worshippers, were particular foci for the expression of this range of attitudes. With the possible exception of the De Dea Syria, Lucian uses humour to expose oracles as empty of any divine presence and to suggest that they are fraudulent operations run by priests for profit.105 In the Alexander the cult of cnew Asklepios Glykon' has a number of

103

e.g. Lucian, Deorum Concilium 10: 'And with what idea does this spotted bull of Memphis receive homage and give oracles and have prophets?' Epicurean rhetoric of reason (Aoyo?) and truth (dA^fleia): Alex. 17 (Epicurus was needed to see through the contraption of the fake head and tame snake), 25 (Epicurus had seen the nature of things and knew the truth (dAijfleia) in them), and 47 (Epicurus' writings develop the intelligence and truth (dAijfleia) with straight thinking (Adyo? dpflos), truthfulness (dArjfleta), and frankness). 104 p^tarch, De Iside et Osiride 36oF (in sacred rites things are kept hidden from the sight and hearing of the multitude (ot -n-oAAot)), 378D (the multitude (01 TroAAoi) are ridiculous because they go through the right motions of religious worship at festivals but they say and think unhallowed thoughts about the gods on account of their lack of true understanding); De E apud Delphos 388F (the wise (ol oroo>Tepoi) conceal religious truths about Apollo from the multitude (01 rroAAoi) and use simple names for him). 105 e.g. Lucian, Deorum Concilium 12-13; Alex. 19, 22-3.

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features more usually associated with Apolline oracles, such as the consultation of the god not just on matters of health but on a wide range of subjects by means of written documents, and the culfs close links to the old and famous oracles of Amphilochos at Mallos (said to be the model for Glykon at Abonouteichos) and Apollo at Klaros and Didyma (whose deceitful priests co-operate with Alexander) ,106 The narrator implies that a network of corrupt oracles mutually supported each other, relying on the gullibility and superstition of pilgrims. This Lucianic voice is heard in other works, where oracular divinities are routinely presented as charlatan magicians and the incomprehensibility of oracular pronouncements is seen as proof of their falseness.107 In the Alexander, Glykon's (fake) oracles are rendered credible and realistic precisely because Alexander makes them obscure and ambiguous: cSo he gave oracles and prophesied, using his great intelligence in doing so and applying guesswork to his thinking; to some people he gave responses indirectly and ambiguously, and to others entirely obscurely, for this also seemed to him to be in the prophetic style.'108 The resurgence in the popularity of oracles and healing shrines in the second century is the background against which the polemic of the Alexander should be read. The claims of such shrines and of their charismatic prophets and priests to offer direct access to the divine put them in a position of great potential religious authority. Lucian creates a picture of a fake oracle succeeding solely through the gullibility of pilgrims who come desiring to be deceived. Superstition, according to Lucian's definition, flourishes at oracular shrines because of their claims to offer extraordinary divine personal contact. Lucian uses the narrator's Epicurean voice to portray such apparent miracles as simple tricks, and the superstition of the pilgrims is contrasted to the ideals of logos^philosophia^ andpaideia. Plutarch uses this same rhetoric to very different effect in his apologetic defence of religion and oracles. He briefly acknowledges the existence of charlatans who make fake oracular pronouncements, but mainly he develops an exegetical theory of oracles as 'riddles5 (alviy^ara) for the exercise of the elite mind and religious sensibility.109 The intellectual religious process of 'reading'

106

Alex. 19, 29. For Apollo as a charlatan see Lucian, luppiter Tragoedus 31. Lucian, luppiter Tragoedus 31 (Apollo a charlatan) and Deorum Concilium 12 (Amphilochos and Trophonios charlatans) and 16 (Asklepios criticized for giving oracles as well as being the god of healing, and Apollo the seer, musician, and healer is told to choose his domain once and for all; the character of Momos asserts that this confusion of roles is a recent degeneration of "traditional5 religion). 108 Alex. 22. 109 (i) connection betweenpaideia^ reason, and true religion: Plutarch, De E apudDelphos 384? and 3850, and De Tmnquillitate Animi 472E, on the importance of having true notions about the gods (2) reason necessary to become a religiouspepaideumenos: Plutarch, Delside et Osiride 35iC, 352B-C, 3550,3786, 378D, 382F (3) connection between reason, philosophy and prophecy: Plutarch, De E apud Delphos 3856, 386E, 3876, 388F, zndDePythiae Oraculis 4O9D (4) riddles and prophecy: Plutarch, DeE apudDelphos 3850 (it is 107

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ritual and myth is exemplified in his Quaestiones Romanae andQuaestiones Gmecae. In relation to oracles in particular the exegetical approach is expressed by Kleombrotos in De Defectu Oraculorum: But as for us, let us not listen to any who say that there are some oracles not divinely inspired, or religious ceremonies and mystic rights which are disregarded by the gods; and on the other hand let us not imagine that the god goes in and out and is present at these ceremonies and helps in conducting them; but let us commit these matters to those ministers of the gods to whom it is right to commit them, as to servants and clerks, and let us believe that demigods are guardians of sacred rights of the gods and prompters in the Mysteries, while others go about as avengers of arrogant and grievous cases of injustice.110 The suggestion of the involvement of'daimons' insists on an essential validity and truth of oracles and religious ceremonies, while avoiding any assertion of the immanent presence of the gods themselves, who thus remain well beyond the realm of human attempts to influence them. Both Plutarch's conclusion that oracles are inspired by daimons and require religious exegesis and Lucian's that they are empty of divine presence and fake emerge from the same model of reading what is really going on behind the outward appearance. The figure of the theios aner appears frequently in religious texts and is also susceptible to the three main approaches: he, and his appearance, performances, and pronouncements, can be presented as directly in touch with the divine, or in need of symbolic exegesis or as a complete fraud, in which case these elements are presented as ludicrous antics concealing nothing divine, just greed and desire for self-aggrandisement. In the latter case the 'magician5 (^tayo?) or cmagician/cheat' (yorjs) was accused of merely acting the part of the holy man. But in and of itself religious performance was not sufficient to discredit someone. Aelius Aristides, for example, who presents himself as the 'servant' (8idt
natural that what concerns Apollo should be concealed in riddles (aiVty^ara), 386E-F (Apollo gives ambiguous oracles in order to increase and organize men's powers of reasoning (SiaAe/o-iAoj)); De Pytkiae Oraculis 4O7A-B (one of the reasons for the waning popularity of the Delphic oracles is that the people (01 TroAAoi) are now suspicious of covert divine pronouncements (aiviy/xaTa)); De Iside et Osiride 3540 (statues of sphinxes at oracular shrines indicate that their teaching is in riddles (aiviy/iaToiS^)). 110

Plutarch, De Defectu Oraculorum 4iyA-B.

in

e.g. H.L. II.51-3 and 74-82. See below chapter 3.

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the festival of Isis as a religious epiphany by the narrator of Apuleius'Metamorphoses, and throughout Plutarch's essays on religious subjects.112 But these two authors also give voice, at least in part, to the sceptical approach: elsewhere in the Metamorphoses the costumes, make-up, and performance techniques of the Galli are condemned as false tricks to gain money, while Plutarch also mentions that false prophets and charlatans have brought oracles into disrepute, especially wandering soothsayers who congregate at Serapeia and shrines of the Great Mother.113 The Alexander is a prime example of this sceptical approach. What emerges, then, in these polemical writings about holy men and fraudulent magicians is the importance of the author's attitude rather than the actual details of the appearance and behaviour of the person concerned, which could easily be accommodated into either mould. The distinction between these two figures lay on a knife-edge. In his Apologia, which purports to be his written defence against the charge of practising magic, Apuleius puts this to his advantage and demonstrates that a 'magician5 is actually a 'priest': Tor if, what I read in most authors is correct, that "magician" (ma0us) is the Persian word for our cpriest5 (saeerdos), what crime is involved in it? Can it be wrong for a priest to have proper knowledge, competence, and experience of ceremonial rules, sacred rituals, and religious laws?'114 One of the reasons why the holy man and fraudulent magician could easily metamorphose into each other in religious polemics was that they operated in the same domain. Whereas the fraudulent magician could be presented as merely pretending to be in touch with divine power, he could also be presented as an illegitimate user of it.115 The key distinguishing feature was alleged motivation: the holy man used his access to the divine in order to honour the gods and help people, whereas the magician used it to make money and, in the process, he dishonoured the gods and harmed people. For example, Apuleius places the philosopher, doctor, and magician on a sliding scale: their province of work might coincide (for example the discovery of antidotes for poison) but the

112 Apuleius, Metamorphoses 11.8-10. On Plutarch's exegetical approach to performance, e.g. costumes and ritual, see above n. 101. 113 (i) Performance as trickery: Apuleius,Metamorphoses 2.28, and 8.24-30, especially 8.27 (2) Fraudulent prophets: Apuleius, Metamorphoses 9.8 (a troop of Galli set up a fraudulent oracle which answers all questions in order to make money) and Plutarch, De Pythiae Oraculis 4070. 114 Apuleius, Apologia 25.9. Translations by V. Hunink, in S. J. Harrison, ed., Apuleius: Rhetorical Works (Oxford, 2001). If the trial was not fictional, it took place in Africa in AD 158-9. On Apuleius' Apohgia see S. J. Harrison, Apuleius: A Latin Sophist (Oxford, 2000), 39-88, especially 63-75 on the refutation of the magical charges, and Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 235-6. 115 See J.-J. Flinterman, Power, paideia and Pythagoreanism: Greek Identity, Conceptions of the Relationship between Philosophers andMonarchs and Political Ideas in Philostratus* Life of Apollonius (Amsterdam, 1995), 60-1, and M. Smith, Jesus the Magician (New York, NY, 1978).

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difference between them lay in the manner in which they made use of their knowledge: cOr would you argue that knowing and gathering remedies is typical of a magician (ma0us) rather than a doctor (medicus) or even a philosopher (philosophus)^ who is not going to use them for profit but for help?'116 In common with the debate about the appropriate attitude to and treatment of cult images, the rhetoric ofpaideia and philosophic was crucial in the depiction of the holy man. Apuleius, for example, seeks to exculpate himself from the charges of practising magic by presenting himself as a true philosopher, and his accuser Aemilianus as an irreligious man.117 Philostratos' Vita Apollonii is an apologist's attempt to present Apollonios of Tyana, widely considered a magician, as a holy man for an elite readership, chiefly by means of emphasizing his paideia and his status as a philosopher.118 In the episode at the oracle of Trophonios the rhetoric between magic and philosophy becomes very complex. This shrine, condemned as a hoax in many elite texts, including Lucian's luppiter Trogoedus^ is presented by Philostratos as a bastion of traditional, established religion. As such, Apollonios seeks to enter it but initially he is turned away by the priests who accuse him of being a magician (7017?). By brute force he is able to storm the oracle but it is his appropriation of the appearance and rhetoric of the philosopher that legitimizes this action in the text. Apollonios asks to descend into the cave and consult Trophonios in the interests of philosophy; although normally pilgrims wear white he wears a cloak as if to engage in a discussion; the question he asks Trophonios as he descends is about the relative merits of different philosophies, and in response the god gives him a book with the teachings of Pythagoras which he brings out with him after the consultation.119 Lucian's presentation of Alexander as a charlatan is heavily dependent on his manipulation of the concept ofpaideia. On one level this operates in the creation of a conspiratorial understanding between pepaideumenoi—narrator, addressee, and reader. The lack oftruepaideia is also central in the depiction of the anti-hero Alexander and of his followers, both elite and non-elite. Lucian uses this rhetoric to transform what was evidently a type of religious figure acceptable to the elite, a

1 6

* Apuleius, Apologia 40.3. For Apuleius' accusations of Aemilianus' irreligious behaviour sec Apologia 56. 118 Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1.2 (the accusation that Apollonios was a magician is openly addressed) and Vitae Sophistarum 590 (on the incompatibility of magic arts and the pepaideumenos). On the Vita Apollonii in general see G. Anderson, Philostratos: Biography and Belles Lettres in the Third Century AD (London, 1986), 121-239. On the apologetic nature of Philostratos' Vita Apollonii see S. Swain, 'Defending Hellenism: Philostratus, In Honour ofApollonius\ in M. Edwards, M. Goodman, and S. Price, eds., in association with C. Rowland, Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans., Jews., and Christians (Oxford, 1999), 157-96, and 'Culture and nature in Philostratus', in E. L. Bowie and J. Eisner, eds., Philostratus (Cambridge, 2009), 33-46, and Flinterman, Paideia (n. 115), 60-6. 119 Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 8.19. 117

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charismatic priest of the civic cult of Asklepios, into an unacceptable fraudulent magician. The ideal of the pepaideumenos which included high birth, beauty, intelligence, and education, is inverted in the depiction of Alexander. His origins are said to be obscure (his mother was a poor woman from the remote and barbarous Paphlagonia); although he has both beauty and intelligence, he misuses these in his drive for self-aggrandizement; and the paideia he receives as a boy at the hands of a charlatan consists of lessons in trickery and prostitution.120 These details are given at the beginning of the essay, which takes the form of a biography, and contains a number of features parodic of aretalogies of holy men.121 Beauty was a standard feature of descriptions of holy men, and stemmed from a deep-rooted cultural understanding that the beauty of the body reflected that of the soul. The incompatibility of ugliness and privileged contact with the divine is amusingly expressed by Apuleius in theApolqtjia, where he argues that he could not possibly have been training his servant as a magician because the boy was extremely ugly and physically deformed!122 Alexander's beauty, which is marred by his sexual exploitation of it and his supplementation of it with a wig and various other costume features, differs from and effectively parodies the beauty associated with holy men. True religious paideia which the figure of the holy man traditionally receives is similarly parodied in the Alexander: instead of paideia in religion it is in magic tricks, and the use of the term SLOLKOVOS ('servant5) to describe Alexander as the sexual servant of the charlatan also implies a perverted religious education since this word has a particular religious sense 'attendant in a temple5, as used for example by Aelius Aristides to describe himself as Asklepios5 servant. In this way Lucian combines the common biographical topos of the erastes-paidika theme with a parody of the holy man's traditional religious paideia.123

120

Alex, ii (humble family origins), 3 (beauty), 4 (intelligence), 5 (pervertedpaideia). On the parody of traditional biographical themes in the Alexander see Branham, Unruly Eloquence (n. 77), 190-6. On the figure of the thews aner generally and aretalogy see L. Bieler, TheiosAner. Das Bild des 'gottlichen Menschen* in Spatantike und Fruhchristentum (Vienna, 1935-6), M. Hadas and M. Smith, Heroes and Gods: Spiritual Biographies in Antiquity (New York, NY, 1965), M. Smith, 'Prolegomena to a discussion of aretalogies, divine men, the Gospels and Jesus',/5L 90 (1971), 174-99, P. Brown, The rise and function of the holy man in Late Antiquity5, JRS 61 (1971), 80-101, J. Z. Smith, 'Good news is no news: aretalogy and Gospel', in J. Z. Smith, Map is not Territory: Studies on the History of Religions (Leiden, 1978), 190-207, P. Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity: A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley, CA, 1983), G. Anderson, Sage, Saint and Sophist: Holy Men and their Associates in the Early Roman Empire (London, 1994) and Swain, 'Defending Hellenism' (n. 118). 122 Apuleius, Apologia 43.7-10. e.g. Plutarch, DeDefectu Oraculorum 42iA (description of the beautiful 121

THRICDE ANCR 123 Compare Petronius, Satyricon 85-7 (Eumolpus' story of seducing his pupil) and Achilles Tatius 8.9.2 (the priest alleges that when Thersander was a boy he pretended to be devoted to paideia but in fact he allowed his teachers to have sex with him). See D. R. Stuart, Epochs of Greek and Roman Biography

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The unmasking of intellectual frauds occurs in several Lucianic works, but in the case of the Peregrinus and Alexander the subjects are religious frauds.124 A key idea in this latter text is that Alexander is different from what he appears to be: In sum, imagine please and mentally configure a highly diversified soulblend, made up of lying, trickery, perjury, and malice; facile, audacious, venturesome, diligent in the execution of its schemes, plausible, convincing, masking as good, and wearing an appearance absolutely opposite to its purpose. Indeed, there is nobody who, after meeting him for the first time, did not come away with the idea that he was the most honest and upright man in the world—yes, and the most simple and unaffected.125

The narrator's Epicurean rhetoric reinforces the impression of stripping away deception and revealing the truth of the matter. The repeated metaphor of theatrical performance underlines the idea of Alexander acting the part of the holy man.126 In fact the founding of the cult and Alexander's establishment as a recognized prophet in Abonouteichos are presented as the performance of a carefully orchestrated show. Lucian begins with a detailed description of Alexander's costume: Alexander was sent in first; he had already let his hair grow long and he had it in ringlets, he wore a chiton which was white and purple, and he had thrown a white cloak over it, and he held a scimitar in imitation of Perseus, from whom he claimed descent from his mother's side.127

Not only does Lucian's Alexander arrange his hair in the manner of a charismatic prophet, perhaps modelling himself on the Dionysos figure in Euripides' Bakchai: he actually wears a wig, a detail which Lucian mentions both at the beginning and at the end of the essay.128 Alexander's hair is thus simultaneously an affectation and a deceitful prop. His imitation of the appearance of a mythological figure reinforces the sense that he is wearing a costume and pretending to (Berkeley, CA, 1928), 147-50, on the biographical topos of sexual misconduct and in particular the erastespaidika theme. 124 e.g. Lucian, Vitarum Auctio (especially 2 where the Pythagorean philosopher is said to excel at 'arithmetic, astronomy, charlatanry, geometry, music, and charlatanry (yo^reta); you see in him a firstclass soothsayer (/zavTi?)'), andAdversus Indoctum et Libros Multos Ementem. 125 Alex. 4. 126 Alex. 2 (Alexander ought to be torn to pieces by apes and foxes in an amphitheatre), 12 (Alexander came to Abonouteichos with pomp (rpayajSia), and the Macedonian snake with a linen mask will co-star with Alexander, or rather take the leading role (avvTpaywSrjaajv, ^dAAov Se rrpajrayojvLarrjs eadjuevos)), 19 (the temple is described as the stage), 25 (Alexander's activities referred to as 'the plot of the play5 (rj avaKevri rov Spa^aros)), 60 (Alexander's death described as the conclusion of Alexander's tragedy (re'Aos TTJS AXegdv&pov rpaywSi as) and the denouement of the whole play (rot3 Travro? Spa^a-ros 17 Karaarpo^rj)). On the 'theatrical metaphor5 see Branham, Unruly Eloquence (n. 77), 196-210, Chaniotis, 'Old wine in a new skin' (n. 68), 80-1. 127 128 Alex. n. Alex. 3 and 59.

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be someone that he is not.129 Later he is said to wear a clip-on gold leather thigh, this time imitating Pythagoras.130 These suggestions of deceit surrounding Alexander's appearance invert the idea of the appearance and body of the holy man manifesting wisdom and divine favour. The idea of theatrical performance is used to great effect also in the descriptions of Alexander's activities: receiving pilgrims in the temple with Glykon, undergoing a mantic frenzy and participation in the Mysteries of Glykon. In the first of these instances Alexander is joined by a cco-star', the Macedonian snake wearing its linen mask, which plays the part of Glykon. The snake is carefully draped around Alexander in costume; the lighting has been dimmed, and a second stage door has been opened so that the audience is forced to process past in a constantly moving stream.131 Ritual viewing of cult images and holy men was by its very nature contrived and theatrical, and Lucian focuses on this idea in his description of Alexander and the snake's double act to support his claim of deceit. Alexander's mantic frenzy follows the traditional pattern of divine possession: foaming at the mouth, tossing the head uncontrollably, uttering unintelligible sounds, invoking the god, and offering libations.132 Lucian compares his physical movements to those made by the worshippers of the Great Mother.133 Other authors similarly express their scorn or disgust at such displays of religious fervour, and an important element in this critique seems to be aesthetic. For instance, Plutarch writes of "superstition, such as smearing with mud, wallowing in filth, immersions, casting oneself down with face to the ground, disgraceful besieging of the gods, and uncouth prostrations'.134 In addition to the implication of vulgarity the underlying assumption is that this behaviour is a false affectation, as in the Lucianic passage. Lucian asserts that Alexander's babbling in foreign languages and naked scrabbling in the mud is nothing but a well-staged show, and this greatly adds to the comic effect. Alexander's foaming at the mouth is not caused by divine possession by Asklepios but by chewing soapwort. The simple banality of this trick is amusing in the light of the reaction it causes among the audience at Abonouteichos: cbut to them even the foam seemed somehow divine and awe-inspiring5.135 Alexander's performance reaches its zenith in his role as the protagonist in the Mysteries.136 In this scene Alexander, who has already been shown to be doing nothing more than acting the part of the holy man, explicitly re-enacts his own history—his sexual union with a divinity, Selene, and his transformation into the priest of Glykon. 129

On the relevance of the figure of Perseus to the area see Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (n. 5), 245-6. Alex. 4-0. 131 Alex. 12, 15-16. Compare Apuleius, Metamorphoses 10.19: admission to view Lucius the performing donkey is regulated and viewers are charged. 132 133 Alex. 13-14Alex. 13. 134 Plutarch, De Superstitione i66A. See MacMullen, Paganism^ 73-4. 135 136 Alex. 12. Alex. 38-40. 130

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Lucian's presentation of Alexander is highly amusing, effective, and deeply polemical. It is not possible to assess the correspondence of real people and events to his narrative not only because of insufficient historical evidence, but also because of the immense variety in religious perspectives in this period. Lucian's magician would have been another person's holy man. Just as he accuses the pilgrims of not seeing things as they really are, it would only need a small but crucial shift of perspective for Lucian to see Glykon and Alexander as divine and holy rather than as frauds. One conclusion which can be drawn is that Lucian's polemic would have been directed against a successful, charismatic figure—whether specific or generic— one who attracted the elite as well as the people by offering access to the divine and to a transformative new world. The language of fraud and insanity is frequently used against charismatic religious leaders by those who perceive them to be subversive, and Lucian accuses Alexander of fraud and his followers of madness.137 The rhetoric of Billy Graham, the American evangelist, against Jim Jones cthe false prophet5 constitutes an illuminating twentieth-century parallel to Lucian's rhetoric against Alexander £the false prophet'.138 In the 19708 the cult leader Jim Jones tried to create a cnew world5 by his radical policy of racial inclusion in the Peoples Temple, and ultimately by his foundation of the 'utopic' Jonestown in 27,000 acres of undeveloped land in Guyana. In the aftermath of the mass suicide of the members of the cult and their leader, Billy Graham published an article in the New York Times in which he specifically called Jones a "false prophet5 and wrote: £We have witnessed a false messiah who used the cloak of religion to cover a confused mind filled with a mixture of pseudoreligion, political ambition, sensual lust, financial dishonesty and, apparently, even murder... 5l39 Every accusation in this list is made by Lucian against Alexander.140 The tragic conclusion to Jim Jones's cult casts Billy Graham's comments in a particular light but it is nonetheless interesting to note the parallel in the rhetoric used by one religious adherent to attack another, potentially competing, leader. In both cases the rhetoric employed argues for a high degree of personal involvement in the religious debates of the time, rather than the detachment of an 'unbiased' or uninvolved observer, and the power of the

137

Alex. 4 (Alexander a fraud), Alex. 45 (the Paphlagonians mad), Alex. 31 and 34 (Rutilianus mad). On the rhetoric of fraud and insanity in relation to subversive cults see J. Z. Smith, Imagining Religion: from Babylon to Jonestown (Chicago, IL, 1982), 102-20, especially 109. 138 On Jim Jones as a charismatic see Lindholm, Charisma (n. 12), 137-55. For a listing of documents and scholarship related to Jonestown see http://jonestown.sdsu.edu/AboutJonestown/Resources/resources. htm. 139 New Tork Times 5 December 1978 quoted in Smith, Imagining Religion (n. 137), no. 140 e.g. Alex. 22 (pseudo-religion, magic), 48 (political ambition), 41-2 (lust), 49 (financial greed), and 56 (attempted murder).

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prophet, whether false or not, seems to lie in his personal charisma and in his offer of the experience of a transformative cnew world'. In the case of Lucian's Alexander the latter is constituted by direct access to the divine Glykon. The idea is also implied by the use of various details and themes connected with the story of Pythagoras, the philosophic and spiritual leader who established an exclusive utopic community in South Italy and was particularly associated with the use of mystical symbols and theories which transformed cosmography.141

PILGRIMS IN LUCIAN'S ALEXANDER OR THE FALSE PROPHET: THE RHETORIC OF RELIGION/SUPERSTITION, AND THE MODEL OF ELITE AND POPULAR RELIGION Lucian's scathing presentation of the pilgrims coming to see the new Asklepios Glykon at Abonouteichos/Ionopolis is another important aspect of his attack on Alexander and the cult. They are presented as foolish and superstitious, tapping into the powerful contemporary rhetorical dichotomy of religion and superstition (evoefieLa, SciaiSai/Luwa). Although writers used these terms as if they were undisputed, their meaning was constantly reforged and modified in an atmosphere of contestation. For example, in Plutarch's De Superstitione unacceptable religious behaviour is described and defined as either superstition or atheism in contrast to cthe holy and ancestral dignity of religion5.142 Religion is identified with the dignified practice of the male social elite and associated with Greek tradition and paideia^ whereas superstition is presented as the new-fangled, foreign, aesthetically vulgar practice of uneducated, undiscerning, low-class people, in particular women and the very old and young.143 This rhetoric was immensely effective, as it channelled into the concept of superstition all that was 141

Alex. 4, 25, 33, and 40 (references to Pythagoras). See F. Curnont, 'Alexandre d'Abonotichos et le Neo-Pythagorisme', Revue de I'histoire des Religions 86 (1922), 202-10 and Flinterman, Paideia (n. 115), 72 n. 73. On Pythagoras, e.g. Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 354E-F: £He [Pythagoras], as it seemed, was greatly admired, and he also greatly admired them [the Egyptian priests], and, copying their symbolism and occult teachings, incorporated his doctrines in enigmas (aiVyjuacu). 5 142 Plutarch, De Superstitione i66B. 143 (i) Ignorant and uneducated people (Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 378D). See MacMullen, Paganism, 70. (2) Foreigners: see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 221-4 on the particular association of superstitio with foreign peoples by Roman writers in the first and second centuries AD. While language is often a signifier of the foreign/superstitious, foreigners who speak good Greek contravene this association: see Lucian, Anach arsis, for the depiction of Anacharsis as the wise barbarian, Plutarch, DeDefectu Oracukrum 42iA, where the barbarian theios aner actually prophesies once a year in beautiful Doric Greek, and Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 2.26-7, where the wise Indian king speaks Greek and practises philosophy and athletics. (3) Women: Plutarch, Coniugalia Praecepta 18 for women's tendency to bring strange cults into the home. See Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 299-300: c ... the claims of female fascination with foreign religion are embedded in the vast literary and cultural traditions of Graeco-Roman misogyny3.

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6l

undesirable to a predominantly elite, male Greek-speaking audience. Lucian draws deeply on these cultural assumptions in the Alexander and moulds them to suit his purposes. It is remarkable, though, that many scholars have tacitly gone along with his presentation of the success of the cult as a result of the low calibre of pilgrims in Paphlagonia. The temptation to accept Lucian's narrative a reflecting historical truth is very great among some scholars of ancient religion, partly because the model of a primary elite form of religion and a marginal popular version is still an influential way of interpreting religious phenomena and development.144 In view of this the recognition and analysis of Lucian's polemic surrounding Glykon's pilgrims is particularly important. The stupidity, gullibility, and superstition of the people of Abonouteichos are said to be crucial factors in Alexander's calculated decision to establish the cult in his home city: But Alexander on the contrary preferred his home country, saying, as was true, that to start such an enterprise they needed thick-witted and foolish people to listen to them, and he said that such were the Paphlagonians who lived above Abonouteichos; most were superstitious and foolish, and if anyone came prophesying with a sieve, so to speak, accompanied by a flute player or a drummer or someone clashing cymbals, they were all immediately in awe of him and stared at him as if he were a god.145

The Paphlagonians' lack of discernment and sophistication is linked to their marginal, barbarian origin. They are explicitly said to be uneducated (a77cu3et>Toi), and that this was one of the reasons why they were deceived by the fake god.146 The geographical marginality, intellectual and educational inferiority, and lack of wealth of the Paphlagonians together build up a picture of low social status. Women and the very old and young are specifically referred to.147 The Paphlagonians are also said to be greedy, and their hopes of gaining riches and favours lead them to unthinkingly accept Alexander's claims for Glykon.148 Their greed and illegitimate self-promotion are linked with the Paphlagonians' eagerness to be deceived. Their desire is not for paideia but for a bewitching magic show (yo^reta), and they become Alexander's passive audience, compared at one point to sheep. Their degradation is no less acute in the scene where as Alexander's co-actors they ape the traditional Greek religious rituals of the Eleusinian Mysteries.149

144

14S See above Introduction, pp. 2-4, with n. 6. Alex. 9. Alex. 17 and 25 (heavily ironic use ofpepaideumenai to describe the questions posed to the oracle). 147 148 Alex. 13. Alex. 23 and 14. 149 Alex, n (even though the Abonouteichites knew that their fellow-citizen Alexander came from a humble background they were quite happy to believe that he was related to Perseus and to Asklepios' son Podaleirios); 15 (sheep) and 39 (actors in the Mysteries of Glykon). 146

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The depiction of the Paphlagonian worshippers colours the entire presentation of pilgrims to Glykon. As the fame of the cult spreads, Bithynians, Galatians, and Thracians arrive, and some pilgrims who only speak barbarian languages, Syrian and Celtic.150 The mention of Syrian should give pause for thought: Lucian himself came from Samosata in Syria, and in other works he explicitly refers to himself as 'Syrian', 'Assyrian3, and even cthe barbarian5.151 The narrator of the Alexander does not mention where he comes from, but he emphasizes his affiliation to Greek culture throughout the text. In the introduction he compares himself to the historian Arrian, describing him as ca man among the most distinguished of the Romans and himself associated with culture (paideia) throughout his life5.152 He closely links his Epicurean philosophy with elite Greek paideia. In view of Lucian's actual Syrian origin, and of the question mark which he seems to be putting over the narrator's passionate expressions of devotion to Epicurus and his subsequent un-Epicurean behaviour in Abonouteichos, it is just possible that the narrator's scornful attitude to non-Greek languages is here being satirized. On the other hand, the wholly negative presentation of the rustic Paphlagonians sets the tone in this text and implicitly stigmatizes other pilgrims from the provinces. The negative features given by Lucian to the Paphlagonian and other barbarian pilgrims are fundamentally social, aesthetic, and intellectual. He also accuses them of greed and suggests that there is an element of insincerity in their acceptance of their fellow townsman Alexander as the grandson of the god Asklepios, and therefore that they are complicit in the fraud.153 These are serious criticisms which are made very effectively in a humorous, urbane manner. But more specifically in the religious domain Lucian does no more than accuse these people of accepting that Glykon was a real and present divinity and Alexander his prophet. It is this attitude of religious conviction which Lucian seeks to blacken through his description of the pilgrims' stupidity, vulgarity, and lack of culture. But perhaps the primary target of Lucian's satire is the elite pilgrims and their acceptance of direct divine presence in Glykon, his holy man, and oracular pronouncements. Alexander is depicted implementing a scheme to draw wealthy,

150

Alex. 18 (pilgrims pouring in) and 51 (barbarian languages). For comparative historical evidence see D. Braund, 'Greeks and barbarians: the Black Sea region and Hellenism under the Early Empire', in S. E. Alcock, ed., The Early Roman Empire in the East (Oxford, 1997), 121-36, on claims to Hellenic culture in the Black Sea area, especially 132-3 on the influence of Xenophon and Demosthenes' writings on secondcentury Greek conceptions of the area as 'barbarian', and Mitchell, Anatolia (n. 5), vol. i, 50-1,173 on the use of Celtic language in Galatia. 151 Swain, Hellenism^ 299 n. 5 for a list of references in the Lucianic works to the author's Syrian origin. On the distinction between Syrian and Assyrian in Greek see T. Noldeke, 'Assyrios, Syrios, Syros', Hermes 5 (1871), 443-68. 152 153 Alex. 2. Alex. n.

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upper-class, powerful Romans to Abonouteichos both for his enrichment and for the extension of his power. Alexander is said to exercise considerable influence among the elite of Rome, in part by means of blackmailing those who put compromising questions to the oracle.154 The metaphor of the military conquest of Rome is used several times to describe these activities, no doubt parodying the conquests of Alexander's namesake Alexander the Great.155 In addition the historical military defeats of the Romans by the Armenians at Elegeia in AD 161 and by the Marcomanni and Quadi on the river Ister C.AD 168 are directly linked to falsely encouraging oracles given by Alexander.156 In this way Lucian plays with the idea of a military and cultural defeat of Rome at the hands of a charlatan prophet operating from an uncivilized provincial town. Alexander is said to have succeeded in duping powerful Roman political figures, such as P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus, suffect consul in 146 and governor of Asia in 160-1, M. Sedatius Severianus, consul in 153 and governor of Cappadocia 161, and even the emperor Marcus Aurelius, the pinnacle of the socio-political establishment.157 This theme is primarily developed through the figure of Rutilianus. This man accepted Alexander and Glykon despite being ca man in all other respects of distinguished background and of proven worth in many Roman offices5.158 At times it is suggested that his advancing age is a factor in his acceptance of Alexander.159 But it is the presentation of the undiscerning and uncultured Paphlagonians which plays the crucial role in the construction of this negative model of elite religious behaviour. Like the Paphlagonians, Rutilianus is said to be superstitious. ... but when it came to the gods he was altogether sick and believed strange things about them, and if he but saw anywhere a stone anointed or garlanded he would immediately fall to the ground and worship it and stand beside it for a long time making vows and asking favours of it.160

In this passage the metaphor of sickness is used to convey to the reader the idea of Rutilianus5 irrational susceptibility to superstition. The description of him praying to and begging favours from a consecrated stone implies that his excessive and misdirected religious behaviour is bound up in greed and a desire to acquire good things for himself. In this respect he resembles the Paphlagonians who are

154

155 156 Alex. 32. Alex. 30-2, 36, 37. Alex. 27 and 48. Alex. 27 (Severianus), 30-5, 37, 54, 57, 60 (powerful Romans, especially Rutilianus), 48 (Marcus Aurelius). On the support of elite Romans see M. Le Glay, 'D'Abonouteichos a Sabratha, les deviations de la religion romaine au temps de Marc Aurele', in A. Mastino, ed., Uafrica romana. Atti del VI convegno di studio, Sassari, 16-18 dicembre 1988 (Sassari, 1989), 35-41, especially 35-7. 158 Alex. 30. 159 Alex. 30 and 35. Compare Alex. 13 (old men among those deceived by Alexander). 160 Alex. 30. 157

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deceived by Alexander partly because of their eagerness to gain money and status. Later Rutilianus5 ability to delude himself is demonstrated in the episode where he thinks up an elaborate interpretation in order to cover up the fact that Alexander and his god have given a wildly inappropriate oracle to him regarding his son.161 Rutilianus, described as a "little man5 (avQpwTTiGKo^^ joins the Paphlagonians in their credulous acceptance of Alexander's story of his love affair with the goddess Selene, celebrated in the mysteries of Glykon, and even goes as far as marrying the offspring of this alleged union.162 In this story, his vanity and self-delusion are emphasized in the statement that che thought he too had become one of the gods' (rwv €7Tovpaviwv ef? Kai CLVTOS olofjievos yeyoveVcu).163 This phrase echoes the description of the equally misguided thoughts of the citizens of Abonouteichos who were susceptible to any itinerant charlatan and "looked on him as one of the gods3 (ojGTTep nva ra)v €7Tovpaviwv 7Tpoofi\(=7TovTa$),164 Both Rutilianus and the Paphlagonians are ridiculed for treating humans as gods; Rutilianus is the more culpable because he should know better, being a member of the Roman elite, and because it is not only his superstition but also his great vanity that enables him to believe that he has in some way joined the company of the gods. Lucian's satirical presentation of Rutilianus, as much as Plutarch's De Superstitione and Apuleius* Apologia, tackles the issue of acceptable religious behaviour for the elite pepaideumenos. The same action can be presented as legitimate and religious, or illegitimate and superstitious according to the social and aesthetic flavour bestowed on it. For example, Rutilianus' behaviour in front of anointed stones is ridiculed in the Alexander, whereas in the Apologia, Apuleius suggests that his opponent Aemilianus is irreligious on the grounds that "those who have been there say that on his land they have not seen a single anointed stone or a branch with garlands.5165 Rutilianus5 behaviour is condemned as excessive because of its assimilation to the religious behaviour of the Paphlagonians and the fundamental suggestion of divine absence in his objects of worship, be they stones, snakes, or prophets. Apuleius explicitly addresses the way in which the religious actions of a pepaideumenos can be maliciously presented as those of a magician: Thus in a case of magic, anything at all that people have done can be held against them. You have attached a written vow to the thigh of a statue: so you are a magician, or else why did you do so? You have made a silent prayer in a temple to the gods: so you are a magician, or else what did you ask for? Or, conversely, you have not made a prayer in the temple: so

161

Alex. 33. Alex. 33 (dvdpajTTiaKos), 35 (marriage to Alexander and Selene's daughter), 38-9 (the Mysteries of Glykon). 163 164 165 Alex. 35. Alex. 9. Apuleius, Apologia 56.6. 162

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you are a magician, or else why did you not ask the gods? The same could be said if you have deposited a gift, made a sacrifice, or taken home a sacred branch.166

This line of argument enables Apuleius to recast his own behaviour, already described by his accusers as the practice of magic, as the practice of legitimate religion. He constructs an elite/popular divide along the lines of education and philosophy: he asserts that the vulgus (cthe multitude5) accuses real philosophers of being magicians.167 By implication, of course, the educated audience will recognize real philosophy and religion.168 In the Alexander Rutilianus and other elite Romans are presented as undiscerning, naive, and lacking in true Greek paideia. As a result they are deceived by Alexander both personally (in the case of Rutilianus) and collectively (symbolized by the emperor's acceptance of the change of name from the uncouth 'Abonouteichos3 to the loftier Greek-sounding clonopolis3).169 Just as Alexander is successful in obtaining prestige and power through deception, so on a civic level Abonouteichos is shown to have illegitimately promoted itself by riding on the success of its bogus prophet and cult. Religion was a key mode of both establishing civic identity within the framework of civic rivalry and competition in Asia Minor, and fostering relationships with Rome.170 Lucian's exposure of the 'fraud3 of Abonouteichos should be seen against the background of the dynamic use of cults for civic promotion within the imperial framework. This process is presented in the text as an aggressive attack by the uncultured periphery on Rome. Lucian's Syrian origin again sits uncomfortably with this theme. It can be explained, however, if the emphasis is shifted from the foreign to the uncultured element of the equation: for the success of Lucian's career, both literary and administrative, was built on his paideia^ and in the Alexander he satirizes the pretentious use of a false paideia in the religious arena by a naive elite and provincial arrivistes alike, and exposes their arrogance, vanity, and greed.171 166

167 Apuleius, Apologia 54.6-7. Apuleius, Apologia 27.1-4. e.g. in the opening of ti\z Apologia (1.3) Apuleius writes that he will prove his 'magic' to be in fact 'philosophy3:'... with you as judge I have now been given the chance and opportunity to clear the name of Philosophy in the minds of the ignorant and to justify myself.' 169 Alex. 58. 170 On the imperial cult in the Roman empire (East and West) see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 348-63, and on the imperial cult in Asia Minor see Price, Imperial Cult (n. 52); see Braund, 'Greeks and barbarians' (n. 150), 125, for the suggestion that the cult of Jupiter Capitolinus in the area of the Black Sea (attested by statuettes and a coin) was an instrument in overcoming marginality in relation to Roman power and cultural 'inferiority5 to Hellenic Asia Minor and mainland Greece. Conversely, for an interpretation of aspects of the cult of Artemis of Ephesos and cults at Dura Europos as 'resistance' to Rome see Eisner, 'Origins of the icon' (n. n), and J. Eisner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford, 2004), 225-87. 171 On Lucian's attitude to the Romans see Swain, Hellenism, 298-329, especially 326-9 on the Alexander, the Romans, artdpaideia. 168

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Texts such as Lucian's Alexander^ Apuleius5 Apologia^ and Plutarch's essays suggest that the sphere of religion, as much as that of language and learning, provided a framework for the display oftYitzpaideia. A central aspect of this case study of a new dynamic cult of Asklepios has been to explore the complexities involved in interpreting both literary and visual religious evidence in this period. Lucian's Alexander emerges as a highly polemical presentation of a cult of Asklepios. Like a number of other contemporary texts on religion it uses the rhetoric ofpaideia and employs an underlying model of elite religion and popular superstition. All the pilgrims to Glykon are depicted as superstitious in their misconceived recognition of direct divine presence in cult image, oracular pronouncements, and prophet. Other contemporary texts confirm that this religious attitude was by no means confined to a low social group and was one of three influential approaches—conviction, exegesis, and scepticism. The visual evidence for the cult of the new Asklepios Glykon points in the same direction: the otherness and charisma of the cult image, inviting recognition of direct divine presence, are nevertheless expressed in a fundamentally traditional iconography, and the modes of modifying and disseminating the image of the new Asklepios are by no means unique. It emerges as a locus of polemic and contestation, among a diverse network of Asklepian cults in the Eastern Roman empire.

TWO

Discourses of the Body and Travel: the Cultural Context of Healing Pilgrimage

What should one say of the matter of not bathing? I have not bathed for five consecutive years and some months besides, unless, of course, in winter time, he [Asklepios] ordered me to use the sea or rivers or wells. The purging of my upper intestinal tract has taken place in the same way for nearly two years and two months in succession, together with enemas and bloodlettings, as many as no one has ever counted, and at that with little nourishment and that forced.1 This passage of the Hieroi Lqgoi is typical of the author's focus on the trials of his body both through illness and by means of cures at the command of the god. Aristides refers to the minute regulation of his body, including eating and bathing, as well as violent interventions in its interior, such as causing vomiting, bloodletting, and applying enemas. The reference to bathing in particular rivers, wells, or the sea at certain times of year is also a typical feature of the text, in its combination of the themes of the body and curative journeys undertaken at the command of the god. Aristides' focus on his body in the Hieroi Logoi has often been seen by scholars as egotistical, idiosyncratic, and even unhinged, while the importance of the theme of travel has not been fully explored. It is argued here that this text is in many ways a typical product of the culture from which it emerged by means of the presentation of a broad range of contemporary material about the body and travel. The Hieroi Logoi should be interpreted against this background, in particular in view of the culturally specific nature of understanding and experiencing the body, illness and travel. The first part of this chapter focuses on the culture of viewing and reading the body, drawing out preoccupations with the connection between the exterior and interior of the body, the ways in which identity was located in the body, and ways of presenting the body in biographical narratives. The expression of such ideas in texts as diverse as Plutarch's essays and biographies, Achilles Tatius' novel Leukippe and Kleitophon^ Galen's medical writings, and the Physiognomy of Polemon of Laodikeia ad Lycum, suggests that they were pervasive and deeply rooted in 1

H.L. 1.59-

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GraecoRoman culture. The systematizing of bodies emerges as a fundamental preoccupation while simultaneously, the construction of certain human bodies as thaumata is a parallel, and at times contradictory, trend. These emerge as key themes both of the Hieroi Lo0oi and of the culture of the Pergamene Asklepieion in the discussions in the later chapters. The Physiognomy of Polemon (C.AD 80-144) is a central text in this discussion. It only survives in the form of a fourth-century epitome in Greek by Adamantios and a late ninth-century Arabic translation (the Leiden Polemon), while a fourth-century Latin tcxt^Anonymi de Physiq0nomonia Liber^ draws mainly on Polemon's Physiognomy as well as on the treatises of Aristotle and Loxos.2 While its detailed readings of the body constitute the text's explicit focus, and have been sensitively explored, the theme of travel is also important and has received less attention. The Physiognomy locates the body within a geographical and ethnographical framework, and the theme of travel can be recognized in the textual construction of the body through the author's physiognomic itineraries over its surface. This text leads into the second part of the chapter which focuses more sharply on the theme of travel through an examination of its discourses, both in texts and images. It is argued that aspects of the structure of ancient travel narratives are implicit both in Polemon's Physiognomy and in Aristides5 Hieroi Logoi. The importance of the theme of travel in the Hieroi Logoi is explored at a number of levels including the explicit prominence of journeys and references to locations in the narrative, and similarities in form and structure between the Hieroi Logoi and other texts and images describing travel and landscape. Inscriptions recording Aristides5 journeys within the Roman empire constitute an interesting parallel, and are also examined. The chapter concludes with a reading of the Hieroi Logoi in relation to a contemporary travel text, Arrian's Periplous of the Euxine Sea^ illustrating these themes in detail and, more broadly, exploring similarities in discourses about landscape and the human body. Throughout this chapter a number of common themes are drawn out from the discourses of the body and travel: the narrative technique of the creation of a monumental framework and emphasis on the objective techne in combination with the self-presentation of the inspired expert narrator/ practician, the idea of revelatory viewing, seeing new worlds or familiar worlds in new ways, and the structure of listing and measuring punctuated by excursus. The emphasis on the themes of the body and travel is offered as a key 2 R. Forster, ScriptoresPhysiognomonici Graeci etLatini^ 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1893), and S. Swain, ed., Seeing the Face, Seeing the Soul: Polemon's Physiognomy from Classical Antiquity to Medieval Islam (Oxford, 2007). All references to the text and translations are from the latter. See also L. Holford-Stevens, 'On the sources for Polemo's iJioviKd\ in M. J. Edwards and S. Swain, eds., Portraits: Biographical Representation in the Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1997), 113-16, Gleason, Making Men ^ 21-81, and Barton, Power and Knowledge^ 95-131 (on physiognomies and Polemon's treatise), and Puech, Orateurs^ 396-413 (inscriptions associated with Polemon).

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way of understanding the Hieroi Lq0oi, and through it the culture of the Pergamene Asklepieion and healing pilgrimage more generally.

VIEWING AND INTERPRETING THE BODY IN GRAECO-ROMAN CULTURE: THE NOVELS, MEDICAL, AND PHYSIOGNOMICAL WRITINGS The widespread perception of the connection between the body and soul/ character (ifrvxtf/riOos) put the body in a privileged position as the visible manifestation of character and identity. The idea that the soul could be accessed by studying the body which contained it was systematically developed in physiognomical theories, but was also broadly and deeply embedded in what S. Swain has described as the Second Sophistic 'culture of inspection and moral evaluation5.3 Social prominence and success involved a high degree of visibility, and therefore also potential vulnerability to penetrating gazes informed by physiognomical theories, and also to the humiliating and aggressive regard of enemies.4 In this cultural context the eye was both a valuable weapon against others and simultaneously a source of possible weakness as the most revealing part of one's own anatomy, the gates of the soul.5 While this is a particularly important aspect of Polemon's Physiognomy, it is also manifested in a wide range of ideas about the process of falling in love and casting the evil eye, as well as in theories about the transmission of disease. The theory of casting the evil eye is discussed in book five of Plutarch's Quaestiones Convivales^ in question seven cOn those who are said to cast an evil eye'.6 At the opening Plutarch writes that Mestrius Florus was the only one of the assembled company who believed in the popular theory of the evil eye and the conversation turns out, in fact, to be an attempt by the characters of Florus and Plutarch to make the idea acceptable to their interlocutors, all ziitepepaideumenoi.7 The ideas of viewing which they employ are therefore aimed at an educated elite audience. The eye is imagined to emit and receive particles in the act of viewing, and the process can be both passive and active.8 The envious person is 3

S. Swain, 'Polemon's Physiognomy^ in S. Swain, ed., Seeing the Face, Seeing the Soul: Polemon's Physiognomy from Classical Antiquity to Medieval Islam (Oxford, 2007), 125-201, at 125, and 126-56. 4 C. A. Barton, 'Being in the eyes: shame and sight in ancient Rome', in D. Fredrick, ed., The Roman Gaze: Vision, Power and the Body (Baltimore, MD, 2002), 216-35. 5 e.g. Adamantios, Physiognomy A4, 498-9, and Pliny, Natural History 11.145. 6 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 question 7, 68oC-683B. See 68oD and 68oF for precise references t being harmed by another's gaze. 7 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68oC. 8 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68oF-68iA. See C. A. Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 9i-5-

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envisaged sending out evil from his or her mind through the eyes clike poisoned arrows3.9 This image suggests that the envious viewer physically penetrates and wounds a person. Evil is imagined as affecting both the mind and body of the victim through his eyes. The interrelation of body and mind is made explicit by the character of Plutarch in the rhetorical question, cDon5t you know that the body (orco^a) is sympathetically affected when the mind (^VXTJ) is subjected to any influence?'10 Plutarch also suggests that people are particularly vulnerable to catching eye diseases because cso penetrating and swift is the power of the eye to admit or communicate disease.'11 The idea of mutual susceptibility through viewing is evident in the story of the plover which can heal people of jaundice: when the sick person looks at the plover, the bird csucks out5 the disease through the patient's eyes and is consequently "wounded5. For this reason, Plutarch writes, the plover turns away and closes its eyes in an attempt to avoid being harmed.12 Plutarch argues the case for the existence of the evil eye in part through analogy with this idea that disease can be transmitted through the eyes. He also mentions the well-known idea of falling in love through the action of the eyes.13 This is a theme which is elaborated in the second-century novel Leukippe and Kleitophon by Achilles Tatius. The narrator Kleitophon describes his first sight of Leukippe as a wounding of his soul through the passageway of his eyes: cAs soon as I saw, I was done for: beauty pricks sharper than darts, and floods down through the eyes to the soul (for the eye is the channel of the wounds of desire).514 At the same time, though, Kleitophon describes his eyes as actively victorious over his will because they insist on continuing to look at Leukippe : CI tried to force myself to tug my eyes away from the girl, but they resisted, tugging themselves back there again, as if towed by the lure of beauty. In the end the eyes won.515 The trope of eros as a battle operates in this passage and powerfully conveys the sense of alternate active and passive viewing. The erotic undertones of this idea are made fully explicit a little later when Kleinias, an experienced lover, says that viewing a loved one is more pleasurable than physical lovemaking and describes this mutual viewing in terms of sexual intercourse: cYou do not understand the value of the sight of the beloved: it yields more pleasure than the act itself. You see, when two pairs of eyes reflect in each other, they forge images of each other's body, as in a mirror. The effluxion of beauty floods down through the eyes to the soul, and effects a

9

10 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68iE. Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68iD-E. 12 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68iD. Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68iC-D. 13 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 5 68iA-D. 14 Achilles Tatius 1.4.4; see also 1.4.2, and compare 3.11 on physical and emotional channels through the body. All translations of Achilles Tatius' Leukippe and Kleitophon are from T. Whitmarsh, Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon. Translated with notes by T. Whitmarsh, with an introduction by H. Morales (Oxford, 2001). 15 Achilles Tatius 1.4.5. 11

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kind of union without contact. It is a bodily union in miniature, a new kind of bodily fusion.'16 Such a sexualized understanding of viewing also occurs in De Vir0inibus Velandis by the Christian writer Tertullian (C.AD 208/9). On the subject of virgins being seen by men he writes: 'However much you may wish she endeavour with her good intention, it is unavoidable that she be in danger by the exposure of herself, while she is transfixed by many untrustworthy eyes (dum percutitur oculis incertis et multis)^ while she is tickled by the fingers of those who point, while she is greatly delighted in [by others], while she glows during the ever-present embraces and kisses.'17 While Tertullian here blurs the boundary between the sexualized gaze and a physical embrace, in Leukippe and Kleitophon the limitations of erotic viewing are also emphasized: Melite, who has fallen in love with the hero Kleitophon, bitterly complains that she possesses him no further than eyesight: Tt is like loving a statue: I get no more than ocular satisfaction from my beloved'.18 Just as disease caught through the eye can be healed through viewing, so the soul wounded by love can be healed through sex. Kleitophon eventually justifies his yielding to Melite, and consequent infidelity to Leukippe, by describing the act not as a 'marriage' but rather as a 'remedy for a kind of illness of the soul'.19 The theme of erotic viewing in Leukippe and Kleitophon can be interpreted in terms of the exploration of the self—the inner psychological world—and the boundaries of the body. This exploration on one level occurs through the novel's representation of travel around the Mediterranean, which exposes the protagonists' virginal bodies to the danger of penetration by rape or mutilation.20 On another, it occurs through the metaphors of penetrative viewing by which the lovers are alternately conquered and conquering. Although erotic gazing is mutual it is expressed in terms of a dynamic of power. This dynamic becomes increasingly one-sided in the famous ekphrastic passages about paintings.21 In these a powerful, voyeuristic eye lingers over the mute scenes with a gaze which is simultaneously aesthetic and erotic. The Greek novels of this period as a whole place a great emphasis on visuality, including the prominent role of dreams, divine epiphanies, statues, and images, while the power of the elite viewer is a 16

Achilles Tatius 1.9.4-5. Tertullian, De Virginibus Velandis 14.5. Translation G. D. Dunn, Tertullian (London, 2004). 18 19 Achilles Tatius 5.22.5. Achilles Tatius 5.27.2. 20 e.g. Achilles Tatius 6.20-22. On travel and geography see J. S. Romm, 'Travel', and on identity and fragmentation of bodies in the ancient novels see J. Konig, 'Body and text', in T. Whitmarsh, ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Greek and Roman Novel (Cambridge, 2008), 109-26, and 127-44. 21 e.g. Achilles Tatius 1.1.2—13 (painting of the abduction of Europa) and 3.7.1-9 (painting of Andromeda bound to the rock). See J. Eisner, 'Between mimesis and divine power: visuality in the Graeco-Roman world', in R. S. Nelson, ed., Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance: Seeing As Others Saw (Cambridge, 2000), 45-69, especially 46-52, on literary and visual depictions of Andromeda and Perseus and issues of naturalism and ekphrasis. 17

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theme explored in texts such as Philostratos5 Imagines and Lucian's De Domo^ suggesting a heightened awareness of viewing in this period.22 In all these instances the power of the viewer occurs through articulation— through a literary text. The first-person narrative, as for example Leukippe and Kleitophon and Polemon's Physiognomy', is particularly effective in conveying this idea because it explicitly sets up a dynamic of power between the narrator/viewer and the audience. The knowledgeable, active gaze ofthepepaideumenos is translated into a controlling narrative voice. The discussion now turns to an exploration of further aspects of the role of the author in narratives of viewing. The rhetoric of "objective5 viewing, particularly in scientific texts both ancient and modern, can obscure the importance of the author. Both in medical and physiognomic texts of the period, particular conceptual and interpretative systems directed the narratives of viewing which purported to be objective, often by using the rhetoric of art/ science (r^rj). The discussion focuses on the way that authorial revelatory viewing of the body as a constellation of signs was employed to construct biographical narratives of the future. This type of viewing and reading of the body is also compared with viewing thaumata in the interpretative context of temples, and reading narratives of the myth-historical past through them. The exercise of a powerful gaze and an articulate voice was a particular feature of science concerned with the human body—medicine and physiognomies. T. Barton has explored cthe diagnostic gaze3 of the second-century doctor and located it within a broader culture of viewing and rhetoric.23 Her research has convincingly put ancient science back into dialogue with other intellectual spheres in the period and has exposed the misconception of modern scientific teleological interpretations of Graeco-Roman medicine.24 Her interpretation of the revelatory aspects of Galen's writings has particular relevance to the issue of the relationship between authorial narrative and epistemological system.25 The concept that disease entered the body from outside rendered the body's interior a space which the doctor aimed to access by viewing, drugs, or surgery. Dissection of dead human bodies was a direct way of looking inside the body, but was only practised to a limited extent by doctors in antiquity because of religious scruples, sometimes enshrined in law.26 But dissections of animals were more 22

H. Morales, Vision and Narrative in Achilles Tatius* Leucippe and Clitophon (Cambridge, 2004), F. I. Zeitlin, 'Living portraits and sculpted bodies in Chariton's theater of romance', in S. Panayotakis, M. Zimmerman, and W. Keulen, eds., The Ancient Novel and Beyond (Leiden, 2003), 71-83, Z. Newby, 'Reading programs in Graeco-Roman art: reflections on the Spada reliefs', in D. Fredrick, ed., The Roman Gaze: Vision., Power and the Body (Baltimore, MD, 2002), 110-48, and 'Testing the boundaries of ekphrasis: Lucian On the Hall\ Ramus 31 (2002), 126-35. 23 24 Barton, Power and Knowledge. Barton, Power and Knowledge^ 15-17. 25 Barton, Power and Knowledge^ 137-68. 26 On human dissection in antiquity see L. Edelstein, Ancient Medicine: Selected Papers of Ludwig Edelstein^ ed. O. Temkin and C. L. Temkin (Baltimore, MD, 1967), 247-301, J. Scarborough, Roman

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common: Galen describes the public dissection both of an ape—used because of its similarity to the human form—and of an exotic elephant.27 In the highly competitive public debates between doctors dissection functioned as a useful method of proof.28 Although doctors had to argue for making analogies from animals to humans, dissection enabled them literally to lay bare the interior body and 'objectively3 to display it to their audience.29 Galen uses the term yv^vwoaL (cto strip') and its cognates several times in a passage on a dissection, and he describes his public dissection of the heart of the elephant as a Sef £1? ('demonstration5) to those who doubted his theories. He implies that those who did not agree with him simply did not know where to look.30 In fact, any such activity involved a process of identifying and naming parts, and positing connections between them.31 Furthermore, the interpretation of the function of different parts of the body involved intellectually locating them within the body system. This necessitated the use of particular intellectual frameworks and classificatory systems. The objective and scientific rhetoric of medical writings mirrors—and expresses—the myth of objective viewing in dissection. Public diagnoses and treatments were also features of second-century medical practice. The interior of the diseased body was revealed by visible signs (a^eia) which were read by the doctor as a narrative of what was going on "underneath5.32 Medicine (London, 1969), 168-70, and H. von Staden, 'The discovery of the body: human dissection and its cultural contexts in ancient Greece', Tale Journal of Biology and Medicine 65 (1992), 223-41. 27

Dissection of the ape: Galen, De Optimo Medico Cognoscendo 9,6, in A. Z. Iskandar, Galen., On Examinations by which the Best Physicians are Recognised (Arabic text and English translation), CMG Supplementum Orientale 4 (Berlin, 1988), 105. Dissection of the elephant: Galen, De Anatomicis Administrationibus 7.10 (Kiihn, Galen ii. 619-621), and J. Scarborough, 'Galen's dissection of the elephant', Koroth 8 no. 11-12 (1985), 123-34. 28 See Barton, Power and Knowledge, 147-9, and G. E. R. Lloyd, Adversaries and Authorities: Investigations into Ancient Greek and Chinese Science (Cambridge, 1996), 20-46 (competition between doctors); G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1969), 66-7, (connection between medicine and oratory, 'iatrosophists'); H. von Staden, 'Galen and the "Second Sophistic" ', in R. Sorabji, cd., Aristotle and After, BICS Suppl. 68 (London, 1997), 33-54, (Galen and epideictic culture of the Second Sophistic); H. King, 'The origins of medicine in the second century AD', in S. Goldhill and R. Osborne, eds., Rethinking Revolutions through Ancient Greece (Cambridge, 2006), 246-63 (second-century medicine). 29 On rhetoric and performance in Galen's descriptions of dissections see H. von Staden, 'Anatomy as rhetoric: Galen on dissection and persuasion*, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 50 (1994), 47-66, and 'Second Sophistic' (n. 28), and A. Debru, 'Les demonstrations medicales a Rome au temps de Galien', in Ph. J. van der Eijk, H. F. J. Horstmanshoff, and P. H. Schrijvers, eds., Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, vol. i (Amsterdam, 1995), 69-81. 30 Galen, De Anatomicis Administrationibus 7.10 and 7.12 (Kiihn, Galen ii. 620-1 and 630-1). 31 See R. Barthes, Mythologies (English translation by Annette Lavers; first published in French in 1957) (London, 2000), 81: 'one judges at the same time as one names'. 32 See Galen,^4d GlauconemDeMethodoMedendi 1.4 (Kiihn, Galen xi. 17) andZteLocisAjfectis 5.8 (Kiihn, Galen viii. 362) for instances where the signs of disease have not yet manifested themselves and the doctor i obliged to wait for a few days. See J. Perkins, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London, 1995), 142-72, especially 150-60.

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This sort of viewing resembled the practice of dissection in its dynamics of power: fundamentally the doctor visually penetrated the body of the patient who remained passive throughout the process, just as he cut into the body of a dead animal. In diagnostic narratives the patient never returns the penetrative gaze. Showing the audience a visible sign of the invisible processes of the interior body involved, to an even greater degree than in dissection, the assertion of a meaning for that sign and the implicit use of interpretative and classificatory systems for the body. For example, in Galen's diagnoses, urine, a substance which of course emerges from the interior of the body, is often described and analysed as visible proof of the invisible internal condition. But the patient's urine is interpreted in the particular context of Galen's complex systematization and classification of urine.33 Diagnosis on the basis of signs and logos was intimately linked to prognosis, and so a visible sign could be shown as proof of a future narrative of recovery or deterioration. On another level in Galen's writings correct diagnosis and prognosis, often argued on the basis of a visible—though interpreted—sign, are constructed as proof of the author's theories and classificatory systems of the body. In a sense these narratives, which themselves utilize the trope of objective viewing, implicitly draw aside the veil of objectivity and reveal the self-publicizing author of the scientific system. On a physical level, sanctuaries in which bodily relics were displayed played a similar role to the scientific systems of classification in which bodily signs were interpreted. Both physical sanctuaries and scientific intellectual systems formed the backdrop for the viewing and systematizing of bodies—especially sick and extraordinary ones. In effect both constituted interpretative frameworks for the body and operated by constructing past or future narratives about bodies. Galen's viewing and reading of the patient's body within his classificatory theories constructed a future narrative (prognosis) which in turn became relevant to the doctor's present prescriptions and the patient's understanding of his or her present condition. Similarly, viewing a bodily relic in the context of a temple constructed it as a thauma through a narrative of its past mythical history. These narratives were often closely connected to the sanctuary's cult, and therefore relevant to the viewer at ^& present. An example of this process was the display of Leda's egg in the temple of Hilaeira and Phoibe in Sparta, described by Pausanias.34 The egg, hung by ribbons from the ceiling of the temple, visually elicited, and to an extent confirmed, the well-known story of Leda and the swan, 33

Galen, De Urinis and De Urinis Compendium. Pausanias 3.16.1-3. On the construction of the past in Pausanias' text see S. E. Alcock, 'Landscapes of memory and the authority of Pausanias', in J. Bingen, ed., Pausanias Historien, Entretiens sur 1' Antiquite Classique 41 (Geneva, 1996), 241-67, E. L. Bowie, 'Past and present in Pausanias', in id., ibid. 207-39, K. W. Arafat, Pausanias'Greece: AncientArtists and Roman Rulers (Cambridge, 1996), 43-79, W. Hutton, 'The construction of religious space in Pausanias', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods, 291-317, at 296-7, 34

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and beyond that the story of Helen of Troy who was born from the egg. The geographical context in which it was viewed—Sparta—played a double role: on one level it identified the egg as Leda's, as the myth was connected to that location, and on another it claimed Helen as a local, Spartan heroine. Its display in the temple of Hilaeira and Phoibe, the Leukippides, connected it to the myth of the rape of the Leukippides by Helen's brothers the Dioskouroi. At the time Pausanias was writing, the identification of Hilaeira and Phoibe as the Leukippides was further signified in the cult by the naming of the virgin priestesses 'Leukippides'. In the interpretative context of the temple of Hilaeira and Phoibe the visible egg not only evoked a mythical narrative from the past, it also acted as a link between that mythical past and the present cult. Another example of the rich possibilities of reading narratives in bodies, and of the importance of the physical context of display as an interpretative framework, is the story of the permanent exhibit in Carthage of two hairy skins of women from the Gorgades islands. Pliny writes that Hanno placed the skins in the temple of Juno cas proof of the truth of his story and as curiosities' (ar0umenti et mimculi jjmtia).35 The bodily relics were proof of a number of things: Hanno's voyage to the distant Gorgades, his claim that the natives were hairy and his claim that the males were too swift to catch. The skins evoked a triumphalist narrative of Hanno's past voyage and of the specific incident of the Carthaginian chase and capture of some hairy natives. Their location in the temple of the patron goddess of Carthage further highlighted the imperialistic flavour of the story. At the same time, the skins, as a mimculum^ linked the present viewer to a foreign exotic landscape which continued to exist at the edge of the world. A significant difference between such thaumata and a live human body was that the former evoked stories about the myth-historical past, while the latter was read by the doctor or the physiognomist as a cipher for its future. With the help of sanctuary officials or guides thaumata elicited awe and wonder, or sometimes critical discussion.36 The prognostic reading of body signs sometimes entailed a and M. Pretzler, Pausanias: Travel Writing in Ancient Greece (London, 2007), 73-104. In the Description of Greece the display of monuments and thaumata is important in establishing the credibility of a story; conversely, the absence of these objects challenges their credibility: e.g. Pausanias 9.41.2 (the chest supposedly made by Hephaistos and brought back by Eurypylos from Troy to Patrai is not exhibited to view; it is not genuine); 9.40.9 (the absence of trophies in Chaironeia confirms the story that Macedonian kings do not put up war trophies). See below, chapter four, pp. 165-6, for a discussion of the Triton at the temple of Dionysos at Tanagra as a thauma and its function in evoking a mythical narrative (Pausanias 9.20.4). 35

Pliny, Natural History 6.200. References to guides (ef^y^rcu) who narrate stories of local significance in Pausanias' Description of Greece include: 1.13.8,1.41.2, 5.6.6, 5.10.7. On guides in this text see C. P. Jones, Tausanias and his guides', in S. E. Alcock, J. F. Cherry, and J. Eisner, eds., Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece (New York, NY, 2001), 33-9. See also Plutarch, De E apud Delphos for a dramatization of a discussion about an inscription at the sanctuary. 36

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sense of mystery. Galen's success in reading the future course of disease in the patient's body enabled his rivals and enemies to accuse him of being a magician (yo^?).37 As explored above in chapter one, it was particularly effective to accuse an educated man of being a yo7?s- because the distinction between a philosopher and magician was more a matter of polemical (self-) presentation than a difference in realm of activity. In particular, philosophers and holy men were expected to have preternatural insight into others, but Galen was accused of causing the insights he proclaimed. An important way that Galen rebutted this claim was to insist on the rational, scientific basis of his prognoses, and to deny any intuitive dimension: his 'foresight' (TTPOVOLO) was based on logos and could be acquired by any dedicated student. While the survival and status of the Galenic corpus undoubtedly suggests that these writings were found to be useful by other physicians, Galen's revelatory narratives of medical practice underlined his status as a uniquely talented practitioner.38 In this period the genre of biography explicitly contained this element of revelation. As P. Cox writes, "biography was revelatory discourse, aimed at disclosing a man's inner self.39 This psychic—as opposed to physical—interior, the character (7?0os), was revealed through the narration of a selection of deeds (Trpa^et?).40 The latter, in effect, functioned as signs in the revelation of character, not unlike the bodily signs in physiognomical "readings' of character. But whereas in medicine and physiognomies physical signs were read to reveal the present state of the person and his or her future life narrative, in biography deeds were read to construct the unchanging character of the subject and his or her past life narrative. In addition to the common revelatory theme, biographical, medical, and physiognomic writings all employ "selective viewing' of "signs' in the construction of particular life narratives, despite claims to objectivity. Furthermore just as the Galenic interpretation of those signs is particular on account of the specific classificatory systems used to give meaning to them, so the interpretation of character signs in biographical and physiognomical writings is particular on account of the specific system of character types in which the authors are operating, or which they explicitly construct.41 The propagandist nature of ancient biography had a long history which stretched back to the birth of the genre, and was connected to its role in promoting or decrying particular philosophical schools by means of literary 37

See Galen, De Praenotione Ad Posthumum Liber i (Kiihn, Galen xiv.599-6o4). Barton, Power and Knowledge, 137-68. 39 P. Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity: A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley, CA, 1983), p. xi. 40 See Plutarch, Alexander 1.1-2, Sulla 8, and introductions to Julius Caesar, Nikias, and Galba. On the character (^Bog) of Plutarch's subjects see T. DufF, Plutarch's Lives: Exploring Virtue and Vice (Oxford, 1999), 72-98. 41 See for example Theophrastos for the literary tradition of character types, and below pp. 85-7 on character types in Polemon, Physiognomy and Philostratos, Gymnastikos. 38

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portraits of their founders or leaders. For example, Xenophon and Aristoxenos of Tarentum respectively presented positive and negative portraits of Sokrates. Life narratives of the great philosophers of the past had present relevance to a reader in the Second Sophistic partly because of the continuing cultural importance of philosophical schools. Similarly in aretalogies the reader reached the soul of a theios aner through the biographer's selective reading of his deeds, and this acquaintance constituted a present link between him and the divine. The connection between the outward, visible body and the mind or soul is also explored in Dio Chrysostom's Orations 28 and 29 about the boxer Melankomas. Here the athlete's physical beauty is explicitly linked to his moral qualities of moderation and wisdom. Dio plays with the irony of the image of a boxer with a beautiful rather than a marked and battered body, and throughout emphasizes the inextricable connection between, and mutual influence of, body and character.42 Beauty emerges as the most important signifier of identity in these orations. The theory of the humours, developed by Galen in this period, was a complex scientific system which also linked the body and soul. His work Quod Animi Mores Corporis Temperaments Sequantur set out a humoral definition of the soul. Galen's interest in the theory is also attested by his writing three commentaries on the Hippokratic Humours^ and the same number onAirs^ Waters, and Places. He suggests that this latter work should be renamed Habitations, Water, Seasons, and Lands emphasizing the effect of the environment (location and weather) on the 'humoral' human being.43 Galen's understanding of the relationship between body and soul was complex, but certainly a harmony between the two was envisaged.44 In fact, Galen's quarrel with athletic trainers centred on the accusation that they privileged the body over the mind.45 Within the framework of these debates Dio's Orations 28 and 29 and Philostratos' Gymnastikos can be interpreted as polemical reappropriations of the idea of the connection of body and soul.46 In the Gymnastikos for instance, Philostratos describes the types of athletes according to the humours, paying attention both to physical condition and to disposition of character.47 42 Dio Chrysostom, Oration 28 Melankomas II, 5-6 (Melankomas' moderation as well as his beauty praised); Oration 29Melankomas I, 2-3 (elite soul and bodily beauty linked), 8-9 (moral courage is fostered by athletics), 14 (self-control and wisdom made Melankomas physically strong). See J. Komg^ Athletics and Literature in the Roman Empire (Cambridge, 2005), 139-57. 43 Galen, De Libris Propriis 6 (Kiihn, Galen xix. 36): c . . . and on Places, Airs, and Waters which I claim should be entitled rather Habitations, Waters, Seasons, and Lands? 44 G. Boys-Stones, 'Physiognomy and ancient psychological theory5, in Swain, Seeing the Face (n. 2), 19-124. 45 See Galen, Adhortatio Ad Artes Addiscendas and Utrum Medicinae Sit An Gymnastices Hygieine, Ad Thrasybulum Liber, See also Barton, Power and Knowledge, 152 and 224-5 n. 103, and S. Miiller, Das Volk der Athleten (Trier, 1995), 306-16 for a summary account of Galen's athletic thinking. 46 Philostratos, Gymnastikos 44 (diatribe against iWpi/oj); see Konig, Athletics (n. 42), 315-25. 47 Philostratos, Gymnastikos 42.

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Physiognomical writings, like medical and athletic treatises, focused directly on the body. They used complex systems of classification and interpretation for the physical characteristics of the body in order to access the interior soul and even future life narrative of a person. In antiquity it was believed that Aristotle was the author of a treatise on physiognomies, now generally thought to have been a product of the third-century BC Aristotelian school.48 Aristotle's standing certainly lent credibility to physiognomies, which otherwise had an ambiguous reputation. For example, Pliny expresses wonder at Aristotle's acceptance of the theory, and writes that had it not been for Aristotle's fame he would not have mentioned the practice clest everybody should anxiously seek to find auguries (tmjjuria,) in himself.49 The use of the word augurium^ traditionally used in contexts of prophecy and soothsaying, suggests that it is particularly the divinatory aspects of physiognomies, rather than "character reading5, which Pliny objects to. Elsewhere he writes of the possibilities of judging the mind through the appearance of the eyes (the most 'telling' feature in physiognomical hierarchies of the body) and his description of the eyes of the Julio-Claudian emperors has significant similarities to physiognomical observations.50 In a passage of the Oneirokritika Artemidoros also implicitly condemns the divinatory aspects of physiognomies in his listing of physiognomists with other false practitioners of divination, such as c . . . Pythagoreans, the prophets who divine from dice, from cheese, from sieves, from forms and figures, from palms, from dishes, necromancers'.51 Graeco-Roman physiognomies tended primarily towards description of character and mores rather than prognostication of the future. However, this distinction is not clear since description of character and mores easily turns into a cipher for future behaviour. Polemon's treatise is an example of the elision of character description through body signs and outright prediction of the future.52 In fact the distinction between prognostication and character description tends to collapse on examination of physiognomic treatises. Perhaps more relevant to people's attitudes towards physiognomies was the self-presentation of the physiognomist. For instance, Artemidoros' list implies that physiognomists, like 'diviners from cheese', are travelling charlatans of no particular social or intellectual standing. 48

Pliny, Natural History 11.273 (reference to Aristotle's treatise). See E. C. Evans, Physiognomies in the Ancient World, TAPS 59, Part 5 (Philadelphia, PA, 1969), 7-10 and 22-4. 49 Pliny, Natural History 11.273. 50 Pliny, Natural History 11.145: 'in fact the eyes are the abode of the mind' ('profecto in oculis animus habitat5); 11.143-4 on the Julio-Claudian emperors. 51 Artemidoros, Oneirokritika 2.69. 52 e.g. the Leiden Polemon ch. 68, 457 (the woman from Fmqwlyh^ probably Perge); ch. 69, 457~9 (the wedding parties at Dmsws, interpreted either as Damaskos or emended to Samos, and at Zmrwyn, probably Smyrna); ch. 70, 461 (general statement about predicting the future through physiognomies, and the example of the hypocrite who pretended his son had drowned).

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This image is very far from that painted by Polemon of himself as a cultured travelling companion of Hadrian, covertly eyeing everyone with a physiognomist's gaze. The elite/popular dichotomy seems to underlie some of the criticisms of physiognomies. Physiognomical theories occur in a wide variety of texts in the Graeco-Roman period, to the extent that R. Garland has suggested that there was a 'physiognomic consciousness' at the time.53 Galen makes use of physiognomical theories in his writings, while in the Gymnastikos Philostratos asserts that knowledge of physiognomies is necessary for the athletic trainer not only to judge the boy's character, but also to reveal his hereditary £past' and his future athletic performance.54 While these examples are taken from medical and athletic writings which focus on the body, an episode in Philostratos' Vita Apollonii suggests the relevance of physiognomies to the education of the mind.55 When he is in India Apollonios asks the king about his command of the Greek language and his practice of philosophy. In the course of his reply the king describes the way that pupils are chosen to study philosophy: their purity is established both by investigations into their family history and by physiognomic scrutiny.56 A more diffused influence of these theories can be found in the writings of Suetonius, who held the post ab epistulis under Hadrian: it has been argued that his descriptions of the appearances of the emperors in the Lives of the Caesars correspond to the physiognomic principles in pseudo-Aristotle and Polemon, while his interest in the appearance of the body, and indeed in the unusual body, is also reflected in the subject of two lost works mentioned in the Suda, On the names and types of clothes and On physical defects.57 A strong sense of visual characterization is also evident in Philostratos' Heroikos^ in which the appearance of each Homeric hero is described in turn by the winegrower, a friend of the hero Protesilaos who had been on the Trojan expedition, at the express request of his interlocutor, a Phoenician traveller.58 In the sphere of painting and sculpture, 53

R. Garland, The Eye of the Beholder: Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World (London,

1995), 87. 54 On Galen and physiognomies see Evans, Physiognomies (n. 48), 24-6. Philostratos, Gymnastikos 25-39. 55 Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 2.29-30. 56 Compare the tradition that Pythagoras chose his pupils by physiognomical scrutiny: see Porphyry, Vita Pythagorae 13 and lamblichos, Vita Pythagoriea 17.71. 57 Evans, Physiognomies (n. 48), 53-6 (detailed examinations of the portraits of Augustus, Caligula, and Tiberius). See Cox, Biography (n. 39), 14-15. 58 Description of the Homeric heroes: Philostratos, Heroikos 25.18-42.4. See 33.38 for the Phoenician's specific request to csee' Palamedes; the description of Paris (40.6) has similarities to physiognomical descriptions of the lustful, dissolute man: Tor surely that man not only inspected himself all around for the sake of his adornment, but also examined his weapons carefully. He attached panthers' skins to his shoulders, he did not allow dirt to settle on his hair, not even when he was fighting, and he polished his fingernails. He had a rather aquiline nose and white skin, his eyes were painted, and his left eyebrow rose above the eye.'

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beautiful bodies were thought to express noble souls, drawing on the deeprooted connection between beauty and goodness.59 Portraits were expected to reflect the characters of their subjects as well as to produce a physical likeness. In effect, as Philostratos the Younger explains in the proemium of the Imagines^ good painters must be able to read their subjects' minds in their faces and then reproduce them in portraits: Tor he who is to be a true master of the art (rcxvrj) must have a good knowledge of human nature, he must be able to discern the signs of men's character (rjd&v ^v^oXa) even when they are silent, and what is revealed in the state of the cheeks and the expression of the eyes and the character of the eyebrows and, to put the matter briefly, whatever has to do with the mind (yvoojUT?).'60 Taking this a step further, Pliny mentions a report of a cmetoscopos5 who actually practised physiognomies on Apelles5 extraordinarily lifelike portraits: he viewed the portrait and calculated the age of the person at the time the portrait was made.61 These latter instances reveal much about the perception of the relationship between a person and his or her representation in image or text, a theme taken up in chapter five in the context of votive offerings in the Pergamene Asklepieion. The discussion now turns specifically to Polemon's Physiognomy. The orator Polemon is connected both to the Pergamene Asklepieion, where he went as a pilgrim and made a votive offering (examined in chapter five), and to Aristides whose teacher he was. The discussion initially explores aspects of the rhetoric of the author's self-presentation as both theios aner and scientist, and his consequent presentation of physiognomies as both inspired prediction, and as a techne subject to rules. Related to this is the tension between the physiognomic subject as unique and the generic system of classification and interpretation that Polemon purports to employ in the instruction of his reader. In the Physiognomy Polemon succeeded in combining the rhetoric of science with that of extraordinary and divine inspiration. The tension between these two manners of presentation runs throughout the work. In the introduction the physiognomic method is metaphorically described as a choly image' (ayaXfjia oe^vov) and its discovery is ascribed to cdivine men' (Oeioi avSpes).62 The physiognomist knows the 'character' (rjOos) and 'purpose of the lives' 59 Philostratos the Younger, Imagines proemium 5, KBPI lines 11-18: 'Learned men of olden times have written much, I believe, about symmetry in painting, laying down laws, as it were, about the proper relation of each part of the figure to other parts, as though it were impossible for an artist to express successfully the emotions of the mind, unless the body's harmony falls within the measurements prescribed by nature; for the figure that is abnormal and that exceeds these measurements cannot, so they claim, express the emotions of a rightly constituted being.' 60 Philostratos the Younger, Imagines proemium 3, K39O line 20 to 391 line i. 61 Pliny, Natural History 35.88. On the relationship between physiognomies and sculpture see J. Eisner, 'Physiognomies: art and text', in Swain, Seeing the Face (n. 2), 203-24. 62 Adamantios, Physiognomy Ai—A2, 494-7.

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8l

(-rrpoOeaiv J3ia>v) of all people cas if by some God-given and unerring art of prophecy3 (KaOoL7T€p OL7TO TIVO$ 9€O7T€ fjiTTTOV KCil OLTrXaVOVS (JiaVT€L d?) .63 PolcmOn'S CXpliclt

statement of the prophetic nature of physiognomies has already been mentioned. This implicit styling of himself as a holy man was logically extended to his branding of his arch-rival Favorinus as a magician: cHe was also a deceitful magician, and would swindle, telling people that he could give life and bring death... He would corroborate that by his words about the occult. He was a leader in evil and a teacher of it. He would collect kinds of fatal poisons, and the whole sum of his intellect was engaged in one of [ipa] these matters.564 Polemon suggests that by becoming a physiognomist one would acquire superhuman insight to direct into one's acquaintances, in order to protect oneself and one's family from evil people. In other words he offers the reader a glimpse of a new world within his existing social circle. This revelatory and visionary aspect of Polemon's work, the author's privileged viewing, is a feature of religious discourse, which is explored in chapter three in the context of Aristides' rhetorical transformation of his own, familiar, sick body into a new, wondrous, divinely favoured body. In addition to the presentation of physiognomies as prophecy and its discoverers as holy men, Polemon simultaneously establishes the theory explicitly as a techne and himself as its highly skilled practitioner.65 He emphasizes its usefulness in sifting real friends from enemies and states that 'therefore sensible men should work at the observation of this art (re'x^) with all enthusiasm'.66 In the work as a whole the scientific nature of physiognomies is established in part by the construction of intricate systems of classification of body parts (in particular the eye) and character types. Such taxonomies and complex systems of subdivision and interpretative classification played a crucial role in polemical claims to science.67 A crucial claim in rhetorically establishing a techne was that it could be learned by any diligent person.68 Although its practice involved the exercise of privileged 63

64 Adamantios, Physiognomy A2, 494-?The Leiden Polemon ch. i Azo, 379. See Barthes, Mythologies (n. 31), 68-70, 'The brain of Einstein', for an analysis of the popular presentation of Einstein's brain as a machine (whose thoughts were measured by electrical currents and which was finally preserved as a specimen) which produced a magical formula, E = me2 (the 'key5 to the universe), at a moment of inspiration. He is £at once magician and machine' (70), not unlike Polemon who presents himself both as theios aner and philosopher. 66 Adamantios, Physiognomy Aa, 494~767 See Barton, Power and Knowledge, 85-6, 107-9; 85: 'Distinctions are the mark of a real re'^vT?.' In the Oneirokritika 4.20 Artemidoros advises his son: Tf you give a bare, simple explanation, you'll appear to be inexperienced.' On Artemidoros' method see S. R. F. Price, 'The future of dreams, from Freud to Artemidorus', PastPres 113 no. 3 (1986), 1-37; revised in R. Osborne, ed., Studies in Ancient Greek and Roman Society (Cambridge, 2004), 226-59. 68 On the possibility of learning and independently practising physiognomies see: the Leiden Polemon ch. i A8, 351; ch. i A20, 377; ch. 70, 461. For the possibility of learning the medical techne see Galen, DeLocis Affectis 3.4 (Kiihn, Galen viii. 146) and De Praecognotione as a whole. On Galen's presentation of prognosis 65

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knowledge, this knowledge, it was claimed, was acquired through rational study, and was not bestowed as a divine favour. Aristides' presentation of his oratorical training as divinely directed by Asklepios, and his delivery of a speech in terms of divine, almost mantic inspiration, differs markedly from this emphasis on the acquisition oftechne through study. However, the apparent transparency of the rules of physiognomies, and the strict hierarchies of signs—the scientific elements that would allow the reader to master the system and practice it beyond the text—are in fact superseded by the principle of "overall impression' (eViTrpeVeia) which turns out to be the final weighing up of the carefully differentiated signs by the physiognomist and which is not itself explained or subject to rules.69 One of the effects of this model is that ultimate authority remains with the author and is not transferred out of his hands to the 'objective science5 which he has so carefully constructed through rhetoric and presentation. Galen's admission that his great experience is a tool in his diagnoses and that this cannot be learned from books, in functional terms parallels the physiognomist5s use of epiprepeia.™ In effect this is a mystical exercise of knowledge—of power—which reasserts the model of the divinely favoured theios aner. Aristides3 careful recording of Asklepios' prescriptions, and his simultaneous insistence that they are only efficacious if prescribed personally by the god, similarly offer credentials while at the same time asserting the author's unique position.71 The expert author's unique intuition or experience is an important factor in the establishment of his credibility with the reader. M. Gleason has emphasized the autobiographical nature of many of Polemon's stories in the Physiognomy and the importance of the author's self-presentation.72 Autopsy is a powerful tool with which to persuade the reader of the validity of the physiognomic system as a whole. Similarly Galen uses case histories as examples to demonstrate his theories about diseases and methods of diagnosis and prognosis.73 It is not just the individuality of the authors but also of their subjects that enters into their texts, and paradoxically helps to construct the 'objective' system. In Polemon's case the inclusion of so many individual examples was an innovation in physiognomical writing. In Galen's case, the tension between general theory and individual patient had a long history in medical writing going back to in that treatise see V. Nutton, Galen On Prognosis^ CMG V 8, i (Berlin, 1979), Commentary, 233: 'Prognosis is not something remarkable or paradoxical, but something that can be explained logically, that can be easily taught and learned; and, although it requires more intelligence than the simple calculation of the supposed intervals between days of crisis, it is well within the power of the average doctor...' 69 Adamantius, Physiognomy Bi. For a discussion of eTnirpcireia see Gie&son, Making Men, 33-7. The term is used in pseudo-Aristotle, Physiognomies Sopa. 70 Galen, Ad Glauconem De Methodo Medendi 1.9 (Kuhn, Galen xi.gi—2). 71 e.g. H.L. 11.76 (Aristides' imitators come to grief; see below, chapter three, pp. 134-5. 72 Gleason, Making Men, 37-54. 73 e.g. Galen, Ad Glauconem De Methodo Medendi 1.9 (Kuhn, Galen xi. 27).

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83

the Hippokratic opposition of Aoyos- (scientific knowledge) and Zpyov (therapeutic activity). In one instance Galen graphically expresses his emphasis on theory and classification over the individual patient: 'Which of us has learnt the science of healing (TTJV depaTrevriK^v r^xvr]v) from the pleuritic John Smith? No one. Not even from a pleuritic patient generally speaking. No, science (at TC'XVCU) consists in concepts of genera and species ... ? 7 4 The technical language used in case histories and the frequent exclusion of the name of the patient can be interpreted as objectifying strategies, which shift the focus from the individual as a person to the individual body as an example of the process of an identified and classified disease.75 In Polemon's Physiognomy the tension between individual and taxonomic system is even deeper: it is not only that the taxonomic system is constructed by individual examples, but that these individuals are sometimes explicitly said to be unique. For example, the man from Lydia, cthe Crab3, chad eyes that quivered a lot and they were small, and in their great redness they did not look like other people's eyes5.76 Favorinus and Hadrian are the two most prominent examples who embody extreme degeneracy and nobility respectively. Their uniqueness implies that the reader will never be confronted by such physiognomic types, and therefore that they are not very useful as physiognomic examples. But the degree to which Polemon's treatise was used as a practical handbook is open to question, and the undoubtedly literary considerations played a part in the decision to include examples of interesting and famous unique individuals.77 The inclusion of unique individuals in the Physiognomy suggests parallels with real and literary collections ofthaumata explored later in chapter four. However, the importance of the individual in the midst of the carefully constructed techne is actually affirmed by Polemon. The ethnographic system of physiognomies is explicitly said to be less accurate than individual assessment: cit is also necessary to judge man by man how they differ individually, rather than by race. Thus conducting physiognomy on a man-by-man basis is the most exact3.78 This passage hints at the need for a highly nuanced system of interpretation for 74

Galen, De Pulsuum Differentiis 2.7 (Kiihn, Galen viii.6i2). See L. Garcia Ballester, 'Galen as a medical practitioner5, in V. Nutton, ed., Galen: Problems and Prospects (London, 1981), 13-46, especially 18-24, on the tension between individual patient and nosographic system in Galen. 76 The Leiden Polemon ch. i Ai3, 365. Compare the Hunterian Museum (part of the Royal College of Surgeons at Lincoln's Inn Fields): John Hunter's project of scientific classification was combined with the collecting of miracula—'freaks', including the skeletons of the 'Irish Giant5 and the minuscule Caroline Crachami (still on display). See J. Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine: On Comparison of Early Christianities and the Religions of Late Antiquity (London, 1990), 36-8, on the paradox inherent in the concept (generic) of the 'unique'. 77 For a discussion of the practical usefulness of Polemon's Physiognomy see Swain, 'Polemon's Physiognomy' (n. 3), 154-5. 78 Adamantios, Physiognomy A2, 494-7. 75

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the infinite variations of human character and body. In a sense it privileges the individual over the general system. There are certain passages in Galen which also acknowledge the unique condition of the individual patient which defies formulae.79 In the Gymnastikos^ although Philostratos insists that athletic training is an art with general rules, he objects to the training system of ctetrades' on the grounds that it is applied indiscriminately to athletes, whereas a more profound understanding of the individual could be gained through a physiognomical reading of his naked body.80 Both in Galen's writings and in Polemon's Physiognomy the rhetoric of science and personal, autobiographical aspects are in fact paradoxically linked. It is argued in the next section that the same kind of paradoxical mutual relationship exists in contemporary travel narratives between the objective discourse of measurement and the personal element of autopsy and autobiography.

DISCOURSES OF TRAVEL AND MEASUREMENT: POLEMON'S PHYSIOGNOMY, ITINERARIA, AND PERIPLOUS TEXTS, IMAGES OF THE LANDSCAPE

In the Physiognomy Polemon writes about his travels in Asia Minor as a companion of the emperor Hadrian, probably in the spring or summer of 124. This journey explicitly gives rise to one physiognomic anecdote, admittedly not about a 'local encounter5, but about another of the emperor's travel companions.81 Polemon seems to have joined the imperial party in Thrace, travelled to Athens and on to Ionia, Lydia, and Phrygia; at this point he and some others sailed back to Achaia, while Hadrian went to Rhodes and then on to Athens.82 In addition to this journey as Hadrian's companion, Polemon travelled to different cities in order to deliver speeches, and in recognition of the value of these trips the emperor Trajan had granted him free travel by land and sea. Hadrian subsequently extended this privilege to Polemon's descendants. The purpose of Polemon's travels, like those of other sophists, was to give oratorical performances.83 However, the covert nature of Polemon's physiognomic gaze and the opportunity of meeting interesting subjects on tour suggests that all of Polemon's travels may have had a physiognomic dimension.84 In fact in the Physiognomy 79

e.g. Galen, DeMethodoMedendi 3.1 and 3.3 (Kiihn, Galen x. 159-62 and 181-6). 81 Philostratos, Gymnastikos 47. The Leiden Polemon ch. i Ai2, 361-5. 82 Bowersock, Sophists (n. 28), 120-3, and Swain, Tolemon's Physiognomy' (n. 3), 163-7. 83 On travelling sophists see Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum^ and G. Anderson, The Second Sophistic: A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire (London and New York, NY, 1993), 28-30. 84 Adamantios, Physiognomy A4,498-9: 'you must not warn the man on whom you are about to practise physiognomy beforehand, lest he prepare by changing himself and disturb the signs.' 80

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he relates physiognomic encounters in a wide variety of locations, although the reading of the place names in the Arabic Leiden manuscript is sometimes problematic.85 Moreover, on one occasion he explicitly says that he deliberately went to see an extraordinary physiognomic specimen, the man from Lydia, cthe Crab5, on what might be called a 'physiognomic excursion'.86 Polemon's actual journeys, which revealed new lands and new people to him, are paralleled in the Physiognomy at various levels. Those anecdotes which refer to different geographical locations evoke a fragmentary authorial travel narrative. Polemon's travels match his 'textual travels5 which he performs by means of his itinerant gaze. The landscape which he scans, encounters, interprets, categorizes, is the landscape of the human body. Like a travel writer (for example Arrian in the Periplous of the Euxine Sea) Polemon claims autopsy of the landscape he describes to the reader and this is an important aspect of his claim to credibility. The Physiognomy also resembles a travel narrative in its presentation of a new landscape, a new world, to the reader. Although on one level that landscape is the body surface, on another it is the interior space of the body—the character. Through this tour, Polemon constructs an encyclopaedic collection of body signs which purport to enable the reader to continually access the cnew world5 in his own physiognomic 'travels5. His revelatory gaze (honed by experience and autopsy) is combined with the rhetoric of techne in this exercise, just as Arrian's personal views and selective description of the Euxine Sea are combined with a painstaking listing of the ports and rivers he passes, and a recording of the distances between them.87 There is evidence for the conceptual link between a physical landscape and a personal, biographical one at the very inception of the biographical genre: the first known biographer, Skylax of Karyanda, who wrote a biography of Herakleides, tyrant of Mylasa, also wrote about his own travels along the Indian coasts.88 The definition of the self or the biographical subject by reference to the world is an obvious important link between the two. Individuals are located and identified in the world landscape through a variety of broad categories—sexual, 85

e.g. the Leiden Polemon ch. 68,457 (Fmqwlyh^ probably Perge); ch. 69,457 (Dmsws, interpreted either as Damaskos or emended to Samos); ch. 69, 459 (Zmrwyn, probably Smyrna). See Swain, 'Polemon's Physiognomy" (n. 3), 164-5, with n. 164. 86 The Leiden Polemon ch. i Ai3, 365: 'He was from the land called Lydia, and he was called 'the Crab' because of the similarity of his eyes to those of the crab. When his nature was mentioned to me I set off to meet him out of a wish [to] know what the external form of his eyes indicated of his inner nature.' 87 Compare Barthes, Mythologies (n. 31), 65-7, 'The Nautilus and the Drunken Boat'. Jules Verne, whose 'tendency is exactly that of an eighteenth century encyclopaedist' (65), and whose basic activity is 'unquestionably that of appropriation' (66), uses science to create an imaginary cosmogony which is traversed and appropriated by man. 88 Herodotos 4.44: Skylax was admiral of the Persian fleet under Darios I and sailed down the Indos river and eventually round to Suez.

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social, intellectual, ethnic, economic. In the Physiognomy Polemon constructs social categories through the medium of the body: his penetrative one-way gaze uncovers well-known types—the brave, the lustful, the stupid—and displays them to the reader, who becomes a complicit voyeur of the cnew world'. The interior landscape of the body is thus defined by reference to the exterior, social landscape. In Philostratos' VitaApollonii one of the ways in which Apollonios is characterized as a thews aner is through his travels in the geographical and cultural landscape.89 His encounters with foreign people and customs give the author the opportunity to flesh out Apollonios5 individual life narrative. Moreover in this text the world landscape is introduced in order to be traversed and in some sense conquered by the sage. The extent of his wisdom is paralleled by the breadth of the earth. In the Physiognomy it is Polemon who occupies the omniscient role and whose travels perhaps hint at this broad experience. The taxonomy set up in the Physiognomy is kept firmly under authorial control both by the use of epiprepeia in ascribing meaning to combinations of signs and by the particular organization of material as far as this can be understood from the surviving versions.90 He begins with the eyes, and then basically moves from the toes up. The peculiar itinerary of his gaze over the body landscape functions in a similar way to a travel writer's particular itinerary in the physical landscape and his selective recording of it. In both cases itineraries function as controlling mechanisms. The arrangement of the material is interestingly inverted in passages which deal explicitly with the hierarchy of the parts of the body, where the order is basically from the head down. Male and female categories and character types are also discussed, and by this means the physiognomic subject is located within a wider social web. The concentric circles of the taxonomy next encompass the world of nature through identification of animal types through similarities in physical features.91 In the ethnographic section Polemon's gaze ranges across the earth and locates the human body geographically. The idea of the influence of the environment on people's bodies and temperaments was well established. It is expressed both in Herodotos' Histories and in the Hippokratic corpus, in particular mAirs, Waters, 89 On holy men as travellers see G. Anderson, Sage, Saint and Sophist: Holy Men and their Associates in the Early Roman Empire (London, 1994), 167-77 and J. Eisner,£Hagiographic geography: travel and allegory in the Life ofApollonius ofTyana\JRS 117 (1997), 22-37. 90 Barton, Power and Knowledge, 107. 91 (i) Parts of the body: Adamantios, Physiognomy Bi, 516-17 (eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, cheeks, head, neck, chest, shoulders, hands, legs, feet, stomach), and the Leiden Polemon ch. i Bi, 381-3 (eyes, eyebrows, forehead, nose, mouth, jaw, head, face, throat, chest, shoulders, stomach, back, forearms, ankles, feet) (2) Animal types, combined with concepts of femininity and masculinty: Adamantios, Physiognomy 62,516-19, and the Leiden Polemon ch. i B2-ch. 2, 383-95. See Swain, Tolemon's Physiognomy* (n. 3), 179-80. Compare Philostratos, Gymnastikos 35 (physiognomic interpretation of the body from the head downwards) and 48 (character types).

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Places.92 In Oration 21 On Beauty^ Dio expounds the theory that there are different types of racial beauty.93 He uses the example of the Homeric heroes and explains that the Greeks and Trojans would have been handsome in different ways. The importance of the viewer's gaze in reading the codes of racial beauty is hinted at by Dio when he writes that the Greeks only admired Hektor's beauty after his death, Tor I imagine that before this they had been too busily occupied to gaze upon him critically.'94 In Polemon's Physiognomy the critical 'ethnographic gaze' elicits not only the peculiar physical features of different races but also indications of their racial character.95 Polemon begins with the northern race: they are ctall, white, red-haired, blue-eyed, rough to the touch, with thick ankles, chubby bodies, good fatness, soft flesh, large bellies, and they are lacking in anger and investigation. They have forgetfulness, sincerity, and bad memory'.96 Polemon's gaze takes the reader not only on a tour around the contours of the northern body, but also through its psychic interior on the implicit assumption that the two aspects are linked. Polemon in effect takes the reader on a Vorld tour5 which encompasses the whole earth: north, south, east, and west, following the geographic model of zones of the world (K\L jLtara). Fundamentally the theory he follows is Aristotelian—moderation is best and extremes are detrimental. This translates itself on to the geographical plane and Greece is revealed to be the ideal landscape, in effect the centre of the earth with reference to which all other places are located and defined. Polemon describes the ideal Greek type emphasizing the element of moderation and balance.97 The moderate climatic and geographical features of the physical landscape are read in the physical and mental characteristics of the £pure Greek'. In Philostratos' Gymnastikos the physiognomical reading of the body is compared to the reading of the seasons in the stars, while in Antonius Diogenes' The Incredible Things beyond Thule the connection between the human body and the stars occurs in the sympathetic waxing and waning of the eyes of the character Astraios according to the phases of the moon.98 Polemon's reading of the landscape in the racial bodies reverses the usual practice of reading a person's character and future in the cosmos—in the stars. In the Hieroi Logoi^ the power of the human body over the cosmos is further extended: Aristides affects the climate and even a spate of earthquakes through his relationship with Asklepios, which centres, of course, on his body. In their lives both Polemon and his pupil Aristides manipulated the connection between geography and identity: they both adopted Smyrna as their city and tied 92

e.g. Herodotos 9.122, see R. Thomas, Herodotus in Context: Ethnography, Science and the Art of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2000), 28-101; H. Diller, Uber die Umwelt: De aere aquis locis, CMG 11, 2 (Berlin, 1970). 93 94 Dio Chrysostom, Oration 21 On Beauty, 16-17. Dio Chrysostom, Oration 21 On Beauty^ 17. 95 Adamantios, Physiognomy 631-2, 532-3, and the Leiden Polemon ch. 31 B3i-ch. 35 632, 423-7. 96 The Leiden Polemon ch. 32 631, 423-5; see also Adamantios, Physiognomy 631,532-3. 97 The Leiden Polemon ch. 35, 632, 427. 98 Philostratos, Gymnastikos 25 and Antonius Diogenes, The Incredible Things beyond Thule 4.

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their careers quite closely to the fortunes of that city." In the Physiognomy Polemon presents a Greece-centred world geography, although he chooses the (Spanish) Roman emperor Hadrian as the pinnacle of the human race.100 In the first century Vitruvius had rejected the traditional geography which placed Greece at the centre of the world, and had transferred that privilege to Rome.101 Galen mentions that Polemon described Rome as cthe epitome of the world5 (rrjs OIKOVH<=VY]S eTrtro^^).102 This emphasis on the ecumenical nature of Rome, its variety, and attraction of people from the whole world is echoed by other writers of the period.103 Polemon's description of Rome as cthe epitome of the world5 may appear to contradict his praise of Greek racial purity in the Physiognomy', but the principle of balance and moderation may have been met by the very variety of the multiethnic capital city. In addition to the explicitly ethnographic sections of the Physiognomy on a structural level the peregrination of the body resembles a narrative of, or guide to, a new land.104 In such 'travel texts51 include a variety of material ranging from the bare lists of theAntonine Itinerary and the StadiasmusMarisMq0ni to Arrian5s Periplous oftheEuxine Sea which is a work of considerable literary ambition.105 It is open to question whether these were intended to be used as practical guides by travellers. The discourse which they all share, and which is relevant to Polemon5s 99

Polemon became a citizen and benefactor of Smyrna (see Gleason, Making Men^ 21-4 and Barton, Power and Knowledge, 103). Aristides acted on behalf of the city and officially requested the emperor for aid to repair the city after a devastating earthquake (Oration i% A Monody for Smyrna). On the intercessions to the emperor of Polemon and Aristides on behalf of Smyrna see Bowersock, Sophists (n. 28), 44-6. 100 S. Swain argues that the description of Hadrian is ambivalent, and partly on this basis suggests that the text was published after Hadrian's death, see Swain, 'Polemon's Physiognomy" (n. 3), 167-8. 101 Vitruvius, De Architecture 6. i. 10-11. 102 Galen, Hippocratis DeArticulis Liber et Galeni in Eum Commentarii Quattuor 22, De Humero lisModis Prolapse Quos Hippocrates Non Vidit (Kuhn, Galen xviii.A 347). 103 Compare Athenaios, Deipnosophistai i 2ob-c: Rome is 'the populace of the world' (S-^os- oiVov/xev^s-) and 'the epitome of the world' (CTTLTO^ rrjs OLKOV^V^S]'^ 'Rome the heavenly city of the Romans' (TI 'Pojjucucov ovpavoTToXt] Toi/uiy) comprises countless cities and even whole nations en masse within it. See also Aelius Aristides, Oration 26 Regarding Rome 11-13 (the city draws all products from all over the empire), and Pliny the Elder's imperialistic listing of imports to Rome (see below, chapter four, p. 157). On Rome as the location of imperial collections ofmirabilia brought from around the world see chapter four below, pp. 162-4. C. Edwards and G. Woolf, 'Cosmopolis: Rome as world city3, in C. Edwards and G. Woolf, eds., Rome the Cosmopolis (Cambridge, 2003), 1-20, especially 4-5 (Rome as the epitome of the world), and K. Clarke, Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World (Oxford, 1999), 188-9 (Rome as reflecting the universe). 104 See Barthes, Mythologies (n. 31), 74-7, The Blue Guide\ on the subject of literary constructions of landscapes, and the 'subjectivity3 of travel guides. 105 On Greek travel writing see Pretzler (n. 34), 44-56; on itineraria see O. A. W. Dilke, Greek and Roman Maps (London, 1985), 112-29, K. Brodersen, Terra Cqgnita: Studien zur romischen Raumfassung^ Spudasmata 59 (Hildesheim, 1995), 165-94, J. Eisner, 'The Itinerarium Burdigalense: politics and salvation in the geography of Constantine's empire', JRS 90 (2000), 181-95, at 183-6, and B. Salway, 'Travel, itineraria and tabellaria', in C. P. Adams and R. M. Laurence, eds., Travel and Geography in the Roman Empire (London, 2001), 22-66.

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and Aristides' discourses about the human body, is that of measurement and listing.106 This discourse implicitly or explicitly creates routes and itineraries across the landscape, and on a literary if not a practical level traverses territory which is assumed to be unknown to the reader—and in this sense is foreign, a c new world5. The listing of and measurement between landmarks (cities, ports, rivers), creates hierarchies of signs through omission and inclusion. This is comparable to Polemon's rhetoric of teckne, the listing of parts of the body and all their variations, explicit hierarchies of signs, and implicit itineraries over the body through the physiognomist's roving gaze. The imperialistic, acquisitive dimension of geographical listing and representation has been argued for by C. Nicolet.107 Agrippa's map and Commentarii are an excellent example of this imperialistic process of mapping, and also suggest the importance of measurement and enumeration.108 The linear progression of textual, as opposed to visual, geographical representation, has the effect of producing prescriptive itineraries. The Patara Stadiasmus monument, erected in AD 46, commemorates the Roman construction of a network of roads between Lycian cities.109 The emperor Claudius is honoured in an inscription on one side of the monumental stone pillar, and on the other two sides are listed cities of Lycia and the distances between them, effectively offering the viewer a set of itineraries starting from Patara itself. Similar to this are a series of literary itineraries such as the Antonine Itinerary, which was probably originally created for an emperor sometime between AD 138 and 222.110 It sets out specific journeys by means of bare lists of cities and the distances between them in Roman miles. For the area of western Asia Minor only one itinerary is offered—a journey from Callipoli to Laudicia via Pergamon and Sardis.111 Even in the context ofperiplous narratives where the constraints of a network of roads do not apply, the tone is prescriptive. 106

On Roman land measurement see O. A. W. Dilke, The Roman Lund Surveyors: An Introduction to the A0rimensores (Amsterdam, 1992). 107 C. Nicolet, Space., Geography, and Politics in the Early Roman Empire (English translation by H. Leclerc; first published in French in 1988) (Ann Arbor, MI, 1991). 108 On Agrippa's map see Pliny, Natural History 3.16-17; Nicolet, Space (n. 107), 95-122; Dilke, Maps (n. 105), 41-53, and Brodersen, Terra Cognita (n. 105), 268-87. 109 F. I§ik, H. I§kan, and N. Qevik, 'Miliarum Lyciae. Das Wegweisermonument von Patara', Lykia 4 1998/1999 (2001) and H. W. Picket, R. S. Stroud, A. Chaniotis, and J. H. M. Strubbe, eds., Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 47 (Leiden, 1997), 425, no. 1205; see also T. Marksteiner and M. Worrle, 'Fin Altar fur Kaiser Claudius auf dem Bonda tepesi zwischen Myra und Limyra', Chiron 32 (2002), 545-69, on a related monument (inscribed altar to Claudius from Bonda-Tepesi expressing thanks for peace and for the construction of roads). 110 On the Antonine Itinerary see O. Cuntz, Itineraria Romana. vol. i: Itineraria Antonini Augusti et Burdigalense (Leipzig, 1929), 1-85 (text), Dilke, Maps (n. 105), 125-8, and M. Calzolari, Introduzione alto studio della rete stradale dellTtalia Romana: 'Ultinerarium Antonini\ Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: Memorie ser. 9, vol. 7 (Rome, 1996). 111 Antonine Itinerary, 333.9-337.2 (Cuntz, Itineraria (n. no), 50).

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The Stadiasmus Maris Magni^ probably a first-century AD periplous text, largely consists of such lists of itineraries, such as the following section on the Karian coast: Trom Telmessos to Pedalion near Ropisa 200 stades. From Telmessos to Daidala 50 stades. From Daidala to Kallimache 50 stades. From Kallimache to Krya 60 stades. From Krya to Klydai, 50 stades. From Klydai to the promontory of Pedalion 30 stades.5112 This list constructs an itinerary with stops along the Karian coast. Through a process of omission and inclusion it evokes a very particular image of that part of the Karian coast. The Stadiasmus Maris Magni as a whole describes journeys from Alexandria to Utica and from Phoenicia to Crete. It does, however, implicitly offer some sailing alternatives by listing distances to places radiating out from particular islands, for example Rhodes and Delos.113 The very choice of these islands as points of reference for measuring other sea voyages points to the authorial presence in this otherwise "clinical5 text and hints at the fallacy of objective geographical listing.114 The imperialistic dimension of travel texts about foreign lands is particularly evident in the first-century AD Periplus Maris Erythraei.115 This text not only lists harbours and stopping places (thereby constructing a specific itinerary), it also lists products which can be traded at particular ports. This is an extract about the coastal town of Muza (usually identified as al Mukha in modern day Yemen):116 Beyond these regions, on the very last bay on the left hand shore of this sea, is Muza, a legally limited port of trade on the coast, about 12,000 stades in all from Berenike if you follow a course due south... The port of trade of Muza, though without a harbour, offers a good roadstead for mooring because of the anchorages with sandy bottom all around. Merchandise for which it offers a market are: purple cloth, fine and ordinary quality; Arab sleeved clothing, either with no adornment or with the common adornment or with checks or interwoven with gold thread; saffron... To the king and the governor are given (?): horses and pack mules; goldware; embossed silverware; expensive clothing; copperware. Its exports consist of local products—myrrh, the select grade and 112 For the text see C. Miiller, Geographi GraeciMinores (Paris, 1855-82), i, 427-514, at 494-5, section 255-8; on dating see B. Salway, 'Sea and river travel in the Roman itinerary literature', in R. Talbert and K. Brodersen, eds., Space in the Roman World: Its Perception and Presentation Antike Kultur und Geschichte 5 (Munster, 2004), 43~96, at 58-67. 113 Rhodes in section 272 (Miiller, Geographi (n. 112), 496) and Delos in section 284 (Miiller, Geographi (n. 112), 500). 114 See Barthes, Mythologies (n. 31), 81, on the 'enumerative mania' which rhetorically constructs the author as an impartial judge. 115 For the text and translation (quoted here) see L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Princeton, NJ, 1989). 116 See Casson, Periplus (n. 115), 147-8.

DISCOURSES OF THE BODY AND TRAVEL

pi

c

stakte', the Abeirian (?) and Minaian; white marble—as well as all the aforementioned merchandise from Adoulis across the water. The best time for sailing to this place is around the month of September, that is Thoth, though there is nothing to prevent leaving even earlier. About a 3OO-stade sail past this port... 1 1 7

In this passage Muza, the foreign town, is defined through three lists: a list of objects available at its market, a list of products which the local ruler was interested in buying, and a list of local products available for purchase. The unknown city is tamed by this discourse which reduces it to a trading harbour for the convenience and use of (Graeco-Roman) merchants. The Periplus Maris Erythraei constructs a merchant's geography. The text is autobiographical not only in its tracing of its author's particular voyage around the Erythraean Sea, but also in this emphasis on trade, which suggests that he was a merchant.118 Moreover, his habitual translation of the Roman months into their Egyptian equivalents strongly suggests that he was an Egyptian Greek (or at least writing for an Egyptian Greek readership). In travel texts the element of autopsy functions to give credibility to the author's presentation of a new, unknown land and counterbalances the objective discourse of measurement. It functions explicitly in Arrian's Periplous of the Enxine Sea. In the StadiasmusJVLarisJVLagni the bare lists are also sometimes fleshed out with the author's detailed first-hand description, such as: Trom Panormos to Eureia 150 stades; there is a cleft, and inside the sea-shore and on it fig trees; it is a beautiful place to anchor; it has fresh water.'119 Occasionally he addresses the reader in the second person, and gives him advice: Trom Teucheira to Bernikis 350 stades. The sailing course bends around; whe you have sailed for six stades you will see a promontory stretching out towards the west; and adjacent to it there are rocks raised high in the air; take care as you sail past; and you will see a low dark island; the promontory is called Brachea; on the left side it has an anchorage for small boats.'120 The combination of listing and detailed measurements with the use of the second person and the offer of intimate advice is very effective in establishing the author as experienced, reliable, and also familiar to the reader.121 The plain language and total absence of literary flourish is another device by which the usefulness of the text is conveyed. In the Periplus Maris Erythraei this device is complemented by the use of technical 117

Sections 21 (Casson, Periplus (n. 115), 62 lines 18-21) and 24-5 (Casson,Periplus (n. 115), 62 line 31 to 64 line 13). us por the suggestion that the author himself made the journey see section 20 (Casson, Periplus (n. 115), 62 lines 14-15). 119 Section 32 (Miiller, Geogmpki (n. 112), 438-9). 120 Section 57 (Miiller, Geogmphi (n. 112), 448-50). 121 On the use of the second person and the rhetoric of objectivity in the Itinerarium Eurdigalense see Eisner, 'Politics and salvation' (n. 105), 181-95, at 195.

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language for trading and seafaring.122 The use of technical (medical) language and a pared-down almost elliptical style are also features of Aristides' cbody travelogue' and one of their effects is to bolster the credibility of the text. In the Physiognomy^ the relentless scientific listing of parts of the human body and their physical variations (of the eye for example) is linked to Polemon's gaze travelling over the human body. Parallel to the listing and ordering of the human body is the revelation of its hidden inner world, the human character. Polemon's lists are punctuated by excursuses into his past for the narration of particularly impressive physiognomic encounters in which the interior of the body was dramatically revealed.123 This model of listing punctuated by longer set pieces is also commonly used in travel texts. For example, even in the bare Antonine Itinerary the list of itineraries and distances is occasionally punctuated by a mythological (Homeric) reference: cThe islands Kephallonia, Zakynthos and Doulichion, here is the mountain of Ithaka, the homeland of Odysseus.5124 Although this hardly qualifies as an excursus, it explicitly demonstrates authorial control of the material in the midst of the objective discourse of geographical listing and measurement. That control actually operates throughout and constructs a particular geographical landscape. Excursuses in the Stadiasmus Maris Magni and Arrian's Periplous of the Euxine Sea are both longer and have an authorial autobiographical dimension, in common with the set pieces in the Physiognomy. In the examples quoted above from the Stadiasmus Maris Magni the author's personal reminiscence about a particular bay or freshwater spring also functions as a potential guide to the reader. Similarly, although Polemon's set pieces display the author's inimitable physiognomic experience and intuition, ostensibly the Physiognomy is presented as a practical guide to the human psychic interior. The literary rhythm of listing interspersed by narrative effectively conveys a sense of the traveller's rhythm of relentless movement followed by pauses at rest stops, or indeed by sightseeing at famous landmarks. This literary structure, both in travel texts and in the Physiognomy^ enables the author to construct and control the landscape through 'scientific' listing and emphatic narrative set pieces. The same model is employed by Aristides in the Hieroi Logoi in the literary creation of his own body. The crucial role played by the author in the construction of a literary landscape of the earth or the human body is paralleled in visual discourses of travel and landscape. Recent scholarship on maps and the process of mapping has 122

Casson, Periplus (n. 115), 10. e.g. the Leiden Polemon ch. 68, 457 (the woman at Fmqwlyh^ probably Perge); ch. 69, 457 (the wedding party ztDmsws^ interpreted either as Damaskos or emended to Samos); ch. 69, 459 (the wedding party at Zmrwyn^ probably Smyrna). 124 Antonine Itinerary, 524.2-3 (Cuntz, Itinemria (n. no), 84). 123

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highlighted the issue of authorship and subjectivity in mapping.125 It has also focused on the dynamics of power involved in the delineation of geographical space; D. Cosgrove has written that the 'concept and practice of precise and permanent separation, of spatial "fixing", inherent in boundary definition and conventional mapping... represent an urge towards classification, order, control and purification.'126 There are distinct parallels between this kind of visual ordering and controlling of the landscape and Polemon's ordering and classifying of the human body. In the Roman tradition maps had from the outset been used in the representation and celebration of the conquest of foreign countries. For example, the triumphalist votive picture dedicated by Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus in the temple of Mater Matuta celebrating the conquest of Sardinia is said by Livy to have been shaped like Sardinia and to have contained depictions of the battles by which the island was conquered.127 Unlike literary representations of landscapes and travel, which were not spatially fixed, the display setting of maps and other visual representations of travel played a very important role in the impact of their meaning on the viewer. Three depictions of landscapes are examined here: the Severan Forma Urbis Romae, created sometime between AD 203 and 211, the Tabula Peutingeriana^ a twelfth-or early thirteenth-century copy of a fourth-century AD road map (which is thought, on the basis of its listing of towns destroyed by Vesuvius in AD 79, to derive from a first-century map), and the Nile mosaic from Palestrina, usually dated to the second century BC.128 The choice is selective, and is largely directed by the rare survival of these exceptionally interesting visual documents. The examination aims to draw out conceptual and structural parallels between these visual representations of landscape and travel (in particular the visual techniques of listing interspersed with narrative set pieces), and to compare them with the literary travel documents already examined; it is fundamentally a thematic approach to representations of travel. The marble Forma Urbis, measuring 18.10 by 13 metres and covering 235 square metres, was displayed in Rome in Vespasian's Templum Pacis.129 This temple celebrated Roman imperialism and cultural appropriation through its display of 125

e.g. D. Cosgrove, 'Introduction: mapping meaning', in D. Cosgrove, ed.,Mappings (London, 1999),

1-23. 126

Cosgrove, 'Mapping meaning' (n. 125), 1-23, at 4. Livy 41.28.8-10. On the traditions of Roman maps and chorography (regional mapping) see Nicolet, Space (n. 107), 57-84 and 107, Dilke, Maps (n. 105), 52-3, and P. G. P. Meyboom, The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina (Leiden, 1995), 186-90. 128 For a summary of the scholarship on the dating of the Nile mosaic see Meyboom, Nile Mosaic (n. 127), 16 n. 58. 129 http://formaurbis.stanford.edu/, G. Carettoni, A. Colini, L. Cozza, and G. Gatti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica: Forma urbis Romae, 2 vols. (Rome, 1960), E. Rodriguez Almeida, Forma Urbis Marmorea: Aggiornamento generate (Rome, 1981) and Formae Urbis Antiquae: le mappe marmoree di Roma 127

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religious objects taken at the sack of the temple of Jerusalem and of famous Greek works of art.130 The Forma Urbis was created in the course of the restoration of the building which had been damaged by fire in 192, but it may have replaced an older map, and it certainly drew on well-established Roman cartographic traditions.131 It constructs an ideal image of the Severan capital: only public buildings, such as temples, baths, basilicas, gardens, and aqueducts, are named and depicted with a degree of detail within a grid of streets. This omission of private spaces—whether villas or c insulae5—has the effect of emphasizing the public, communal aspect of the city. The Forma Urbis does not include measurements of distances or other lists, like the literary constructions of landscape discussed above. However, the rows of nameless (private) buildings and the grid of streets by which one gains access to the named public buildings function in a similar way to the lists of places and distances in travel texts. Just as the reader has to progress through the list to a stopping place of greater interest (an excursus), so the viewer's gaze proceeds along the passages of the streets, past the nameless tiny buildings to a large named public one (a visual cset piece3). This process is evident, for example, in the section of the map representing the Portions Liviae and the baths of Trajan (Fig. 23).132 The eye glances over the nameless grid of private buildings on the left-hand side and perhaps follows a road down to the large Portions Liviae and beyond it to the baths of Trajan. Here it lingers over the names of the buildings, and the detailed depiction of the ground plan of their interiors. The viewer is thus directed to those landmarks which the authors of the map chose to highlight. The map constructs a sense of movement through an accumulation of nameless buildings, punctuated by pauses at larger named public buildings. Just as Polemon metaphorically strips his subjects, and even penetrates their bodies to view the soul beneath, so the creators of the Forma Urbis, by means of the use of a bird's-eye view and naked ground plans, exposed interior spaces of the city's buildings, access to which was often restricted. Most of the viewers of the Forma Urbis would have been Romans, and thus in one sense the landscape spread before them was not foreign, but deeply familiar. However, the stripping away of walls and roofs in effect presented them with a city that they had never seen before—a tra laRepubblica e Settimio Severo. Collection de I'Ecole franchise de Rome 305 (Rome, 2002) and review by T. Najbjerg and J. Trimble, 'Ancient maps and mapping in and around Rome5. Review of Rodriguez Almeida (2002) mJRA 17 (2004), 577-83, J. Trimble 'Visibility and viewing on the Severan marble plan', in S. Swain, S. J. Harrison, and J. Eisner, eds., Severan Culture (Cambridge, 2007), 368-84, and A. PetsalisDiomidis, 'Landscape, transformation and divine epiphany9, in S. Swain, S. J. Harrison, and J. Eisner, eds., Severan Culture (Cambridge, 2007), 250-89, at 255-8. 130

On the Templum Pads and the objects on display see F. Coarelli, Tax, templum', in E. M. Steinby, ed., Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae. IV (Rome, 1999), 67-70. 131 On the origins of the Forma Urbis Romae see Rodriguez-Almeida, Formae Urbis Antiquae (n. 129), especially 10-11 (Augustan). 132 Fragment numbers loAab on slab VTII-2; ica-i lol-v on slab VTII-3; na-d on slab VII-7; and 12 on slab VII-8. See also Carettoni, Colini, Cozza, and Gatti, PiantaMarmorea (n. 129), i, 68-70, and 2, TavolaXVIII.

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95

FIG. 23. Fragments of the Severan Marble Plan depicting part of the Subura, including Porticus Liviae, streets, alleys, and residential and commercial buildings. Fragment numbers icAab on slab VHI-2 at upper left, fragments loa-i and lol-v on slab VTII-3 at upper centre, fragments na-d on slab VTI-y at lower centre, and fragment 12 on slab VII-8 at lower right. Early third century AD.

new world within their familiar city. This process is comparable to Polemon's offer to his reader of a new vision of people through the use of his Physiognomy. The vision of new worlds in both cases is accomplished by penetrative viewing and gives the reader and viewer a novel sense of control and power over the human or physical landscape. It is actually, however, tightly controlled by the authors. The Tabula Peutingeriana provides a much broader view of landscape: it depicts the Roman empire and even lands beyond.133 The emphasis of this map 133

K. Miller, Die Peutingersche Tafel (Stuttgart, 1962), A. Levi and M. Levi, Itinerant Picta: Contribute Mo studio delta, Tabula, Peutingeriana (Rome, 1967) and 'Map projection and the Peutinger Table', in L. Casson, ed., Coins, Culture and History in the Ancient World: Studies in Honor ofBluma Trell (Detroit, MI, 1981), 139-48, L. Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana: una descrizione pittorica del mondo antico (Rimini, 1983), Dilke,M^75- (n. 105), 112-20, and Salway, Itineraria and tabellaria (n. 105), 28-32, and 43-7.

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is not on the depiction of landmarks (cities), but on the roads connecting cities and other marked sites. The network of roads and staging posts visually dominates the map, and distances are also included. Although most of the distances are in Roman miles, in Gaul they are in leagues and in the former Persian empire they are in parasangs, possibly reflecting the sources used by the creator of the map. In contrast, however, to textual itineraries such as the Antonine Itinerary', the Stadiasmus Maris Magni, or even the Vicarello goblets listing a specific itinerary from Cadiz to Rome, the Tabula Peutingeriana provides a range of possible routes through its visual (concurrent) presentation of a network of roads.134 The sense of unfettered movement along those roads is increased by the fact that no boundaries are shown, not even the borders of the Roman empire. Just as Polemon's particular itinerary around the body is made against the backdrop of a distinct hierarchy of signs of body parts, so the multiplicity of potential itineraries on the Tabula Peutingeriana are presented within a context of a strict hierarchy of signs of stopping posts (cities, watering places, etc). These are constructed by a variety of symbols used to represent different types of landmarks.135 Fortified cities, for example, are depicted by a large schematic symbol, whereas small cities are simply named at an indent in the road. Moreover, the tenor of the map is also set by tacit inclusion or exclusion: for example, military installations are by and large wholly omitted, whereas a profusion of spa towns are depicted. There was thus a considerable element of choice involved in the creation of the map, which consequently presents a particular construction of the world through its hierarchy of symbols. At the top of the hierarchy of symbols are the depictions of personifications of three cities—Rome, Antioch, and Constantinople. These personifications are explicit images of power. For example, Roma is enthroned and holds an orb in her right hand, symbolizing the world in her power, and a spear in her left, symbolizing the military means by which she acquired and maintains that power (Plate III). Moreover, Rome's supremacy and position as capital of the empire is also spatially constructed by the radiation of twelve roads from the circle surrounding Roma. An equivalent device also occurs in literary itineraries (such as the enumeration of distances to various islands radiating out from Delos in the Stadiasmus Maris Ma0ni) and is very effective in conveying a geographical 134

On the Vicarello goblets see Dilke,.M0/v (n. 105), 122-4, and J. Heurgon, 'La date des gobelets de Vicarello', REA 54 (1952), 39-50. 135 Levi and Levi, Itinerant* Picta (n. 133), 195-211. Compare the fourth-century AD Itinerarium Eurdigcdense where a hierarchy of space is constructed through the listing of changing posts (mutcttiones)^ halting places (mansimes), cities (civitates), village (vicus\ and fortress (castellum), and a new specifically Christian hierarchy of cities is constructed through the choice of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Rome, and Milan, at each of which the author sums up the stages of the journey. See Eisner, 'Politics and salvation' (n. 105), 181-95, at 187-9.

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hierarchy in an otherwise arbitrary collection of points. Just as the map connects places to each other through the depiction of roads and the enumeration of distances, thereby locating and defining them by reference to each other, so Polemon reads combinations of body signs against each other and interprets the person by weighing up the 'overall effect', epiprepeia. Although he zooms in on parts and particular details, he maintains a bird's-eye view and in effect synthesizes the signs in a process not dissimilar to mapping. Through a combination of accurate measurements of distances and the consistent use of the strict hierarchy of symbols, the Tabula Peutingeriana uses the visual rhetoric of objectivity. However, within this context the author at times makes reference to the myth-historical past and to what might be called the paradoxographical present. For example, at the very edge of the right (eastern) end of the map is written: cHere Alexander received the response. Alexander [came] as far as this5.136 The end of the cartographer's knowledge is equated with the end of the historical Alexander's expedition of conquest. The paradoxographical present emerges in entries such as cin these areas scorpions are born', cin these areas elephants are born' (both in the far East), and chere dog-headed people are born' in the south-east corner of Africa.137 The roads are in this instance transformed into channels taking the traveller to thaumata at the ends of the world.138 The very discourse of measurement—like the discourse vftechne in the Physiognomy—bolsters the credibility of the thauma which in other respects is problematic for the scientific project of ordering and classifying under general categories. In fact the creation of exotic and mythological landscapes was connected to the more sober construction of literary and visual itineraries. Even the Antonine Itinerary lapses into a short mythological narrative about Delos, and in the Periplous of the Euxine Sea Arrian's listing of rivers and harbours is interrupted by the excursus about Leuke, where Achilles' ghost was thought to dwell.139 Certain landscapes were particularly associated with thaumata in Graeco-Roman culture, such as Egypt. Literary and visual representations of the Nile combine the ideas of order and thauma in a striking way, both in describing exotic animals and people, and through the theme of the regular but miraculous inundation of the river. While the texts examined below were written sometime between the first and third centuries AD, the visual representation, the Nile mosaic from Palestrina, is usually dated to the second century BC, although a Hadrianic date 136

Miller, Peutingersche Tafel (n. 133), segmentum XII 4 and 5. Miller, Peutingersche Tafel (n. 133), segmentum XII 4 and 5, and segmentum XI5. 138 J. S. Romm, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought: Geography, Exploration., and Fiction (Princeton, NJ, 1992). 139 Antonine Itinerary, 527.1-4 (Cuntz, Itineraria (n. no), 84); Arrian, Periplous 21-3 (the island of Leuke). 137

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has also been suggested (Plate III). Its fragmentation and heavy restoration in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries make the issue of dating problematic, but the earlier date is more likely.140 Scenes of the inundation of the Nile were certainly produced in the imperial period, for example the third-century AD mosaic from Thmuis depicting a feast at the time of the inundation, and the Palestrina mosaic would have been part of the visual tradition on which these images drew.141 It is a uniquely detailed and comprehensive landscape scene of exceptional artistic quality, and illustrates the theme of mapping thaumata. The upper section depicts the rocky highlands of Ethiopia where the Nile rises, and the lower section depicts the delta of the river. The landscape in between consists of watery channels leading to thaumata—animals and humans—and to visual narratives of human culture—hunting and religious activities. These cset pieces5 occupy the same structural position as the public buildings in the Forma Urbis^ the narrative vignettes in the Stadiasmus JVLaris Mcigni^ and the retrospective physiognomical narratives in the Physiognomy. In the texts these pieces are linked by listing of places and distances, or body parts and their variations; in the visual documents they are linked by the depiction of passageways (streets or water channels). Despite certain geographical and architectural features which are accurately portrayed, the Nile mosaic is not intended to be read as a detailed map. Its viewers in Palestrina, most of them Italian, would have entered into a generic foreign, exotic Egyptian landscape. It was displayed in a nymphaeum off the Forum, below the temple of Fortuna Primigenia.142 Here the mosaic was situated on the semicircular floor of a partly artificial grotto at the end of a large hall, and water was allowed to seep through the rock and over the Nilotic scene.143 The effect of the display of this mosaic in a grotto was the dramatization of the viewer's entry into a cnew world3, an ordered landscape of thaumata. In the upper section of the mosaic various exotic wild animals are depicted in the Ethiopian landscape. This country was traditionally associated with marvels, as Pliny writes: "India and parts of Ethiopia especially teem with marvels5.144 Most of the animals are labelled, effectively presenting the viewer with an encyclopaedic panorama of wild creatures, a virtual zoo. Parallels can be found in North African canimal catalogue5 pavements, although in these examples animals from a particular performing troupe are usually identified by their individual names.145 140

G. Gullini, IMosaici di Palestrina (Rome, 1956), Whitehouse, The Dal Pozzo Copies of the Palestrina Mosaic^ BAR Supplementary Series 12 (1976), 70-6, and Meyboom, Nile Mosaic (n. 127), 3-7. 141 142 Meyboom, Nile Mosaic (n. 127), fig. 47. Meyboom, Nile Mosaic (n. 127), 8-16. 143 144 Meyboom, Nile Mosaic (n. 127), 8. Pliny, Natural History 7.21. 145 K. M. D. Dunbabin, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa: Studies in Iconography and Patronage (Oxford, 1978), 72-5.

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While some of the animals depicted may have been familiar to Roman viewers from amphitheatrical wild beast hunts, others would have been a novelty, and some are clearly fantastical.146 The images of the strange animals emphasized the exotic, imaginary nature of the landscape, but the presence of labels associates the mosaic with the scientific processes of ordering and listing. The same mixture of science and the exotic occurs in the description of foreign or imaginary wild animals in Achilles Tatius' Leukippe andKleitophon.147 These animals, which are all introduced in the context of Egypt, are described as mixtures of other animals more familiar to the reader, and as strange hybrids they become thaumata. Animals are also depicted in the lower section of the mosaic, in particular hippopotamuses and crocodiles in the lower left-hand corner. The two sections are further linked because in both scenes the animals are being hunted. The Nile delta was particularly associated with crocodiles. The location of the two crocodiles in the lower left-hand corner of the mosaic—a position which is maintained in alternative suggestions for the reconstruction of the mosaic—on one level identifies the landscape as the Nile delta. On another their location at the very edge of the mosaic perhaps suggests the remoteness of this landscape and the tendency of crocodiles to hide lurking on the banks, the edge of the river. This position is paralleled by the description of the crocodile at the very end of book four of Leukippe and Kleitophon.148 In Strabo's Geography Egypt as a whole is described in the last book, book seventeen. Strabo describes sailing down the river to Arsinoe and seeing the holy crocodile Souchos which foreigners specifically went to see and feed.149 In this case the crocodile was a thauma because of both its generic nature and its particular divinity. Thaumata in the Nile mosaic are not confined to the animal kingdom: the gamut of races, a topos connected to the marvels of nature, is also schematically represented by the black Ethiopians at the top of the image and the lighterskinned characters in the Nile delta, some of whom wear Greek dress. Pliny writes about the variety of human races explicitly as mimcula: These and similar varieties of the human race have been made by the ingenuity of Nature as toys for herself and marvels (miracula) for us. And indeed who could possibly recount the various things she does every day and almost every hour? Let it suffice for the disclosure of her power to have included whole races of mankind among her marvels (prodigia} .515° Human beings and their bodies as thaumata is not only an 146 e.g. 'the female ass-centaur5 (H ONOKENTAYPA) at the top right-hand side of the mosaic; on the identification of the animals see A. Steinmeyer-Schareika, Das Nilmosaik von Palestrina und eine Ptolemaische Expedition nach Athiopien (Bonn, 1978), 58-73. 147 AchillesTatius 3.25 (phoenix), 4.2 (hippopotamus), 4.4 (elephant), and4.19 (crocodile); H. Morales, 'The taming of the view: natural curiosities in Leukippe and Kleitophon\ in Gwningen Colloquia on the Novel 6

(i995), 39-50. 148 Achilles Tatius 4.19.

149

Strabo 17.1.38.

15

° Pliny, Natural History 7.32.

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important theme of Polemon's Physiognomy, but also of the Hieroi Lqgoi and the culture of the Asklepieion as a whole. In addition to this ethnographic dimension which is visually spread over the landscape, the Nile delta itself was another topos of the miraculous because of the transformations it underwent during the seasonal inundation. In the mosaic the Nile delta is depicted in flood, when a new watery landscape was revealed in the place of the familiar contours of the land. Literary descriptions of the flooding locate the miraculous element in this transformation of fields into lakes and footpaths into water channels, such as the description in Achilles Tatius3 Leukippe and Kleitophon: The mighty Nile is everything to the locals: river, land, sea, and lake. What a novel spectacle (dea^a Kaiv6v)\ A ship serves as a mattock, an oar as a plough, a rudder as a sickle! This is the habitat of sailors and farmers alike, of fish and oxen alike. You sow where once you sailed, and the land you sow is cultivated sea, for the river comes and goes.'151 Through these transformations the landscape is seen to contain the totality of geographical features. The paradoxical connection between techne and thauma is another feature of descriptions of the Nile inundation. Strabo writes that it is this extraordinary changeability of the Nile landscape which gave rise to the science of geometry because the land had to be measured and divided again after each inundation.152 In Leukippe and Kleitophon the combination of the extraordinary and the knowable is again emphasized: the Nile is said to be both a "novel spectacle5 (dea^a Kaivov) but also totally dependable in the punctuality of its movements.153 The water itself was also measured by instruments called Nilometers, one of which is depicted in the lower left-hand side of the Nile mosaic. The people standing by the Nilometer are interpreted as announcing the flood of the Nile. This is a visual narrative of the paradoxical measuring of the thauma. These movements were intimately connected with the seasons on a cosmic level, and also on the religious plane to the myth of the death and resurrection of Osiris, which is celebrated in a scene at the lower right-hand side of the mosaic.154 The coexistence of awe and familiarity is also a feature in the human experience of the orderly succession of the uncontrollable seasons and the rhythmical re-enactment of religious myths of extraordinary events.

151

Achilles Tatius 4.12.1-2 (quoted) and 4.12.2-8; compare Himerios, Oration 48, 9 (fourth century AD): 'Then you would see the great marvels (dav^ara) of that country; the same man both sailor and husbandman on one tract of land, and cattle grazing with cargo boats but a little way off, and in an instant an island where before there was a city on dry land.' 152 153 Strabo 17.1.3. Achilles Tatius 4.12.1-2. 154 For a topographical and religious reading of the Nile landscape see Plutarch, Delside et Osiride 366A-g68F, especially 367G-D for the combination of natural science (physical observations and astronomy) and the religious animation of the landscape.

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IOI

THE BODY AND TEAVEL IN THE HIEROI LOGOI

Aristides5 Hieroi Lo0oi^ an autobiographical first-person narrative, intimately combines the themes of the body and landscape (location and travel). Aristides5 body is the focus of the text. Like other texts about the body examined in this chapter, the Hieroi Lqgoi constructs a narrative of intimate viewing and penetration of the body, in this case experiencing sickness and divine cures. By means of this focus Aristides constructs a self-portrait of a divinely favoured orator. The theme of location and travel is also important in this project, and is intimately intertwined with the presentation of Aristides' body. It is this combination of the body and travel that is the subject of this final section of the chapter. The rhetoric of techne and divine inspiration, of objective ordering of thaumata^ and the structure of listing and excursus, emphasized in the readings of texts and images above, are also highlighted in the Hieroi Logoi. The discussion opens with a brief but close comparison of Arrian's Periplous of the Euxine Sea and the Hieroi Logoi, with special reference to the techniques, rhetoric, and structure of travel writings; the Hieroi Lqgoi is then examined directly, and the chapter closes with a reading of a small number of inscriptions associated with Aristides which marked the real geographical landscape, and in some instances possibly make reference to his travels in the Mediterranean. Arrian's Periplous of the Euxine Sea is a Greek literary version of the official Latin record which he had been commissioned to write by Hadrian.155 It is in the form of a letter to the emperor, and describes the extent of the imperial domain (and even beyond) with particular reference to the Roman military presence there. The imperialistic dimension of Arrian's journey (in AD 131 or 132) is further confirmed by his setting up of an inscription in the name of the emperor at the furthest point of the Roman empire (Sebastopolis).156 The imperialistic technique of enumeration and mensuration is used in the description of the landscape in Arrian's Periplous^ and also in the Hieroi Logoi, in the listing of Aristides5 series of illnesses and cures. Aristides5 appropriation of the discourse of Roman roads (detailed measurement) for his own body is subversive in its implicit assertion of the centrality of his own visionary internal experiences over the external world. The assertion of a religious world which transforms the experiences of this world (even to the extent of making a hideous death pleasurable) plays a crucial role in Christian writings in this period, for example, the early third-century AD Passio 155

A. Silberman,y4mm, Periple du Pont-Euxin (Paris, 1995), P. Vidal-Naquet, Tlavius Arrien entre deux mondes', in Arrien, Histoire d'Alexandre (French translation by P. Savinel) (Paris, 1984), 311-93, and P. A. Stadter, Arrian ofNicomedia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1980), 32-41. Arrian, Periplous 6.2, and 10.1 (references to the Latin letter to Hadrian). 156 Silberman, Periple (n. 155), vii-x, and Stadter, Arrian (n. 155), n. UAnnee Epigraphique (1905) no. 175: c Had[rianus ... ] | per Fl. A[rrianum] | leg [(atum) August! pr(o) pr(aetore) Cappadociae]'.

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Perpetuae et Felicitatis.^1 Through listing and measurement both Arrian and Aristides explore boundaries: in the case of the former the boundaries of the Roman empire, and in the case of the latter those of his own body and endurance. Much of the Periplous is taken up by lists of rivers flowing into the Black Sea and distances between them, lists of harbours and cities and distances between them, and lists of the tribes of people living in the area.158 The listing of an itinerary in a plain style is of course typical of a periplous narrative, such as the Stadiasmus MarisMagni discussed above. The 'excursuses5 in Arrian's text range from short mythological and literary references in the midst of lists to the threechapter description of Leuke, the island of Achilles, and they create interludes in the rhythmical listing of names and distances.159 The scientific discourse of objective mensuration coexists with and supports occasional references to thaumata and to paradoxographical and religious features. Arrian's lengthy description of the quality of the water of the Mogros river, for example, has much in common with paradoxographical passages about strange foreign waters and even with Aristides5 description of the miraculous drawing well in the Asklepieion at Pergamon.160 In the Periplous the extraordinary lightness and sweetness of the water is described in plain language, and Arrian uses the rhetoric of first-hand witnessing and proof.161 In another instance he soberly describes a thauma^ the anchor of the Argo, displayed at Phasis.162 Although he expresses doubts about its authenticity, his decision to include it in his recorded itinerary in effect gives a place to this mythological relic in his literary construction of the Euxine coast. His rational, scientific approach to this thauma adds credibility to his subsequent apparent acceptance of the extraordinary features and religious rites of the island of Achilles. In addition to mythological, religious, or 'miraculous5 excursuses, the lists of the Periplous are also interrupted by short passages describing Arrian's activities at the military barracks he inspects.163 These personal, explicitly autobiographical excursuses are also delivered in a strict, sober style, which is perhaps meant to reflect the serious and professional way that Arrian carried out his 157 H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 106-31, and discussions in B. D. Shaw, 'The passion of Perpetua', PastPres 139 (1993), 3~45? reprinted in R. Osborne, ed., Studies in Ancient Greek and Roman Society (Cambridge, 2004), 286-325, and Cox-Miller, Dreams, 148-83. iss Arrian, Periplous 7.1-5 (rivers and distances between them); 10.1-4 (rivers and distances between them); 11.1-3 (tribes); and 12-20 and 24-5 (rivers and harbours). 159 Examples of short references in the midst of lists: Arrian, Periplous 11.5 (Strobiles, a summit of the Kaukasos mountains on which it is said that Prometheus was chained at the command of Zeus); and 19.2 (quotation from Aischylos, Prometheus Unbound claiming that the river Phasis constitutes the boundary between Europe and Asia). On Leuke: Arrian, Periplous 21-3. 160 Arrian, Periplous 8; pseudo-Aristotle, On Marvellous Things Heard 168-70; Achilles Tatius 4.18 (on the taste of the water of the Nile); and Aelius Aristides, Oration 39 Regarding the Well in the Temple of Asklepios especially 2, 7-12, and 18. 161 162 e.g. Arrian, Periplous 8.2, 8.4 (rcK^piov and cognates). Arrian, Periplous 9.2. 163 e.g. Arrian, Periplous 6.1-2, 9.3-5.

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assignment. Thus the language and discourse of listing and mensuration bestow credibility on the first-person account of a journey in a foreign land, and in particular on the excursuses of mythological, religious, or personal content. Arrian's Periplous uses the geographical landscape to create an autobiographical portrait. The Periplous describes an external, public landscape, but it also constructs Arrian's own itinerary in the form of a personal letter, and refers to his inspections of military garrisons. More significantly several mentions are made of Xenophon, on whom Arrian styled himself, and whose name he adopted.164 The landscape through which they both travelled and which they both wrote about is used as a bridge between them. Although Arrian came from Nikomedia and not Athens, his view of the Black Sea is that of a foreigner, possibly modelled on Xenophon, although it can also be interpreted as Romanocentric. A double-headed herm set up in Athens has been tentatively identified as depicting Xenophon and Arrian and creates a direct amalgamated bodily landscape of the two (Fig. 24).165 Like Arrian's Periplous Aristides' Hieroi Logoi also employs the rhetoric of objectivity, the structure of listing and mensuration, and uses the geographical landscape in the creation of a self-portrait. The text's plain literary style is a feature which contributes to the sense of sober documentation. This style is unique in the large corpus of Aristides' orations and has often been seen as an aberration and has been linked to the text's lack of a linear chronological framework.166 Seen in a more positive light the plain style can be interpreted as a deliberate choice which displayed Aristides' versatility as a rhetor, and conveys an image of'plainness' (a(/>e'Aeia), simplicity, and piety.167 It can also be compared to the plain language used in inscriptions at temples recording healing miracles, and it can be interpreted as reinforcing Aristides' claims to divine inspiration by giving the

164 por references to Xenophon and the Anabasis see Arrian, Periplous i.i, 2.3, u.i, 12.5, 13.6, 14.4, 16.3, and 25.1; see also Arrian, Kynegetikos 1.4. See P. A. Stadter, 'Flavius Arrianus, the new Xenophon', GRBS 8 (1967), 155-61. 165 For the original identification of the herm as Xenophon and Isokrates see E. Minakaran-Hiesgen, 'Untersuchungen zu den Portrats des Xenophon und Isokrates', Jdl 85 (1970), 112-57, arid for its reidentification as Xenophon and Arrian see J. H. Oliver, 'Archaeological notes: herm at Athens with portraits of Xenophon and Arrian', A]A 76 (1972), 327-8. 166 e.g. Reardon, Courants litteraires, 256: 'II sera evident que les Discours sacres sont entierement differents du reste de 1'oeuvre d'Aristide. La ou ses discours epidictiques revetent une forme tres stricte et une expression des plus soignees, ce journal manque entierement de forme at d'ambages linguistiques. C'est un assemblage tres confus d'evenements de toutes sortes racontes dans un style tres simple et tres direct.' See also A. Boulanger, Aelius Aristide et la sophistique dans la province d}Asie au IT siecle de notre ere (Paris, 1923), 169. 167 C. Weiss, 'Literary turns: the representation of conversion in Aelius Aristides' Hieroi Logoi and in Apulcms* Metamorphoses', unpublished doctoral dissertation (Yale University, 1998), 47-73. See I. Rutherford, Canons of Style in the Antonine Age: Idea-Theory in its Literary Context (Oxford, 1998), 101, for Aristides' later reputation as a writer in the 'plain' (afaXes) style.

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FIG 24. Double-headed herm identified as XenophonIsokrates or Xenophon-Arrian. H: 32 cm. From Athens. Second or third century AD.

impression that the author is goaded on by the god and hastens to write down the bare minimum of the miracle narrative.168 Just as Polemon or Galen assert both their extraordinary personal intuition and the accessibility and scientific 168 Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 53-4 and 58. See H.L. 11.24 for Aristides5 claims to divine inspiration for the composition.

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IO5

FlG. 24.

(Continued) Xenophon

credentials of their techne, Aristides3 plain style simultaneously asserts his divine inspiration and his ease with scientific, medical discourse. For this style has striking similarities to the pared-down 'scientific3 style of the Hippokratic Epidemics. The language used by Aristides to describe his body is often medical. His distrust of the medical profession, explicitly expressed in the Hieroi Lo0oi^

106

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FIG. 24. (Continued) Isokrates or Arrian.

suggests that this stylistic and linguistic appropriation is deeply polemical.169 The plain, scientific style is intimately connected with the theme of listing: the extensive use of polysyndeton and the rarity of subordination of clauses to each 169 \yeiss? 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 26 n. 32. On the presentation of doctors in the Hieroi Logoi see below, chapter three, pp. 134 and 145-6.

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107

other literally result in lists of words connected by /mi.170 These are often words describing Aristides5 bodily symptoms or the difficulties of travel. Another technique of 'objectivity3 is the avoidance of the first person construction in this intensely personal narrative, and instead the frequent use of the third person construction, for example making a part of the body the subject of the sentence.171 Aristides5 discourse of listing and mensuration functions on a number of levels. It takes the form of relentless recording of dates in the narration of the state of his stomach in a bout of illness which lasted over a month.172 The recording of dates is paralleled in memoirs, medical writings, and travel narratives, and Aristides5 Hieroi Logoi contains features of all these.173 The dates measure time and Aristides uses them to track the development of his body's diseases and cures. The measuring of time, both by dates and by references to the weather, seasons, and constellations, the measuring of distances covered by Aristides as part of his cures, and the careful recording of the number of bleeding or vomiting sessions, all contribute to the textual recording and measuring of Aristides5 body.174 The discourse of measurement, delivered in a plain style, contributes to the rhetoric of objectivity and sense of factual recording which is crucial for the credibility of the narrative of miracles. The text purports to allow the extraordinary events to speak for themselves, by giving only the quantifiable data without rhetorical flourishes.175 The rhythmical listing of dates and symptoms is punctuated by longer set pieces describing visionary (oneiric) contact with the divine. In these dreams a new divine world is revealed to the reader, in the form of a series of privileged interludes. Aristides then interprets these dreams in direct and intimate relation to the physical, and even public oratorical, world, thereby transforming it. He uses the term logos for an individual dream narrative;176 his suffering body is transfigured by these logoi, both by means of the cures which they suggest, and through the process of literary composition. The Hieroi Lqgoi is a thank-offering to Asklepios, and as such asserts the miraculous curing of Aristides5 body as well 170 Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 59-61. 171 Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 60-1. e.g. H.L. 11.62, III.n, III.i6. 172 H.L. 1.4-57173 Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 17-30 for the Hieroi Logoi as a memoir; the recording of dates in medical writings e.g. Hippokrates, Epidemics 7.46; parodic travel narrative e.g. Lucian, Verne Historiae 1.40: 'For a year and eight months we lived in this way, but in the fifth day of the ninth month, about the second mouth-opening—for the whale did it once an hour, so that we told time by the openings—about the second opening, as I said...'. 174 e.g. H.L. III.6, V.28, V.54 (measuring of distances covered on curative journeys), III.8 (counting the number of blood purges), 111.34-5 (listing of diet). 175 Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 59. 176 e.g. H.L. 11.24 and IV.IO5 (references to previous logoi}', Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 167), 16 n. 6.

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as the miraculous nature of the god.177 In one of these oneiric Iqgoi^ the emperors say to Aristides that his excellent character is connected to his excellent logoi.178 This passage introduces the idea that it is not only the contours of Aristides5 body, but also of his character (rjOos/^vx^j) which are traced in the 'excursuses5. In addition to these rhetorical and structural parallels with travel narratives, and their use in the context of the body, the text also uses the themes of location and travel explicitly. It is teeming with references to location—where Aristides was at different points of the stories—and to his journeys.179 Typically descriptions of these journeys include travel details such as the state of the weather, the route, distances covered, and stop-offs on the way. A fundamental aspect of these stories is the presentation of Aristides5 relationship with Asklepios. The god constantly communicates with Aristides, ordering him to remain or to travel somewhere usually resulting in the unexpected alleviation of physical suffering and a sense of union with the divine. Travel is generally presented as being particularly difficult and dangerous for the sick Aristides, but paradoxically it is undertaken for physical healing: many stories refer to the fact that although Aristides was unable even to get up from his bed he then travelled great distances with the help of the god and experienced an amazing sense of well-being.180 His endurance of the discomforts of the journey is presented as "contrary to every likelihood5 (-rrapa -nav TO ei/ok), in a similar light to his extraordinary endurance both of illness and of the cures prescribed by Asklepios.181 In the Hieroi Lqgoi journeys are not only undertaken for the purpose of bodily healing, they are also experienced, often painfully, through the medium of the body. In relation to oratory, his illness is said to prevent him from making speeches and from travelling to cities in order to deliver them, but conversely some of the journeys inspire him to compose, and Asklepios5 communications more broadly are seen to benefit his oratory.182

177

178 H.L. Li-3 and ILi-3. H.L. 1.49Journeys in the H.L. include: 1.65 (sailing across harbour at Smyrna), II.7 (journey from Smyrna to Pergamon), II.n-i8 (abortive journey to Chios), 1.78 (journey from Pergamon to see his old nurse Philoumene), 11.60-70 (journey to Rome and back), IILi-6 (journey to Aliani), 7-14 (journey from the temple of Zeus Asklepios to Lebedos), III.2O (ordered to go and worship the statue of Zeus at the hearth of his foster fathers), IV.i-12 (journey to the Aisepos), IV. 31-7 (journey to Rome and return via Delos and Miletos), IV.42-55 (second journey to Kyzikos), IV.83 and 103 (summoned to Pergamon), V.i-io (journey c to the land of Zeus'), V.n-i8 (first journey to Kyzikos), V.i8—37 (journeys to Pergamon, Smyrna, and Ephesos), VI.i (journey to Epidauros). Instances of divine orders to remain in the same place include: IV. 76 and V.i9. See I. Rutherford, TO THE LAND OF ZEUS...: patterns of pilgrimage in Aelius Aristides', AevumAntiquum 12 (1999), 133-48, and id. 'Tourism and the sacred: Pausanias and the traditions of Greek pilgrimage', in S. E. Alcock, J. F. Cherry, and J. Eisner, eds., Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece (New York, NY, 2001), 40-52, at 51-2. 180 181 182 e.g. H.L. 11.19-23, V.i-3, V.49. H.L. V.9H.L. ¥.56. 179

DISCOURSES OF THE BODY AND TRAVEL

IO9

There is a profound sense in the Hieroi Logoi that Aristides's relationship with the divine unfolds within the landscape of the Roman empire, as there are references not just to journeys in Asia Minor, but also beyond to Italy and then back via Delos.183 References to specific cities, for example Smyrna, Hadrianoutherai, Kyzikos, Phokaia, Rome, and most obviously Pergamon construct a geographical framework which underpins Aristides' discourse of miracles. The Pergamene Asklepieion where Aristides spent two years at the command of the god also features prominently. While Aristides does not offer a systematic description of the sanctuary there are numerous references to specific buildings and areas and this suggests that the miniature landscape of the Asklepieion also played an important part in the unfolding of Aristides' relationship with Asklepios.184 This relationship is presented as the lynchpin of Aristides' life; his therapeutic and oratorical experiences, £reaT and oneiric, driven by this relationship with Asklepios, also occur not just in but through the medium of the landscape. Aristides does not offer us a comprehensive picture, but a specific, close-up, fragmented vision of the sanctuary, his body, and the world. The account of Aristides' pilgrimage to the Aisepos river involves a complex use of the theme of the journey with both oratorical and therapeutic dimensions.185 Aristides receives a revelatory dream which predicts his recovery from illness if he revisits the places where he first fell ill nine years before.186 Much earlier in the Hieroi Logoi the beginning of Aristides' illness has been associated with his journey to Rome, where he had gone to advance his oratorical career.187 In the pilgrimage he retraces his steps to the Aisepos river and this return is now presented as a curative journey.188 The religious nature of the journey is underlined by his use of the word #600/01 a, 'travelling to see', a term used for pilgrimage.189 Both the description of Aristides' journey to the Aisepos river and the description of his return emphasize the intensity of divine contact: having covered one hundred and sixty stades, partly at night by torchlight through muddy ground that was difficult 183 H.L. 11.60-70 (journey to Rome and back), TV.31-7 (journey to Rome and return via Delos and Miletos). 184 e.g. H.L. 1.32 (the lamps in the temple), 11.30 (the neokoros Philadelphus in a dream sees Aristides in the sacred theatre), II.31 (he dreams that he is in the propylaia of the temple, divine epiphany), II.71 (he sleeps between the doors and gates of the temple, anointing himself in the open air, bathing in the sacred well), 11.74-6 (he smears mud on himself by the sacred well and bathes there; the next night he runs three times around the temple and then bathes in the well), 11.77 (smears himself with mud and sits in the courtyard of the sacred gymnasium), III.7 (he was undergoing incubation in the temple of Zeus Asklepios), III.2I-3 (story of the ointment of Tyche, including oneiric and 'real' events at specific locations in the sanctuary, e.g. Telesphoros' temple), III.28 (consumption of a drug 'at the sacred tripod'), IV.is (ordered to resume oratory in the stoa near the theatre), IV.66 (dream in which companions go towards the temple and he takes his leave). 185 186 187 H.L. IV.i-i2. H.L. IV.i. H.L. 11.60-70. 188 189 H.L. IV.2. H.L. IV.2.

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to cross, Aristides writes that he was overcome by the divine and composed hymns to Asklepios and other divinities associated with the landscape in which the journey was unfolding: Here I was completely consecrated, as it were, and possessed (rravreXa)? olovel Ka0L€pa)fji7]v re Ko.1 ei^d/i^v). And I composed many lyrics to the Saviour himself, while I was sitting in the carriage, and many to the Aisepos, the Nymphs, and Artemis Thermaia, who keeps the warm springs, to free me from all my troubles and to return me to my original state.190

The journey back is described specifically as a miraculous religious initiation: And when three or four days had passed, there was a voice in a dream saying that it was over and it was necessary to return. It was all not only like an initiation into a mystery (reXerij TO), since the rituals were so divine and strange, but there was also coincidentally something of the marvellous and unaccustomed (ovrco Otiwv re Kal rrapaSogcov ra>v 8po){ji€va)v ovrwv, dXXa Kal avv€7Ti7TT€ TL 9avp,GL(jTov drjOeia). For at the same time there was gladness, and joy, and a contentment of spirit and body (Kal rrjs 1/Jvxys Kal rov owfjuaros), and again, as it were, an incredulity that it will ever be possible to see the day when one will see oneself free from such great troubles, and in addition, a fear that some one of the usual things will again befall and harm one's hopes about the whole. Thus was my state of mind, and my return took place with such pleasure and at the same time anguish

This heightened religious experience is followed by a period of health in which Aristides is well enough to undertake further journeys cunder the guidance of the god3 (rj-yovfjievov rov deov) in order to give oratorical performances.192 This account is typical of other descriptions of pilgrimages in the Hieroi Logoi in its emphasis both on Aristides5 body and his oratory, and in the way in which the journey gives rise to Aristides' heightened sense of divine contact.193 This may be compared to a votive inscription set up at Epidauros by Julius Apellas £.AD 160, where there is also a reference to Asklepios5 communication with the pilgrim en route from Mylasa to Epidauros (albeit more prosaic!) : cin the course of my sea voyage, in Aigina, the god told me not to be so irritable.5194 These references to divine contact during the journey suggest the religious importance of the journey 190

191 192 H.L. IV.4. H.L. IV.6-7. H.L. IV.8. Compare H.L. IV. 31-7 (at the command of Asklepios Aristides composes religious hymns in Rome and on his return journey to Asia Minor) and V.i6 (Aristides composes a speech on his journey to Kyzikos, which was ordered in a dream). For explicit therapeutic significance in Aristides' journeys see H.L. II.11-17 (by ship), 11.75 and V.54 (running), III.6 (walking), and IV.i-7 (in a carriage). 194 IG, IV, no. 955, lines 4-5; Edelstein and Edelstein, Asdepius i, testimony no. 432. 193

DISCOURSES OF THE BODY AND TRAVEL

III

in the experience of Asklepian pilgrimage. In both cases the focus of the journey and divine communication it gives rise to is the self, and the body, not the landscape^* #?. In the Hiewi Lqtjoi the geographical framework is used to explore Aristides5 own body. The theme of the journey is also used metaphorically in the Hieroi Lqgoi: the text opens with a reference to the toils of the most famous traveller, Odysseus.195 Aristides is here developing the theme of the enormity of the task of narrating an extraordinary story, and he metaphorically describes his project of narrating the "achievements' (ayoWa^ara) of Asklepios the Saviour as narrating an underwater journey 'through the whole sea3 (Sia TTOLVTOS rov TreAayou?).196 The achievements of Asklepios are not his mythical healings and resurrections, but his accomplishments in the realm of Aristides' body and logos. The text thus presents an internal pilgrimage into Aristides' body, often recording dates and weather as in a travel memoir. The text draws the mind of the audience or reader in a tour around Aristides5 body as the pain or miraculous comfort of different parts are described. On a structural level the text constructs itineraries around and through Aristides5 body, not unlike the construction in the Physiognomy of a hierarchized itinerary over an ideal body and individual itineraries over particular individuals. The text begins with Aristides5 stomach, and travels over the whole of his body through references to symptoms. Thaumata occur in this bodily framework, and in the oneiric world it gives access to. Whereas others travelled the geographical world in search of the divine and thaumata^ Aristides journeyed within his body. For instance, Pausanias writes that clonia, in fact, is a land of wonders (flau^ara) that are but little inferior to those of Greece5, before listing a series of temples and miracle-working springs in Ionia.197 In Philostratos5 Vita Apollonii travel and miracle are also closely connected, and are concentrated in the person of Apollonios.198 In Aristides5 text geographical features are fully subordinated to and transformed by the authors discourse of miracles focused on his body and his oratory. In addition to these textual itineraries over his body Aristides writes about physical passages through his body. The text lists what goes in and out of his body through these passages—his bowels, his veins, his windpipe. These are conceived of as channels through the body. Whereas Polemon travels over the surface of the bodies of his subjects and visually penetrates them to reveal what is underneath, Aristides traces the passage of food, air, and fluids right through his

195

H.L. I.i. Lucian, Verne Historiae 1.3 refers to Odysseus as the original narrator of (fictitious) travels, whom later travel writers emulate. 196 197 198 H.L. I.i—2. Pausanias 7.6.1. Eisner, "Hagiographic Geography5 (n. 89).

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body, and often perceives divine intervention in these processes. Aristides' body is in fact often described in terms of a landscape, a space in which channels of breathing and eating become blocked,199 liquid channels flow (pei^ta),200 and tempests (T/H/CU/XUU) occur.201 The blockage of a channel in the body, experienced for instance as the constriction of the windpipe or a production of excessive catarrh in the head, on several occasions causes crises in Aristides' illness narrative. This is elaborately illustrated in the story of the tumour in which the language of gardening and irrigation is used.202 Asklepios orders Aristides to foster the growth, and not to follow the doctors' advice to surgically remove it, and explains this in the following way: 'But the god remained firm throughout and ordered me to bear up with the present circumstances, for this was wholly for my salvation; for the source of this stream was located above, and these gardeners did not know where they ought to turn the channels (eiVcu ycip rov pevparos rovrov ras TTrjyds avco, TOVS $€ Kr]7rovpov$ TOVTOVS OVK elSevai rovs OX^TOVS fj xpv rpcTreu/).'203 As the divinely fostered blockage increases, Aristides describes the "marvellous' and 'strange' things which occurred (flau^acrra, TrapaSo^a):204 physical ease, declamations from his bed, therapeutic journeys including running, horse riding, and sailing, and curative diet and vomiting. Finally the god prescribes a drug which dissolves the blockage, the tumour disappears, and the application of egg removes all trace of the scar. The channels through Aristides' body, both blocked and newly flowing, give rise to contact with Asklepios and to bodily and oratorical thaumata^ narrated in extended set pieces. The pattern of channels and itineraries leading to thaumata has been traced both in discourses of travel, for example the Nile mosaic and Arrian's Periplous^ and of the body, for example Polemon's Physiognomy. Asklepios intervenes in Aristides' body through his prescriptions, many of which concern the passages of the body—for instance, bloodletting and vomiting. These activities, as much as enemas, constitute a divine penetration of Aristides' body by Asklepios. Conversely Aristides had penetrated the god's space, the Pergamene Asklepieion, where most of these cures are said to take place. In one instance he writes that in accordance with a dream vision he slept 'between the doors and the latticed gates of the temple', almost within the god's

199

e.g. H.L. 1.69 (prevented from taking food and cannot breathe), II.6 (breathing blocked, constriction in the throat), 11.56-7 (blockages), 11.62 (shortness of breath, breathing blocked), 11.64 (blockage while eating and talking, he thinks he will choke), IILi-6 (blockages), III.n (tension in his body and locked jaw), III.16-19 (blockages, convulsions), III.2I (difficulty in breathing, tension in ears, opisthotonos), IV.I7 (difficulty in breathing), IV.22 (difficulty in breathing eases with oratory), IV.38 (choking). 200 e.g. H.L. 11.56 (the flow from his head). 201 e.g. H.L. 1.3 (the tempests of his body); compare Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 7. 202 203 204 H.L. I.6I-8. H.L. 1.63. H.L. 1.64-5.

DISCOURSES OF THE BODY AND TRAVEL

113

inner sanctum.205 These mutual 'penetrations3 had a peripatetic flavour: just as Asklepios ctoured' Aristides' body by attending to his different ailing parts, so Aristides toured Asklepios' sanctuary in his nocturnal incubations: c . . . and my incubations throughout the whole sanctuary in the open air and wherever it might be, and not least frequently on the temple road, under the Sacred Lamp of the goddess [Hygieia].'206 Just as Asklepios intervenes in Aristides' bodily passages, so Aristides specifically mentions lying in wait for Asklepios on the Via Tecta^ the spatial passage to Asklepios' abode, and at the very doors of his temple. Divine contact occurs in these liminal spaces, just as it occurs on Aristides' arduous journeys of pilgrimage. Despite these incubatory tours of the sanctuary and the many therapeutic journeys beyond, an important theme of the Hieroi Logoi is Aristides' inability to travel in order to deliver speeches, and the god's command for him to remain at Pergamon for two years, a period which he describes as a 'period of rest' (^atfe'Spa).207 In this way normal journeys are curtailed and are replaced by sacred journeys and an extended stay at the Pergamene Asklepieion. The role of the traveller is taken up by Asklepios, whose charis is manifested in different parts of Aristides' body. He was known in antiquity as cthe god who loves mankind' (7Tos #€09), and travelled from sanctuary to sanctuary to heal his worshippers. The prominence of the theme of travel in the Hieroi Logoi may well be connected to the prominence of this feature in the cult of Asklepios as a whole, including the concept and representation of the god travelling to visit the sick at different sanctuaries and within dream visions, and the pattern of founding a sanctuary to Asklepios once home from a successful pilgrimage to an established cult centre. While Aristides narrates a whole series of individual thaumata which Asklepios bestowed on him, he also asserts that his whole body is a thauma because Asklepios had saved it from death many times.208 In the Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios Aristides writes that in oral accounts or on votive offerings, people list particular limbs or parts of the body cured by the god; in his case it is £ not only a part of the body, but it is the whole body which he [Asklepios] has formed and put together and given as a gift' (r^iv roivw ou^ pepos rov (jco^aro?, aAA' OLTTCLV TO GCOfJia GwOtlS T€ KCLL OVfJiTTYj^aS

CLVTOS €8(Ji>K€ OO)p£av).2°9 The

totality

of his body—his person—constitutes a thctuma and the Hieroi Logoi evidences 205

H.L. 11.71. See C. P. Jones, 'Aelius Aristides and the Asklepieion', in H. Koester, ed., Pergamon: Citadel of the Gods. Archaeological 'Record, Literary Description, and Religious Development, Harvard Theological Studies 46 (Harrisburg, PA, 1998), 63-76, at 70. 206 H.L. II.So. Behr suggests that this was in the propylon forecourt (Behr, Sacred Tales, 27). 207 H.L. 11.70. 208 H.L. 11-37, Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 6-7, and Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16. 209 Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 7.

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this through an itemization and listing of his ailments and divine cures. The theme of measuring and classifying the thauma—which by definition contravenes rules and escapes categorization—has been traced in the body narratives of Aristides and Polemon. It is a theme which is also particularly important in travel texts in which the unknown foreign land, often full of thaumata^ is 'translated5 into a language, a terminology, and a system of mensuration and cultural references comprehensible to the reader. Aristides5 assertion of his body as miraculous and "inexpressible5 is paradoxically made in a text which lists and measures it, and fundamentally circumscribes it by language. An interesting parallel to Aristides5 careful documentation and measurement of his own extraordinary body and his understanding of its sufferings in the light of divine charis can be found in the story of Joseph Merrick, cthe Elephant Man5.210 Merrick's body was measured and described by various people. On the one hand it was the medical, scientific community which made detailed measurements of his extraordinary body, recorded it in the form of photographs, engravings, casts, and eventually skeletal relics, and discussed it in the most prestigious medical publications of the day, the British Medical Journal and the Transactions of the Pathological Society of London.211 The doctor Frederick Treves, who tried to describe Merrick5s body by parts, found the task very difficult because the abnormal body refused to be classified in traditional medical categories.212 On the other hand, the circus leaflet advertising him as a freak spectaclechalf man half elephant5 also gave his detailed measurements.213 This text was in the form of an autobiographical narrative, and the inclusion of dates, addresses, and names relevant to Merrick's story all contribute to a tone of documentation. The measuring of this body both as a scientific specimen and as a freakish spectacle is reflected in Merrick's display both in the lecturing hall of the Pathological 210 p YV\ Graham and F. H. Oehlschlaeger, Articulating the Elephant Man: Joseph Merrick and his Interpreters (Baltimore, MD, 1992). 211 For the collected articles see A. Montagu, Elephant Man: A Study in Human Dignity (New York, NY, 1971), 101-25, appendices 1-8. 212 Graham and Oehlschlaeger, Elephant Man (n. 210), 17 (quoting from Treves's article in the Transactions of the Pathological Society March 1885) : "When essaying to describe the skull, Treves himself confesses that its "surface . . . was so irregular as to render any detailed description very difficult" (105). His c "whole head was ostentatiously asymmetrical," while the surface of the skull, between the larger exostoses, "presented ridges and irregular upheavals of bone that disregarded sutures and were disposed in a perfectiy chaotic manner (106)." ' 213 The Autobiography of Joseph Carey Merrick (see M. Howell and P. Ford, The True Story of the Elephant Man (London, 1980), 168-9, Appendix One), 168: 'The measurement round my head is 36 inches, there is a large substance of flesh at the back as large as a breakfast cup, the other part in a manner of speaking is like hills and valleys, all lumped together, while the face is such a sight that no one could describe it. The right hand is almost the size and shape of an Elephant's fore-leg, measuring 12 inches round the wrist and 5 inches round one of the fingers; the other hand and arm is no larger than that of a girl ten years of age, although it is well proportioned.'

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Society of London, and on the stage of the variety show of Torr and Ellis in the Mile End Road in London and on tour in Brussels. In the latter arena his measurements constructed him as unique, in a category of his own (half man, half animal), whereas in the former they gave the doctors the means to postulate a new generic human disease and were used in the process of solving the mystery. Merrick was eventually given a refuge from the necessity of publicly displaying his body for a living through a charitable appeal. This appeal was launched by F. C. Carr Gomm in a letter to the Times which tried to persuade readers of the humanity and 'normality5 of Merrick, despite his monstrous body.214 At the same time, using a quotation from the Gospels, Merrick's extraordinary body was asserted to be an instrument to show the glory of God: in response to his disciples' question Svho did sin, this man, or his parents, that he was born blind? Jesus answered, Neither hath this man sinned, nor his parents: but that the works of God should be made manifest in him.'215 This paradoxical model of the suffering body 'proving' the glory of god also occurs in Aristides' Hieroi Lqgoi. In the following passage it is clear that the suffering of his body is 'measured out' in the number of illnesses and curative treatments, just as Merrick's suffering is literally 'measured' in the dimensions of his body: If one were to take these things into account and consider with how many and what sort of sufferings and with what necessity causing these he took me to the sea and rivers and wells, and ordered me to do battle with the storm, he will say that all is truly beyond wonders (aXrjOws TrepaiTepaj flat^drtov) and he will see more clearly the power and foresight of the god, and he will join me in joy at the honour with which I was honoured, and would not rather be grieved on account of my illness.216

Aristides' physical sufferings are here seen as marks of honour bestowed by the god, and the idea can be compared to a passage in Pliny's Natural History where extraordinary courage is evidenced in the listing of the number of disfiguring wounds received during battle.217 The Hieroi Logoi transfigures Aristides' sick and suffering body into a medium of favour and public oratorical success. The appropriation of the discourse of imperial measurement for his body is one way in which Aristides' personal vision of his miraculous body is connected to the public, physical world. His interpretations of his dreams which freely move 214

The Times, 4 December 1886. John 9.1-3. See Graham and Oehlschlaeger, Elephant Man (n. 210), 20. Compare also F. Treves's assertion that Merrick's physical afflictions chad ennobled him' (Howell and Ford, True Story (n. 213), 170-87, Appendix Two The Elephant Man by Sir Frederick Treves, at 177. 216 217 H.L. 11.59. Pliny, Natural History 7.104. 215

Il6

DISCOURSES OF THE BODY AND TRAVEL

between intimate processes of his body and public issues and events (such as the holding of public office and the delivery of orations) is another aspect of his vision of the mutual affirmation of his personal body and the public world. His religious visions, expressed in the discourse of the Hieroi Lqgoi^ transfigure both his suffering body and the external world, and in this respect are comparable to contemporary Christian martyrologies.218 While Aristides taps into the discourses of travel and the body typical of Second Sophistic culture, he uses them in innovative ways. They are crucial in the construction of a self-portrait of a newstyle them aner^ although other elements, oratory in particular, are also important in this process, and are further traced in chapter three. Having explored aspects of the use of discourses of travel in the Hieroi Logoi in the context of his body and his self-portrait, the discussion finally turns to other sources relevant to Aristides5 travels in the Mediterranean. In the Vitae Sophistarum Philostratos pointedly comments that Aristides made few journeys because che did not discourse with the aim of pleasing the crowd, and he could not control his anger against those who did not applaud his lectures5.219 This reason is at odds with Aristides5 statements in the Hieroi Lqgoi and in several other orations that it was ill health and divine commands that prevented him from making journeys to other cities to deliver speeches, and from delivering some of his speeches in person.220 While it was of particular importance for orators to travel in order to reach a wide audience there was also a broader cultural trend of travel, tourism, and pilgrimage among the Graeco-Roman elite.221 The marking of the landscape with dedicatory inscriptions often occurred on such travels. Arrian5s marking of the landscape of the Black Sea had a distinctly imperialistic flavour: he cut into the land to build a fortification ditch, and he also set up an inscription at 218 On cults offering transformation beyond the confines of the temple, synagogue, or church and the suggestion that this may have been connected to social mobility see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 287-301. On martyrologies, the body, and transformation see G. Clark, 'Bodies and blood. Late Antique debate on martyrdom, virginity and resurrection', in D. Montserrat, ed., Changing Bodies., Changing Meanings: Studies on the Human Body in Antiquity (London, 1998), 99-115, especially 106, T. Wilfong, 'Reading the disjointed body in Coptic. From physical modification to textual fragmentation', in D. Montserrat, ed., Changing Bodies., Changing Meanings: Studies on the Human Body in Antiquity (London, 1998), 116-36, and Cox-Miller, Dreams^ 148-83. 219 Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 582. 220 e.g. H.L. ¥.56; Oration 20 A Palinodefor Smyrna 2 (he is at his estate at Laneion, the Saviour restrains him from addressing the assembly in person); Oration 21 The Smyrnaean Oration (II) 2 (he is absent as usual because the god guides him); Oration 24 To the Rhodians: Concerning Concord i (again he is not able to deliver the speech in person to the Rhodians on account of his health); Oration 32 Funeral Address in Honour of Alexander 41 (he wishes he had a stronger constitution so that he could go to Kotiaion and be of service to the people there); Oration 33 To those who criticize him^passim^ e.g. 4 (the charge against him, that he does not declaim frequently; he would be pre-eminent if he wished to); Oration 46 The Isthmian Oration: Regarding Poseidon i (he had been prevented from being at the Olympian festival because of illness; now he has found a kind of harbour through the divine favour of Zeus the Saviour and Poseidon the Securer). 221 Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods^ 183-369, and Pretzler (n. 34), 32-43.

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Sebastopolis which recorded his visit and claimed the land as Hadrian's.222 Most of the epigraphic evidence associated with Aristides has a religious dimension. A number of inscriptions survive which were set up by Aristides in the landscape both in the vicinity of his estate and further afield. Probably in Hadrianoutherai he dedicated a statue to Hera,223 in Mysia in the area of Omer Koy a marble altar to Dike and Nemesis224 and an inscription to Isis and Serapis;225 on Lesbos a marble altar to Asklepios the Saviour;226 and on Mt Pentelikon in Attica an altar probably to Asklepios, Hygieia, and Telesphoros.227 Some of these are known to have been set up in sacred locations, others perhaps were not. Two inscriptions which have been only tentatively associated with Aristides come from sanctuaries of Asklepios: one on a seat in the theatre at Pergamon,228 and one from Epidauros.229 All these inscriptions map Aristides on to the landscape, and create an itinerary around places of particular importance to him, and specifically of heightened contact with the divine. In some cases the choice of deity alludes to other landscapes and further journeys, for example the dedication to Isis and Serapis perhaps ought to be connected with his journey to Egypt, and the dedications on Lesbos and Mt Pentelikon perhaps recall his association with Pergamon, the centre of the cults of 'Asklepios the Saviour5 and Telesphoros. A fragmentary inscription from the Pergamene Asklepieion itself refers specifically to the god's rescue of the dedicant from a stormy sea voyage, 'from streams and winter rivers and the force of winds' (Fig. 2s).230 Scholars are divided as to whether this inscription should be ascribed to Aristides. If it is accepted as his, as had been argued by R. Herzog and more recently by C. P. Jones, it is an epigraphic instance of a combined emphasis on travel, landscape, divine contact, and autobiographical self-presentation: in addition to the references to being saved from the raging landscape (bodies of water and winds), the dedicant refers to himself as 'companion of the Ausonian kings' (the emperors) and describes his great renown in terms of its geographical extent. In this respect the inscription

222 Arrian, Periplous 9.3-5 (ditch); see above n. 156 for the inscription. 223 L. Robert, Etudes Anatoliennes. Recherches sur les Inscriptions Grecques de VAsie Mineure (Paris, 1937), 211, Puech, Orateurs, 138, no. 40. 224 Robert, Etudes Anatoliennes (n. 223), 216, Puech, Orateurs, 138, no. 41. 225 Robert, Etudes Anatoliennes (n. 223), 218, Puech, Orateurs, 138, no. 42. 226 S. Charitonides, Ai Epigraphai tes Lesbou, Sympleroma (Athens, 1968), 27-8, no. 33, Puech, Orateurs, 138, no. 43. 227 IG II2 4531, C. P. Jones, 'Three foreigners in Attica', Phoenix 32 (1978), 222-34, at 231-4. 228 j±vp yni52 Inschriften von Pergamon 616 B; Behr, Sacred Tales, 7, n. 10. 229 IG iv2, i, 577; Behr, Sacred Tales, 87, n. 90. 230 R. Herzog, 'Ein Asklepios-Hymnus des Aristeides von Smyrna', Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 21 (1934), 753-69, AvP VIII,3, no. 145, C. P. Jones, 'Epigraphica IX. A poem by Aelius Aristides', ZPE 146 (2004), 95-8.

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FIG. 25. Marble votive inscription. H: £.42 cm, W: 49 cm, D: 8.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

displays significant thematic parallels with the Hieroi Logoi^ as well as linguistic similarities to the writings of Aristides, as argued by R. Herzog. In addition to these inscriptions set up by Aristides himself, others dedicated two further inscriptions originally set up in conjunction with statues of the orator. There are various interpretative difficulties with these inscriptions, but both seem to allude to Aristides3 travels and oratory. One appears to have been set up in Smyrna, but it is the cthe city of Alexandria and Hermopolis Magna and the Council of \htAntinoeis Neoi Hellenes and the Greeks who dwell in the Delta of Egypt and in the Theban Nome' who honour Aristides.231 This inscription has been interpreted as a dedication set up by Aristides5 supporters, possibly Egyptian Greeks living in Smyrna or even the city of Smyrna itself, recalling actual honours he had received when he travelled to Egypt. Not only does this inscription recall 231 OGISII, 709, Sammelbuch V 8276. Translation C. A. Behr, The Complete Works of P. Aelius Aristides, vol. I Orations I-XVI with an appendix containing the fragments and inscriptions (Amsterdam 1986), Appendix II Inscriptions, 425 no. 8. See J. Bingen, 'Aelius Aristide, OGIS 709 et les "Grecs d' Egypte" ', in J. Servais, T. Hackens, andB. Servais-Soyez, eds., Stemmata: melangesdephilologie, d}histoire etd'archaeologie grecques offerts a Jules Labarbe (Louvain, 1987), 173-85, M.-H. Quet, 'L'inscription de Verone en Thonneur d'Aelius Aristides et le rayonnement de la seconde sophistique chez les "Grecs d'Egypte" ', REA 94 (1992), 379-401, and Puech, Omteurs, 140-5. It is probably referred to in Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 582.

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Aristides3 journey to Egypt, it also evokes the landscape of Egypt through its reference to geographical features rather than using the official language of the Roman imperial administration. These aspects of travel and geography are combined with Aristides3 oratory in the statement that he is honoured cfor his goodness and his speeches3. The second honorific monument is a statue of a seated bearded philosopher acquired by Pius IV (1559-1565) for the Vatican (Fig. 26).232 Literary sources from the sixteenth century confirm that the plinth on which the statue stood was inscribed cAristides of Smyrna3 (APIETIAHZ ZMYPNEOZ}. The incorrect spelling of this inscription has long roused suspicions about the authenticity of the monument. Most of the plinth is now missing. It has been argued that the inscription itself should be dated to the Antonine period on technical grounds, and on stylistic grounds the statue has been dated to the late second or early third century AD, perhaps to be understood as a copy of a bronze statue in the Asiatic style. But the orthography of the inscription does present problems, and the case is not conclusive. If accepted as a genuine second-century honorific portrait of Aristides, the setting up of this statue in Rome should probably be connected with his visits to the metropolis in £.AD 144 and 155. The appellation cof Smyrna' recalls Aristides3 connections to the landscape of Asia Minor, his close identification with this adopted city, and implicitly evokes the idea of his voyage from Asia Minor to Rome; he is depicted as a philosopher, alluding to his intellectual pursuits. The monument as a whole, then, combines the dimensions of Aristides3 journeys and his logoi. During one of his visits to Rome Aristides delivered Oration 26 Regarding Rome-, similarly his journey to Attica enabled him to deliver another extant speech, Oration i The Panathenaic Oration. In these instances there is a complex interpenetration between actual journeys in the Mediterranean, the marking of the landscape by inscriptional dedications, and Aristides3 speeches. In Aristides3 corpus as a whole the theme of landscape and travel recurs, including descriptions of landscape, and statements that certain speeches were composed in thanks for being saved from a dangerous journey.233 Aristides3 speeches, as well as the epigraphical record associated with him, can be read as the orator's itinerary through the landscape of the Roman empire, and as an expression of his geographical, religious, and autobiographical consciousness. While this chapter has focused on the discourses of travel within the Hieroi Lqgoi^ and has interpreted this text in the light of other contemporary literary and visual descriptions of travel and landscape, this final brief overview of the theme of travel in the 232 G. M. A. Richter, The Portraits of the Greeks, vol. 3 (London, 1965), 287; A. Giuliano, 'Aristide di Smirne', Dialoghi di Archeologia I.i (1967), 72-81; Behr, Sacred Tales, 4 n. 5 and in n. 63. 233 A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'The body in the landscape: Aristides' corpus in the light of the Hieroi Logo?, in W. V. Harris and B. Holmes, eds.^Aelius Aristides between Greece, Rome, and the Gods. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition XXXII (Leiden, 2008), 127-46.

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FIG. 26. Marble statue of seated philosopher, base inscribed 'Aristides of Smyrna'. H: 164 cm. From Rome. Late second or early third century AD.

epigraphical record associated with Aristides and in his other orations strongly suggests the fundamental importance of this theme in Aristides5 life, and argues against seeing this text as an isolated discourse. This chapter has covered a wide range of material about the body and travel. The reason for casting the net so widely was to demonstrate that these themes were prominent in a range of different areas of Second Sophistic culture. The aim

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was also to set the scene for the following three chapters which analyse in depth Aristides5 Hieroi Lq0oi and the material evidence from the Asklepieion at Pergamon. Since the body and travel are crucial elements in the practice and expression of healing pilgrimage, the phenomenon ought to be seen within the culture's broader concern with these discourses. One conclusion which emerges from this examination is that healing pilgrimage engaged with elements central to Second Sophistic culture, and was not a fringe activity. The presentation of the body in a wide range of texts reveals the following recurrent concerns: the process of looking at the body and what this might reveal about its interior (character or physical state); the way the body is affected by the external world in the form of glances, diseases, and love; the tension between the unique extraordinary body and the generic body; the construction of interpretative systems for the body; the presentation of the expertise of the physician or physiognomist alternately between objective science and unique intuition. Healing pilgrimage and one of its most eloquent expressions, Aristides3 Hieroi Logoi^ suggest connections between the discourses of the body and travel. Themes common to travel and body discourses include: the linear structure of listing, strategies for establishing the credibility of the author including autopsy, and the presence otthaumata within the regular structure. The relevance of discourses of the body and travel to the Hieroi Lqgoi has already been traced above, and is readily apparent; but they are equally important for an understanding of the material evidence, both the topography of the Asklepieion and the votive offerings on display. For the Asklepieion collected a range of bodies, including extaordinary ones by virtue of their sickness or miraculous cure, placed them within a physical and ritual framework, and offered narratives for understanding the process of illness and cure; while votive dedications commemorating the visit to the sanctuary and the cure of the body were meaningful in the context of broader cultural discourses about the body and travel. So the material and arguments of this chapter form the crucial background for a further close reading of the Hieroi Logoi in chapter three, and beyond that, for the examination of the space of the Asklepieion in chapter four and votive offerings in chapter five.

THREE

The Hieroi Logoi of Aelius Aristides: Aristides before his God in Body and Logos

For the nature of his disease, and the fact that he suffered from muscle spasms he himself writes in the Sacred books (ev 7e/>ofs- pipXtois)', and these books served him in some sort as diaries, and the diaries are good teachers of the art of speaking well on every subject.1

This passage from Philostratos' Vitae Sophistarum identifies two central features of the Hieroi Lo^oi: its status as an illness narrative and its preoccupation with the art of oratory. Body and logos lie intertwined at the heart of Aristides' votive offering to Asklepios. This chapter offers an analysis of the Hieroi Logoi as a discourse combining a charismatic experience of miraculous bodily healing with a sophisticated zVttepaideia. The previous chapter explored conceptual connections between discourses about the body and travel and demonstrated their relevance to understanding Aristides5 text. It traced the construction of thaumata within the frameworks of science, 'pseudo-science', mapping, and measurement. This is an important theme in Aristides' text, which constructs his sick, suffering, and miraculous body within another elite framework of particular prominence in the second century AD—that of logos and the art of oratory. The intimate combination of these two elements is reflected in the title of the text, Hieroi Lo^oi^ which conveys both the religious dimension and the suggestion of narrative and reason. In the light of the elite religious polemics discussed in chapter one on the subject of divine immanence and charismatic contact with the gods, Aristides' sophisticated narrative of charismatic healing has elements of polemic and apologetic.

THE HIEROI LOGOI AS TEXT: SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS AND THE CREATION OF A WORLD FOR RELIGIOUS PEPAIDEUMENOI Scholarship on the Hieroi Logoi has often suffered from the distorting effects of 'over-realistic' readings which do not give sufficient consideration to the literary and rhetorical dimensions of the text. Such approaches assume that Aristides' 1

Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 581.

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'journal' offers the reader a clear and intimate picture of the author, devoid of the artifice of self-presentation. The elliptical, simple style of the Hieroi Lqgoi and its alleged lack of form have been seen as evidence for this kind of interpretation.2 Events and dates are often extracted from the text in a straightforward manner.3 C. A. Behr, who has translated the Hieroi Logoi and written influential interpretations of it, expresses the belief that it offers unique access to Aristides5 inner life: c if the voluminous and faithful record of dream world and waking life, which is the substance of that work, is correctly employed, for the first time unequalled possibilities are at hand to break the barriers of anonymity which surround the inner life of even the best known figures of antiquity, and without qualification or conjecture, to penetrate to the subconscious level of one of them.'4 A variety of readings have been offered on this basis, most of which are fundamentally 'psychological': P. Brown argued for Aristides' illness as an expression of thwarted political ambition; A.-J. Festugiere interpreted it in the light of the development of a Christian-style 'personal religion'; a number of scholars have applied psychoanalytical theories to Aristides' self-presentation and respectively come to the following conclusions: that he desired an 'ideal father figure' which he found in the person of Asklepios (E. R. Dodds), he was a hysteric (M. and D. Gourevitch), he suffered from hypochondria with some hysterical characteristics, and in particular that he unconsciously wished for and simultaneously feared homosexual penetration (based on Freudian theories) (G. Michenaud and J. Dierkens), he suffered from narcissism (P. Andersson and B.-A. Roos).5 Beyond this excessively simplistic approach lie retrospective medical and psychosomatic diagnoses, with little reference either to second-century medical understanding, or to the literary function of descriptions of Aristides' symptoms.6 2

Reardon, Courants litteraires, 458. On the plain style see above, chapter two, pp. 103-7. e.g. Behr, Sacred Tales and 'Studies on the biography of Aelius Aristides', ANRW 11.34.2 (1994), 1140-233, J. M. Cortes Copete, Elio Aristides: un sojista griego en el Imperio Romano (Madrid, 1995), 55-86, especially 77-86 (detailed dating on the basis of dreams narrated). 4 Behr, Sacred Tales, xiii. 5 P. Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (Cambridge, MA, 1978), 27-53; A.-J. Festugiere, Personal Religion among the Greeks (Berkeley, CA, 1954), 85-104; E. R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge, 1965), 41-5; M. and D. Gourevitch, 'Le cas Aelius Aristides ou memoires d'un hysterique au 2e siecle', in Information psychiatrique 44 (1968), no. 10, 897-902; G. Michenaud and J. Dierkens, Les Reves dans les (Discours Sacres' d'Aelius Aristide IT'siecle ap. J.-C. Essai d'analyse psychologique (Brussels, 1972), and P. Andersson and B.-A. Roos, 'On the psychology of Aelius Aristides', Eranos 95 3

(1997), 26-38. 6 On physical symptoms: e.g. Behr, Sacred Tales, 164-5: 'Aristides' symptoms seem to fall into two principal patterns: from 144 AD to 149 AD, they are mostly respiratory; from 166 AD to 171 AD, intestinal, evidently the after-effects of the smallpox', and see 165-8 for an exhaustive catalogue of the symptoms; see also Cortes Copete, Elio Aristides (n. 3), 55, and H. O. Schroder, P. A. Aristides. Heilige Eerichte: Einleitung, deutsche Ubersetzung und Kommentar (Heidelberg, 1986), 11-12. For a psychosomatic interpretation of physical symptoms see Dodds, Pagan and Christian (n. 5), 41, n. 6: 'Most if not all his ailments were of a psychosomatic type: among the medley of symptoms which he reports we can recognise those of acute

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It has been observed that scholars are almost without exception united in their profound dislike of Aristides.7 This is either expressed directly—for example, C. Bonner wrote that he was can outstanding example of the neurasthenic with an absorbing religious complex5 and called him a 'brainsick noodle3, and more recently A. Hoffmann described him as "something of an eccentric freak'—or implicitly by charging him with hypochondria.8 To the extent that scholars have acknowledged the literary quality of the text, they have not explored the implications of this—B. P. Reardon, for example, describes it as a failed novel.9 More fruitful approaches to the Hieroi Lo0oi include: the exploration of its autobiographical dimension by M.-H. Quet, its interpretation as a narrative of pain taking full account of the cultural specificity of dreaming and of the experience of illness by J. Perkins, H. King, and P. Cox-Miller, an emphasis on the Hippocratic and Epidaurian miraculous background of the text by M. Horstmanshoff, and the analysis of the role of rhetoric by L. Pernot.10 But the interpretation of the Hieroi Logoi as a fundamentally private account has not disappeared: for example, S. Swain writes that in this text Aristides' 'thoughts are as private as we can hope for from a personality that was so publicly self-conscious', and P. Cox-Miller interprets Aristides' association with the cult of Asklepios as a retreat from the public eye, and more

asthma and various forms of hypertension, producing violent nervous headaches, insomnia, and severe gastric troubles.' 7

Cox-Miller, Dreams^ 193-4. C. Bonner, 'Some phases of religious feeling in later paganism', HTR 30 (1937), 119-40, at 125 and 129, and Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 54; examples of hostile references to Aristides, including accusations of hypochondria, include: G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1969), 72; Reardon, Courants litteraires^ 258, 261, 262; Brown, Late Antiquity (n. 5), 41; R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean World from the Second Century A.D. to the Conversion of Constantine (London, 1986), 160; MacMullen, Paganism^ 9,15. 9 Reardon, Courants litteraires^ 255-65, especially 263-4 (he describes Aristides as a character in search of an author). See also J. Bompaire, 'Quatre styles d'autobiographic au IIe siecle apres J.-C: Aelius Aristide, Lucien, Marc-Aurele, Galien', in M.-F. Baslez, Ph. Hoffmann, and L. Pernot, eds., Uinvention de Vautobiographie d'Hesiode a saint Augustin (Paris, 1993), 199-209, at 199-202. 10 (i) M.-H. Quet, Tarler de soi pour louer son dieu: le cas d'Aelius Aristide (du journal intime de ses nuits aux Discours Sacres en 1'honneur du dieu Asklepios)', in M.-F. Baslez, Ph. Hoffmann, and L. Pernot, eds., Uinvention de Pautobiographie d^Hesiode a saint Au0ustin (Paris, 1993), 211-51. (2) Cox-Miller, Dreams^ 184-204. (3) J. Perkins, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London, 1995), 173-99. (4) H. King, 'Chronic pain and the creation of narrative', in J. L Porter, ed., Constructions of the Classical Body (Ann Arbor, MI, 1999), 269-86. (5) M. Horstmanshoff, 'Aelius Aristides: a suitable case for treatment', in B. E. Borg, ed., Paideia: The World of the Second Sophistic (Berlin, 2004), 277-90. (6) L. Pernot, 'Les Discours Sacres d'Aelius Aristide entre medicine, religion et rhetorique', Atti Accademia Pontaniana, Napoli, NS, 51 (2002), 369-83, and 'The rhetoric of religion', Rhetorica 24.3 (2006), 235-54. (7) Behr, 'Biography3 (n. 3), 1224-33, 'XIII. Bibliography of works with special pertinence to Aristides, which have appeared since c.i96o', for a bibliographic list 1960-94, and Horstmanshoff, 'Case for treatment' (above (5)), 286 n. 40, on the history of scholarship of the Hieroi Logoi. 8

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fundamentally from the public nature of second-century society.11 Several factors argue against these positions. One of the reasons that the Hieroi Lqtjoi has been seen as a private text is its apparent lack of structure in combination with its focus on the author's body and his relationship with the god. But whereas such subjects may occur in private diaries ancient and modern, in this case we are dealing with a work belonging to a well-established literary genre, that of the hieros logos, an aetiological account of a religious activity or ceremony, or in the words of A.-J. Festugiere £an account of the apparition of a god or goddess who makes a revelation'.12 The text was published, as Aristides makes clear in a number of passing references both in the Hieroi Logoi itself and in other orations, and was certainly known and admired by the time Philostratos was writing.13 There is also evidence to suggest that the Hieroi Logoi was not considered to be entirely different and separate from Aristides' other public speeches: Aristides or his first editor grouped it together with ten other orations (37-46) under the title Mavrevroi^ 'speeches prescribed by oracle'.14 Interpenetration between the Hieroi Logoi and the other orations also argues for the interpretation of this text in the same light as the rest of Aristides' corpus. On the most basic level some of the same characters (such as fellow pilgrims to Asklepios, the emperors, Aristides' teacher the grammarian Alexander of Kotiaion) and events (such as earthquakes in Asia Minor and the plague) occur both in the Hieroi Lqtjoi and in other orations.15 In addition, in the Hieroi Lojyoi 11 Swain, Hellenism, 255. P. Cox-Miller argues for the opposition of'the public forum and the private cult' (Cox-Miller, Dreams, 204). Elsewhere she writes t h a t ' . . . Aristides' sick body took him literally and figuratively inside the temple, where his body was an oneiric gift from the god, and out of the public arena' (Cox-Miller, Dreams, 195), and '.. .Aristides never surmounted the conflicting currents that pulled him toward both the public forum and the private cult. Alternately retreating to and emerging from his dreamy Asclepian world...' (Cox-Miller, Dreams, 204). This is interpreted as ' . . . Aristides' refusal of the public persona required of an orator...' (Cox-Miller, Dreams, 200). 12 Festugiere, Personal Religion (n. 5), 88. See also C. Weiss, 'Literary turns: the representation of conversion in Aelius Aristides' Hieroi Lqgoi and in Apuleius' Metamorphoses', unpublished doctoral dissertation (Yale University, 1998), 30-7, for an interpretation of the title Hieroi Lo^oi as a reference to Aristides becoming 'a god in the cult of rhetoric' (36). 13 (i) H.L. II.2 'But now so many years and so much time afterwards, visions of dreams compel me somehow to make these things public (ayeiy aura TTOJS els /Lteaov)'; the term els i^eaov was commonly used for 'publication'. (2) Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 4: 'But if my teacher [Asklepios] is indeed clear, and this is most likely—the way in which he taught me and the means, has been told in the Hieroi Lqgoi...' This statement, which suggests that the Hieroi Lqgoi was well known, was itself made in public in the Asklepieion at the Night Festival of the god early in AD 177 (see C. A. Behr, The Complete Works of P. Aelius Aristides, vol. II Orations XVII-LIII (translation and commentary) (Amsterdam 1981), 416). (3) Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 581 (quoted at the beginning of chapter three). 14 Behr, Complete Works 2 (n. 13), 223 n. i. 15 (i) Fellow pilgrims to Asklepios: Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16 (the intense bond between fellow pilgrims to the Pergamene Asklepieion), Oration 28 Concerning a Remark in Passing 88 (reference to an epigram of the painter Parrhasios, apparently related to him by 'a comrade—so he sits near me as an incubant'), ibid. 133 (his fellow pilgrims could also speak about his nature: he is annoyed if they do not

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there are references to the process of composition and delivery of other orations (including the extant Oration 34 Against those who burlesque the Mysteries^ Oration 41 Dionysos^ and Oration 27 Panegyric in Kyzikos) and more generally to Aristides5 oratorical career and development, while key themes of this text—the combination of the body and the divine with travel and landscape—are also prominent in the rest of Aristides5 works.16 It is argued here that the Hieroi Logoi displays a literary self-consciousness which contradicts interpretations of it as cunworked jottings' revealing the private thoughts of the author, and that this text is not addressed to a select religious group, but engages in mainstream intellectual discourse. The activity of telling a story both orally and in writing is a recurring theme in the Hieroi Logoi. On several occasions Aristides mentions his habit of relating his dreams to fellow worshippers and to neokoroi and priests in the Asklepieion, while in many of the dreams which he describes there are scenes where he relates his dreams to somebody.17 A considerable number of references to the process of composing the Hieroi Lqgoi^ often with Asklepios5 help, draws the reader's attention to Aristides as divinely inspired author and suggests a high degree of self-consciousness and literary self-awareness.18 The very production of this text, in addition to its subsequent readings, involves divine favour. At the opening Aristides explicitly writes about his life in terms of a story to be recorded and told: make way for him but he is ashamed not to give up his place to the one who made way), Oration 36 The Egyptian Discourse 10 (reference to comments about his journey to Egypt made by Dion, a companion at Pergamon) (2) Alexander of Kotiaion: H.L. 1.23 and Oration 32 Funeral Address in Honour of Alexander (3) the emperor: H.L. 1.36-8 (dream of Marcus Aurelius), 1.46-9 (dream of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus), IV. 75 (he receives letters from Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, confirming his immunity from public office), and Oration 23 Concerning Concord 78-9, Oration 27 Panegyric in Kyzikos 22-39 (concord between the emperors) (4) earthquakes: H.L. 111.38-43 and Orations 17-21 (5) the plague: H.L. II.41, V.25 and Oration 33 T0 those who criticize him 6. 16

H.L. IV.25 and V.i6. See A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'The body in the landscape: Aristides' corpus in the light of the Hieroi Logo?, in W. V. Harris and B. Holmes, cds.,Aelius Aristides between Greece, Rome, and the Gods. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition XXXII (Leiden, 2008), 127-46. 17 (i) References to relating and discussing dreams in the Pergamene Asklepieion e.g. H.L. 11.35 (Aristides used to communicate most of his dreams to Asklepiakos, neokoros at the Asklepieion at Pergamon) andff.Z. IV.i6 (Aristides and Sedatus, formerly called Theophilus, a man of praetorian rank from Nikaia, habitually discuss their dreams in a joint effort to identify the god's prescribed cures; on Sedatus see below n. 36) (2) references to relating dreams within dream narratives: e.g. H.L., 1.9,1.12,1.17, 1.39, and V.49-50. 18 Swain, Hellenism, 260-1: 'They [the Sacred Tales] are remarkable as literary texts, excessively selfconscious not only about their content but also about the writing process, factors which make interpretations of their structure quite hazardous.' On Aristides' self-presentation as author of the text see A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Sacred writing, sacred reading: the function of Aelius Aristides' self-presentation as author in the Sacred Tales', in J. Mossman and B. McGing, eds., The Limits of Ancient Biography (Swansea, 2006), 193-211.

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For each one of my days as well as my nights affords material for writing, if someone either wanted to record the events one by one or to narrate the foreknowledge of the god, some of which he showed openly in his own presence, and others he showed in a procession of dreams, as far as it was possible to get any sleep.19

Simultaneously he repeatedly expresses his inability to tell the full story of the god's favours to him. This kind of protestation is a familiar literary trope, and indeed Aristides couches it in Homeric allusions and parallels.20 The result is that the audience is tantalized by the knowledge that Aristides has received innumerable other favours, which are beyond even the great orator to narrate.21 There are even instances where Aristides explicitly withholds stories of divine revelations on the grounds of religious propriety.22 This creates the sense that the audience is only getting a fragmented glimpse of the marvels and divine manifestations revealed to the favoured Aristides. The sense of fragmentation is counterbalanced by a series of references to the documentation of the events described. Aristides makes several references to the dream diaries which he kept at the command of the god and which he claims to have used in the composition of the Hiewi Lqtjoi.23 At one point, following a protestation that it is beyond human power to tell the full story of the god's favours, he actually invites the serious reader to search out his diaries where he will find more information. ... and if anyone should want to know most precisely the things which happened to me through the god, he should now seek the parchments and the dreams themselves. For he will also find cures of all kinds and some conversations and full-length narratives and all kinds of divine manifestations and all the pronouncements and prophecies of the god about all sorts of things, some written in prose and some in verse, and all worthy of more gratitude to the god than one could imagine.24 19 20

H.L. 1.3.

Protestations of the author's inability to tell the full story include: H.L. 1.2, II. i, II.8, II. 10, II. n, II.18 11.22,11.33, H.8o, III.6, III.I7,111-30, IV.I5, IV.38, IV.yo, IV.So. Homeric allusions: H.L. Li, 11.58, II.6o. 21 e.g. H.L. 11.24. 22 H.L. 1.71,11.33, IV.so (in this instance he relents). Pausanias too withholds religious information from his readers, e.g. 1.38.7 (the sanctuary at Eleusis) and 4.33.4-5 (the rites of Demeter and Kore at the Karnasian grove outside Messene). For a discussion see J. Eisner, 'Pausanias: a Greek pilgrim in the Roman world', PastPres 135 (1992), 3-29, especially 20-5; reprinted in R. Osborne, ed., Studies in Greek and Roman Society (Cambridge, 2004), 260-82, with 'Postscript 2003', at 282-5, and Ch. Habicht, Pausanias* Guide to Ancient Greece (Berkeley, CA, 1998), 156. See also Apuleius,^0/0/fjy 61 and Metamorphoses 11.22 for tantalizing references to the knowledge of initiates (on the latter see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 287-8). 23 H.L. II.2 (Asklepios' command to Aristides to keep a record of his dreams); II.3, 8, III.26, 30, and IV.25 (references to the diaries). 24 H.L. II.8.

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This is sophisticated rhetoric: if they existed at all, and were not simply a rhetorical construction, these diaries were not published and in any case elsewhere he writes that a substantial part of them was lost amongst the confusion at home.25 Aristides is in fact tantalizing the reader with this fabulous list of contents while at the same time he creates the myth of the possibility of verification of his claims through the perusal of documents. An interesting parallel to this theme of an original diary kept at the command of the god occurs in the fifteenth-century Christian pilgrimage narrative, The Book of Margery Kempe. This account of a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, like the Hieroi Logoi, has been used to make medical diagnoses concerning the author, including madness and temporal lobe epilepsy, though the fictionality of the text is increasingly being recognized.26 The theme of the documentation of the pilgrimage unfolds in the proem and preface of the text: God orders her to write her revelations; the book is written for her by a man who writes so badly that it is illegible; another priest then tries to copy this 'original3, but four years later has achieved nothing; the book is sent to a third person who manages to copy out only one page; finally the priest takes it back again and through the grace of prayer succeeds in copying out the book with miraculous ease.27 This theme, like that of the original diary ordered by the god in the Hieroi Logoi, simultaneously implies the documentation of thaumata^ and the involvement of the divine not only with the pilgrim but also with the text now in the reader's hand. In addition to the theme of the original diary Aristides supports his stories of thaumata by references to the presence of sceptical witnesses who come to inspect the performance of cures at the command of the god, and are then convinced by the interventions of the god.28 Aristides rhetorically protests that while no reader could conceive of his physical condition and sufferings, 'those

25 For the loss of a part of his dream books see H.L. II.3 and III.26. Behr interprets Aristides' statements about his diaries literally: Behr, Sacred Tales, 117:'... in all probability Aristides diverges only slightly from the primary source of his parchment books'. See Behr, Sacred Tales, 116-17 for a discussion of Aristides' 'sources'. For a perceptive analysis of the theme of documentation, record, and its relation to narrative in the Hieroi Lq0oi see L. T. Pearcy, 'Theme, dream and narrative: reading the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides', TAPA 118 (1988), 377-91. 26 e.g. P. R. Freeman, C. R. Bogarad, and D. E. Sholomskas, 'Margery Kempe, a new theory: the inadequacy of hysteria and postpartum psychosis as diagnostic categories', History of Psychiatry i (1990), 168-90, (madness), R. Lawes, 'Psychological disorder and the autobiographical impulse in Julian of Norwich, Margery Kempe, and Thomas Hoccleve', in D. Renevey and C. Whitehead, eds., Writing Religious Women: Female Spiritual and Textual Practices in Late Medieval England (Cardiff, 2000), 217-43, at 229-33 (temporal lobe epilepsy); on fictionality see L. Stanley, Margery Kempe}s Dissenting Fictions (University Park, PA, 1994). I am grateful to Laura Varnam for these references. 27 B. Windeatt, ed., The Book of Margery Kempe (Woodbridge, 2004), 41-51 (proem), and 5-9 (discussion). 28 e.g. H.L. 11.20 and 51.

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who were present at each event know in what state I was both externally and internally.'29 Such statements contribute to the sense of the documentation and witnessing of the thaumatct. Writing about religion was of course a privilege of the literate and literary elite.30 In the case of the Hieroi Logoi, which Aristides identifies as a votive thank offering requested by Asklepios, writing about religion becomes part of the elite practice of religion.31 Writing about religion should be understood as part of a wider debate about religion, as suggested by references to discussions about religious practice, ritual and meaning in the dialogues of Plutarch, and references to the discussion of dreams and cures amongst elite worshippers in the Asklepieion.32 At the centre of such religious texts lies the question of what is the right way to practice religion as a member of the social and intellectual elite. Plutarch and Lucian address the question explicitly by polemically constructing and defining elite and popular models of religious behaviour and condemning the latter through reasoned argument and ridicule respectively. While Aristides does not explicitly engage in the debate, the model of religious behaviour he constructs in the Hieroi Lqgoi is unmistakably elite both socially and intellectually. In fact Aristides does something more radical than simply to present a model of religious behaviour available to the elite: he constructs a new social and intellectual elite model and he places religion at its very centre. In the world of the Hieroi Logoi the pepaideumenos is in close personal touch with the divine, thus implicitly redefining paideia as a combination oflojjos and religion. On the basis of internal evidence, it is first argued here that the Hieroi Logoi is addressed to a social elite and celebrates the religious dimensions of that social identity, but is not addressed to an exclusive audience of religious initiates. The discussion then proceeds to consider the text's construction of an elite defined according to socio-political, intellectual, and religious achievements, before highlighting the personal focus of this new model. The underlying claim of this analysis is that the Hieroi Logoi is part of a broader religious discourse, which though polemical, was not the product of a fringe religious mentalite.

29

H.L. 11.56. On literacy in the ancient world see W. V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 175-284, especially 218-21 (religious uses of writing); responses and critiques collected in J. Humphrey, ed., Literacy in the Roman World, JRA Supplementary Series 3, (Ann Arbor, MI, 1991), especially M. Beard, 'Writing about religion: Ancient Literacy and the function of the written word in Roman religion', 35-58, and on the interactions of literacy and power see A. Bowman and G. Woolf, eds., Literacy and Power in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1994). 31 H.L. ILi-4. Other instances of composing at the command of the god as part of healing treatments include H.L. IV.4 and V.i6. 32 See above n. 17, chapter one n. 67 and n. 101, and below chapter five n. 29 and n. 30. 30

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The rhetoric of documentation and witnessing of thaumata^ including the convincing of'doubters', suggests that Aristides is concerned about the credibility of the Hieroi Lqgoi among a wider audience.33 He certainly assumes his reader's familiarity with the basic Asklepian rituals of incubation, and with the occurrence of divine manifestations and interventions, but these were widely known, whatever people's attitudes to these claims. On two occasions Aristides seems expressly to address people who have had similar religious experiences and to exclude the non-religious amongst his readers. However, on closer scrutiny these expressions function as persuasive rhetoric rather than as calls to specific groups of religious initiates. Following a highly charged description of the effect an epiphany of Asklepios had on him he writes: cAnd what human being is capable of describing these things in words? If there is anyone who is initiated, he knows and understands.'34 Here Aristides uses the language of religious initiation of a cult which was, perhaps more than any other, open to all who had need of the god's help. On one level Aristides invites the reader to invoke his or her own experience of religious epiphany, while on another, he rhetorically conveys the depth of his feeling, having, despite his protestations, very eloquently just described the effects of the divine epiphany on his person. This passage does not suggest that the reader of the Hieroi Logoi was assumed to have particular religious knowledge or experiences. Similarly Aristides' bold statement dismissing any reader who is not willing to believe the part he played in stopping a spate of earthquakes is more of a rhetorical flourish than a real sifting of his readership for a core of'believers': cAs to what happened after this, to him for whom it is congenial to believe, let him believe, and for whom it is not, farewell.'35 While Aristides is addressing a social elite and trying to elicit a religious response, these passages do not suggest that his audience was envisaged as an unusually religious group. A further indication of the nature of the intended audience of the Hieroi Logoi is the intratextual audience of Aristides' miraculous cures and favours. A great many of the characters—some of whom are known from other historical sources—are from the social, political, and intellectual elite of Asia Minor.36 Aristides thus constructs his ideal community of worshippers by way of inclusion and omission. In reality, of course, the sanctuary of Asklepios at Pergamon was not only open to upper-class males: illness cut across all social and gender distinctions, and votive 33

34 35 e.g. H.L. 1.62-8 and II.zo. H.L. 11.33HJL. III.4O. e.g. (i) T. Claudius Pardalas, orator, see Behr, Sacred Tales, 48, with n. 28, and Puech, Orateurs, 372-5 (2) Sedatus, formerly called Theophilus, of praetorian rank from Nikaia; it is unclear whether this man should be identified with L. Sedatius Theophilus, citizen of Laodikeia ad Lycum, see Behr, Sacred Tales, 47 with n. 25, H. Halfmann, Die Senatoren aus dem ostlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts n.Chr. (Gottingen, 1979), 164, no. 78, and Review by S. Mitchell mJRS 71 (1981), 193 (3) L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus consul in AD 142 and patron of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios (Halfmann, Senatoren (see above (2)), 154, no. 66) (4) L. Salvius Julianus consul AD 170/171 (5) Q. Fabius Julianus Optatianus consul AD 128 and proconsul of Asia AD 145/146. 36

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inscriptions provide evidence for the presence of female worshippers while the incubation fee of three obols was not prohibitively expensive.37 The only characters who appear in the text to diverge from the elite male model are Aristides' servants (examined below), one female worshipper at the sanctuary who is described as £a noble woman5, and at least two local men who were involved in farming and raising animals.38 All these characters play significant roles connected to Aristides' contact with the divine, and thus form part of a religious if not a social elite. The woman Tyche intrudes into Aristides' text not personally but only through the ointment which she leaves as an offering at the statue of the god; this ointment is interpreted by Aristides and the neokoros Asklepiakos as the cure which Asklepios had just prescribed to Aristides.39 Thus Tyche, as a worshipper of the god and a facilitator of Aristides' religious healing, is granted a place in the text. Similarly a non-elite man who appears in the Hieroi Lq0oi—though not in the sanctuary—provides Aristides with two geese to sacrifice to Isis in accordance with a dream.40 Another, a farmer at Poimanenos, dreams that Aristides has vomited up a viper's head while the latter is in fact on pilgrimage there and undergoing therapeutic vomiting to purge his system according to Asklepios' orders.41 These rustic characters are spontaneously in touch with the divine healer on Aristides' behalf. The theme of elite/rustic symbiosis in the area of religion and culture occurs throughout Philostratos' Heroikos^ in which the vinedresser who tends the tomb of Protesilaos and converses with him previously enjoyed city life and elite philosophical education, and in the story of Herodes Attikos' friendship with the rustic Herakles, who wore wolf-skins, wrestled animals, lived off milk and barley meal and was said to be the son of the 'rustic hero' Marathon.42 Elite claims of practising 'traditional' religion fed off the myth of a return to a pure form of worship still to be found in the countryside. Both the woman Tyche and the rustic characters gain a place in the Hieroi Lq0oi because they belong to an alternative elite religious community of worshippers of Asklepios. However, for the most part Aristides focuses on an elite which fuses sociopolitical and religious elements. For example, he does not fail to mention the high social status or political appointments (present or future) of the worshippers in the sanctuary, and he relates a dream in which the emperor acknowledges to 37

AvP Vin,3, nos. 72, 81, 86-92, 95b, 100, 117 (examples of female worshippers), and Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', line 8 (incubation fee). 38 (i) H.L. III.22, Tyche has been identified as Julia Tyche, related to Julius Quadratus of the prominent Pergamene family (Halfmann, Senatoren (n. 36), 114, and Puech, Orateurs, 435-8). (2) H.L. 111.45, 'the man who raised the geese' and H.L. IV.5, ca farmer'. Another possible reference to a non-elite local is H.L. 111.44, 'Meilates from the Akropolis'. 39 40 41 H.L. 111.22. H.L. 111.44, III.45H.L. IV.5. 42 Philostratos, Heroikos 2.6, 4.5-10, and Vitae Sophistarum 552-4. On the former see E. B. Aitken and J. K. B. Maclean, eds., Philostratus^s Heroikos: Religion and Cultural Identity in the Third Century C.E. (Atlanta, GA, 2004).

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him that the worship of Asklepios is best of all.43 He also subtly interweaves the themes of religious worship and elite intellectual practice, for instance by linking people's intellectual or literary interests to their religious ones even in short descriptions such as, "Rosandros was a philosopher and generally devoted to the worship of the god.'44 In the world of \htHiewiLq0oi the man of true intellect is a religious man, and often a particular devotee of Asklepios: the twin features of elite paideia are logos and worship.

THE PROTAGONIST OF THE HIEROI LOGOI: AELIUS ARISTIDES THEODOROS, ASKLEPIOS5 SERVANT, ORATOR, AND PATIENT Aristides5 self-presentation in the Hieroi Logoi entails nothing less than a new polemical model of elite behaviour, in which religion occupies the central position. Aristides5 identity in the text is constructed in fundamentally religious and, indeed, Asklepian terms. He ascribes all the good things in his life, and the very continuation of life itself, to the agency of Asklepios.45 In a dream he identifies himself solely as a worshipper of Asklepios in front of the emperor, Tor it was enough for me to say this much about myself.546 In another dream he is given the new name Theodoros ('gift of the god5), and he writes that he accepted the title c as everything of mine was a gift of the god (nav rov^ov e??? rov Seov 801 pea).547 This explanation constitutes valuable evidence for Aristides5 understanding of the religious meaning of his new theophoric name. This contrasts starkly with Aristotle's statement in the Poetics that the -doros in the name Theodoros was not significant.48 The assessment of the religious meaning of theophoric names is generally complicated by the absence of the kind of internal information which Aristides offers.49 In his case the theophoric name was given to him in a revelatory dream in adulthood, whereas others were given such names in infancy by their parents. In this respect Aristides5 acceptance of a new name linking him to the divine and his self-definition solely as a worshipper of Asklepios find interesting parallels in first- and second-century Christian texts. In a letter to the Ephesians the first-century martyr St Ignatius of Antioch identifies himself as "Ignatius, also called Theophoros5 (cbearer of God5), a name not previously attested and thus 43

H.L. 1.23. H.L. IV.ip. See also H.L. IV.iS, Maximus c . . . a worshipper of the ancients, and in some way enthusiastic about oratory5, and H.L. TV.23 e . . . Euarestos the Cretan, one of those who studied philosophy, came from Egypt in order to make investigations about the god.' 45 46 H.L. 11.37 and Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 6-7. H.L. 1.23. 47 48 H.L. IV.53Aristotle, Poetics I457a 12-14. 49 R. Parker, 'Theophoric names and the history of Greek religion', in S. Hornblower and E. Matthews, eds., Greek Personal Names and their Value as Evidence. Proceedings of the British Academy 104 (Oxford, 2000), 53-80. 44

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likely to have been created especially for Ignatius.50 Martyr texts relate instances where Christians insist on not revealing their names to magistrates and instead identify themselves only as 'Christianus' or 'Christiana'.51 These parallels perhaps suggest that Aristides' religious discourse was as absolute and all-encompassing as contemporary Christian ones. The name Theodoros, which labelled Aristides as a gift from the god, is used in the honorific monument probably set up in Smyrna by the city of Alexandria and others.52 This new religious name and identity do not seem, then, to have been confined either to the text of the Hieroi Lqgoi or to the Asklepieion of Pergamon, but also had a role in the public arena of civic benefactions and honours. This usage indicates that the religious and miraculous discourse of the Hieroi Lo0oi could be accommodated in wider second-century culture. However, this is a rare instance where external evidence demonstrates that something told about Aristides the protagonist of the Hieroi Logoi was also true about Aristides the orator. Although there may have been strong connections between Aristides5 literary self-presentation and his public oratorical persona, and even his £reaT personality, such evidence is on the whole not available, and this discussion is focused on the textual Aristides. All aspects of this literary Aristides are encompassed by the religious discourse of the Hieroi Lo^oi. His body is a central feature, and this is perhaps not surprising in the context of a votive offering to the healing god Asklepios. What is more surprising is the involvement of Aristides5 oratory. Logoi^ as much as the body, become media through which the relationship with the god is explored. Although not private, the text is undoubtedly focused on the person of Aristides, and in this way it implies that the religion of the pepaideumenos could or ought to be focused on the self and the individual's relationship with the divine. The text succeeds in fusing such apparently disparate elements into a coherent religious discourse, in particular a miraculous discourse. The reader is explicitly invited to interpret all events in Aristides' life, especially his bodily suffering, as manifestations of divine favour.53 Both the range of areas in Aristides' life in which Asklepios is seen to intervene and the intensity of contacts are features of the miraculous discourse of the Hieroi Lojyoi.

50

P. Th. Camelot, Ignace d'Antioche, Polycarpe de Smyrne. Lettres. Martyre de Polycarpe (Paris, 1969), 56, and for a discussion of the term see A. Brent, Ignatius ofAntioch and the Second Sophistic: A Study of the Early Christian Transformation of Pagan Culture (Tubingen, 2005), 140-80. 51 e.g. Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 3.1-3, 6.4 and The Martyrs of Lyons 20 (H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 108,114 and 68). The Passio Perpetuae etFelicitatis is an autobiographical narrative which demonstrates the meaning of this Christian identity. For a discussion of the theme of the name and self-identity in Christian martyrologies see Cox-Miller, Dreams, 167-8, and Brown, Late Antiquity (n. 5), 56. Generally on the issue of self-description as worshippers of particular deities see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 307-8. 52 53 See above, chapter two, pp. 118-19. H.L. 11.59.

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Another way in which divine favour is manifested is by Asklepios5 constant communications to Aristides on a range of subjects. Aristides is presented as possessing a personal oracle, and characters in the text repeatedly acknowledge the truth of this claim. He receives advice and commands from Asklepios which usually address his own concerns—the health of his body and the practice of his oratory. The advice of Asklepios is often presented as being at odds with the advice of friends and, in particular, of doctors. Such stories end with the public acknowledgement, often by the "doubters' themselves, that Aristides' information was correct and totally miraculous. For example, in the story of Aristides' tumour (I.6i-8), doctors and friends advise him to apply medication and have surgery; Asklepios advises him on the contrary to foster his tumour, and Aristides writes that "clearly there was no choice between listening to the doctors or to the god'.54 Most of the intratextual audience are presented as being critical of Aristides' apparently foolhardy confidence in his dreams, his personal divine revelations. He writes: "Some of my friends admired (eOav^a^ov) my endurance, but others criticized me because I acted too much on account of dreams, and some even accused me of cowardice because I did not permit surgery nor did I suffer the application of any medication.'55 There follows a description of the gruelling treatments which Asklepios ordered Aristides to undergo, and finally the swift disappearance of the tumour. Aristides describes the reaction of friends and doctors: c . . . m y friends rejoiced in disbelief (x^ipovres juera dmorias). From here on, the doctors stopped their criticisms and marvelled greatly (eOavjjia^ov vtrep^vais) at the foreknowledge of the god in every matter, and said that it was some other greater disease which the god had mysteriously cured ... '56 Both friends and doctors are depicted acknowledging that a miraculous cure has taken place through the joint agency of Aristides and Asklepios, to the honour of both. The Hieroi Logoi repeatedly demonstrates that only when Asklepios handles Aristides' illness does a cure take place. In effect a miraculous discourse is established in which communication between Asklepios and Aristides is the key element. Not only is the advice of friends and doctors seen to be wrong: Aristides goes further and explicitly states that when others prescribe to him the same treatment that Asklepios recommends, it does not work: For the very same regimen and the same treatments, when prescribed and clearly stated by the god, brought salvation, strength, lightness, ease, joy—all the best things—to my body as well as my soul, but when recommended by someone else who did not understand the will of the god, they brought about the very opposite of these results; is this not the greatest sign of the power of the god?57 54

HI,. 1.63.

55

H.L. 1.63.

56

H.L. 1.66-y.

57

H.L. 11.73.

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It is the epiphany of the god which plays the crucial role in Aristides5 healing. It is necessary for the god to intervene on a daily basis and adjust Aristides5 regimen in apparently totally arbitrary ways.58 Nobody could use the Hieroi Logoi as a manual for physical healing because the discourse is one of personal miracles. There is an incident in the text which actually demonstrates the dangers of imitating Aristides3 personal prescriptions: while Aristides is miraculously healed, those who imitate his treatment are physically injured.59 The Hieroi Logoi presents Aristides exercising control over the treatment of his ailing body by defying human advice and himself acting as the mouthpiece of the divine doctor. A complex relationship of dependence and control seems to be played out in the way that Aristides presents his contact with Asklepios. On the one hand he writes that he submits to Asklepios in everything, and that after certain treatments and regimens have come to an end he misses the god's management of his body;60 on the other hand, he writes that when following the god's commands he acquired a sense of selfsufficiency.61 This ambivalent sense of submission and power is integral to the status of a prophet. Although a prophet is completely under the power of the god, to the extent of undergoing mantic frenzies, he also exercises much power in the community precisely because of this ability to become possessed by the divine. Although Aristides does not explicitly style himself as a prophet, there is a passage in the Hieroi Logoi describing a fit of sickness which includes many features which traditionally occur in passages describing mantic frenzy: And after this, when the sun set, or even later still, a convulsion followed the fever, which was unspeakable and impossible to conceive. My body was drawn in all directions: my knees were borne upwards to my head, and dashed against it, it was impossible to control my hands, but they beat against my neck and face. My chest was thrust out forward, and my back drawn in the opposite way like a sail billowing in the wind. No part of my body was still, nor did it change a little from its natural condition, but mostly the movement was overwhelming and the torment of the pains was unspeakable, nor was I able to be silent but when I cried out it became even stronger.62

58

e.g. H.L. 11.29 (a drug which used to make Aristides sick, when taken at the time prescribed by Asklepios is pleasant and beneficial), 111.34-7 (series of dietary instructions and remedies for teeth). 59 H.L. 11.76. 60 H.L. 1.4: 'Considering these things I decided to submit to the god, truly as to a doctor, and to do in silence whatever he wishes', and 111.33:'... and in some way I longed for the stewardship (ra/ziei'a) of that time.' 61 H.L. IV.38: 'There would be no end of saying in how many other ways I benefited from this advice in joy and self-sufficiency (TO atrrapKefv).' 62 H.L. III.I7.

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Here Aristides describes his body, his voice, and even his logos as being entirely out of his control in a manner reminiscent of accounts of the bodies and words of prophets being violently taken over by the divine. This is not a scene of prophecy—on the contrary, the idea of a lack of words is introduced—but the reader has enough familiarity with the text's miraculous discourse to recognize that sickness as much as therapy is a sign of divine favour. The violence of a fit of sickness evokes parallels with violent mantic frenzies. Furthermore in some of his other orations Aristides uses the image of the prophet to convey his experience as a divinely inspired orator, and even that of an actor delivering Asklepios' divine composition.63 However, Aristides3 religious authority is not expressed in the traditional form of holding of priesthoods. In fact the Hieroi Logoi details the offer of the priesthood of Asia and a priesthood of Asklepios in Smyrna, and Aristides' refusal of both.64 His wealth and social standing rendered him a very appropriate candidate for a priesthood. The accounts of the offers of priesthoods are in book four which deals with Aristides' attempts to safeguard his leisure in order to practice oratory. In effect the Hieroi Logoi presents an alternative model of the exercise of elite religious authority which did not involve the traditional holding of priesthoods. It was intimately linked to the enjoyment of leisure, the display of culture, and Michel Foucault's concept of cthe cultivation of the self'.65 Aristides' religious model involved a strong personal focus but was dramatized in the elite public sphere—in his case in the public space of the Pergamene Asklepieion and in the published text of the Hieroi Logoi. Although it did not involve the holding of an official religious position, it depended on the public recognition of religious favour and authority among an elite circle of comrades. The Hieroi Logoi depicts Aristides exercising religious authority over other people, including in a number of dreams in which he is a priest and gives advice to others.66 This pattern is particularly conspicuous in the stories of his dealings with his servants, over whom he exercised great power in any case. He relates a story in which he (temporarily) saves the life of Zosimos, the beloved servant who brought him up.67 He presents himself playing a crucial role at every stage. Initially he begs Asklepios to save Zosimos for him (cto save Zosimos for me',

63

e.g. Oration 28 Concerning a Remark in Passing 103, Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 12. On the former see I. Rutherford, 'The poetics of \hz paraphthcgma: Aelius Aristides and the decorum of selfpraise', in D. Innes, H. Hines, and C. Felling, eds., Ethics and Rhetoric: Classical Essays for Donald Russell on his Seventy-fifth Birthday (Oxford, 1995), 193-204. 64 H.L. IV.ioi-2. 65 M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. 3 (London, 1990) (first published in French in 1984), 39-68. 66 67 e.g. H.L. 1.15. H.L. 1.69-77.

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OWGOLL ^oi TOV ZcuaifW);68 and Zosimos recovers cbeyond hope5 (Trap eAm'Sa?) as Asklepios has prophesied to Aristides.69 Aristides' role in saving Zosimos is now publicly recognized: 'Zosimos was said by everyone to be blessed, and he himself was beside himself with joy, being both thankful to the god for his foreknowledge and to me for my service (Sia/oWa).'70 Zosimos' death four months later is explicitly ascribed to the latter's failure to follow Aristides' divinely inspired instructions: cSo his additional life was due to the grace (x&pis) of the god who truly kept him for me, and he died because he had moved about contrary to my dreams. And thus ended what in the beginning was indicated by the god, when I grasped his head and supplicated him.'71 In this story Aristides does not just function as the mouthpiece of the god: he is an active agent in soliciting and securing the god's help in saving Zosimos' life. Both the god and Aristides are exculpated from Zosimos' death, and the entire episode is seen to have been foretold by Asklepios to Aristides. There are incidents in the Hieroi Logoi which show Aristides saving not just his servants, but also his companions—his peers—through his special relationship with Asklepios and other deities. In the story of saving the ship he was travelling on from shipwreck on the journey back from Rome there is considerable slippage between Aristides' agency and divine agency.72 Aristides insists on remaining on the island of Delos because he judges that the weather is not good; he is proved right by the outbreak of a violent storm, and this is the reaction of his friends and sailors: At dawn, my friends, whom I happened to have taken along on the voyage at my own expense, came eagerly, calling me 'benefactor' and 'saviour5 (evepycryv, owrr/pa ovo^a^ovreg-), and rejoicing with me at the foreknowledge of the gods; and the sailors also came, with gratitude towards me, and marvelled (davfjud^ovre?) at the magnitude of the impending evils from which they had been saved (eao^aav).73

The term soter is very strongly associated with Asklepios, both in the cult of Asklepios at Pergamon and in particular in this text: a parallel is surely being drawn between the relationship of Asklepios and his worshippers and the relationship of Aristides and his entourage. Aristides goes on explicitly to state that they were all the recipients of this divine favour on account of a paean to Apollo which he had written.74 These incidents could be interpreted as examples of the extension of traditional forms of elite patronage into the religious sphere. However, the Hieroi Lqgoi also contains passages in which Aristides' religious authority and power operate on a

68 72

H.L. 1.71. H.L. IV.33-7-

69

H.L. 1.72. 73 H.L. IV-36.

70

71 H.L. 1.74H.L. 1.75-6. 74 H.L. IV.36-7.

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cosmic level, in the manner of a thews aner. He is given information about the weather and constellations and he is also blessed with mystical visions of the true nature of the world and of the divine.75 Perhaps the most graphic story is the one in which the god empowers him to bring a spate of earthquakes to an end. Aristides states that all the conventional ways of securing divine clemency, such as supplicatory processions and embassies to the famous oracle of Apollo at Klaros, had failed.76 At this point the god urges him personally to sacrifice an ox in the public agora in Smyrna, an act usually carried out by religious officials. After some modest hesitation and a further revelatory dream Aristides obeys the command; he writes that this was the result of his action: Tor all those things ceased and nothing disturbed us further after that day, on the one hand on account of the foreknowledge and power of the gods, on the other hand on account of my necessary service (SiaKovia).*77 Aristides is unequivocally presented as the necessary agent in the process of divine intervention, as a saviour in his community.78 Moreover, unlike the narrative pattern followed in the stories of his miraculous recoveries from illness, here he hesitates to have his involvement in the marvel recognized by an intratextual audience.79 He presents himself holding back and not advertising his extraordinary accomplishments and knowledge of nature and the divine. This functions as a sign of modesty and dignity, while simultaneously the reader is drawn into the privileged, intimate group to which the full story of divine grace is revealed. The Hieroi Logoi creates a vivid picture of Aristides' personal religious charisma. In the story about the spate of earthquakes this charisma travels with the person of Aristides and functions as a magical shield for all those around him. In another incident Aristides claims that a corridor of good weather was formed for him as he performed a pilgrimage to Pergamon. He writes: And this most divine (fleiorarov) thing happened on the journey—for in the words of Homer it was clear that one of the gods guided me, whoever the god was. For a very cold north wind was pressing from behind, and it drove along black thick clouds; on the right everything was covered with snow, on the left it was raining, and these things occurred during the whole day and the journey. Through the whole sky, one zone, as it were, extended right over the road and led to the temple, and provided both shelter and light. And drawing far apart from

75

H.L. 11.15 (predicting winds); 11.26 (on the weather and constellations); 111.48, IV.55-6 (mystical visions of the world). 76 77 H.L. III.38. H.L. 111.40. 78 For examples of holy men saving cities from earthquakes in Late Antiquity see G. Fowden, 'The pagan holy man in Late Antique society5, JHS 102 (1982), 33-59, at 50. 79 H.L. 111.43.

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the others, I went towards the temple with one attendant, having covered no less than three hundred stades.80 Here divine favour follows the person of Aristides, and the corridor of good weather is reserved only for him and his attendant, not even for his entire entourage. Moreover, even in the vicinity of the sanctuary of Asklepios, divine favour is seen to follow Aristides and not to be firmly located in the Asklepieion. In another incident pilgrims on their way from Ephesos to Pergamon are said to turn back to Ephesos when they see Aristides journeying in that direction: c . . . for when some people, who were going to Pergamon because of the festivals (0€copuu), saw us, they hastened back to Ephesos.581 Aristides is implicitly presented as a thews aner whose religious charisma, whose channel of communication with the divine, render him a rival of established locations of religious favour both spatially (sanctuaries) and temporally (festivals). Peter Brown has written about the religious changes that occurred in the second and third centuries in terms of a shifting locus for the supernatural.82 He identifies a relocation of the divine to the human body, in the figure of the charismatic holy man. Aristides5 self-presentation is entirely within traditional elite intellectual discourse, but fundamentally it engages with this radical concept. His model of religious behaviour locks into a nexus of elite privileges and concerns: it involves traditional patterns of patronage and the exercise of power over dependants, and hinges on public recognition of status among an elite group of peers. But the focus is on the individual, who emerges as upepaideumenos with unlimited leisure and freedom to follow the commands of the god, and the gift of divine favour. In the Hieroi Lo0oi religious charisma is manifested not only in Aristides5 behaviour and knowledge associated with the thews aner, but also in his personal life, in particular his body and his oratory. Aristides is adamant that the god of healing is responsible not only for his cures but also for his speeches. For example, Asklepios is said to have sent him to Ephesos to deliver an oration, and once there he was ordered to take a cold bath as a cure. He performed the bath in public, in the gymnasium at Koressos, just as he performed his orations in public, and 'those who saw it wondered (eOav^a^ov) no less at the bath than at my speech (Aoyoi); but the god was the cause of both.583 The intratextual audience directs the reader to an understanding of healing and oratory as two comparable gifts of the god. The inclusion of stories concerning oratory in a votive offering to the healing god Asklepios is at another point explicitly justified: But it is necessary to try to express everything about my oratory (Aoyot) that concerns the god and as far as possible to omit nothing, for it would be inappropriate if both I and others related whatever cure he gave to my 80

H.L. V.27-8.

81

H.L. II.Si.

82

Brown, Late Antiquity (n. 5).

83

H.L. 11.82.

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body even at home, but passed by in silence those things which together raised up my body (o-o>/u,a), strengthened my soul (i/tvxtf), and increased the glory of my oratory (Aoyot).84

Here his body and his oratory are presented equally as arenas for the intervention of the divine. The context within which this statement should be seen is the high profile enjoyed by the great orators of the time. The public image of a famous orator, which included personal appearance as well as oratorical ability, could be both a tool of self-publicizing and an object of attack by rivals. For example, in the Physiognomy Polemon skilfully used the appearance of his rival Favorinus in order to denigrate him, while on his side Favorinus seems equally to have engaged in this process by actively styling himself the eunuch orator from Gaul.85 It is in this climate of intense public scrutiny, where physical appearance and demeanour were cread5 by the audience, that Aristides5 self-stylization as the sick and divinely favoured orator should be interpreted. Whatever Aristides5 own understanding of the state of his health and its effect on his ability to practise oratory was, there is no doubt that he actively chose to publicize his image as sick orator—there was no external compulsion to do so. The excision of episodes of sickness is, in fact, a common feature of much autobiographical writing.86 Aristides on the contrary chose to intertwine intimately the theme of his sickness with that of his oratory in his literary self-portrait. The connection between body and oratory is complex and is always presented in the light of the unfolding relationship with the divine. Aristides writes that he first fell ill on a trip to Rome which he had made in order to promote his career as an orator.87 When he was ill in Rome he first composed paeans with divine inspiration.88 After a gruelling journey back to Asia Minor, the doctors there were unable to cure him and finally recommended that he go to the warm springs outside Smyrna; here, Aristides writes, Asklepios first started communicating with him.89 Thus he constructs the beginning of his relationship with Asklepios in the context of a failure to advance his oratorical career. In continuation Aristides5 ability to deliver speeches and to travel to cities in order to perform is impeded not only by his ill health but also by Asklepios5 orders to remain at Pergamon and not to travel. At one point he articulates the notion of a harsh choice between his oratorical ambitions and submission to Asklepios: I calculated how much time I had been absent from Smyrna, and this when honorary decrees had come, and that I was already middle-aged, and in addition the many times in the past when it was possible, if one was in vigorous health, to tour the cities, and that there was a worry that 84 86 87

85 H.L. ¥.36. Glcason, Making Men, 131-58. G. T. Couser, Recovering Bodies: Illness, Disability, and Life Writing (Madison, WI, 1997), 5. 88 89 H.L. 11.5-7 and 60-70. H.L. IV.3I. H.L. 11.5-7.

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even my existing reputation would be stripped from me on account of this period of inactivity; I considered these things, as is human, but I knew well that everything is foolish in comparison with obeying the god. And in addition to that I did not find it hard to bear being alone, but I thought it rather a gain.90 This passage sets up an apparent dichotomy between oratorical success on the one hand and worship of Asklepios on the other. Aristides' illness, and his inability to travel and perform are in this way transformed into active submission to the will of the god. The story of his oratory, even at low points such as this, becomes a medium for expressing and exploring the relationship with the divine, and is in this way sanctified. It is a neat irony that the Hieroi Logoi eloquently laments Aristides' inability to deliver logoi during his kathedm at the Pergamon.91 This word itself, meaning both "period of rest' and 'professorial chair', plays on the dual nature of Aristides' activities in the Asklepieion—healing and oratorical. Aristides writes that in the first year of his illness he had given up the practice of oratory because of physical discomfort, but Svhile I rested in Pergamon because of the divine summons and my supplication, I received from the god a command and request not to abandon oratory (Aoyoi).'92 The god who on one level prevents him from making orations because he does not cure him once and for all, and because he often orders him not to go to the cities where he would speak, is at the same time depicted expressing great interest in his oratorical career. Book four in particular demonstrates the ways in which Asklepios intervened in Aristides' logoi. Just as he prescribed health regimens he also prescribed oratorical ones: he directed the course of Aristides' study, in effect providing him with reading lists, and he introduced him to the great orators and authors of the Classical age.93 He actually trained him in speaking in the course of revelatory dreams and Aristides writes that 'indeed the greatest and most valuable part of my training was my access to and communion with these dreams.'94 This points to a new intellectual model of a divinely instructed and inspired orator. In fact the Hieroi Lqgoi creates a symbiotic relationship between oratory and sickness. This is played out on a number of levels, including the intimate and detailed intertwining of literary activities and bodily regimes prescribed by Asklepios: But despite all these fasts, both those which occurred yet before these things and those which I undertook afterwards during this winter, I 90

91 92 H.L. ¥.56. H.L. 11.70. H.L. IV.I4. H.L. IV.24. On the display of portraits of some of these figures in the Asklepieion see below chapter four p. 172. 94 H.L. IV.25. 93

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spent almost every day paradoxically (TrapaXoyws) writing and speaking and correcting my writings; and mostiy I continued working till midnight at least, and next on each following day I performed my usual routine again and took a little food; and when fasting followed vomiting, this work and study comforted me.95 The health regimen and the programme of literary study form part of a common Asklepian framework in which Aristides presents his life. In this passage, Aristides both emphasizes the fundamental incompatibility of sickness and literary pursuits and affirms their paradoxically complementary roles. He does this in a very concrete way by connecting the activities of eating and vomiting with those of composing and speaking. This theme is taken a step further in the reported statement that Aristides fell ill by the will of the god in order to improve his oratory: And once that famous Pardalas, who, I would say, was the most knowledgeable of Greeks of our time concerning oratory, dared to say and affirm to me that he believed that my illness had come to me by some divine good fortune (TVXH rivl 0eia)5 so that by my association with the god, I might make this improvement.96 Elsewhere he writes explicitly that it was a part of Asklepios3 divine plan to cure his body through oratory and for the sake 0f oratory. Aristides writes that the god ordered him to compose speeches when he was ill, and that he found this both very difficult and strange for he expected first to be healed and then to take up oratory again.97 But he goes on: Yet, as it seems, these were his contrivances for the present, but at the same time it occurred to him to do something greater than just to save me. Therefore he saved me by means worth more than the act of being saved.98 Asklepios5 activity in Aristides3 life is here explicitly presented as being aimed at something higher than just physical healing—it also encompasses Aristides5 improvement in oratory. In fact this is now presented as the primary goal, and is accomplished by means of oratorical cures. This is exemplified in the story of the first oratorical cure: Aristides5 performance of an extempore speech in the Pergamene Asklepieion in the presence of two distinguished worshippers, Sedatus and Maximus." Aristides writes that about a year after he had ceased to practise oratory the god gave him the following command: cAnd he ordered me

95

96 H.L. I.6o. H.L. TV.27. On Pardalas see also H.L. IV.87, and above n. 36. 98 H.L. IV.29. H.L. IV.29. 99 H.L. IV.i4-i8. On the identity of Sedatus see above p. 130 n. 36. On Aristides' weakness in extempore speaking see Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 582 and Weiss, 'Literary Turns' (n. 12), 27-30. 97

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to go to the stoa of the temple which is by the theatre and to offer him the first fruits (aTrdpxeaOai) of these improvised and competitive orations (aywviOTLKol Aoyoi).'100 The term aTrdpx^oOaL ('to offer first fruits') specifies that the oratorical activity has religious and sacrificial dimensions. The speeches are described as aywvionKoi ('competitive'), which seems to allude to festival competitions in honour of a deity. In the Hieroi Logoi Aristides suggests that his oratorical activity, which involved a high degree of competitiveness with rival orators, was an offering to Asklepios. The theme of the association of physical healing and oratory is introduced by the character of Sedatus, Aristides3 intratextual audience. He relates a story to Aristides about a man who was ordered by Asklepios to deliver a speech and cby causing him to perspire through the exercise brought an end to the whole disease'.101 This story draws on contemporary medical theories of illness as caused by an imbalance of moisture and dryness. Reading aloud was generally thought of as an exercise for breathing and for the vocal chords, and was prescribed for the expulsion of excessive moisture through breathing and perspiration.102 Aristides' connection of oratory to physical healing is thus not unique: it engages with contemporary medical discourse popularized amongst the elite in medical manuals about the treatment of the body. Although this aspect of the text can be comfortably accommodated within mainstream contemporary discourses about the body, Aristides is fundamentally engaging in a charismatic miraculous discourse. The story ends with Aristides performing before Sedatus and Maximus purely on account of divine intervention: cAnd pausing a little I competed, and my new strength was such as is of the god's devising, and it seemed that the course of the year had not been passed in silence, but in training.'103 In this way Aristides' orations are also presented as signifiers of Asklepios' divine favour towards him: this is part of Aristides' self-presentation as a divinely favoured, sick orator. The text asserts that Asklepios and Aristides are jointly responsible for the latter's orations and consequently that they should both be honoured. Aristides relates a story in which he and the god are jointly honoured by the offering of a silver tripod.104 This incident neatly encapsulates the way in which divine participation and Aristides' own actions are interwoven and presented as one. Aristides relates that in the course of putting on choral performances in the Asklepieion, the god demonstrated his enthusiasm for the project by inviting the distinguished Sedatus to the first performance and demanding that a song be performed which had been omitted by accident.

100 103

H.L. IV.I5. ff.L. IV.iS.

101 104

H.L. IV.iy. H.L. IV.45-7-

102

GlemoT^MakifyMm,

88-91.

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The text dramatizes these events in the religious location of the Pergamene Asklepieion. They are fundamentally public events, and this is emphasized by the presence of an intratextual audience, often consisting of eminent political and intellectual figures, and not of an isolated fringe group of worshippers.105 The Hieroi Lqgoi also locates Aristides the divinely favoured orator in a non-sanctified public sphere. The latter half of book four does this in a series of stories about Aristides5 struggles to acquire official immunity from holding public office.106 Firstly, Aristides' status as favourite of the god is publicized in the text by Aristides5 announcement to a public official of Asklepios5 prophecies of his gaining of immunity;107 he also tells them that the god is directing his legal defence by alternately ordering him to go to court or to stay at home.108 Secondly, Aristides5 status as eminent orator is confirmed by his eventual success in gaining immunity from public office—a privilege reserved for only five teachers of rhetoric in each city. The god is credited with turning court proceedings into oratorical triumphs, thereby again portraying Aristides as the divinely favoured orator.109 Moreover, Aristides5 aim of gaining exemption from public office—an unusual thing for an eminent, wealthy man to do—is intimately connected to the practice of oratory and to the worship of the god, both of which require leisure. In fact the prominence of this story of litigation in the Hieroi Logoi is accounted for by the threat which civic office poses to Aristides5 elite intellectual model. His new formulation of elite paideia requires absolute freedom from obligations in order to submit absolutely to the god, who is equally concerned with the Iqgoi and body of the sick orator. Aristides5 elite model involves an intense stylization of the body—a 'writing5 of the body. An important aspect of Aristides5 public identity as orator—his selfidentity—was his sick body. In the Hieroi Logoi he uses illness as an individualizing motif: both his illnesses and the cures prescribed by Asklepios are presented as unique.110 It is noteworthy that although he writes that he suffered from the plague which killed many people in 165, he only mentions it briefly.111 Instead he chooses to write about the illnesses, therapies, and miraculous cures which affected him alone: descriptions of his unprecedented physical sufferings are followed by accounts of his extraordinary endurance in undergoing painful treatments personally prescribed to him by Asklepios, and finally expressions of 105

e.g. H.L. IV.i6-i8, 20, 30, 43. Bowersock, Sophists (n. 8), 36-40, and Behr, 'Biography3 (n. 3), 1205-12, CVIIL The legality of Aristides' claim to immunity from civil liturgies'. 107 108 109 H.L. IV.86-7; also the story in ¥.41. e.g. H.L. IV. 103-4. H.L. IV.pi. 110 See S. Sontag, Illness as Metaphor and Aids and Its Metaphors (London, 1991), and Couser, Recovering Bodies (n. 86), on the metaphor of illness and illness writings. 111 H.L. IV.9. See Behr, Sacred Tales, 96-7, and J. F. Gilliam, 'The plague under Marcus Aurelius', AJP 82 (1961), 225-51. 106

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the paradoxical—miraculous —sense of ease and physical pleasure which these cures bring to him.112 Therapeutic competition is a recurrent theme of the text, and Aristides3 miraculous cures are repeatedly shown to differentiate him from others in the community of worshippers. Aristides addresses the fact that others have received the same prescriptions from Asklepios: And I am aware that such things have already been prescribed for many people; but firstly, in itself this activity of the god is more miraculous (Oavfjuaororepov) when he reveals his power and foreknowledge constantly, many times, and secondly if one should recall my general condition.113

Here Aristides3 case is presented as more miraculous than that of other worshippers on account of the severity of his illness, his fortitude in enduring gruelling treatments together with the frequency of Asklepios' communications. The unique nature of Aristides' sufferings and divine cures is affirmed by sanctuary officials at the Asklepieion: For the cneokoroi', being of such years, and all who were worshippers of the god and who held office in the temple always agreed that they never knew anyone at all who had undergone so much surgery, except for Ischyron, and his case was among the very strange ones (-n-apaSof orarov), but that even so my case surpassed it, without the other strange things (irapaSof eov) which were added to the bloodlettings, such as even then immediately happened.114

In addition to the sanctuary officials doctors also confirm the miraculous nature of Aristides' experience in the Hieroi Lqgoi: they misdiagnose his illnesses or are simply at a loss, they prescribe the wrong treatments, they are appalled at the prescriptions of Asklepios, they criticize Aristides for undergoing these painful treatments, and finally they confirm Aristides' recovery in amazement.115 To the last they remain baffled by the activity of the god, thereby emphasizing the miraculous and unique nature of Aristides' cures. Theodotos, the doctor who regularly appears in the text, and whom Aristides praises, is a good doctor not because he correctly diagnoses and cures

112

On the construction and meaning of pain in Roman culture see C. A. Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans (Princeton, NJ, 1993), C. Edwards, The suffering body: philosophy and pain in Seneca's Letters', in J. I. Porter, ed., Constructions of the Classical Body (Ann Arbor, MI, 1999), 252-68, and King, Tain and narrative' (n. 10). 113 m H.L. 11.55. H.L. 11.47. 115 On doctors seeH.L. 1.13,1.57,1.62-8,1.75, II.5,11.38-9,11.69, HI.8, IILi8-i9,111.27, IV.38, ¥.9. On the presentation of doctors in the Hieroi Lqgoi and the topos of the powerlessness of doctors in Greek and Roman literature and inscriptions in general see Horstmanshoff, 'Case for treatment' (n. 10), 281, especially n. 13-

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Aristides but because despite his confusion he unquestioningly aids Aristides to follow the orders of Asklepios; he too is amazed by the efficacy of the divine cures. Aristides3 references to doctors in orations other than the Hieroi Lo0oi are on the whole far more positive;116 this discrepancy can be interpreted in the light of this text's discourse of miracles which is enhanced by the theme of the inefficacy of human doctors. The marking and disfigurement of Aristides5 body through both illness and treatment is an important theme in the Hieroi Logoi. It unequivocally demonstrates the presence and favour of the god in an intensely personal manner. Asklepios5 treatments tend to externalize and publicize Aristides5 extraordinary suffering and miraculous endurance by means of physical disfigurement and frailty coupled with amazing demonstrations of robustness. For example, Asklepios orders Aristides to let his large tumour grow,117 he renders his body extremely thin by prescribing fasting and vomiting,118 he orders him to smear his body with mud and display himself in the sanctuary,119 he prescribes very cold baths in winter which make Aristides5 body change colour,120 he recommends that Aristides should wear only a light shirt in the bitter cold and walk barefoot in the snow,121 he orders Aristides to pierce his body and let his blood flow,122 and he penetrates it by ordering enemas.123 The god's favour is not only manifested in the disfigurement of Aristides5 body and in his ability to endure these harsh treatments, but also in Aristides5 paradoxical sense of physical ease and pleasure. The Hieroi Lqgoi emphasizes Aristides5 invalid body, and the experiences of a sick orator, while simultaneously presenting its author as miraculously saved. In this way the text 'embodies5 Asklepios5 paradoxical thaumata. In addition to the theme of the disfigurement of Aristides5 body, a theme of the marking and inscribing of the body also emerges in the text. Aristides relates a dream in which Parthians try to tattoo him.124 The action in the dream has aggressive overtones and should probably be connected to the practice of tattooing criminals; simultaneously, however, the marking of the body with tattoos was a traditional expression of religious activity in the Eastern Mediterranean, especially of pilgrimage.125 The marking of the body with sacred symbols may be

116 e.g. Oration 24 To theRhodians: Concerning Concord 5, Oration 33 To those who criticize him 9, Oration 34 Against those who burlesque the Mysteries (of Oratory) 53. 117 118 119 12 H.L. 1.63. e.g. H.L. 111.24. H.L. 11.74° e.g. H.L. 11.53. 121 122 123 124 H.L. II.78-80. e.g. H.L. II.47-8 and 111.34. H.L. 111.34. H.L. I.p. 125 C. P. Jones, 'Stigma: tattooing and branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity3, JRS 77 (1987), 139-55. On the use of tattoos as £a notation of pilgrimage' by Coptic Christians in Late Antique Egypt see T. Wilfong, 'Reading the disjointed body in Coptic. From physical modification to textual fragmentation', in D. Montserrat, ed., Changing Bodies, Changing Meanings: Studies on the Human Body in Antiquity (London, 1998), 116-36, at 119, and see Lucian, De Dea Syria 59: 'All are tattooed, some on the wrist, others on the neck. It is because of this that all Assyrians wear tattoos'.

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interpreted as a way in which to locate religious charisma in the person, or a way in which to communicate with the divine through the medium of the body. Aristides writes of another dream in which this latter theme of the use of the body as an instrument of communication with the divine comes through very strongly.126 The dream is said to have occurred after the death of Philoumene, a servant of Aristides. He relates that he sees the body of his sick servant open before him in the manner of a sacrificial animal; the cause of Philoumene's disease was inscribed in her body, as were signs suggesting that the girl's death had occurred instead of Aristides'.127 Aristides relates that he could read his name and some other signs and oracles: logos is here contained and displayed in the body for the purposes of prophecy. The oneiric and textual body of Philoumene is used as the locus of divine communication.128 In the dream the body is 'written5, while in life bodies were cread5 by means of physiognomies. The disfigurement of Aristides5 body by means of miraculous cures in the Hieroi Lqtjoi was also a code through which to read the divinely favoured sick orator. The creation of the elite male body through regimens and exercise was the subject of a genre of medical writing which gained considerable popularity in the second century.129 Central to these theories was the notion of observing and controlling the body, and in particular controlling what went in and out of the body through the regulation of diet, vomiting, bloodletting, and so on.130 This was part of the maintenance and cultivation of the elite healthy body; in the Hieroi Logoi Aristides conversely seems to be cultivating the sick body as part of his new elite image of the sick orator beloved of Asklepios.131 An interesting parallel to this cuse5 of sickness can be found in the Romantic perception of tuberculosis as a fashionable aristocratic disease of sensitive people, in S. Sontag5s words as ca kind of interior decor of the body5.132 In the case of the Hieroi Logoi sickness and oneiric contact with Asklepios is built into Aristides5 image as orator.

126

127 H.L. V.20-5. H.L. V.23-4. Compare Athenaios, Deipnosophistai 15 694d-e: a fifth-century BC drinking song is related which plays with the idea of opening up a friend's body, like a sacrificial animal, in order to read his mind. See R. Padel, In and Out of the Mind: Greek Images of the Tragic Self (Princeton, NJ, 1992), 14. 129 Foucault, Sexuality (n. 65), 124-44 and Gleason, Making Men, 84-7; e.g. Plutarch, De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta. 130 Perkins, Suffering Self(n. 10), 160-6. 131 Compare Marcus Aurelius' interest in the intimate details of his body's health and sickness; see Perkins, Suffering Self(n. 10), 153-5 and 196-8. 132 Sontag, Illness as Metaphor (n. no), 28. 128

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The medical theory of natural flows in and out of the body underlies Aristides5 presentation of the sick body as "blocked5.133 In the following passage Aristides presents his body as entirely blocked: . . . and besides every day and night the flow (pev^a) from my head and the surf (tfAuSowov) in my chest continued, and how my breath countered the flow (pev^a) above and was held in my throat and caused an inflammation ... In addition to these things there were all kinds of symptoms in my ears and teeth, and a tension in the system of my veins (rdoiv ev KVK\O) TWV <j>\€f$a)v)^ and an inability to retain food but also an inability to vomit; for whatever would touch my throat or palate, however small, closed the passage (c/KAeiev rov TTO/OOV), and it was impossible to retrieve it. And there was a fiery pain which penetrated to my brain, and all kinds of attacks, and at night the inability to lie down, but I had to raise myself, and endure bent forward, with my head on my knees.134

This is a catalogue of the body going wrong: it is conceived of in terms of the blocking of the normal passages of air and food, inversely of excessive catarrh flowing from the head, the paralysis of the system of veins, and the penetration of the body by pain. The normal position of the body, and its normal activities such as sleeping at night, are reversed in the state of illness. In the text, by means of treatments, dietary regimens, exercise, bathing, and changes in location (pilgrimages) Asklepios and Aristides jointly attempt to restore a balance to this sick body. On a different level the regulation and control of Aristides' body are accomplished through the narration of a meaningful pattern of illness and recovery, through the Hieroi Lqgoi. Implicit in Aristides5 discourse about the body is the notion of the body being affected not just by diet and regimen, but also by the environment. The body is conceived of as vulnerable to the environment. Illness is even described through the metaphor of being tossed at sea.135 In the Hieroi Logoi Aristides locates his body in a web made up of spatial, temporal, climatic, and geographical threads. These variables are presented, either explicitly or implicitly, as being related to the state of Aristides5 body. This idea partly draws on contemporary medical theories of the role of environmental factors in the generation of illness.136 In his narration of the cycle of illness and cure, Aristides refers to the time of day and the time of year, both by reference to the month and to equinoxes. These factors are connected to the 133

See above chapter two, pp. 111-13, on the theme of channels through Aristides' body. 135 H.L. 11.56-7. H.L. I.}. 136 por second-century texts on this subject see Oribasios book 8 chapters 1-20 (including Galen, Antyllos, Athenaios, and Sabinos) in I. Raeder, Oribasii Collectionum Medicarum Reliquae Vol.i Libros I-VIII Continens^ CMG VI i, i (Leipzig, 1928), 4-20. 134

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weather which in turn is explicitly connected to the state of Aristides' body in the text. For example, in the passage in book one introducing the story of Aristides' stomach trouble Aristides locates the cause of his illness in the stormy weather: his body seems to be mirroring the wet environment by perspiring.137 Treatments often counterbalance the effect of environmental factors on Aristides' body, and in this case an excess of moisture in the environment seems to induce a recommendation not to bathe. But Aristides5 body discourse not only involves medical theories about the effect of the environment on the body: it is an all-encompassing religious discourse which also portrays the environment as being affected by the body of the charismatic Aristides. The stories of the stopping of the spate of earthquakes and the corridor of good weather are examples of Aristides influencing the environment: in the former case it is through revelatory dreams and sacrificing, but in the latter case it is simply through the charisma of his person as he moves through the landscape. In the story of the three baths the therapeutic needs of his body appear to influence the weather: the god's prophecy that he would have three baths is fulfilled by one bath in the river and two drenchings by rain, one described in religious terms as 'water from Zeus5.138 On the narrative level the 'blockages' and turmoils of his sick body are mirrored in the environment going awry.139 For example in his description of his journey to Rome he writes: And when I had come as far as the Hellespont I suffered greatly in my ears and in other respects too my condition was not good; and feeling a little easier I went on to the other side. After this there followed rains, frost, ice, and all the winds; the Hebros had just now been chopped up, so that it was navigable by boat, but were it not, it would have been all solid ice (^Tretpcoro VTTO KpvordXXov), on the other hand the fields were flooded (At^va^ovra) as far as the eye could see. There was a dearth of inns, and more water came in from their roofs than from the sky outside; and in all these circumstances there was my haste and speed contrary to the season and to the strength of my body.140

In this passage the cosmos is presented as being abnormal, at odds with itself, just as Aristides' physical condition is described as being not normal. The river has become solid and the fields have turned into lakes; more rain falls inside buildings than outside. The swift journey is described as being at odds with both the season and Aristides' body, thereby underlining the connection between them. Elsewhere Aristides writes about a dream that he experienced in which he saw his horoscope inscribed in the sky: here the projection of Aristides' person and his self-narration on to the universe is cosmically manifested.141 137 139

138 H.L. 1.5-6. H.L. 11.53. See 11.51-3 for the whole story. 14<) 141 See also^L. 11.58. H.L. II.6o-i. H.L. IV.58.

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In the Hieroi Lqgoi geographical location is an extremely important factor which affects Aristides5 body. This is expressed in the constant injunctions from the god to remain in a certain place or to go elsewhere.142 Aristides is ordered to go to nearby rivers, cities, or to his estate at Laneion, and also to explicitly sacred locations such as the Pergamene Asklepieion and the shrine of Zeus. This movement at the command of the god, fundamentally in order to maintain close contact with him—both healing and oratorical—argues strongly for understanding the Hieroi Logoi as a pilgrimage text. The importance of location in the Hieroi Logoi is expressed in a combination of religious and medical discourses: for example, during his second visit to Kyzikos Aristides is prompted to leave Kyzikos by dreams which indicate that it was not suitable to stay on the Hellespont, and also that he should be present at the public sacrifice of Olympian Zeus at Hadrianoutherai.143 Overall the text seems to suggest that religious charisma can be present both in certain special locations (in particular in the Pergamene Asklepieion) and also in certain favoured individuals (in particular in himself): in other words, in the landscape of nature and of the human body. In this period there were intense local civic rivalries between Pergamon, Ephesos, and Smyrna (where Aristides held citizenship); these were often manifested in religious and cultic rivalry. Aristides' attachment to Pergamon, and the importance which he implicitly places on location, could perhaps be seen against this background. The power of Aristides3 religious polemic partly lies in the interface of charismatic individual and location. The entire landscape acquires a sacred aura when seen through the eyes of a self-styled charismatic. The Hieroi Logoi constructs a highly individualized, but simultaneously public model of elite religious behaviour. Body and kgos are intimately interwoven in order to construct a coherent and monumental religious discourse. The author has made it virtually impossible to unravel these strands: the division of the latter part of this chapter into three sections dealing with prophecy, oratory, and body is in fact strained, and has only been used for the purposes of organization. Aristides has fused these themes into his polemical discourse of miracles. Asklepian worship in particular was often associated with 'popular5 religion in elite polemical texts, as Luciarfs Alexander eloquently illustrates. The Hieroi Logoi counters this vision by implicitly operating as a polemic of elite Asklepian worship. It portrays the person of Aristides the orator as a worshipper of Asklepios and places him in the Asklepieion at Pergamon: it is in this framework, and with Asklepian worship in sharp focus, that Aristides constructs his vision of a new elite paideia. The textual Aristides manifests his religious charisma in his body and his Iqgos^ two arenas in which his relationship with Asklepios is conducted. On the theme of travel in the Hieroi Lqgoi see chapter 2, and Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Aristides' corpus' (n. 16). H.L. V.47. See Behr, Sacred Tales, 4-6, n. 3 and n. 6.

I. Floor mosaic depicting the arrival of Asklepios on Kos. H: 1.13 m, W: i.n m. From the House of Asklepios, Kos. Third century AD. II. Floor mosaic depicting a figural scene in an octagon, set \\ithin geometric patterns; Asklepios is seated on a throne pouring an offering on an altar \\ ith his right hand, a serpent-encircled staff by his left hand. H: 1.59 m, W: 1.66 m. From the House of Achilles at Palmyra. AD 250-73.

III. Tabula Peutingeriana, fifth segment. H: 0.34 m, L: 6.745 m (total eleven segments). Twelfth- or early thirteenth-century copy of a fourthcentury AD road map.

IV. Nile Mosaic from Palestrina. H: 4.31 m, W: 5.85 m (at base). Second century BC.

FOUR Collecting and Displaying Marvels: Paradoxography and the Asklepieion of Pergamon

There was an affair that caused no less wonder than what has been said (ouSevos- rjrrov eOavfjidaOr] rcov eipT^ueVoov). For when there was continual frost for forty days and more, and even some of the harbours were frozen, and all the Elaian sea shore from Pergamon on down, then he commanded me to put on a small linen tunic and nothing else, but to persevere in this, and going from my bed, to wash at the spring outside. It was hard work to reach the water, everything was frozen solid, and the water flow immediately congealed, and was, as it were, like a pipe of ice, and whatever warm water you might pour on, froze on the spot. Nevertheless I approached the spring, and the linen sufficed, and all the others shivered more than I, and nearly all of my regimen was carried out around the temple. Akin to these things was my continually going barefoot in winter and my incubations throughout the whole sanctuary in the open air and wherever it might be, and not least frequently on the temple road, under the Sacred Lamp of the goddess [Hygieia].1

The wonder said to be caused by this story seems to arise from a number of elements: the unusual climatic conditions, the god's direct personal communication with Aristides, the nature of the god's command to his worshipper to expose himself to the cold, the endurance and unexpected ease experienced by Aristides through his body. The climate and physical sanctuary play an important part in this description of the experience of divine healing and presence: the environment and the body are locked together in a discourse of miracles. The relationship with the divine simultaneously unfolds on Aristides5 body, and within the landscape of the Asklepieion and its environs. Such references to the Pergamene Asklepieion, where Aristides stayed for two years, suggest some connection between the text of the Hieroi Logoi and the physical sanctuary. A complex relationship exists between a pilgrim's expectations of the sacred site and contact 1

H.L. 11.78-80.

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with the divine, the experience itself, and its recollection in a literary or visual format.2 In Aristides5 case both the physical Asklepieion and the text of the Hieroi Lqgoi were frameworks within which to experience and express the relationship with the divine. This ought to be an ideal instance where text and material remains illuminate each other. But scholars have been frustrated by Aristides5 apparent lack of interest in the sanctuary, which was undergoing an extensive rebuilding programme at the time of his stay—while references to specific locations within the Asklepieion are plentiful in the Hieroi Lqgoi^ they are very brief. A narrow search in the text for descriptions of the buildings of the sanctuary to map literally on to the physical remains does prove disappointing; but rather than blaming the text for failing to answer the questions put to it, a more fruitful approach might be to use its discourse of miracles as a way into the meanings and mentalite of the Pergamene Asklepieion. Aristides5 presentation of his experience as 'beyond marvels5 ), and his case as "surpassing5 even cthe most incredible5 TrepfidXXeiv) recalls the language of paradoxography (pamdoxa^ thauia^ and more rarely, apista).3 Paradoxographical works aimed to evoke the reader's sense of wonder through a collection of marvellous facts excerpted from other sources. Subjects included the world of nature and the human body, the latter becoming particularly prominent in the Roman period. The focus of the Hieroi Logoi on the miraculous body, and to a lesser extent on the landscape, parallels this subject directly, while the functions of the Pergamene Asklepieion— collecting sick and abnormal bodies, reordering them through spatial and ritual frameworks, and transforming them into miraculously cured bodies—parallel key processes in paradoxography of excerpting, encyclopaedic collecting, and classifying of tkciumata. The discourse of paradoxography offers the cultural background to the Asklepieion, one in which wonder, an obsession with the human body, and the process of collecting are paramount. Although in antiquity the discourses of paradoxography and healing miracles (both in inscriptional and literary form) were separate, the separation of natural and

2

M. Galli, 'Pilgrimage as elite habitus: educated pilgrims in sacred landscape during the Second Sophistic', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods^ 253-90, W. Hutton, 'The construction of religious space in Pausanias', ibid. 291-317, A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Narratives of transformation: pilgrimage patterns and authorial self-presentation in three pilgrimage texts', Journeys: The International Journal of Travel and Travel Writing 3.1 (2002), 84-109; reprinted in S. Coleman and J. Eisner, eds., Pilgrim Voices: Narrative and Authorship in Christian Pilgrimage (New York, NY, 2003), 84-109, and 'Amphiaraos present: images and healing pilgrimage in Classical Greece', in R. Maniura and R. Shepherd, eds., Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects (Aldershot, 2006), 205-29. 3 H.L. 11.59 and 11.47; see also 1.64-5 (Qav^aard ... TrapdSoga). On the terminology of titles of paradoxographical works and the vocabulary of the marvellous see Schepens and Delcroix, 'Paradoxography', 380-2.

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divine tkaumata was not absolute in a culture where religion was ubiquitous.4 The Hellenistic epigrammatic collection attributed to Posidippos includes lithika (on stones, including many marvels), and iamatika (on healing miracles), whilst the display of natural marvels in temples is a concrete example of this aspect of Graeco-Roman culture.5 Both paradoxography and healing testimonia are often considered lowbrow and popular by scholars, and in the case of paradoxography this, together with the poor state of preservation of many texts, is probably responsible for the fact that very few scholars have worked on the subject.6 But just as the undeniably elite Hieroi Logoi takes its place next to cheap terracotta votive offerings and inscriptions on wooden tablets within the discourse of miraculous healing, so actual imperial collecting of thaumata (mimbiliri] and the association of the paradoxographer Phlegon of Tralles with Hadrian argue for a broad (and not exclusively low) appeal of paradoxographical texts. Both discourses of miraculous healing and paradoxography were deeply embedded in mainstream Graeco-Roman culture, and it is in the light of this background that an interpretation of the space of the Pergamene Asklepieion is offered.

4

A. Chaniotis, Historic und Historiker in dergriechischen Inschriften (Stuttgart, 1988), 19-23 (on healing miracles as a distinct genre), V. Longo, Aretalqgie net mondo Greco (Genoa, 1969), 27 (on the genre of temple aretalogy), M. Dorati and G. Guidorizzi, cLa letteratura incubatoria', in O. Pecere and A. Stramaglia, eds., La letteratura di consume net mondo Greco-latino: atti del convegno international, Cassino, 14-17 settembre (Cassino, 1996), 343-71, at 345-8. See S. R Johnson, The Life and Miracles ofThekla:A literary study (Washington, DC, 2006), 172-220, for an interpretation of the account of the miracles of the Christian Saint Thekla (including healing miracles) in the light of the paradoxographical genre. 5 C. Austin and G. Bastianini, eds., Posidippi Pellaei quae supersunt omnia (Milan, 2002), epigr.i-2o (litkika), especially 8 line 7, 13 line 2, 15 line 7, 17 line 5, 19 line 10, and epigr. 95-101 (iamatika); see K. Gutzwiller, ed., The New Posidippus: A Hellenistic Poetry Book (Oxford, 2005), and B. Acosta-Hughes, E. Kosmetatou, and M. Baumbach, eds., Labored in Papyrus Leaves: Perspectives on an Epigram Collection Attributed to Posidippus (PMil.Vqgl. VIII309) (Cambridge, MA, 2004), with specific contributions on the lithika; and G. Zanetto, Tosidippo e i miracoli di Asclepio', in G. Bastianini et al., Un Poeta Ritrovato Posidippo di Pella: giornata di studio, Milano, 23 novembre 2001 (Milan, 2002), 73-8 (on the iamatika}. On th display of marvels in temples see W. H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings: An Essay in the History of Greek Religion (Cambridge, 1902), 318-21, and S. M. Pearce, On Collecting: An Investigation into Collecting in the European Tradition (London, 1995), 88-92 (on the history of collecting in temples in the Greek and Roman worlds). 6 (i) Texts: A. Westermann, /7a/oaSo£oy/oa(/>oi. Scriptores Rerum JVLirabilium Graeci (Brunsvigae, 1839) (=Amsterdam 1963) and A. Giannini, Paradoxographorum Graecorum Reliquiae (Milan, 1966). (2) Criticism: K. Ziegler, Taradoxographoi', in .RE, XVIII.3 (1949), 1137-66, A. Giannini, 'Studi sulla paradossografia greca, I. Da Omero a Callimaco: motive e forme del meraviglioso', RIL 97 (1963), 247-66 and 'Studi sulla paradossografia greca, II. Da Callimaco all'eta imperiale: la letteratura paradossografica', Acme 17 (1964), 99-140, E. Gabba, True history and false history in Classical Antiquity3, JRS 71 (1981), 50-62, C. Jacob, 'De Tart de compiler a la fabrication du merveilleux. Sur la paradoxographie grecque', Lalies 2 (1983), 121-40, and Schepens and Delcroix, 'Paradoxography5, especially 377-80 (on scholarship of paradoxography).

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COLLECTING AND DISPLAYING THE HUMAN BODY IN GRAECO-ROMAN CULTURE A paradoxographical element, an interest in the marvellous, the strange and even the monstrous, existed in Greek literature from its inception, in the Odyssey for instance.7 It is no coincidence that the Odyssey deals with the theme of travel and foreign lands, for the marvellous often occurs or is thought to occur in distant landscapes and cultures. Herodotos3 Histories also combines an interest in the foreign and the marvellous, and the author himself travelled to the lands he writes about.8 On Marvellous Things Heard (Uepl Oav^aolajv a/couor^arcoj/), a work transmitted along with the Aristotelian corpus but generally thought to be a later product of the Peripatetic School, is the first text which focuses exclusively on a series ofthaumata (marvels, wonders) andparadoxa (incredible phenomena or living creatures which defy doxa, human expectation). This work, no less than Pseudo-Aristotle's work on physiognomies, established the genre as parascientific. The genre then took root in the cosmopolitan culture of the Hellenistic Alexandrian court, where the Ptolemaic kings collected real thaumata.9 Stories of wonders in distant lands, including ethnographic and geographical elements, reflected curiosity about the foreign and simultaneously helped to establish cultural norms. This occurred both on a communal level (stories of strange peoples) and on an individual level (stories of strange or monstrous individuals), and had a geographical dimension (stories of strange natural phenomena). Beyond the general cultural context of Hellenistic Alexandria paradoxography has a particular connection with the great library: the first cataloguer, Kallimachos of Kyrene, wrote A Collection of Wonders from the Entire Earth Arranged by Locality (Savfjidrcov

rwv els aTracrav rrjv yr\v Kara TOTTOVS away coy 77 ).10 The

work does

not survive, but its importance is suggested by the fact that it was used as a model and quoted by many later paradoxographers. There are two important 7 On the marvellous and monstrous in Graeco-Roman culture see M. M. Sassi, 'Mirabilia\ in G. Cambiano, L. Canfora, and D. Lanza, eds., Lo spazio letterario delta Grecia antica 1.2 (Rome, 1993), 449-68, O. Bianchi and O. Thevenaz, eds.,Mimbilia—Conceptions et representations de ^extraordinaire dans le monde antique. Actes du colloque international, Lausanne, 20-22 mars 2003 sous la direction de Philippe Mudry (Bern, 2004), A. E. Farkas, P. O. Harper, and E. B. Harrison, Monsters and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Papers Presented in Honor of Edith Porada (Mainz on Rhine, 1987) and C. Atherton, ed., Monsters and Monstrosity in Greek and Roman Culture, Nottingham Classical Literature Studies vol. 6 (Bari, 1998); see also P. Fisher, Wonder, the Rainbow, and the Aesthetics of Rare Experiences (Cambridge, MA, 1998) (aesthetics of wonder) and J. J. Cohen, ed., Monster Theory. Reading Culture (Minneapolis, MN, 1996) (monster culture). 8 e.g. Herodotos 4.25-30 (on Scythia). 9 Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography3, 404-7, e.g. Lucian, Prometheus es in Verbis 4 (Ptolemy son of Lagos displayed a black camel and a man whose skin colour was half white and half black in the theatre as curiosities). 10 Giannini, Reliquiae (n. 6), 15-20.

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aspects of the connection of paradoxography to the library: firstly, paradoxographers needed practical access to a wide range of works from which they collected and excerpted thaumata. Secondly the paradoxographical process conceptually mirrors a library's collection and classification of texts, through the systematic arrangement of excerpts according to geographical, thematic, alphabetical, or bibliographical principles.11 It is thought that works of paradoxography appealed both to an elite audience, including those with antiquarian interests and authors using the compilations for their own writings, and to a non-elite audience as the subject was simultaneously entertaining and educational.12 While Posidippos5 collection of epigrams is not a paradoxographical work, the language of wonder is frequently employed in the lithika^ and as a whole it exemplifies the Hellenistic penchant for collecting and arranging literary excerpts.13 In the Roman period works of paradoxography continued to be written, both in Greek and Latin. Phlegon of Tralles, a freedman of Hadrian, wrote On Marvels (Uepl OavfjiaGLcov)^ which survives in large part.14 In this work there is a noticeable shift towards the sensational; the subject is specifically strange and marvellous stories of the human body, and not nature in general. There are stories of women turning into men, monstrous human-animal hybrids, persons who live unusually long lives, all contravening the usual laws of nature. This particularly Roman interest in miraculous and indeed monstrous human and animal bodies can be connected to the tradition of the interpretation of the extraordinary or deformed body as a portent. These were officially recorded in the pontifical annals, archives listing magistrates' names and sacral information, and are also referred to in historical and biographical works, such as Livy's Histories, Tacitus5 Annals, and Suetonius5 Lives of the Caesars.15 The idea of the connection between beauty and

11 Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography3, 394-8. For a close analysis of the ordering principles of Antigonos of Karystos' Collection of Marvellous Researches see Jacob, Taradoxographie grecque' (n. 6), especially 124-9. 12 Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography5, 403-9 (Hellenistic) and 432-3 (Roman), and Jacob, Taradoxographie grecque' (n. 6), 135-9 (different levels of reading paradoxographical texts). 13 On the lithika see above n. 5 and on the arrangement of the epigrams see K. Gutzwiller, CA new Hellenistic poetry book: P.Mil.Vogl VIII 309', in B. Acosta-Hughes, E. Kosmetatou and M. Baumbach, eds., Labored in Papyrus Leaves: Perspectives on an Epigram Collection Attributed to Posidippus (P. Mil, Vogl. VIII309) (Cambridge, MA, 2004), 84-93, and Gutzwiller, New Posidippus (11.5). 14 Text in Giannini, Reliquiae (n. 6), 169-219, translation by W. Hansen, Phlegon of Tralles' Book of Marvels (Exeter, 1996); see discussion at 17-18 on the fragmentary state of the text. See Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography5, 430-2. 15 e.g Suetonius, Divus Augustus 91-7. See F. B. Krauss, An Interpretation of the Omens, Portents and Prodigies recorded by Livy, Tacitus and Suetonius (Philadelphia, PA, 1930), H. Kroger, Die Prodigien bei Tacitus (Bochum, 1940), and A. Wallace-Hadrill, Suetonius: The Scholar and his Caesars (London, 1983), 189-97. On the changing interpretation of omens in the principate see J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion (Oxford, 1979), 55-100, and Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 252. For the idea of a divine theodicy under the principate in which there was limited place for manifestations of divine

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divine favour and the concomitant association of disfigurement or abnormality with divine disfavour led to instances of the expiatory killing of individuals whose bodies transgressed the boundaries of the normal.16 The strange body of a hermaphrodite could be seen as such an ill omen, or alternatively as a marvellous spectacle.17 The fine line between these perceptions causes Lucius to fear for his life in Apuleius5 Metamorphoses: as a man transformed into a donkey, and thus appearing to be an animal with extraordinary powers and abilities, he is displayed as a spectacle for entertainment but fears that cif I performed too many acts in human fashion without a teacher, people would think that I was an unlucky omen and, as if I were a monstrosity (cmonstrum5), slaughter me and offer me as a sumptuous meal to the vultures.518 Interest in the human body as a monstrum appears to be a particularly Roman approach, and one which left traces on Greek attitudes: stories of monstrous births which traditionally involved animals were now joined by monstrous human births, and during the Social War there was a ritual killing of a hermaphrodite in Athens, something that is entirely without precedent in the Greek world.19 In addition to featuring in parascientific works of paradoxography in the Roman period thaumata, mirabilia^ and miracula appear in texts dealing with geography and travel, in novels, transformed into divine miracles in early Christian writings, and in broad encyclopaedic works such as Pliny's Natural History.2Q While the concept of collecting and systematically rearranging into an all-encompassing totality was already present in Kallimachos5^! Collection of Wonders from the Entire Earth Arranged by Locality', and in the project of the Alexandrian librar as a whole, it is a central feature of Pliny's 'Encyclic culture5 (lyKVKXios TraiSeia).21 The subject of the work is cthe world of nature, or in other words life5, and there is an emphasis on the process of collecting this knowledge: Pliny writes that the thirty-six volumes of the work are the selective result of reading two thousand

disfavour see R. Gordon, 'The veil of power: emperors, sacrificers and benefactors', and 'Religion in the Roman empire: the civic compromise and its limits', in M. Beard and J. North, eds., Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World (Ithaca, NY, 1990), 201-31, and 235-55. 16

e.g. Livy 27.37.6 (a hermaphrodite placed in a coffin and thrown out to sea); compare Phlegon, On Marvels 25 (during the reign of Trajan a two-headed baby was cast into the Tiber con the advice of the sacrificing priests'). 17 See above n. 16 (Livy), and Pliny, Natural History 7.34: 'Persons are also born of both sexes combined—what we call Hermaphrodites, formerly called androgyni and considered portents, but now as entertainments.' 18 19 Apidcius., Metamorphoses 10.17. Diodoros Siculus 32.12.2. 20 Schepens and Delcroix, 'Paradoxography5, 425-48. On the combination of paradoxographical, travel, and pilgrimage themes in the now lost Latin text of G. Licinius Mucianus see G. Williamson, 'Mucianus and a touch of the miraculous: pilgrimage and tourism in Roman Asia Minor', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods^ 219-52. 21 Pliny, Natural History Preface 14.

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volumes (by one hundred different authors) and collecting twenty thousand noteworthy facts.22 The pontifical annals are specifically mentioned as a source for the story of the extraordinary size of two men.23 Pliny's inclusion of mirabilia in the Natural History was connected to the all-encompassing subject and their appeal to a broad audience.24 The work includes mimbilia from the natural world and from the city of Rome, and book seven is specifically devoted to man.25 Both this focus on the human body and the overall encyclopaedic and universalist purpose of the work, which has been convincingly linked to the imperial project, express a particularly Roman approach to mirabilia.26 Aristides' Hieroi Lqgoi shares a number of features with paradoxographical works. Fundamental to all these texts is the subject of the extraordinary and the use of language associated with marvels. Aristides' particular focus on the human body is paralleled by the increasing interest shown by paradoxographers in this aspect. Both in the Hieroi Logoi and in paradoxographical works the sense of the marvellous is evoked by stories of bodies contravening the laws of nature. This is sometimes presented as overcoming one's own bodily limitations and even as a victory over nature. For example, Pliny writes about an eques, Julius Viator, who defeated nature (cnaturam vicisse5) by controlling his body to such an extent that he never drank liquid.27 On the whole such stories in paradoxographical works point no further than the strangeness of the human body and of nature, while in the Hieroi Logoi they also articulate Aristides5 interior life trajectory and his relationship with the divine. But even in paradoxographical works there are instances where the extraordinary body signifies a divinely ordained future through its interpretation as an omen: Pliny presents the birth of Marcus Agrippa feet first (ccontra naturam') as a bad omen, and states that in general the number of teeth of an individual is a signifier of his or her future.28 Moreover, paradoxographical texts also imply some connections between the exterior and interior of the body: 22

23 Pliny, Natural History Preface 13 and 17. Pliny, Natural History 7.74 and 7.76. 5 Schepens and Delcroix, 'Paradoxography , 433-9. 25 Pliny, Natural History 3-6 (Europe, Africa, and Asia), 7 (man, see in particular 7.1 and 7.32), 8-n (animals), 31 (water). On mirabilia and the monstrous in Pliny's Natural History see Ph. Mudry, 'Mirabilia et magica. Essai de definition dans \'Histoire naturelle de Pline 1'Ancien', in O. Bianchi and O. Thevenaz, eds., Mirabilia—Conceptions et representations de I'extraordinaire dans le monde antique. Actes du colloque international, Lausanne, 20-22 mars 2003 sous la direction de Philippe Mudry (Bern, 2004), 23952, V. Naas, 'Opera mirabilia in terris et Komae operum miracula dans VHistoire naturelle de Pline 1'Ancien', ibid. 253-64, C. Edwards, Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City (Cambridge, 1996), 99-109, S. Carey, 'The problem of totality: collecting Greek art, wonders and luxury in Pliny the Elder's Natural History\ Journal of the History of Collections 12.1 (2000), 1-13, and M. Benabou, 'Monstres et hybrides chez Lucrece et Pline 1'Ancien', in L. Poliakov, ed., Hommes et betes. Entretiens sur le racisme (Paris, 1975), 143-52. 26 S. Carey, Pliny's Catalogue of Culture: An and Empire in the Natural History (Oxford, 2003), and T. Murphy, Pliny the Elder's Natural History: The Empire in the Encyclopaedia (Oxford, 2004). 27 28 Pliny, Natural History 7.78. Pliny, Natural History 7.71. 24

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book seven of the Natural History is a seamless narration of wonders of the human body and mind (for example, instances of great bodily strength and endurance are followed by instances of great and exceptional powers of memory and mental vigour), and Phlegon displays a sense of the connection between body and soul in his inclusion of stories about ghosts as well as extraordinary human bodies.29 In addition to subject matter, significant parallels can also be drawn between the Hieroi Logoi and works of paradoxography in structure, literary style, and the particular use of the theme of documentation. Similarity in these areas relates to the common issue of credibility, which posed a significant challenge in the light of the marvellous subject matter. It was argued in chapter two that Aristides3 technique of listing contributes to the rhetoric of objective recording. The use of this technique in paradoxographical works achieves a similar result, and can also be connected to the parascientific origin of the genre. Longer narrative passages in the Hieroi Lq0oi also find parallels in paradoxographical works, for example in Phlegon's On Marvels, and in some lost works which appear to have been composed wholly as narratives.30 The structure of objective listing and lack of exegesis in paradoxographical works evokes the sense of the marvellous, and finds parallels not only in Aristides' literary votive offering to Asklepios but also in the broader genre of healing inscriptions.31 The listing of thaumata according to geography is one option available to paradoxographers to arrange their material, as in Kallimachos5 A Collection of Wonders from the Entire Earth Arranged by Locality. The importance of location and the environment in the exposition of thaumata in the Hieroi Logoi, and more generally in the practice of healing pilgrimage is an interesting parallel. A plain literary style characterizes both the Hieroi Lqgoi and paradoxographical works. Some scholars have suggested that in the case of paradoxography this unpolished style occurred because the authors were not interested in the manner of exposition and only the content.32 While the origins of this plain style may have been connected to antiquarian interests of 29

Pliny, Natural History 7.87-90, Phlegon, On Marvels 1-3. e.g. Phlegon, On Marvels 1-3 (ghost stories). 31 Schepens and Delcroix, 'Paradoxography5, 391, Jacob, 'Paradoxographie grecque' (n. 6), 133; see Edelstein and Edelstein, Asdepius i, testimony nos. 423-42, \jongp ^Aretalqgie (n. 4), 63-99 (Asklepios), Miiller, 'Heilungsberichf; contrast confession inscriptions, where illness and cure are causally linked to sin and repentance, see A. Chaniotis, 'Illness and cures in the Greek propitiatory inscriptions and dedications of Lydia and Phrygia', in Ph. J. van der Eijk, H. F. J. Horstmanshoff, and P. H. Schrijvers, eds., Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1995), 323-44. 32 Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography5, 399 ('the unpretentious, unadorned matter-of-fact style'), 426-7 ('Only the paradvxon is important, i.e. the unique marvellous phenomenon. The style of the description does not matter at all'; 'those works did not have any literary pretension, they were not stylistically finished'; 'this 'unpolished' style'), and Hansen, Phlegon (n. 14), 8 ('interest lies in the content, not the exposition'). 30

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Hellenistic paradoxographers, by the time Phlegon of Tralles was writing in the Second Sophistic it seems unlikely that literary style was thought cnot to matter5.33 Instead this plain literary style can more fruitfully be interpreted as part of the rhetoric of objective recording, as argued in chapter two for the Hieroi Logoi. Choices in structure and literary style reveal a common concern to convince the audience of the truth of the thaumata described. In paradoxographical texts this underlying aim is explicitly articulated in statements about the authors' judgement concerning which marvels to include, while the Hieroi Logoi presents itself as a partial record of the full array of marvels, and makes reference to the presence of witnesses.34 The practice of specifying other texts as the source of each thauma was well established in the paradoxographical genre, which was, after all, one of compilation.35 The theme of the immense variety of the human and natural world seems to be reflected in the wide variety of sources quoted: the collection of wonders is mirrored by the collection of texts. Whereas a reader with access to a library could actually check these sources, the theme of independent textual documentation also appears in unverifiable contexts. For example, Aristides5 references to his dream diaries suggest that there is further literary documentation beyond this text.36 Antonius Diogenes' The Incredible Things Beyond Thule ('ATTLora vTrep OovXyv), a travel narrative with paradoxographical features written in the second century AD, seems to have parodied both the technique of source quotation and reference to an original text. This text is now lost but according to Bishop Photios, the epitomator of the work, the list of sources included revered scientific authorities as well as geographical narratives considered notoriously unreliable at the time, and the preface stated that the text was a transcription of an original inscribed on wooden tablets and found in the grave of Deinias, its hero.37 These statements in a fantastic story which included a trip to the moon were no doubt meant to be received in a different spirit from Aristides5 reference to his dream diaries, but both engage in a discourse of documentation or pseudo-documentation. In the Hieroi Logoi documentation is joined by autopsy in the strategies of

33

On the importance of language and literary style in the Second Sophistic see Reardon, Courants litteraires, 80-99 and Swain, Hellenism^ 17-64. 34 Schepens andDelcroix, Taradoxography5,387-8, Jacob, Taradoxographie grecque' (n. 6), 132-3; e.g. H.L. 11.20 and 51. 35 Schepens and Delcroix, Taradoxography5, 383-6; e.g. Pliny, Natural History 7.27-30, Phlegon, On Marvels 2.1, 3.1, 4.1, 5.1, n.i, 13, 18, 19, 26, 28, 30, 32, 33. 36 H.L. II.2, 3, 8,111.26, 30, and IV.25. See discussion above in chapter three, pp. 127-8. 37 Photios, Bibliotheca 166, section uia-b. On 'pseudo-documentarism', see W. Hansen, 'Strategies of authentication in ancient popular literature', in S. Panayotakis, M. Zimmerman, and W. Keulen, eds., The Ancient Novel and Beyond (Leiden, 2003), 301-14. On the theme of travel and the exploration of the boundaries of the world as a metaphor for the boundaries of belief in Antonius Diogenes' novel see J. S. Romm, 'Novels beyond Thule: Antonius Diogenes, Rabelais, Cervantes', in J. Tatum, ed., In Search for the Ancient Novel (Baltimore, MD, 1994), 101-16.

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persuasion, as it is the author himself who has experienced the thaumata^ while the reader is also rhetorically included in this experiential proof by means of the invitations to search out the original dream diaries. Although autopsy is on the whole rare in paradoxographical texts there are some examples of the author claiming to have personally seen the marvel and even in Phlegon's text of an invitation to the reader to go and see for himself.38 While the parallels between the Hieroi Lqgoi and paradoxographical works are illuminating, they should not be overstated. Most fundamentally the autobiographical and deeply religious nature of the Hieroi Lqgoi is alien to paradoxography. This difference has a significant impact on the effect of the common strategies of objective presentation which have been outlined. The Hieroi Lq0oi establishes a personal and direct rapport between author and reader, and credibility in the thaumata is an essential element in the appropriately awed reception of the story of the relationship between author and god. The reception of paradoxographical works, however, is more difficult to gauge, and may well have ranged from serious conviction to amused disbelief. But even in the latter case amusement and pleasure depended in part on the contrast between the preposterous stories and the techniques and rhetoric of objective recording. The common techniques of persuasion, then, may well have been used to different effects. In the Hieroi Logoi the rhetoric of frenzied writing and rushed glimpses of untold thaumata can also be contrasted with paradoxography's arrangement of marvels into a systematizing discourse of order. But while of minor importance in the Hieroi Lo^oi^ this latter theme is a major feature of the physical Asklepieion of Pergamon in the second century AD. The architecture and ritual of the sanctuary together offered an ordered framework for the accommodation of sick bodies, those which deviated from health and 'normality'. Where the paradoxographic text collected exotic marvels from a plethora of texts, the Asklepieion drew pilgrims from far and wide whose bodies contravened the cultural standards of health and beauty. As a receptacle for the whole spectrum of bodies, from sick to healthy, the Asklepieion had an encyclopaedic dimension, similar to the principle expressed in Pliny's Natural History. A complex dynamic is played out in both text and space between the extraordinary and unique nature of the thaumata and the normalizing effect of collecting and ordering them. Both text and space set up new taxonomies in which extraordinary bodies are numerous

38

e.g. Phlegon, On Marvels 9 (Phlegon has seen Aitete from Syrian Laodikeia who has changed into a man, Aitetos), 35 (the hippocentaur from Saune in Arabia is in the emperor's storehouse where the sceptica reader can inspect it); Pliny, Natural History 7.35 (Pliny has seen the hippocentaur preserved in honey and sent to Claudius), 10.5 (conversely, he has seen the displayed body of a phoenix and together with other viewers concluded that it was a fake).

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l6l

instead of rare, centre stage instead of marginalized, and can even be read as signs of divine grace instead of divine disfavour. In the Asklepieion the transformation by divine grace of the abnormal sick body into a normal healthy body paradoxically also confirmed the body as a thaumct. The Pergamene Asklepieion was focused on the extraordinary body—sick and miraculously healed—from its very inception in the third century BC: it was founded on the initiative of Archias son of Aristaichmos whose sick body had been miraculously healed at Epidauros.39 Thereafter this focus was expressed in the bodies of sick and healed pilgrims gathering in the Asklepieion and simultaneously in the sculptural and inscriptional evocations of those bodies dedicated and displayed in the sanctuary. The Asklepieion constituted one method of dealing with abnormal human bodies in a culture where virtue, paideia^ and even divine favour were thought to be manifested in the body beautiful.40 Paradoxographical authors such as Phlegon and Pliny grappled with this same issue, though in different ways. In both cases the ideal normal, healthy, and beautiful body is implied by its very absence in the midst of extraordinary bodies in space or text. Extraordinary bodies in the Asklepieion evoked the ideal of health while in paradoxographical texts stories of bodies transgressing the laws of nature evoked the Graeco-Roman norm: transsexual transformations implicitly emphasize strict gender boundaries,41 unusually long or short lifespans delineate the spectrum within which the normal human lifecycle is located,42 abnormally small or large people (dead or alive) imply an average size,43 and hybrid peoples and monstrous individual births locate the human in the spectrum of nature.44 It is 39

Pausanias 2.26.8. e.g. Chariton 2.1.5 on the equation of a beautiful body with high social class, and the earlier and influential passage in Plato, Republic 3 4iiC-D on the importance of both physical and mental paideia. On the related interest in this period in the practice and viewing of athletics, the perusal of athletic texts and the viewing of sculptures of athletes see J. Konig, Athletics and Literature in the Roman Empire (Cambridge, 2005) and Z. Newby, Greek Athletics in the Roman World: Victory and Virtue (Oxford, 2005); on the connection between beauty and divine favour see R. Garland, The Eye of the Beholder: Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World (London, 1995), 2 and 64 (one qualification for entry into certain priesthoods was physical wholeness and perfection), and chapter one n. 122 (Apuleius' ugly servant boy). 41 e.g. Phlegon, On Marvels 4-10, Pliny, Natural History 7.36 (transsexual transformation). 42 Phlegon, On Marvels 32-3 (very short lifecycles); it is possible that On Long-lived Persons (TTepi MaKpo^lcov) by the same author may have been part of the On Marvels (see Hansen, Phlegon (n. 14), 17-20). Pliny, Natural History 7.23 (women in India give birth only once in a lifetime and the baby's hair begins to turn grey immediately); 7.27-30 (extraordinarily short or long lifecycles); 7.76 (a child whose lifecycle was complete in three years). 43 Phlegon, OnMarvels 11-19 (the discovery and display of huge skeletons), Pliny, Natural History 7.74-5 (the tallest and shortest human beings alive in his day and the discovery of giant bones). The theme of the degeneration of the human race from heroes and giants is well established in Greek and Roman literature (see Pliny, Natural History 7.74 citing Homer as an authority for this idea). It is specifically mentioned in Phlegon, OnMarvels 15.2, and is an underlying theme in Philostratos' Hewikos. 44 Pliny, Natural History 7.9-35, Phlegon, OnMarvels 20-5. 40

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against an infinitely diverse world made up of animal, human, and natural wonders that the self-definition and superiority of the elite Graeco-Roman male reader is affirmed.45 Both paradoxographical texts and the Asklepieion were frameworks for the display of deformity and physical abnormality and through the discourse of tk&umatd they established new taxonomies. But whereas in the former case the aim was general information and entertainment, in the latter it was the relief of sickness and personal suffering. The discourse of miracles and new taxonomy of the Asklepieion gave meaning and structure to the experience of illness, something which is highly culturally specific.46 While the Hellenistic origins of the sanctuary are reflected in its architectural structure, it will be argued below that the rebuilding programme in the second century expressed a Roman encyclopaedic episteme within which to place the extraordinary body. The paradoxographical model of collecting tkaumctta, and creating new taxonomies which has been suggested for the interpretation of the Asklepieion is not an isolated cultural phenomenon. Both at the inception of the genre in Hellenistic Alexandria and subsequently in imperial Rome it is reflected in royal and imperial collections of tkaumata and mirabilia^ and in the latter case with a particular emphasis on the human body.47 Such royal and imperial collections argue strongly against confining the paradoxographical mentality to literature with an exclusively popular appeal. There are examples of imperial collecting of curiosities from the mythical and natural world: Suetonius writes that Augustus chose to decorate his villas with "objects noteworthy for their antiquity and rarity, such as at Capreae the huge skeletons of sea and land monsters, popularly known as "the bones of the giants", and the weapons of heroes3, while many of the wonders described by Pliny and Phlegon are said to have been brought to the reigning emperor, such as the hippocentaur preserved in honey and sent to Claudius from Egypt.48 The appropriatory and imperialistic dimension of 45

Pliny, Natural History 7.6-8 (the amazing variety of human beings, both as ethnic groups and as individuals), and 7.1 (man superior to other creatures which have been created for his benefit). 46 See S. Sontag, Illness as Metaphor and Aids and Its Metaphors (London, 1991) and G. T. Couser, Recovering Bodies: Illness, Disability, and Life Writing (Wisconsin, 1997). 47 Garland, Eye of the Beholder (n. 40), 45-58, at 45. On collections and displays of natural curiosities and art in Rome see L. Friedlander, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine 4 (Leipzig, 1921), 1-6, and D. Strong, 'Roman museums', in D. Strong, ed., Archaeological Theory and Practice: Essays Presented to W. E. Grimes (London, 1973), 247-64. On the later history of collecting and the development of the museum see T. D. Kaufmann, 'Kunst and the Kunstkammer: collecting as a phenomenon of the Renaissance in central Europe', in T. D. Kaufmann, Court, Cloister, and City: The An and Culture of Central Europe, 1450-1800 (Chicago, IL, 1995), 166-83, Pearce, On Collecting (n. 5), L. Daston and K. Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150-1750 (Cambridge, MA, 1998), J. Eisner and R. Cardinal, eds., The Cultures of Collecting (London, 1997), O. Impey and A. MacGregor, eds., The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe (London, 2001). 48 Suetonius, Divus Augustus 72.3, Pliny, Natural History 7.35, Phlegon, On Marvels 34-5.

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paradoxography's process of collecting and recording is an explicit aspect of imperial collections which contained objects which were often religiously or culturally important to subject peoples. It has been convincingly argued that the appropriation of revered cult images and relics was part of the imperialistic, political discourse which Rome asserted over the conquered.49 Augustus3 seizure of the cult image of Athena Alea from Tegea and the tusks of the Kalydonian boar is an example of this process.50 The cult image was put on display in the forum of Augustus, a space in which religious imagery was used to assert and legitimize the myth of the cosmic superiority of Rome and of the Julian family in particular, while the tusks of the Kalydonian boar, which were mythical relics, were apparently cared for by 'those in charge of marvels' (ot em rots Oav^aoiv)^ and one tusk which had broken off was displayed in a sanctuary of Dionysos in the emperor's gardens, reflecting its status both as a religious relic and as a curiosity in the personal collection of the emperor.51 In addition to objects from the natural and mythical world Roman emperors acted like magnets for strange human bodies. Their interest in the extraordinary and freakish may have been connected to 'their own constitutional, social and amoral uniqueness5, an interesting contemporary parallel being the late celebrity pop star Michael Jackson's obsession with the story and physical relics of the 'Elephant Man', Joseph Merrick, and his high-profile friendship with another liminal creature, a chimpanzee.52 Pliny writes that the bodies of the two tallest people who lived during the reign of Augustus were preserved in a tomb in the Horti Sallustiani, while there are specific accounts of preserved human bodies being sent as curiosities to the emperor, for example Phlegon's story of a child with four heads and a proportionate number of limbs being brought to Nero.53 Live people with extraordinary bodies were also 'collected' and displayed. These bodies transgressed the boundaries of shape, size, gender, and species like many of the creatures, human and animal, in paradoxographical collections. Strabo writes that a man with no arms was sent as a gift to Augustus by the Indian king Porus;54 Pliny writes that the tallest person alive in the reign of Claudius, a man called Gabbara, was brought to Rome from Arabia, and the shortest person alive at the same time was a dwarf called Conopas, who was a live curiosity in the imperial

49

S. E. Alcock, Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge, 1993), 175-80. Pausanias 8.46.1-5; see also 9.27.1-5 (the story of the cult image of Eros from Thespiai). 51 Pausanias 8.46.5. 52 Garland, Eye of the Beholder (n. 40), 45. P. W. Graham and F. H. Oehlschlaeger, Articulating the Elephant Man: Joseph Merrick and his Interpreters (Baltimore, MD, 1992), 10. 53 Pliny, Natural History 7.75, Phlegon, On Marvels 20. Compare accounts of the display of an embalmed infant, which had been born of a homosexual man in Alexandria (Phlegon, On Marvels 26), and the bones of heroes in Dalmatia and Egypt (Phlegon, On Marvels 12, 15.1). 54 Strabo 15.1.73. 50

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household;55 Phlegon mentions hermaphrodites being brought to the palace to be shown to the emperor;56 and Pausanias recounts the story of a cwild man5 from the Libyan desert being brought to Rome as a curiosity.57 The imperial collections of extraordinary human bodies were themselves only one expression of a profound Roman fascination with the extraordinary human body, exemplified by the regular display of foreign prisoners in triumphs and games, and the existence of a "monster market5 in Rome for the purchase of curiosity slaves.58 Plutarch's description of this market suggests that it was an unsavoury fringe element, but the evidence for the imperial collections and Suetonius5 story of Augustus5 public displays which included exotic animals, foreign hostages, and on one occasion a human curiosity, Lycius, a fully formed young nobleman only two feet tall, imply that interest in the monstrous human body permeated the whole of Roman society.59 This cultural phenomenon is also articulated on an artistic level in the decoration of the theatre of Pompey which included images of foreign peoples (cnationes5) and extraordinary human bodies, such as "Eutychis who at Tralles was carried to her funeral pyre by twenty children and who had given birth thirty times, and Alcippe who gave birth to an elephant5.60 The perception of the beautiful human body as a marvel and spectacle attracting crowds occurs in a variety of contemporary literary texts, and there is also evidence for the Graeco-Roman and early Christian tradition of human beings as the object of religious pilgrimage.61 Issues related to viewing the body in 55 Pliny, Natural History 7.74. On dwarfs in the ancient world see V. Dasen, Dwarfs in Egypt and Greece (Oxford, 1993), especially 236-41 and 178-9, on the ancient perception of dwarfs as liminal beings, often associated with the Satyrs of Dionysos and also with Pygmies, living 'at the end of the earth'. On the popularity of deformed slaves in the Roman world see Garland, Eye of the Beholder (n. 40), 46-8, and compare Tacitus,, Annals 15.34 on the deformed Vatinius in Nero's court. 56 Phlegon, On Marvels 6.4 and 7.1. 57 Pausanias 2.21.6. Compare Plutarch's story of a live satyr being caught in Apollonia and brought to Sulla (S»/te 27). 58 Plutarch, De Curiositate 52oC (monster market). 59 Suetonius, Divus Augustus 43.3-4. 60 Pliny, Natural History 36.41 ('nationes'), and Suetonius, Nero 46; Pliny, Natural History 7.34 (individuals). On the architecture and statuary of the theatre of Pompey see L. Richardson, 'A note on the architecture of the Theatrum Pompei in Rome', AJA 91 (1987), 123-6, R Sear, 'The scaenae frons of the theater of Pompey3, AJA 97 (1993), 687-701, and C. Edwards, 'Incorporating the alien: The art of conquest', in C. Edwards and G. Woolf, eds., Rome the Cosmopolis (Cambridge, 2003), 44-70, at 64-8. 61 e.g. Lucian, Imagines (Pantheia, the beautiful human body as a marvel); Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4.28-9 (the story of Cupid and Psyche): 'Many citizens, as well as multitudes of visitors, whom the rumour of an extraordinary spectacle ('spectaculum') was attracting in eager throngs, were dumbfounded in their wonderment at her unapproachable loveliness and would move their right hands to their lips, forefinger resting upon outstretched thumb, and venerate her with pious prayers as if she were the very goddess Venus herself... Many mortals travelled far by land and journeyed over the deep seas, flocking together to see the famous sight ('specimen') of the age'; and Chariton, Kallirhoe (description of her beauty often using the language of paradoxography) 1.1-2 (Kallirhoe is 'a marvel of a girl' (Oav^aarov TL xP^P0* -rrapOevov) and

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Graeco-Roman culture were explored in chapter two; the paradoxographical model and practice of imperial collecting suggests that viewing thaumata^ including human bodies, often involved their interpretation as proof of underlying extraordinary stories or myths. This cultural background implies that the sick and healed bodies of pilgrims and votive dedications in the Asklepieion might similarly have been read as proof of the stories of divine intervention and miraculous healing. The practice of displaying natural and mythical thaumata in sanctuaries (including Asklepieia) further strengthens this connection.62 There are references to preserved bodies of monsters on display in various temples in Greece,63 while a host of relics and natural wonders are explicitly related to myths: the bones of a giant who had fought against Rhea at the Asklepieion at Megalopolis,64 Leda's egg in the sanctuary of Hilaeira and Phoibe in Sparta,65 the flute of Marsyas, once displayed in the temple of Peitho (Persuasion) in Corinth,66 and the sceptre of Agamemnon made by Hephaistos kept in the house of its annually chosen priest in Chaironeia.67 The preservation of the toe of king Pyrrhos in a chest in a temple is an example of a marvellous human body part kept in sacred space. Pliny's account suggests that this body part was considered a marvel both during Pyrrhos' life and after his death: while the king was alive it could heal inflammations of the spleen, and after his death it had resisted cremation.68 In contrast to the usual exclusion of religious marvels from paradoxographical texts, the display of natural and mythical marvels in sanctuaries suggests that there was a viewing continuum which made no clear division between religious and "secular5, and this accords more broadly with evidence for the pervasive influence of religion in this culture.69 The reception ofthaumata in sacred space no less than in paradoxographical texts is difficult to gauge, but there are some reports of this 'incredible vision' (rrapaSo^ov Ota^a) attract suitors; 1.16 (people do proskynesis to Kallirhoe); 4-1-9 (the effect of Kallirhoe's beauty on bystanders); 8.8.6 (by bringing Kallirhoe to the Persian king Dionysios made her 'the idol of all Asia' (Kara r^v Aaiav oX-rjv Oavua^o^vrjv)). On human beings as objects of pilgrimage see J. Eisner, 'Hagiographic geography: travel and allegory in the Life ofApollonius ofTyana\ JRS 117 (1997), 22-37, at 27-8 (on Apollonios of Tyana), and G. Frank, 'Miracles, monks and monuments: the Historic Monachorum inAegypto as pilgrims' tales', in D. Frankfurter, ed., Pilgrimage and Holy Space in Late Antique Egypt (Leiden, 1998), 483-505, (on monks as 'monuments' attracting early Christian pilgrims) and The Memory of the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late Antiquity (Berkeley, CA, 2000). 62

See above n. 5. e.g. Pausanias 2.10.2 (a huge bone of a sea monster on display at the Asklepieion in Sikyon). 64 65 66 Pausanias 8.32.5. Pausanias 3.16.1. Pausanias 2.7.9. 67 Pausanias 9.40.11-12, and 9.41.1 (this sceptre was the only authentic artefact of Hephaistos). 68 Pliny, Natural History 7.20, Pausanias 2.21.4. 69 e.g. the seamless religious and ethnographic viewing at the Asklepieion at Athens in Pausanias 1.21.4-7 (the cult images of the god and his family, paintings and the sacred spring, votive dedications, among which is a Sauromatic breastplate which leads to discussion of the customs of the Sauromatai). On the combination of religious and other aspects in Pausanias' text see Hutton, 'Religious space' (n. 2), especially 292-7. 63

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indications in the manner in which they are described in literary texts, such as Pausanias5 Description of Greece. For example, he writes that in the temple of Dionysos at Tanagra 'the image too is worth seeing, being of Parian marble and a work of Kalamis, but a greater marvel (thauma) still is the Triton.'70 Here Pausanias chooses to emphasize the cart historical5 elements of the cult statue—its material and its creator—rather than the cultic details which he often provides for other religious images, and he identifies the body of the sea monster as the greater thauma.11 The mythical and religious sides of this tkaumct of nature are then emphasized by the narration of the two versions of the story told about it by the Tanagraians: following the harassment of the community by the Triton, Dionysos himself kills the monster, or alternatively a Tanagraian beheads the monster while it is in a drunken stupor cand because they caught him drunk, it is supposed that it was Dionysos who killed him.' The death of the sea monster is in this way closely associated with the god either directly or through his presence in wine, and its status as a thauma appears in part to be related to the mythical, religious story that can be read in the evidence of its body. Its aspect as a natural thauma is then emphasized in the description of other rare creatures which the author himself has seen camong the marvels (thaumata) at Rome3 and in the evaluation of other accounts of extraordinary animals.72 Autopsy and the discussion of other sources, two features of paradoxographical writing, also occur in this periegetic description of the display of a thftuma in sacred space. These technical similarities and Pausanias' evidence for the viewing of the Triton simultaneously as both a natural and religious thauma suggest that real collections ofthaumata in sanctuaries can be fruitfully interpreted within a paradoxographical mentalite. This accumulation of evidence for the culture of collecting thaumata both natural and divine, the particular Roman fascination with the extraordinary human body, and the use of the discourse of miracles for the body and the divine in the Hieroi Lqgoi^ invites an exploration of the space of the Pergamene Asklepieion through the paradoxographical model. In all these cases new taxonomies were created by the collection of marvels. In imperial collections and public displays this involved the confirmation of imperialistic domination; in the Asklepieion the new taxonomy renegotiated the tension between the ideal of the beautiful trained body of the pepaideumenos and the reality in cases where the elite male body was marked by sickness or deformity. Whereas paradoxographical texts and collections displayed the strange bodies of others to the external reader 70

Pausanias 9.20.4. e.g. Pausanias 2.11.6 (the cult statue of Hygieia in the temple of Asklepios at Titane covered with offerings of hair and clothing). On Pausanias' interest in the materials of sculptures see K. W. Arafat, Tausanias' attitude to antiquities', BSA 87 (1992), 387-409, at 393-7, and on his approach to works of art see M. Pretzler, Pausanias: Travel Writing in Ancient Greece (London, 2007), 105-17. 72 Pausanias 9.21. 71

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and viewer, the Asklepieion dealt with the sick bodies of the pilgrims themselves. The new space and taxonomy of the Asklepieion were experienced personally by pilgrims whose bodies and sense of selfhood, such as Polemon's and Aristides3 self-image as orators, were under intense threat.73

THE SECOND-CENTURY BUILDING PROGRAMME OF THE PERGAMENE ASKLEPIEION: THE CONSTRUCTION OF AN ENCYCLOPAEDIC TAXONOMY FOR THE PILGRIM The Asklepieion is situated below the Acropolis of Pergamon, at some distance from the city, though by the second century AD it was surrounded by dwellings.74 The site was excavated by German archaeologists in the twentieth century, in particular in the 19505 and 19605 (Figs. 27 and 28). Parts of some buildings are still standing, such as the rotunda, others have been partly reconstructed, such as the theatre and columns of the north portico, and the foundations of structures are clearly visible. The compact nature of the site, in conjunction with the extensive and high-quality publication of the archaeological remains, enables the visitor to gain a profound understanding of the dynamics of the space, although the location of a military barracks on the edge of the archaeological site is unfortunate.75 The earliest evidence of building on the site is dated to the end of the fifth century BC, and there was continual rebuilding throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods (eighteen building phases have been identified in the pre-Roman period alone).76 The sanctuary was effectively made up of architectural layers as a result of the ongoing demolition of old structures and the construction of new buildings. In the second century AD its Hellenistic foundation was still reflected in a number of buildings, in particular the temples, incubation chambers, and sacred drawing well in the centre (Fig. 27 nos. 22,24-8), and the Hellenistic Long Hall on the west side (not shown, located west of Fig. 27 no. 15). Between AD 123 and approximately 128, following a visit by Hadrian and with the support of local patrons, the Asklepieion was radically transformed by a building programme which amalgamated the Hellenistic and Roman cultural and architectural traditions.77 The three Hellenistic temples (to Asklepios Soter and two other deities 73

Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 543-4 (when Polemon's body was irrevocably deteriorating, he ordered his servants to entomb him alive so that the world would not see him silenced, i.e. his life equated with being an orator), and H.L. ¥.52 (Aristides' prayer asking Asklepios to grant him a long life only if he is to practice oratory). 74 75 Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 41. AvP Vffl,3 and XI,i-476 AvP XI,i, 10-169, and AvP XI,2,5-56. 77 On Hadrian's visit to Pergamon in AD 123/4 see A. R. Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor (London, 1997), 162-9. On Pergamene artistic influence on Rome in the Republican period see A. Kuttner, 'Republican Rome looks at Pergamon', HSCP 97 (1995), 157-78.

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FIG. 27. Ground plan of the Asklepieion of Pergamon in the second century AD: i. Sacred Road with entrance gate; 2. Propylon forecourt; 3. Propylon; 4. Sanctuary courtyard; 5. Cult niche; 6. Temple of Zeus Asklepios; 7. Cistern; 8. Peristyle house; 9. Rotunda (substructure); 10. Cult niche; n. Library; 12. North portico; 13. Theatre; 14. West portico; 15. Western exit (towards Hellenistic Long Hall); 16. West room; 17. South-west room; 18. Small latrines; 19. Large latrines; 20. South portico, basement cryptoporticus; 21. Cryptoporticus; 22. Hellenistic drawing well; 23. Roman bath; 24. Hellenistic temple; 25. Hellenistic temple; 26. Hellenistic temple of Asklepios; 27. Incubation complex; 28. Incubation complex; 29. Well; 30. Hellenistic south portico (basement level); 31. Hellenistic east portico.

from among Hygieia, Telesphoros, and Apollo Kaliteknos) and the nearby incubation chambers were retained (Fig. 27 nos. 24-8) while a new monumental courtyard (Fig. 27 nos. 4,12,14, 20) was designed to frame these and a number of new buildings were added (the theatre, library, Propylon and forecourt, temple

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FIG. 28. Model of the Asklepieion of Pergamon. View eastwards.

of Zeus-Asklepios and later the rotunda (Fig. 27 nos. 13, n, 2, 3, 6, 9)), most of which were architecturally highly modern and also distinctively Roman in style. The new design effectively created a new environment for pilgrims to meet the god, but the incorporation of the most sacred buildings of the older sanctuary conveyed a sense of continuity. Architectural layering and the perception of timelessness is a feature encountered at religious centres cross-culturally.78 The perception of continuity with the past through creative incorporation and refashioning was a particularly important aspect of second-century Graeco-Roman culture in general. In the sphere of architecture examples can be found in Hadrian's completion of the Archaic temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens, and his emphasis on the idea of the restoration of Agrippa's Pantheon in Rome by 78

e.g. on the architectural stratification and apparent continuity of the Catholic pilgrimage site of St Patrick's Purgatory on the island of Lough Derg in Ireland in the 19708 see V. Turner and E. Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New York, NY, 1978), 113.

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means of the retention of the original and prominent dedicatory inscription even when in reality the design was highly innovative.79 This trend in architecture can be paralleled by the phenomena of the creative copying of Classical Greek paintings and sculpture,80 and the use of Classical themes and Atticizing language in literature.81 In the case of the Asklepieion the incorporation of Hellenistic buildings into a Roman architectural design is directly paralleled in contemporary paradoxographical texts by the distinctive Roman manipulation of a Hellenistic genre. The Asklepieion provided an encyclopaedic, all-encompassing sacred framework for the whole spectrum of bodies on the one hand, and on the other for every aspect of the individual. The variety of buildings reflected the range of activities available. Prayer and dedication took place in the temples, cult niches and altars (Fig. 27 nos. 2, 5, 6, 10, 24-6); the incubation chambers offered an environment for curative sleep (Fig. 27 nos. 27-8); bathing and other therapeutic activities occurred in the baths and within the courtyard (Fig. 27 nos. 9, 22-3 and 4);82 exercise could be taken in the gymnasium thought to have been located west of the Asklepieion courtyard, next to the Hellenistic Long Hall;83 literary and musical performances could be attended in the theatre (Fig. 27 no. 13); texts could be perused in the library (Fig. 27 no. 11); portraits could be viewed along the north portico, including those of local euergetes and the Roman imperial family (Fig. 27 no. 12). Different aspects of the whole person were isolated and catered for in these different spaces, thus providing a spatial taxonomy of the pilgrim, body and mind.

79 M. T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire (Princeton, NJ, 2000), 127-43. On the Pantheon see below, pp. 194-9. On the role of emperors generally in promoting cults and in particular in 'restoring' established shrines see Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 252-3. 80 e.g. the collection of Greek originals and copies in Hadrian's villa at Tivoli, see J. Eisner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph (Oxford, 1998), 169-85. On copies and imitatio in Roman art see T. Holscher, The Language of Images in Roman Art: Art as a Semantic System in the Roman World, translated by A. Snodgrass and A. Kiinzl-Snodgrass, with a foreword by J. Eisner (Cambridge, 2004) and E. Perry, The Aesthetics of Emulation in the Visual Arts of Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 2005). 81 For example Philostratos' Heroikos refashions the Homeric heroes, while in the sphere of oratory subjects were often chosen from the fifth and fourth century BC, for instance Polemon delivering orations 'in the character3 of Demosthenes. Pausanias' Description of Greece demonstrates this peculiarly secondcentury taste for the integration of new and old specifically in relation to monuments. This occurs on two levels: the author's selective inclusion of more recent monuments seems to be dictated by their integration in old architectural complexes; and the narrative itself emphasizes the juxtaposition of monuments of quite different periods beyond the constraints of the topographical arrangement (itself, of course, a conscious choice) (see E. L. Bowie, 'Past and present in Pausanias', in J. Bingen, ed., Pausanias Historien^ Entretiens sur 1' Antiquite Classique 41 (Geneva, 1996), 207-39, at 213 and 225). 82 H.L. II.74-6 (story of a cure taking place in the vicinity of the three temples). 83 AvP XI,2, 32.

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YJ\

Some of the monuments within the Asklepieion, such as the theatre and gymnasium, and some of the activities which occurred here, including literary and athletic performances, were also encountered in non-sacred space in GraecoRoman culture. This has led some scholars to interpret them, and by extension the Asklepieion itself, as fundamentally non-religious in character. For example, C. P. Jones writes: There were also more secular amenities, such as the elegant theatre on the north side of the sanctuary, a library, and a gymnasium. To such an extent did the Asklepieion become a centre of culture, and a magnet for persons of wealth and leisure, that it strikes the modern observer as a cross between a German spa and a research institute.'84 The interpretation of the library and the theatre as 'more secular' fails to recognize fully the effect of their location in sacred space. Moreover, the statue on display in the central niche of the library is associated with the imperial cult by its depiction of Hadrian in the nudity associated with gods and heroes and by the form of its inscription, cthe god Hadrian' (deos ASpLavos). Likewise, religious aspects can be found for the theatre: a fragmentary inscription indicates that it was dedicated to Asklepios, Aristides describes it as the 'holy theatre' (Oearpov lepov) in the Hieroi Lo0oi and implies that performances of religious hymns took place there.85 C. P. Jones's implication of a dichotomy between elite cultural activities and the more explicitly 'religious' and healing activities is not borne out either by the visual evidence or by Aristides' Hieroi Logoi—z text which is both profoundly 'religious' and simultaneously a product of the elite literary culture which C. P. Jones emphasizes. Another aspect of this secularizing approach to the Asklepieion is to emphasize the euergetism of local patrons, interpreting it as fundamentally similar to patronage in non-sacred spaces and emphasizing the benefits it entailed for the patrons' careers.86 Here again the impact of the sacred environment on the meanings attached to these euergetistic acts can be marginalized to the point of distortion. The reading of the Asklepieion offered here instead emphasizes the integrity of the site and the importance of interpreting all the buildings and activities within the context of sacred space. The sanctuary's function of collecting

84

C. P. Jones, cAelius Aristides and the Asklepieion', in H. Koester, ed., Pergamon: Citadel of the Gods. Archaeological Record, Literary Description., and Religious Development, Harvard Theological Studies 46 (Harrisburg, PA, 1998), 63-76, at 65-6. For a division between religious, medical, and cultural activities in the Asklepieion see also J. M. Cortes Copete, Elio Aristides: un sofista griego en el Imperio Romano (Madrid, 1995), 60-77. 85 H.L. 11.30 and IV.43-4. On the inscription see below, pp. 191-2. 86 See P. Veyne, Bread and Circuses: Historical Sociology and Political Pluralism (abridged with an introduction by O. Murray; English translation by B. Pearce; first published in French in 1976) (London, 1990), 70-200, generally on Greek euergetism in this period; M. Le Glay, 'Hadrien et 1'Asklepieion de Pergamon', BCH 100 (1976), 347-72, on Hadrian's connection with the Pergamene Asklepieion and its patrons; and M. Melfi, Isantuari diAsclepio in Grecia. I (Rome, 2007), 533-38 on euergetism in Asklepiei

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bodies and creating a new taxonomy through spatial and ritual arrangements is similar to that of a paradoxographical text, and also on a physical level that of Rome and the emperor. The systematic description of the Asklepieion below highlights the peculiarly Roman themes of order, systematization, and encyclopaedism articulated in the spatial dynamics and architecture, while chapter five explores these themes as expressed in the rituals which took place in the sanctuary. (i) The covered street (Via Tecta)., colonnaded street, andpropylon entrance A sacred way linked the city of Pergamon to the Asklepieion, a distance of about one kilometre. The Via, Tecta^ a covered street with cross-vaulting and columns of the Ionic order, is thought to have been constructed in the early Roman period, and moreover followed the direction of an older Hellenistic road (Fig. 29 no. i and Fig. 30).87 The building programme of the 1205 transformed the final 130 metres of the approach to the sanctuary: beyond the crossroad, and following a slight alteration in alignment and broadening of the street, Ionic colonnades were built on either side creating an impressive colonnaded street (referred to in the archaeological publications as cdie Hallenstrasse5) (Fig. 29 no. 4 and Fig. 31). This colonnaded street had a practical function of protecting pilgrims from the sun and rain. It would also have made the approach to the sanctuary more visually impressive, and therefore perhaps a more significant and memorable part of the pilgrimage. The Second Sophistic penchant for the inclusion of the past in new creations manifested itself in the incorporation on the south side of the street of a heroon dating from the Augustan period (Fig. 29 no. 6), and thought to have been dedicated to Telephos, the mythical founder of Pergamon.88 On the northern side of the street there was a large fountain (Fig. 29 no. 5), and many sculptural fragments have been found in this vicinity, including votive and funerary reliefs, statues, and statuettes.89 Amongst those which are identifiable are portraits of famous intellectuals from Classical Greece (Euripides, a philosopher probably to be identified as Sokrates, Antisthenes, and Xenophon) and of the emperor Hadrian (Figs. 32-6), together with many depictions of mythological and divine figures, only one of which is of Asklepios. As pilgrims approached the sanctuary and expectation mounted, they mingled seamlessly with marble likenesses from the public,

87

On the Via Tecta and colonnaded street sec AvP XI,2, 44-53, andyl^P XI,4. On the dating of the Via Tecta see O. Ziegenaus and G. De Luca, 'Die Ausgrabungen zu Pergamon im Asklepieion. Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die Abschlussgrabungen der Jahre 1967 bis 1969 im Anschluss an die Arbeitskampagne 1966', AA (1970), 176-201, at 181 and 189-92; 184 (on Ionic order) with fig. 16 (reconstruction drawing). 88 89 AvP XI,2, 45-50. AvP XI,4, 78-152.

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FIG. 29. Groundplan of the Via Tecta (no. i) with baths (no. 2) and early Roman portico (no. 3); colonnaded street (no. 4) with fountain (no. 5) and heroon (no. 6). Asklepieion of Pergamon.

mythological, and religious realms. If the absence of Asklepios imagery in the colonnaded walkway reflects the situation in antiquity, it could be interpreted as a deferral of the epiphany of the god, who, it was hoped, would manifest himself in person to the pilgrims in the Asklepieion further down the road.

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FIG. 30. The Via Tecta and colonnaded street beyond. View westwards (towards the sanctuary). Asklepieion of Pergamon.

FIG. 31. The colonnaded street. View westwards (towards the sanctuary). Asklepieion of Pergamon.

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FIG. 32. Marble bust of Euripides (Farnese type) from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 50 cm. Second century AD.

The older Hellenistic road met the sanctuary at an angle, directly opposite the god's temple. In the 1208 the gate was rebuilt as a monumental Propylon and forecourt, financed by the Pergamene Aulus Claudius Charax (Fig. 37).90 90 On Charax see O. Andrei, A. Claudius Charax di Pergamo (Bologna, 1984), H. Halfmann, Die Senatoren aus dem ostlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts n.Chr. (Gottingen, 1979), 161-2, no. j^AvP VHI,3, 9-10 and XI,3, 46; on the Propylon and its forecourt sccAvP XI,3, 5-29.

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FIG. 33. Marble bust of philosopher (Sokrates?) from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 42 cm. Second century AD.

Its erection entailed the demolition of an odeion which had been put up not many years before during the reign of Trajan, a clear indication of the importance attached to creating an imposing entrance to the sanctuary.91 The Propylon forecourt was a square-shaped paved court (approximately 91

AvP XI, 3,15 and Hoffmann 'Remodeling', 43.

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FIG. 34. Marble bust of Antisthenes from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 43 cm. Second century AD.

twenty-two metres in length) with colonnades of the Corinthian order on three sides and the Propylon itself on the west side (Fig. 38). This forecourt offered pilgrims a rectilinear space in which to reorientate themselves and to view the Propylon frontally, following their entrance into the sanctuary at an angle from the north-east. In this way the forecourt conveyed a sense of order

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FIG. 35. Marble bust of Xenophon from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamon. H: 49 cm. Second century AD.

and structure, and signalled to sick pilgrims their entry into a regular framework, both architectural and spiritual. Traces of a fountain, altar, and votive dedications have been found in the forecourt, and these underline the pilgrims' entrance into a space sacred to Asklepios. The Propylon itself was a monumental and imposing edifice. On the east side four Corinthian columns supported a gable in which a clipeus (80 cm in diameter)

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FIG. 36. Marble bust of Hadrian from the colonnaded street leading to the Asklepieion of Pergamori. H: 34.5 cm. Second century AD.

displayed the dedicatory inscription KA. XAPAS TO nPOnYAO[N] ('Claudius Charax [built] the propylon') (Fig. 39).92 This simple and abbreviated statement succinctly underlined the close connection between the euergete and his building. Pilgrims walked through this facade into a middle hall, through one of three AvPVUl^no. 141.

FIG. 37. Groundplan of die Propylon and forecourt. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

FIG. 38. Corinthian capitals: (a) from the portico of Propylon forecourt and (b) from the Propylon itself. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon.

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FIG. 39. East tympanum of the Propylon with Charax clipeus inscription, and part of the gable. Diameter of the clipeus 80 cm, height of the block 130 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon.

doors and down a flight of steps into the sanctuary proper. There were also steps giving access to the sanctuary courtyard south of the Propylon, perhaps to accommodate large numbers of pilgrims. The steps were needed because the ground was uneven: the Propylon structure accommodates a change in height of more than three metres. The effect of changing level may have been to emphasize to the pilgrims their entry into a discrete sacred space. On passing through the Propylon pilgrims had a direct view of the temple of Asklepios the Saviour, the oldest and most sacred building in the sanctuary. Once within the sanctuary courtyard pilgrims could look back at the western facade of the Propylon (Fig. 40). The columns are calculated to have been 5.92 metres tall, crowned with Corinthian capitals; the gable would have been decorated with acroteria, but the excavators think it unlikely that the flying nikai acroteria in the Bergama museum belonged here.93 When viewed within the context of the whole eastern side of the sanctuary the Propylon seems almost overwhelmed by the structures around it, the library to the north and the temple of Zeus-Asklepios and the rotunda to the south (Fig. 41). However, both the library and the rotunda are not thought to have been part of the original building programme 93

AvPXLj, 28-9.

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FIG. 40. Reconstruction drawing of the elevation of the west side of the Propylon. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

(Fig. 42) ,94 The original conception of the eastern side of the sanctuary was of the Propylon twinned with the round temple of Zeus-Asklepios, which had a porch identical to the Propylon. Seen in this context the building of the Propylon expressed the principles of order, balance, and symmetry. Its design had its roots in the architectural traditions of Attalid Pergamon, and was fundamentally conservative, while its combination with the circular ground plan and dome of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios was nothing short of revolutionary. In addition to its articulation of the principle of order, the Propylon can also be interpreted as expressing an encyclopaedic principle as it drew all the spectrum of pilgrims into its forecourt and through its porticoes. Its patron, Claudius Charax, can also be associated with this feature: he wrote a universal history entitled Greek 94

Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 49.

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FIG. 41. Reconstruction drawing of the eastern side of the Asklepieion of Pergamon.

and Italian Histories ('EXArjviKai KCLL '/raAiKcu '/aropiai), only fragments of which survive. This appears to have been a work of antiquarian interest which collected mythical and historical episodes not only from the Greek but also the Roman world—an unusual feature in a Greek literary work of this period.95 While there is no explicit association of the Propylon with this aspect of Charax's life an inscription set up in his honour in Pergamon by the city of Patrai concludes with the words 'author5 (rov awypa€a), and this implies that Charax's literary activity was generally known and a part of his public image.96 Not far from the Propylon, east of the Roman bath building in the courtyard (Fig. 27 no. 23), Charax dedicated a statue of the emperor Antoninus Pius, Hadrian's successor (Fig. 43).97 Only the base survives, bearing a dedicatory inscription which concludes with the following description of the emperor: "benefactor of [Charax's] homeland, and of the world, and of [Charax] himself5 (rov rrjs TrarpiSos \ KOI rrjs oiKOVfjievrjs

Kal eavrov evepyerrfv).

The emperor as

euergete parallels Charax as the euergete of the Propylon not far away. Antoninus Pius is styled as a universal euergete and at the same time as the personal euergete of Charax. The boldness of his statement is underlined by the fact that grammatically Charax's person is on a par with 'homeland' (warpis) and 'world' (oLKovfjievTj). The combination of this inscription with the imperial image eloquently expressed Charax's claim to imperial favour and intimacy. His euergetism in the Asklepieion in the i2os must certainly have brought him into contact with Hadrian, and this in turn may well have contributed to his subsequent success in public life which culminated in his attainment of the suffect consulship in 147. 95

Andrei, Charax (n. 90) especially 121-37, A. J. S. Spawforth and S. Walker, 'The world of the Panhellenion II: three Dorian cities', JRS 76 (1986), 88-105, at 9 and Swain, Hellenism^ 77-9. 96 Ch. Habicht,cZwei neue Inschriften aus Pergamon', IstanbulerMitteilun0en 9/10 (1959-60), 109-27, at 109-25. 97 AvP Vin,3, no. 8.

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FIG. 42. Supposed original plan of the Asklepieion of Pergamon. i: 2000.

But the choice of the Asklepieion as venue gave a distinctly religious flavour to Charax's euergetism. It is interesting that despite Charax's attainment of the consulship the Suda chooses to ignore this and instead characterizes him as "priest and philosopher5 (lepevs Kal 0iAoaoos), a combination which occurs repeatedly in religious apologetics of the period, not least in Aristides5 Hieroi Lqgoi. (2) The peristyle courtyard The new peristyle courtyard had the greatest impact on the layout and spatial dynamics of the sanctuary. It performed a dual function: it framed the older

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FIG. 43. Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by A. Claudius Charax to Antoninus Pius. H: 128 cm, W: 61 cm, D: 59 cm. Found east of the Roman baths (Fig. 27 no. 23). From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

Hellenistic structures in the centre of the courtyard (temples, incubation chambers, fountains, altar) and as zporticus triplex it directed the pilgrims5 focus to the buildings on the eastern side, in particular the Propylon and the new temple of Zeus-Asklepios (Fig. 41). The courtyard itself, a rectangular space 93 metres wide and 120 metres long, was a discreet enclosure for ritual activities, such as

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FIG. 44. The north portico. View towards the north-east. Statue bases stand in a row in the courtyard. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

processions, and for the choreographed display of real bodies and votive dedications. The porticoes imposed order and symmetry on the existing Hellenistic sanctuary by establishing a visual framework for the buildings within and outside the courtyard (especially the theatre, Hellenistic stoa, rotunda, and library) and simultaneously a taxonomic framework for the pilgrims and their sick bodies. A fragmentary inscription connects the prominent Pergamene Octacilius Pollio with the building of the north portico.98 This portico gave access to the theatre in the north-west end, and the library at the east end (Fig. 44). It was slightly raised above the level of the sanctuary by three steps. The columns were of the Ionic order, and while the entablature was unadorned, there was very elaborate marble facing. Porticoes in general, and unadorned entablature in particular, were important elements of Hellenistic architecture, and were then adopted and developed by the Romans." The design of the peristyle courtyard at the 98

AvP VQT,3, no. 64; on Octacilius Pollio sccAvP VIII,3, 10 and 103-6. J. J. Coulton, The Architectural Development of the Greek Stoa (Oxford, 1976), especially 55-74, and Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 58. 99

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Pergamene Asklepieion may have been inspired by the colonnaded courtyards of the Hellenistic Asklepieion at Kos, but may also have alluded to the design of Roman imperial fora. In this way the antique, Hellenistic glory of Pergamon may have been evoked, at a time when civic rivalry focused on claims of ancient Greek descent and foundation. Kos was the most prestigious and largest centre of Asklepios worship in the eastern Aegean, and its catchment area of pilgrims would have been similar to that of Pergamon. It is certainly possible that rivalry with the Koan Asklepieion informed choices made in the second-century building programme at the Pergamene Asklepieion. Simultaneously the extensive Roman use of the peristyle courtyard, and its recent employment by Hadrian in the library at Athens (AD 131/2), may point to an imperial and perhaps specifically Hadrianic connection.100 Midway along the west portico was the entrance to the Hellenistic Long Hall, with a Doric colonnade, which lay to the west of the courtyard (Fig. 45). Two more rooms were also located off the west portico (Fig. 27 nos. 16-17); the larger square room to the south is thought to have been used for religious or literary activities, while nearby were located latrines (Fig. 27 nos. 18-19). The south portico had a cross-vaulted cryptoporticus in its basement, which was accessed from the courtyard by three sets of steps (Fig. 27 no. 20 and Fig. 46). The Tuscan capitals of the columns may originally have been used elsewhere in the Hellenistic sanctuary.101 A low stone bench ran along the walls of the cryptoporticus, a feature also found in the oldest incubation chamber in the centre of the courtyard, which strongly suggests that this structure was also used for incubation.102 It is certainly possible that the south portico, like the north portico, was financed by a local euergete, although no evidence survives to prove this. If so, this would be a concrete example of the connection between euergetism in the sanctuary and the rituals of healing, and specifically those most closely associated with 'popular religion3. Be that as it may, the construction of an incubation chamber in the south portico and the enhancement of the position of the old incubation chambers in the centre by means of the peristyle courtyard as a whole parallel on the architectural level Aristides5 literary placement of incubation and divine epiphany at the centre of the Hieroi Lqgoi. In addition to the cryptoporticus of the south portico there was also a seventymetre-long barrel-vaulted cryptoporticus within the courtyard running between the rotunda in the south-east corner and the central sacred drawing well, praised by Aristides for its miraculous qualities in Oration 39 Regarding the Well in the 100 Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 52-3. On Hadrian's library at Athens see J. B. Ward-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architecture (New Haven, CT, 1994), 269-71, and Boatwright, Cities (n. 79), 153-7. 101 102 Radt, Pergamon^ 265. Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 54-5.

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FIG. 45. The Hellenistic stoa. View westwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

Temple ofAsklepios (Fig. 27 no. 21, running between nos. 9 and 22).103 A flight of steps led down to the cryptoporticus by the drawing well, and the tunnel was lit by skylights at regular intervals (Fig. 47). Not unlike the architectural traditions of the peristyle courtyard which combined Hellenistic and Roman elements, the cryptoporticus as a structure was Hellenistic in origin, and was then developed by 103

O. Deubner, Das Asklepieion von Pergamon (Berlin, 1938), 34-7, Radt, Pergamon, 269-70. For the identification of the sacred drawing well see Jones, 'Aelius Aristides' (n. 84), 71-2.

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FIG. 46. Reconstruction drawing of the cryptoporticus of the south portico. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

the Romans in Italy and reintroduced into the provinces.104 Such structures were a protection against bad weather, and they were of particular use where the ground was uneven, not only on the steep Acropolis of Pergamon, in the Trajaneum for instance, but also in the Asklepieion where the ground sloped down towards the south. The creation of a peristyle courtyard on the uneven ground of the Asklepieion necessitated large-scale earthworks and the construction of cryptoportici.105 This suggests that those designing the second-century building programme prioritized the creation of a monumental framework in which to collect and order the bodies of pilgrims over the expense and technical difficulties involved. As far as their impact on the pilgrims is concerned both cryptoportici had a transformative effect: the cryptoporticus of the south portico, as an incubation chamber, offered transformative epiphanic and healing contact with the divine, and the central cryptoporticus, as an alternative chthonic passageway through the landscape, transformed pilgrims5 perspectives and experience of the space of the Asklepieion. 104

E. M. Luschin, Cryptoporticus: zur Entwicklungsgeschichte eines multifunktionalen Baukorpers (Vienna, 2002), and (various authors) Les Cryptoportiques dans I'architecture romaine: [colloque], Ecole franchise Ae Rome, 19-23 avrili972 (Paris, 1973), especially J. B. Ward-Perkins, 'The cryptoportico: a practical solution to certain problems of Roman urban design', 51-6, at 53-4. 105 Hoffmann, 'Remodeling' 45.

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FIG. 47. The cryptoporticus. View from the entrance of the rotunda back towards the centre of the courtyard. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

(3) The Theatre A theatre with a capacity of at least three thousand spectators was located off the north portico of the sanctuary (Fig. 48).106 A fragmentary votive inscription in the middle storey of the sc^enae frons mentions Asklepios, indicating that the 106 On the theatre see T. Wiegand, Zweiter Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen in Pergamon 1928-32: Das Asklepieion (Berlin, 1932), 23-6; Dcubncr, Asklepieion (n. 103), 46-9,v4pPXI,2, 61-83, Radt, P«^«wo», 263-5 and 286, Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 55-6 and F. Sear, Roman Theatres: An Architectural Study (Oxford, 2006), 40 (spectators calculated at 3,250-4,000) and 348.

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FIG. 48. The theatre. View westwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

theatre was dedicated to him, and the name of the donor was once displayed on an architrave of the lower order, but is no longer preserved.107 Theatres occur at a number of Asklepieia, such as the fourth-century BC theatre at Epidauros, and were generally used for performances during festivals in honour of Asklepios.108 Two references in the Hieroi Logoi suggest that religious performances (choral hymns and prose orations) occurred here: Aristides mentions putting on choral performances of religious hymns in the sanctuary which may well have occurred in the theatre, and he describes a dream in which he makes a public address and delivers a hymn in honour of the god cin the sacred theatre5, in the presence of a crowd of worshippers wearing traditional white garments.109 The theatre measured seventy-one metres in diameter. The cavea had at least thirty rows, divided into two tiers, and at the top ran a colonnaded gallery. The decoration was lavish, including seats veneered with marble slabs, sculpted griffin and lion's feet on arm rests at the end of rows and by the staircases, polychrome 107 108

Sear, Roman Theatres (n. 106), 348. On theatres in Asklepieia see Sear, Roman Theatres (n. 106), 45.

109

H.L. IV.43-4andII.3o.

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FIG. 49. Reconstruction drawing of theatre scaenae frons. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

marble paving on the orchestra floor and on the low stage wall, and traces of glass mosaic decorating the five niches of this wall. At the bottom of the ima cavea there was zpulvinar with seats for sixteen eminent spectators. The most impressive and unusual feature of the theatre was the decoration of the scaenaefrons with a three-storey columnar facade in the Corinthian order (Fig. 49). There were three aedicules on the lower two storeys, four on the upper storey, and it is thought that statues may have been displayed in the aedicules. While this was a well-established form of theatre architecture in Italy, it was the first of its kind in Asia Minor, and was far grander than a theatre of this size required (a facade two storeys high would have sufficed). On this basis it has been suggested that Hadrian and his Italian entourage may have had direct involvement in the planning and even the execution of the theatre.110 Whatever the identity of the designers it is undeniable that they aimed at a magnificent, innovative, and distinctively Roman, metropolitan effect. 110

Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 46-7 and 56.

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The Temple of Zeus-Asklepios

The creation of the peristyle courtyard and the propylon entrance both had the effect of enhancing the prominence of the old Hellenistic temple of Asklepios Soter, a modest tetrastyle temple, which stood directly opposite the Propylon (Fig. 27 no. 26). Nevertheless, a magnificent new temple was also erected on the east side of the sanctuary where Asklepios was worshipped as the syncretized Zeus-Asklepios, a universal god of healing (Fig. 27 no. 6). Both Aristides and Galen refer to the new temple of Zeus-Asklepios, and mention its benefactor the Pergamene L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, consul ordinarius in 142.m An anonymous poem of £.AD 500 in the Antholojjia Palatina lists 'wonders of the earth5 (Oav^ara yaiys) and includes the "splendid ornament5 (fiouSpov ayaX^a) of Pergamon, cthe grove of Rufinus5 (Pov^iviov aAcro?): this suggests the awesome grandeur of the building, its close connection to its patron, and its association with a sacred grove, at least in later times.112 A striking feature of the architecture of the temple is that it was a miniature replica of the Roman Pantheon, which had just been restored by Hadrian in the years AD 118-28 (Fig. so).113 The internal diameter of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios was just over half the size of the Pantheon (24 metres compared to 42 metres). This architectural choice may be understood as an articulation of a general Pergamene desire for a close relationship with the emperor and Roman metropolis, but simultaneously the particular donor's taste and desire to associate himself closely with Hadrian may have been influential. The first part of this discussion focuses on the architectural impact of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios through an examination of the architecture of the Pantheon. It highlights three aspects of art-historical interpretations of this building: the originality and aesthetic impact of the design, its association with the imperial family and with Hadrian, and in particular the symbolic (cosmic) interpretation of its architecture. It then goes on to examine literary and inscriptional evidence associated with the new cult. 111

H.L, 1.45, IV.28, 43, 46, 83, 107 and Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 4; and Galen, De Anatomicis Administrationibus 1.2 (Kiihn, Galen ii. 224-5). 112 On L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus see H. Hepding, t(Poviviov AXoos\ Philologus 88 (1933), 90-103, at 93-6 (for inscriptional evidence), Behr, Sacred Tales^ 48 n. 29, and Halfmann, Senatoren (n. 90), 154, no. 66.Antholo<0iaPalatina 9.656.14. 113 On the temple of Zeus-Asklepios see AvP XI,3, 30-76, AvP VTII,3, 11-14, A. Hoffmann, 'Zum Bauplan des Zeus-Asklepios-Tempels im Asklepieion von Pergamon', in Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Bauplanung und Bautheorie derAntike (DiskAB 4) (Berlin, 1984), 95-103, Radt, Pergamon, 260-1, Ward-Perkins, Architecture (n. 100), 277, and M. Waelkens, 'Hellenistic and Roman influence in the architecture of Asia Minor', in A. Cameron and S. Walker, eds., The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire: Papers from the Tenth British Museum Classical Colloquium, BICS Suppl. 55 (London, 1989), 77-88, at 85. On Hadrian's restoration of the Pantheon see HistoriaAu0ustaHadr. 19.10, and M. T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the City of Rome (Princeton, NJ, 1987), 42-51.

FIG. 50. Groundplan of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

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The cella of the Pantheon is circular and domed. The circular plan per se was not a Roman innovation: the Classical Greek tholos was a well-established model associated with religious architecture, for example, the temple of Athena Pronaia at Delphi, and the tholos at the Asklepieion at Epidauros.114 The innovative feature of the building was the combination of this circular cella and dome with a pronaos which is in a trabeated style of architecture. The pronaos is the visual focus as the viewer approaches, while the rotunda is not fully visible, and this effect would have been compounded in antiquity because the ground level was considerably lower (Fig. 51). Moreover, it has been argued that the original plan of the Pantheon envisaged a taller pronaos, and this further suggests that the intention was to conceal the rotunda from external viewers and thus to surprise and awe viewers who passed from the transitional block into the circular cella.115 In the context of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios the aesthetic impact of the combination of pronaos and cella may have paralleled the experience of divine epiphany and personal transformation through healing in the Asklepieion. The combination of circular and rectangular forms was continued in the interior of both temples in the alternately hemispherical and rectangular niches all around the cella (seven in all), which are thought to have contained images of deities. While the plan for the restoration of the Pantheon was original and bold, the history of the building and its sculptural programme simultaneously projected an image of traditionalism. The very fact that the building had originally been built by Agrippa, whose prominent name in the dedicatory inscription was left intact, asserted continuity with the Augustan past. Moreover, the unquestioned presence of statues of Mars and Venus (deities traditionally associated with the Julian family) and quite possibly of the deified Julius Caesar, Agrippa, and Augustus in the restored Pantheon associated the building with the origins of the imperial family.116 The Hadrianic Pantheon thus combined radical aesthetic originality with certain traditional associations. But the latter were absent from the wholly

114

K. de Fine Licht, The Rotunda, in Rome: A Study of Hadrian's Pantheon, Jutland Archaeological Society Publications 8 (Copenhagen, 1968), 203-26 (architectural precedents of the Pantheon). On the Epidaurian tholos see P. Kawadias, Die Tholos von Epidauros (Berlin, 1909), A. Burford, The Greek Temple Builders at Epidauros (Liverpool, 1969), 63-8, and F. Seiler, Die griechische Tholos: Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung, Typohgie und Funktion kunstmassiger Rundbauten (Mainz am Rhein, 1986), 72-89. 115 P. Davies, D. Hemsoll, and M. Wilson Jones, 'The Pantheon: triumph of Rome or triumph of compromise?', Art History 10, 2 (1987), 133-53. 116 Dio Cassius 53.27.2-3 (statues of Mars and Venus and all the gods; Agrippa said to have installed the deified Julius Caesar in the Pantheon and to have put up statues of himself and Augustus in the portico); Pliny, Natural History 9.121 (statue of Venus, who was closely associated with the Julian family as mother of Aeneas, the mythical ancestor; this statue wore earrings made of a pearl snatched from the dying Cleopatra, who was portrayed as the enemy of Rome and of the Julian family in particular). W. L. MacDonald, The Pantheon: Design, Meaning and Progeny (London, 1976), 84-6 (specific visual associations between the forum of Augustus and the Pantheon).

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FIG. 51. The exterior of the Pantheon in Rome.

new temple of Zeus-Asklepios at Pergamon which displayed the cult statue of a new syncretized deity. Instead the Pergamene temple projected an image of aesthetic modernity and Roman metropolitan sophistication. The Pantheon was closely linked to the imperial family, both because of its building history and because of its display of statues of the imperial family. It has been argued that the Pantheon was not in fact a temple dedicated to all the gods but a multi-purpose building closely associated with the imperial family.117 It has also been argued that vaulted architecture was associated with a specifically imperial aesthetic.118 Hadrian's restoration of the Pantheon and his use of it as a court of justice associated the building intimately with him.119 But whereas in Rome there were numerous buildings and monuments associated with the imperial family and with Hadrian, in Pergamon the use of an imperial, Hadrianic model was unusual and striking. In the context of the Asklepieion the connection 117

P. Godfrey and D. Hemsoll, 'The Pantheon: temple or rotunda?', in M. Henig and A. King, eds., Pagan Gods and Shrines of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1986), 195-209. 118 119 Godfrey and Hemsoll, 'Temple or rotunda?' (n. 117), 204. Dio Cassius 69.7.1.

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with Hadrian was underlined by the fact that the emperor had personally visited the sanctuary and by the display of a full-length statue of him in the library. Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the architecture of the Pantheon is its possible symbolic interpretation. Many scholars have remarked on the coordinated dimensions of the building and interpreted them generally as conveying a sense of order and symmetry.120 The circle, a shape with no beginning and no end, is used as a motif in the ground plan, the hemispherical dome, the oculus, and the decoration of the paved floor, and has been interpreted as a symbol of an encompassing totality.121 For example, MacDonald has suggested that the rotunda "intimates an inclusive security5 and is ca metaphor in architecture of the ecumenical pretensions of the Roman Empire3.122 Several scholars have argued for a more specific interpretation of the dome as a symbol of the heavens.123 Both the name of the building and a passage in Dio Cassius5 Roman History support a celestial symbolic interpretation: 'Also he completed the building called the Pantheon. It has this name, perhaps because it received among the images which decorated it the statues of many gods, including Mars and Venus; but my own opinion of the name is that, because of its vaulted roof, it resembles the heavens.'124 The architectural design includes several features which point towards this interpretation. The hemispherical dome was decorated with bronze rosettes or stars, and may have been painted sky blue (Fig. 52).125 The arrangement of the coffers on the dome has also been interpreted in this light: the twenty-eight vertical rows recalling the twenty-eight-day cycle of the moon, and the five horizontal rows recalling the five circles shown on ancient celestial globes (two arctics, two tropics, and one equator).126 Furthermore, the finger of sunlight entering through the oculus would have "offered visitors a palpable experience of celestial motion' as it moved around the interior according to the hours and seasons.127 It has been suggested that the seven exedrae contained the seven planetary deities.128 Although it is not possible to prove this celestial

120

MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 85 and W. C. Loerke, CA rereading of the interior elevation of Hadrian's rotunda', Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 49 (1990), 22-43, at 36 'expression of an ideal geometry3; 38, the twenty-eight vertical rows of coffers on the dome are connected to the Pythagorean theory that twenty-eight was the perfect number. 121 On the decoration of the floor see MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 35 and de Fine Licht, Rotunda (n. 114), 100-2. 122 MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 88. 123 In particular MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 87-92, de Fine Licht, Rotunda (n. 114), 191-202, and Loerke, 'Interior elevation' (n. 120), especially 35-43. See Beard, North, and Price, Religions i, 257 and 285-6, for a comparison with the cosmic symbolism in temples of Mithras. 124 125 Dio Cassius 53.27.2. de Fine Licht, Rotunda (n. 114), 145. 126 Loerke, 'Interior elevation' (n. 120), 38 and 42. 127 MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 91-2 and Loerke, 'Interior elevation' (n. 120), 41. 128 MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 89.

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FIG. 52. The dome of the Pantheon in Rome.

interpretation conclusively, it is an extremely attractive suggestion which fits well with the (better attested) Roman imperial associations of the Pantheon.129 The use of this architecture for the temple of the new cult of Zeus-Asklepios, which united the god of healing with the ruler of the universe, may have enhanced its interpretation as symbolic of a universal, cosmic principle. 129

MacDonald, Pantheon (n. 116), 92 The rotunda stands for the claim of a unified, perfected, seamless, comprehensible whole—the order of the empire, sanctioned and watched over by the gods.'

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Aristides writes that there is cno place more beautiful' than the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, and this is echoed in theAntholqgia Palatina where it is included in the 'wonders of the earth', the discourse of miracles here applied to the house of the deity.130 In a number of passages Aristides refers to the universal dimension of the god Zeus-Asklepios and his temple. In the Hieroi Lqgoi he describes the temple as "multiform3 or 'with many cult statues5 (iroXvei^s or TroAueS^?); there is some uncertainty in the reading of the manuscript.131 The former interpretation would suggest that the decoration of the temple included the whole gamut of colours. Archaeological research suggests that both the walls and the floor were encrusted with coloured marble, and this feature is paralleled in the Roman Pantheon, including the use of giallo antico from Numidia, pavonazzetto from Asia Minor, and porphyry from Egypt, while the dome appears to have been decorated with mosaics.132 The latter interpretation would suggest that the alternating hemispherical and right-angled niches contained a number of cult statues (ovwaoi of the god) as would be appropriate in the Cmini-Pantheon5 dedicated to Zeus-Asklepios. In either case a universal principle can convincingly be applied to the temple. In Oration 4.2 An Address Regarding Asklepios Aristides describes the universal powers of the god and mentions the new temple: Great and many are the powers of Asklepios, or rather he possesses all powers, beyond the scope of human life. And not purposelessly did those here establish the temple of Zeus-Asklepios. But if my teacher is clear and this is more than all likely—the fashion and means of his teaching have been told in the Hieroi Lo0oi—\t is he who guides and directs the universe, saviour of the whole and guardian of what is immortal (o TO TTGiv ayaiv ACCU v€p,a)v acurrjp rtov oXajv KOLL (f>vXa£ rcov a#avara>v), or if you should prefer an expression of tragedy, cthe overseer of the helm3, who preserves (cra>£cov) both eternal being and that which comes into being.133

Aristides here describes Asklepios as the supreme deity of the universe—in effect as Zeus—and indeed he then goes on to link the two gods through their mythical genealogy.134 Cox-Miller has interpreted this presentation of Asklepios as a

130 H.L. IV.46. Antholqgia Palatina 9.656.14, see Hepding, 'Alsos' (n. 112), 90-1. Other examples of buildings and particular lands as thaumata include: Pausanias 7.5.4 (the temples of Hera at Samos and of Athena in Phokaia are said to be thaumata even though damaged by fire); 7.5.9 (the new temple of Asklepios at Smyrna, one of the few references to contemporary buildings); 7.5.11 (the baths at Lebedos); 7.6.1 (Ionia a land of many thaumata)\ conversely see Apuleius Metamorphoses 2.1 for the connection between the natural landscape of Thessaly and the manifestation of the demonic. 131 H.L. IV.28. See Hepding, 'Alsos' (n. 112), 92 n. 12, andAvP VIII,3,11-12 for the suggestion that the text should read 0oAoeiS?^. 132 Radt, Pergamon^ 260-1, AvPXL^ 45,65-6, Behr, Sacred Tales^ 28 and Jones, £Aelius Aristides' (n. 84), 69. 133 134 Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 4. Ibid.

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generative universal force as specifically linked to Aristides5 understanding of him as his teacher of oratory.135 The story of Aristides5 dedication of a silver tripod in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios as a memorial of the performance of Aristides5 choral hymns to the god further suggests that for this pilgrim at least, the universal Zeus-Asklepios was connected to oratory.136 Elsewhere he narrates a dream in which there is an epiphany of the universal cosmic Asklepios, interpreted in philosophical terms: The god also gave me a demonstration of his nature, partly by sight, partly also by word. It was as follows. The morning star had risen when the dream occurred. I dreamed that I was walking on a certain road through my estate, and was gazing at the star which had just now appeared, for my path was towards the east. Pyrallianos, from the temple, a man who was a comrade of ours and one highly trained in Plato's dialogues, was present. Jesting and bantering with him, as it were on a leisurely walk, I said, 'Can you tell me by the gods—we are entirely alone—why you Platonists put on this mummery and shock men?' This remark of mine was in reference to Plato's dialogues about nature and being. And he ordered me to pay attention and walk behind him. Then he led and I followed. And having gone a little way, he held up his hand and showed me a certain place in heaven. And at the same time as he showed it, he said, 'This, as far as you are concerned, is what Plato calls the soul of the universe.' I looked up and I saw Asklepios of Pergamon established in heaven and just after this I woke up and I perceived that it was the very hour, in which I dreamed that I saw these things.137

Aristides here refers simply to 'Asklepios of Pergamon5 and gives neither the epithet Soter nor the assimilated name Zeus-Asklepios. The universal aspect of the deity is expressed by his position in heaven and his identification as cthe soul of the universe5 by Aristides5 companion. It is striking that this image is combined with a specifically Pergamene, localized identity. It suggests that the cult of the 'cosmic Asklepios5 was paradoxically associated with the specific location of Pergamon. A reflection of this may be seen in the breadth of Asklepian imagery on Pergamene coins, explored in chapter one, while Aristides5 vision of Asklepios in the sky may be seen as a literary parallel to the cosmic symbolism of the architecture of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios. Partly on the basis of Aristides5 intellectualized writings, and partly because of the survival of only one votive dedication to Zeus-Asklepios (in contrast to the large number of inscriptions to Asklepios Soter), scholars have argued that the new cult of Zeus-Asklepios was an elite intellectual innovation, never popularized

Cox-Miller, Dreams, 188-9.

136

H.L. 11.45-6.

137

H.L. IV.55-6.

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FIG. 53- Marble inscription to Zeus-Soter-Asklepios, dedicated by Aimilius Sabeinus and Aimilius Herennianus. H: 34.3 cm, W: 57.5 cm, D: 4.7 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

and of limited religious significance.138 While Aristides5 writings are intellectual, they are also deeply religious, and the surviving votive dedication refers to an incident of divine miraculous intervention: To Zeus Soter Asklepios, Aimilius Sabeinus and [Aimilius] Herennianus, having been saved by him from the outer sea and the barbarians there' (AdEwr^piAoKX^m^ \ Al^Za^lvosKal 'E-\Pwviavi>s OLTTO TTJS\ €^a)6aXdaa7jSKal\TO)V€K€L^ap^dpa)v\aa)0€VT€sv7T>avTOv) (Fig. 53).139 The choice 5 of the epithet 'Soter is particularly appropriate in the context of a story of salvation, and as a universal deity Zeus-Asklepios was perhaps thought to have particularly wide-ranging powers of intervention in worshippers3 lives in far-flung geographical areas. There is a close parallel to this story in a statement in Aristides' Oration 41 An Address Regarding Asklepios: £I have heard some people say that the god has appeared and stretched forth his hand to them when they sailed and were in

138

AvP Vffl,3, 13-14 and Jones, cAelius Aristides' (n. 84), 69. AvP VHI,3, no. 63. It was found in 1963 under the eighth step of the middle entrance to the basement of the south portico, where it had been reused in a restoration in antiquity. 139

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trouble . . . V40 While the expense of the dedication suggests that the dedicants were members of the elite, the miraculous travel narrative it contains undermines the arguments of those who claim that the cult of Zeus-Asklepios was intellectualized and not really 'religious'. The literary and inscriptional evidence associated with the new cult and temple suggest a multifaceted Zeus-Asklepios, who could be experienced both in oneiric epiphany as the philosophical generative force of the universe, and equally as a divine saviour in a moment of terrible danger at sea. Although arguments ex silentio are tenuous, the absence of votive dedications to Zeus-Asklepios does imply that contact between pilgrims and this manifestation of Asklepios was expressed and perhaps experienced in a different manner from that between pilgrims and Asklepios Soter.141 The cosmic universalism and epiphanic transformation articulated in the architectural design of the temple can be connected with the encyclopaedic, all-inclusive aspect of the Asklepieion as it collected, reordered, and transformed the whole range of pilgrim bodies.

(s) The Rotunda and Library The two structures situated at either end of the eastern side of the sanctuary, the library to the north and rotunda to the south, were later additions to the original building plan. The rotunda is thought to have been built around AD 200, probably with the support of a donor, and it functioned as a space for healing cures for the increasingly large number of pilgrims. It mirrors the circular shape of the neighbouring temple of Zeus-Asklepios, in its central circular core, dome, oculus, and also in its six apses (Fig. 41).142 W. Radt has suggested that the circular design was deliberately used in order to link the new building into the existing architecture, and in particular to harmonize it with the temple of ZeusAsklepios.143 The pre-eminence of the temple was reflected in the fact that it was allowed to be slightly taller than the rotunda. Although a vast structure, the rotunda was built where the ground was lowest and from within the courtyard only the upper part was visible, and its location on the very corner of the courtyard did not allow it to dominate the eastern side of the sanctuary. The rotunda was comprised of a substructure and a superstructure, the former only one fifth of the height of the latter (Fig. 54). The upper level, for which there

140

Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 10. A votive dedication to Asklepios Soter which specifically mentions healing was found in the area north of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, and it is possible that this dedication may have been made in or near the temple of Zeus-Asklepios (AvP VTII,3, no. 86). 142 ^4_j?pxi,3, 76-100, Radt, Pergamon, 267-9, and Ward-Perkins, Architecture (n. 100), 285. 143 Radt, Pergamon^ 267. 141

FIG. 54. Reconstruction drawing of the cross-section of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

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is limited archaeological evidence, was accessed in the north-west by a modest entrance from the courtyard and in the south-east by a flight of steps and a larger entrance in the form of a rectangular niche (Fig. 55).144 The main circular hall had an internal diameter of twenty-seven metres, and the height of its dome is calculated as being the same. Three hemispherical apses on either side of the axis running into the courtyard each constituted a large space, eleven metres in width and eight metres deep. In the centre of the circular hall, beneath the oculus, was located a water tank which was connected to the cistern between the rotunda and the temple of Zeus-Asklepios (Fig. 27 no. 7). The floor and walls were decorated with marble, while there are also traces of floral mosaic decoration on the vaulting. There are more substantial remains of the substructure (Fig. 56).145 This comprised a central inaccessible core structure eighteen metres in diameter, around which ran a vaulted ring hall supported by square and rectangular pillars. The arrangement of these was different in the south-west section in order to accommodate three doors leading to a south-facing sun terrace. The north-east side of the building was dug deep into the earth and the only natural light was through a few lightshafts; the south-west side in contrast had many windows in addition to the three doors. Like the upper level of the rotunda, there were two main entrances to the lower level: in the north-west a narrow ramp was connected both to the cryptoporticus from the sacred drawing well and to the courtyard itself via a flight of steps, and in the south-east there was a larger entrance with steps on either side leading up to the superstructure (Fig. 57). The convoluted nature of the entrance from the north-west reflects the fact that the rotunda was being accommodated into an existing sanctuary plan. Near both the entrances there were drawing wells which are thought to have already been located there (Fig. 58), and further wells were added between most pillars in the south-west end through an elaborate system of piping. While water and bathing were traditional features of Asklepieia in the Classical Greek world, the cultural importance of baths and their close association with health (seen as both remedial and preventative) in the Roman period may have added a layer of meaning to experiences in the rotunda.146 The visual reiteration of the circular motif throughout the rotunda may be linked to the neighbouring temple of Zeus-Asklepios and its principles of inclusivity and universalism. 144

145 AvP XI,3, 94-7. AvP XI,3, 76-94. F. K. Yegiil, Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity (New York, NY, 1992), especially 352-3 (on ancient medicine and bathing), G. G. Fagan, Bathing in Public in the Roman World (Ann Arbor, MI, 1999), especially 85-93 (association of baths and health), J. DeLaine and D. E. Johnston, eds., Roman Baths and Bathing: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Roman Baths held at Bath, England, 30 March-4 April 1992 (Portsmouth, RI, 1999), especially A. Farrington, 'The introduction and spread of Roman bathing in Greece', 57-66. 146

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FIG. 55. Groundplan of the superstructure of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

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FIG. 56. Groundplan of the substructure of the rotunda. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

There are indications that the library was constructed later than the north portico, although whether this was by a matter of weeks or years is unclear. W. Radt has argued that the library should be considered part of the Hadrianic building programme, both on the grounds of its proximity to and alignment with the Propylon and temple of Zeus-Asklepios, and on account of the display of a statue of Hadrian in the central niche (Fig. 59).147 The inscription on the base of this statue names the 147

Radt, Pergamon^ 263.

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FIG. 57- The entrance to the rotunda at the south-east, to the substructure from ground level, and to the superstructure via the stairs. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

Pergamene Flavia Melitine as the donor (Fig. 60) and an honorific inscription from the north portico refers to her building of the library (Fig. 6i).148 The library consisted of a large rectangular room (18.50 by 16.52 metres) with six recessed rectangular book niches on the north and south walls, four on the east wall, two on either side of the central cult niche (Fig. 62).149 On the west wall there was a central large shallow niche of uncertain use, and on either side two doors giving access to the north portico and the courtyard. The book niches were sixty-five centimetres deep and vaulted at the top. They were located 1.75 metres above the floor level, and were accessed by a wooden podium running all the way around the room except in front of the cult niche and along the west wall. Natural light entered the building through a row of windows above the book niches; 148

AvP VIH,3, nos. 6 and 38. Wiegand, Ausgrabufyen (n. 106), 10-11, Deubner, Asklepieion (n. 103), 40-3, C. Callmer, 'Antike Bibliotheken', Skrifter utgivna,av Svenska institute*IRom 10 (Opusculaarcheologica 3), (1944), 145-93, at 1756, AvP VIII, 3, nos. 6 and 38, E. Makowiecka, 'The origin and evolution of architectural form of Roman library3, Studia Antiqua (Warsaw, 1978), V. Strocka, 'Romische Bibliotheken', Gymnasium 88 (1981), 298329, at 320-2, Radt, Per^mon, 263, and M. Nicholls, 'Roman Public Libraries', unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Oxford, 2005), 283-5. 149

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FIG. 58. The drawing well at the south-east entrance to the rotunda. Asldepieion of Pergamon.

these are thought to have been at least 1.40 metres in height, and their panes made of either thin yellow marble or alabaster. The decoration of the library was very luxurious, including polychrome marble entablature on the walls, sculpted pilasters (Fig. 63), arched and round architraves creating the impression of an architectural structure (Fig. 64), and colourful opus sectile on the floor forming geometrical patterns both rectangular and circular.150 The cult niche was 150 Wiegand, Ausgmbungen (n. 106), 10-11 (detailed description of the floor decoration) and Deubner, Asklepieion (n. 103), 42-3, figs. 33-5 (wall decoration).

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FIG. 59. Marble statue of Hadrian from the library. H: £.2.30 m. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

decorated with mosaic, and the flat ceiling is thought to have been wooden and coffered. The architectural design of the building (rectangular room with recessed book niches and wooden podium) and its rich decoration were typical of Roman library design. In the Roman tradition the library was as much a monument for the non-reading public as a space for collecting, arranging, and reading

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FIG. 60. Inscribed marble base of the statue of Hadrian from the library. H: 54 cm, W: 108.5 cm, D: 91 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

texts; the library of the Asklepieion would have been visually impressive, and, in its right-angled shapes and the regular patterns formed by the punctuation of its niches, windows, and marble wall and floor decoration, would have conveyed a sense of order to visitors. The display of portraits of authors was a traditional feature of Roman library decoration which created a visual and bodily canon in parallel to the textual canon of authors held in the bookcases.151 Imperial portraits were also displayed and appear to have received cult, for example portraits of Trajan in the library of Pantainos at Athens (C.AD 100) and in Dio's library at Prusa (C.AD in).152 In the 15l

Pliny, Natural History 35.9-11. J. Camp, The Athenian Agora: Excavations in the heart of Classical Athens (London, 1986), 190-1, Nicholls, 'Libraries' (n. 149), 278-9 (Pantainos' library at Athens) and 321-2 (Dio's library at Prusa); see Pliny the Younger, Epistles 10.81 (Dio Cocceianus). 152

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FIG. 61. Inscribed marble statue base honouring Flavia Melitine. H: 117 cm, W: 61.5 cm, D: 59 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

library of the Asklepieion the position of the statue of Hadrian in the central niche of the eastern wall, facing the viewer on entry, intensified the visual focus on this portrait. The statue is approximately 2.80 metres tall, and made of finegrained white marble. Hadrian is depicted naked, with a paludamentum (military cloak) draped over his left shoulder and forearm; he carries a scabbard in his left

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FIG. 62. The library. View eastwards. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

hand and on the ground on his right is a military tropaion (Fig. 59) .153 Nudity was associated both with the iconography of gods, and more generally with Greek sculpture. Hadrian is depicted as a Greek god, something underlined in the dedicatory inscription which names him cthe god Hadrian' (Oeos ASpiavos) (Fig. 60).154 Simultaneously though, Roman military accessories point to the emperor's military and political power on earth. Hadrian's beard, which broke with the tradition of depicting the Roman emperor as clean-shaven, has been interpreted in a variety of ways, including the emperor's Greek intellectual and 153 Bergama Museum no. 160; J. Inan and E. Rosenbaum, Roman and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture inAsiaMinor (London, 1966), 70, no. 31, andv4i?P VIII,3, no. 6. On Hadrian's portraiture see C. Evers, Les portraits d'Hadrien: typologie et ateliers (Brussels, 1994). 154 See J. Fink, '9EOZ AAPIANOZ', Hermes 83 (1955), 502-8, M. Le Glay, 'Hadrien et 1'Asklepieion de Pergamon', BCH 100 (1976), 347-72, at 351-2, on the use of the term deos for Hadrian during his lifetime and S. R. F. Price, 'Gods and emperors: the Greek language of the Roman imperial cult',/H5 104 (1984), 79-95, especially 81-3 on the use of the term 0e6s for Roman emperors in the Greek East. Compare AvP VIII,3, no. 21 line 36 for another reference to deos ASpLavos in the Asklepieion as early as AD 118.

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FIG. 63. Marble capital of a pilaster from the wall of the library. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon.

cultural interests, his Roman military credentials, and his divinity.155 The display of this statue in the newly renovated sanctuary, which the emperor himself had visited during the rebuilding, may have reminded the viewer of his interest in ancient religious traditions and his policy of renovating old sanctuaries. Thus in this single portrait the emperor is depicted as Greek and Roman, man and god, learned and militarily active. It is a truly ecumenical depiction of the emperor, and parallels the presentation of Asklepios as the universal Zeus-Asklepios in the round temple: in fact the two statues were similarly positioned in semicircular apses in the eastern walls of the two aligned buildings on the eastern side of the sanctuary. The close association of Hadrian and Asklepios is suggested by an inscription from the city of Pergamon which names the emperor as cmost

155

On Hadrian's beard see P. Zanker, The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity (English translation by A. Shapiro) (Berkeley, CA, 1995), 217-33, and C. Vout, 'What's in a beard? Rethinking Hadrian's Hellenism', in S. Goldhill and R. Osborne, eds., Rethinking Revolutions through Ancient Greece (Cambridge, 2006), 96-123. More broadly on portraits ofpepaideumenoi in this period see R. R. R. Smith, 'Cultural choice and political identity in honorific portrait statues in the Greek East in the second century AD',/RS 88 (1998), 56-93, and B. E. Borg, 'Glamorous intellectuals: portraits of pepaideumenoi in the second and third centuries AD', in B. E. Borg, ed., Paideia: The World of the Second Sophistic (Berlin, 2004), 157-78.

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FIG. 64. Reconstruction drawing of a bookshelf and marble wall decoration in the library. Asklepieion of Pergamon.

215

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manifest new Asklepios3 (eVi^aWaraTos- \[v€]os ftoKXrjTrios).156 This imperial connection with the Pergamene Asklepios was intensified in the early third century when Caracalla became the deity's synnaos, as explored in numismatic depictions in chapter one. The ecumenical image of Hadrian in the library can be connected not only to the cult of Zeus-Asklepios but also to the universal principle of collecting underlying the creation of a library. Flavia Melitine's financing of the library in the Asklepieion is an euergetistic act comparable to those of Octacilius Pollio, Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, and the unknown donor of the theatre. Other female euergetes are known in Asia Minor at this time, for example Plancia Magna at Perge.157 In an inscription on a statue base found in the area of the north portico the council and demos of Pergamon expressed gratitude to Flavia Melitine for the construction of the library: cThe council and people of the metropolis of Asia, twice neokoros, the first city of the Pergamenes, have honoured Flavia Melitine, wife of Flavius Metrodorus, Prytanis, and mother of Flavius Metrodorus, Prytanis, as she has set up the library in the sanctuary of Asklepios the Saviour5 (Fig. 6i).158 This text links Flavia Melitine to her male relatives, themselves defined by their positions in public civic life. The reference to the library, which stood within sight, associated all three individuals with the act of patronage. Flavia Melitine's choice of donating a library in the Pergamene Asklepieion is interesting. It follows a vogue in library foundations by prominent provincials in the Eastern Roman empire during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, including the library of Pantainos in Athens (C.AD 100), the library of Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus at Ephesos (C.AD 113), and, if correctly identified as a library, that of T. Flavius Severianus Neon at Sagalassos (C.AD 120), all of which in some way commemorate relatives of the donors.159 The absence of comparable foundations in the Western empire suggests that the Classical and Hellenistic literary culture of the Greek East was the bedrock on which this form of public giving stood. Library foundations enabled donors to associate themselves and their families with the general culture ofpaideia and with the canon of authors held within in the form of texts and portraits. This may have tapped into a Greek sense of civic pride in local literary connections and traditions. At the

,2,258, no. 365. See S. R. F. Price, 'Gods and emperors' (n. 154), especially 85-6 on the practice of assimilating the emperor to particular named deities and on the use of veo?, and 86-7 on the meaning of the term em^av^s. 157 M. T. Boatwright, 'The city gate of Plancia Magna in Perge', in E. D'Ambra, ed., Roman Art in Context: An Anthology (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1993), 189-207, and Halfmann, Senatoren (n. 90), 128-9. 158 AvP VHI,3, no. 38. Translation Nicholls, 'Libraries' (n. 149), Appendix volume, 50, Appendix 4, no. 12. On the titles of the city of Pergamon see S. J. Friessen, Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (Leiden, 1993), 58. 159 Nicholls, 'Libraries' (n. 149), 269-335, especially 331-2 (inscriptional commemoration of other family members in these foundations).

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same time the act of founding a library associated the donors with imperial patronage, as there was a strong tradition of imperial library-building starting with Augustus' library in the Palatine complex, and including Trajan's libraries in his forum in Rome, Hadrian's library at Athens, and Caracalla's library in the thermae in Rome.160 These imperial library foundations were lavish monuments associated with culture and leisure, and simultaneously they had the power to create a canon of authors through the processes of collecting, editing, and censoring. Flavia Melitine's dedication of a statue to the god Hadrian in the Asklepieion speaks openly of her desire to be associated with the emperor. Her Roman imperial associations, however, coexisted with her local connections and identity, the latter strongly reflected in her name, Melitine, which occurs particularly in Western Asia Minor, especially in Smyrna and Lydia.161 Flavia Melitine's library differs from other provincial library foundations in its location in a sanctuary, and in particular one dedicated to the healing god Asklepios. There is evidence for the building of libraries at other Asklepieia: at Kos Gaius Stertinius Xenophon, cthe priest of Asklepios, of Hygieia, of Epione, and of the Imperial deities' dedicated a library to cthe Imperial deities and to the people' (mid first century AD), and at Epidauros a fragmentary inscription records that the library was dedicated to £Apollo Maleatas and Asklepios Soter5 but does not preserve the name of the donor (probably second century AD).162 A reference by Pliny in the Natural History suggests that a collection of written cures already existed in the Koan Asklepieion in the fourth century BC, but the fact that in the first and second centuries AD new libraries were built in the thre most prominent Asklepieia suggests that the library was an important feature of Asklepieia in the eastern Roman empire.163 The foundation of provincial libraries in general had strong imperial associations, and in addition specific connections are made with the imperial house by the founders of the Asklepian libraries in Kos and Pergamon: Gaius Stertinius Xenophon, who was the imperial physician of the emperor Claudius, describes himself in the dedicatory inscription as 'friend of Caesar' and the library itself is dedicated cto the Imperial deities and the people', while Flavia Melitine chose to display a statue of cthe god Hadrian' in her library. In view of this it is likely that these foundations added a Roman

leo Nicholls, cLibraries'(n. 149), 245-68 and 286-90. v4i?PVm,3, 85. 162 On C. Stertinius Xenophon see above chapter one n. 56; for inscriptional evidence for both libraries see J. Platthy, Sources on the Earliest Greek Libraries with Testimonies (Amsterdam, 1968), 147 no. 113 (Kos) and 139 no. 96 (Epidauros); and for a discussion of the archaeological remains in Epidauros see P. Kawadias, To ieron tou Asklepiou en Epidauroi kai e therapeia ton asthenon (Athens, 1900), 157-8. See also R. Nicolai, cLe biblioteche degli Asclepieia', NuoviAnnali delta Scuola Speciale per Archivisti e Eibliotecari 2, 1988, 29-37. 163 piiny ^ Natural History 29.1.4. 161

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imperial note to the culture of these Asklepieia. The type of texts and identity of readers in the Pergamene Asklepieion is open to speculation, and arguments have been made for both a specialist medical library and a general one for the enjoyment of all visitors.164 The idea of a specialized medical library is perhaps anachronistic: the physician and sophist Satyros (mentioned in thcHieroiLqgfoi)^ and his pupil Galen were part of mainstream elite intellectual culture in addition to their more specifically medical interests. Many of the new provincial library foundations of the early second century were made in cities where no public libraries existed.165 The foundations of the Pergamene Flavia Melitine and the Athenian Pantainos differed in this respect as their cities were already renowned for their libraries. The library of Pergamon was founded by Eumenes II (197-158 BC), and sought to rival the famous archetypal library at Alexandria.166 The latter, founded by Ptolemy I Soter (reigned 323-285 BC) or his son Ptolemy II Philadelphus (reigned 285-246 BC), was conceived of as a universal library, and the aim was to create a complete collection of texts.167 Paradoxically, this process of collecting and classifying simultaneously created a selection and canon of authors.168 Kallimachos, who as we have seen wrote the archetypal paradoxographical work, set up the process of cataloguing the texts of the Alexandrian library by means of his nivaKes ("tablets'), a work of one hundred and twenty volumes.169 Both thcpinakes and^l collection of wonders from the entire

164 Callmer, 'Bibliotheken' (n. 149), 175-6 (specialist), Deubner, Asklepieion (n. 103), 43, andAvP VIII,3, 4~5 (general). 165 Nicholls, 'Libraries' (n. 149), 269-70, fig. 33. 166 Strabo 13.4.2 and Plutarch, Antony 58. On the Pergamene library see Callmer, 'Bibliotheken' (n. 149), 148-54, R. Pfeiffer, The History of Classical Scholarship: From the Beginnings to the end of the Hellenistic Age (Oxford, 1968), 234-51 (on the library and Pergamene scholarship) and G. Nagy, The library of Pergamon as a Classical model', in H. Koester, ed., Pergamon: Citadel of the Gods. Archaeological Record, Literary Description, and Religious Development, Harvard Theological Studies 46 (Harrisburg, PA, 1998), 185-232, especially 213-24 and 232. 167 E. A. Parsons, The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World (London, 1952) and R. Barnes, 'Cloistered bookworms in the chicken-coop of the Muses: the ancient library of Alexandria', in R. MacLeod, ed., The Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World (London, 2000), 61-77, and L. Canfora, 'The world in a scroll', in C. Jacob and F. de Polignac, eds., Alexandria, Third Century BC: The Knowledge of the World in a Single City (Alexandria, 2000), 43-55. 168 On the concept of the library as holistic but at the same time selective see Nagy, 'Library of Pergamon' (n. 166), 188-9, and Nicholls, 'Libraries' (n. 149), 203-28 and 337. 169 On cataloguing and classification in the library of Alexandria see Parsons, Alexandrian Library (n. 167), 204-18, C. Jacob, 'Callimachus: a poet in the labyrinth', in C. Jacob and F. de Polignac, eds., Alexandria, Third Century BC: The Knowledge of the World in a Single City (Alexandria, 2000), 89-100, and Y. L. Too, The Idea of Ancient Literary Criticism (Oxford, 1998), 115-50. On thcpinakes of Kallimachos see R. Blum, Kallimachos und die Literaturverzeichnung bei den Griechen. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Biobibliographie (Frankfurt, 1977) and Pfeiffer, Classical Scholarship (n. 166), 123-34. Pinakes was the term used in the Asklepieia for the votive plaques which recorded miraculous cures, e.g. the Epidaurian miracle inscriptions in LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions^ 86-7 [A3, line 24]. 8

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earth arranged by locality claimed encyclopaedic totality, and operated by a process of collecting and rearranging into an inclusive, universal system. Thcpinakes were arranged by literary genre (such as 'philosophy5, 'medicine') and within each category authors were listed alphabetically. Thus cataloguing involved the categorization of works by theme and attribution of authorship, and subsequently some of Kallimachos5 entries were queried or 'corrected5 by librarians who disagreed with his labelling.170 Thcpinakes of Kallimachos, no less than^L collection of wonders from the entire earth arranged by locality, created a new encyclopaedic taxonomy using the Aristotelian method. The arrangement and categorization of texts and paradoxographical excerpts entailed the creation of a new intellectual space. In the case of thepinakes literary classification would in all likelihood have been paralleled by the physical ordering of the collection according to the catalogue.171 The foundation of a library in the Asklepieion similarly would have involved the creation both of a new physical space and also of a new intellectual space by means of the collection, categorization, and arrangement of texts. In fact the model of Kallimachos, cataloguer and paradoxographer, is conceptually relevant to the interpretation of the Pergamene Asklepieion as a whole. The remodelled sanctuary, a space which received, ordered, and displayed a collection of pilgrims' bodies, can be seen as partaking in the organizational principles of bothvi collection of wonders from the entire earth arranged by locality and the pinakes. More broadly, the concept of the universal library informs the second-century Asklepieion. The physical and ritual structure of the sanctuary provided a new taxonomy for pilgrims, not unlike the physical and intellectual categorization imposed on texts by a library. The treatment of books as valuable objects, even on occasion as miracula, to be collected, admired, and displayed parallels the viewing of bodies as miracula, and their collection in the Asklepieion. There are references to the reverential treatment of books on the basis of their holy content or their connection with illustrious people, through either authorship or ownership.172 For example, wherever possible the original manuscripts of authors were acquired by the library of Alexandria: under Ptolemy III Euergetes (reigned 246-221 BC) Athenian state manuscripts of the tragedies of Aischylos, Sophokles,

170

e.g. Aristophanes of Byzantium reclassified Prodikos as a philosopher and not an orator and Denys of Halikarnassos complained of Kallimachos' attributions to the orator Dinarchos; see Jacob, 'Callimachus' (n. 169), especially 91-2. 171 Jacob, 'Callimachus' (n. 169), 91. 172 Philostratos, VitaApollonii 8.20 (people came to Antium specifically to view a book of the tenets of Pythagoras which was believed to have been received by Apollonios of Tyana from Trophonios in his cave at Lebadeia, and subsequently owned by Hadrian); Achilles Tatius 3.25 (a religious book brought out from the innermost temple, used to identify the real phoenk); and Apuie'ms,Metamorphoses 11.22 (holy books in the temple of Isis, cunningly written in 'signs' in order to preserve the secrets).

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and Euripides which had been lent in order to be copied were retained and copies were sent back.173 This story exemplifies the way that the library of Alexandria, like the Asklepieion, combined the principle of universal collecting with a focus on the unique. The parallel between book and body can also be traced in the Roman practice of displaying portraits of authors in libraries, which Pliny approved of on the grounds that it helped to discover what sort of person each author was in parallel to the discovery of the authors' literary geniuses.174 In a sense the library was conceived of as a space in which to meet the authors 'whose immortal spirits speak to us in the same places', through text and image.175 The library as a receptacle for authors and readers is neatly inverted in Pliny's story of Charmadas, the human mimculwm who holds all the volumes of a library in his memory: he crecited the contents of any volumes in libraries that anyone asked him to quote, just as if he were reading them'.176 An encyclopaedic, universalist principle has been traced in the new spatial and architectural arrangement of the Asklepieion, as well as a recurrent theme of ordering and classifying. Kallimachos'^4 collection of wonders from the entire earth arranged by locality z&dpinakes and the concept of the universal library were used to illuminate processes of collecting and ordering the bodies of pilgrims into a new taxonomy. This Hellenistic inheritance was also seen to have been physically incorporated into the new plan of the sanctuary in the form of the Hellenistic temples, drawing wells, and Long Hall. While the second-century building programme drew on the Hellenistic architectural and library traditions of Pergamon, it also expressed a Roman imperial episteme in the imposition of systematic architectural order on the existing buildings, in the introduction of modern metropolitan architectural innovations, and in the creation of a Roman-style library with evidence of the imperial cult.

173

Galen, InHippocratis TertiumLibrum Epidemiarum Commentaria 2,4, sections 605-8, in E. Wenkebach, ed, GcdeniInHippocratis tertium librum epidemiarum commentaria tria., CMG V10, 2.1 (Berlin, 1936), 78-80. 174 175 Pliny, Natural History 35.9-11. Pliny, Natural History 35.10. 176 Pliny, Natural History 7.89.

FIVE

Choreography and Commemoration: the Asklepieion of Pergamon

In the Preface to The Order of Things Michel Foucault wrote that 'disease is at one and the same time disorder—the existence of a perilous otherness within the human body, at the very heart of life—and a natural phenomenon with its own constants, resemblances, and types'.1 This paradoxical combination of disorder, in the form of illness and miraculous healing, and taxonomic order by means of architectural arrangement and prescriptive rules of ritual, is a feature of the second-century Pergamene Asklepieion. This concluding chapter completes the analysis of the construction and representation of thaumata within the ordered space of the Asklepieion, and within the ordered bodies of pilgrims. It is an attempt to 'people' the sanctuary with real pilgrims performing choreographed rituals of healing and to interpret representations of pilgrims on display in the form of votive narratives of healing. The discussion focuses on the visual impact of'real' pilgrims and 'pilgrims in stone' within the space of the Asklepieion. The evidence used is primarily archaeological. The first part of the chapter investigates the pilgrims' activities in the Asklepieion, drawing heavily on the second-century Lex Sacm, the fragments of which were found between 1928 and 1965, and which was edited by M. Worrle and published in 1969.2 The inscription has been dated to the second century AD on the basis of its letter forms, but the ritual law itself may be much older. A significant limitation in the use of the Lex Saera is the difficulty in identifying certain buildings and in locating the position of certain cult statues. Nonetheless this document is analysed as a 'blueprint' of pilgrimage in the second-century Pergamene Asklepieion, using approaches developed in anthropological studies on pilgrimage and its choreography. The second part of the chapter focuses on the sculptural and inscriptional representation of miraculous healing in text and image through an examination of votive dedications. A large number of votive inscriptions have survived and were published by Ch. Habicht in 1969.3 Many of these, however, were originally set 1

M. Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London, 1989), p. xxiv (first published in French in 1966). 2 Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', and E. Lupu, Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (Leiden, 2005), 61-3. 3

AvPvm^.

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up in conjunction with sculptural images which have not survived. Although a close parallel reading of text and image is not always possible, the analysis of the inscriptions in the context of their display sheds light on the experience of pilgrims, both viewers and dedicants.

RITUAL JOURNEYS WITHIN THE SANCTUARY: COMMUNITAS AND THE PURSUIT OF PERSONAL MIRACLES Although they may have travelled alone or accompanied by relatives or close friends, on arriving at the sanctuary those who came to consult Asklepios became part of a visible group of pilgrims to the god, and performed a variety of rituals en masse. An inscription detailing these activities, the Lex Sacm^ was probably displayed at the entrance of the Asklepieion, perhaps as a guide for pilgrims as they arrived, and a copy may also have been displayed within the courtyard (Fig. 65).4 The status of the Asklepieion as a civic sanctuary, and the relatively low minimum fee that was required to perform incubation (three obols), suggest that there may well have been pilgrims from a low socio-economic group who could not necessarily read the long inscription.5 Comparative anthropological evidence on pilgrimage suggests that both staff at the sanctuary and more experienced fellow pilgrims may have guided and orally instructed illiterate pilgrims.6 This element of personal contact between sanctuary official and pilgrim seems to be visually constructed in the inscription by the prominent carving of the name of Clodius Glykon at the bottom of the rules. The discrepancy in size between the letters detailing the rules for incubation, and the letters announcing that 'Clodius Glykon the sacred official set this up', is striking.7 It is possible that semi-literate pilgrims may have been able to decipher his prominent name, but not the detailed rules of the inscription. In this way the personal authority of an

4

The largest fragment of the Lex Sacra (referred to by Worrle as Fragment A) was found in a ditch by the Via Tecta leading to the Asklepieion. On the basis of its contents Worrle concluded that the inscription would have been displayed either at the monumental entrance or somewhere inside the sanctuary. Further fragments were found in the courtyard of the Asklepieion. These (referred to by Worrle collectively as Fragment B and not quoted here) repeat parts of Fragment A suggesting that there may have been two copies, perhaps one at the entrance and one inside the sanctuary. See Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', 167-8. 5 Lex Sacra lines 8 and 23. On literacy see above, chapter three, p. 129 with n. 30. 6 J. Eade, 'Order and power at Lourdes. Lay helpers and the organization of a pilgrimage shrine', in J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds., Contesting the Sacred: The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (London, 1991), 51-76, especially 52-9. See also the reference in Plutarch De Pythiae Oraculis 395A to guides (TrepiTjyTjTai) at the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. 7 On Clodius Glykon see Worrle, cLex Sacra', 187-90.

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FIG. 65. Marble inscription, the Lex Sacm. H: 63 cm, W: 40.5 cm, D: 13.8 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

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official at the sanctuary was permanently attached to the rules, and to their subsequent performance by pilgrims. The Lex Sacra reads as follows (Fragment A):8 I

4

8

12

16

20

24

28

32 8 Worrle, cLex Sacra', 168-9; my translation was originally published in A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'The body in space: visual dynamics in Graeco-Roman healing pilgrimage', in Eisner and Rutherford, Seeing the Gods^ 183-218, at 202-3; it is reproduced here with some changes.

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36 i

4

8

12

16

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24

[vacat] and he is to set on the table [the right] leg and entrails and once he has taken another wreath of olive he is [to make a preliminary offering to Zeus] Apotropaios of a nineknobbed, ribbed round cake and [vacat] to [Zeus Meilichios] a nine-knobbed, ribbed round cake and to Artemis [c.7 letters]... and to Artemis Prothyraia and to Ge, to each a [nine-] knobbed, round cake [vacat>] \yacat\ Then having done this he is to sacrifice a suckling pig [vfuM] [to Askljepios on the altar and set on the table the right leg and entrails. Then he is to put three obols into the offertory box. [At] evening he is to add three nine-knobbed, round cakes, of [these first] two on the outdoors altar for burning to Tyche and Mnemosyne \yaca,t\ [and then the third] to Themis in the incubation chamber. \yaca,f\ He who \yacat] [enters] the incubation chamber is to keep himself pure from all the things mentioned above \vacat] and from sex and from goat meat and cheese and [c.i4 letters]... on the third day. \yacaf\ The incubant is then to [lay aside] the wreath and leave it on his straw bed. \yacat\ If someone wants to inquire several times about the same thing, he is to make a preliminary sacrifice of a pig, [and if he also] makes an inquiry about another matter, he is to make a preliminary sacrifice of [another] pig [according] to the above instructions. He who [enters] the small incubation chamber is to observe the same rules of purity, [vacat] And he is to make a preliminary offering to Zeus Apotropaios of a nine-knobbed, ribbed round cake and to Zeus Meilichios of a [ribbed] round cake with nine knobs, and to Artemis Prothyraia and Artemis [c.6 letters]... and to Ge, to each a nine-knobbed, round cake. [And he is also to] put three obols into the offertory box. All those worshipping the god are to perform a sacrifice in a circle (?) with [cakes?] dipped in honey and oil and with incense following the priest and [... ] \vacat] [0.9 letters][vacat] At evening those who [ . . . ~\\yacat\

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[£.8 letters]... into the incubation chamber and those who have sacrificed in a circle (?) \yacaf] 28 are all to add three nine-knobbed, round cakes to Themis, Tyche, Mnemosyne [vacatf] [to each one] round cake. [vacat] They are to bring forward guarantors [to the god] for any healing fee which he exacts from them, that they will pay it within a year \yacati] [c.8 letters]... healing offering not younger than one year, \yacat] And then they are to put \yacati~\ 32 the payment for the cure [into] the offertory box of Asklepios, a Phokaian hekte to Apollo and a Phokaian hekte to Asklepios, once they have become healthy, and if the god should ask them for anything [else] [... ] [c.2 letters C]lodius Glykon 36 the sacred official set this up. The Lex Sacra^ like other inscriptions of ritual and sacrificial rules, is prescriptive. It sets out a model for healing pilgrimage to Asklepios within the Pergamene Asklepieion. While the second-century building programme imposed a new order on the landscape of the sanctuary, the second-century Lex Sacra imposed control over the bodies of pilgrims through rules of fasting and prescribed movements. The Lex Sacra operated in tandem with the architectural and spatial order of the sanctuary to regulate the ritual movement of pilgrims in the performance of preparatory sacrifices prior to incubation. The ultimate aim of pilgrimage at the Asklepieion was the healing of the pilgrims' own sick bodies through contact with Asklepios: the Lex Sacra is precisely concerned with the regulation of pilgrims' bodies and the method and manner of contact with the divine. Contact with Asklepios is envisaged in terms of the pilgrim inquiring about some specific matter (line 16). Although Asklepios was primarily a healer, inscriptional evidence from fourth-century BC Epidauros suggests that the god was also consulted on other subjects; the link between oracles and healing was close, and was mythologically reflected in the genealogy of Asklepios as son of Apollo the god of prophecy. Healing itself could also be understood as a consultation about the future of the pilgrim's body, and following the cure (either immediate or by means of prescribed instructions), the past narrative of divine healing was then inscribed in the votive offering of the pilgrim— sculptural, inscriptional, or literary.9

9

For a discussion of visual and intellectual evocations of past and future life narratives see above chapter two, pp. 74-7.

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The Lex Sacra stipulates the exact nature of the offerings to be made prior to incubation, and the payment required afterwards. In addition to the details about the type of cakes to be offered (ribbed and with nine 'knobs'), the rules specify the particular parts of the pig's body which are to be placed on the altar to Asklepios (the entrails and the right leg) (lines 7-8).10 The prescriptive nature of the Lex Sacra is also evident in its detailed stipulation of the identity of gods who are to receive these offerings, including references to particular cult statues, and even the specific altars on which the cakes are to be placed (lines IO-H). These rules in effect govern both the route and the timing of the pilgrims' itinerary around the sanctuary: after three days of bodily purifications (in the form of fasting and sexual abstinence) (lines 13-14), offerings are to be made to Zeus Apotropaios, Zeus Meilichios, Artemis Prothyraia and Artemis (?) (described with an epithet which does not survive), to Ge and Asklepios, and then, £in the evening' of incubation, further offerings are to be made to Tyche, Mnemosyne, and Themis. In addition, pilgrims are required to make an offering of cakes (this time dipped in honey and oil) in a religious procession following a priest (line 23-5). The meaning of the verb TrepiOvw in this context is unclear, and interpretations have included 'sacrifice around', 'sacrifice in a circle', or 'sacrifice repeatedly3.11 If the former meaning is correct, this sacrificial ritual reinforced the sense of structured, circular movement around the sanctuary. Through its detailed specification of cult statues and altars for the performance of highly charged religious rituals, the Lex Sacra located charisma in particular images and spaces in the sanctuary. The sense that some features of the sanctuary were imbued with a special sacred aura is also present in Aristides' speech in praise of the sacred spring in the centre of the courtyard of the Asklepieion.12 The pilgrims' contact with the deities through viewing cult statues and making offerings, and their ritual movement around the sanctuary, animated the religious landscape of the Asklepieion. This aspect of the Lex Sacra should be seen in the wider context of 'ritual itineraries' of the period, including C. Vibius Salutaris' institution of ritual processions in Ephesos, and on a literary level, Pausanias' decision to describe the landscape of the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia in the order in which sacrifices were performed at the altars.13 Victor and Edith Turner's study of Christian pilgrimage sites in Mexico and Ireland in the 19605 and 19705 offers modern comparative evidence for the 10 Compare H.L. 1.43: Aristides' dream narrative involves 'putting a pig's leg to incubate (eyKo^iaai) in the temple of Asklepios'. 11 Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', 182-3, F. Sokolowski, 'On the new PergameneL^c Sacra\ GRBS14 (1973), 407-13, at 409-10. 12 Oration 39 Regarding the Well in the Temple of Asklepios 6. 13 G. Rogers, The Sacred Identity ofEphesus (London, 1991); Pausanias 5.14.4, see J. Eisner, 'Between mimesis and divine power: visuality in the Graeco-Roman world', in R. S. Nelson, ed., Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance: Seeing As Others Saw (Cambridge, 2000), 45-69, at 53-8.

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importance of choreographed movement within pilgrimage shrines. At the shrine of the Virgin of Los Remedios in Mexico City pilgrims waited in line and filed past various religious images according to a 'choreographed itinerary5 before reaching the cult image of the Virgin: the Turners write that 'this symbolic journey is a mini pilgrimage within the main pilgrimage, and it is undertaken with great reverence and fullness of participation.514 Similarly, particular structural parallels can be drawn between the ritual and spatial choreography of pilgrimage at St Patrick's Purgatory on Lough Derg in Ireland and the choreography at the second-century Pergamene Asklepieion. At both sites a detailed ritual choreography was prescribed in a confined space: Lough Derg is an island, and at the Pergamene Asklepieion the second-century building programme had created a fully segregated sacred space by means of the peristyle courtyard. In both cases the sequence of religious activities (prayers and offerings) was strictly defined, and structured through movement towards various foci in the physical and religious landscape of the sanctuaries. At Lough Derg specific prayers were said at specified holy places (for example, at the high altar and at St Patrick's cross), and there was a specific order of visitation of the saints5 'beds5.15 As we have seen, in the Asklepieion specified offerings (cakes and a pig) were made at specified altars and cult statues in a specified order. The sense of circularity at pilgrimage shrines is also reflected in literary accounts of pilgrimage from various cultures: Pausanias5 sacrificial itinerary around the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia can be set beside Medieval Christian accounts of the shrines of Jerusalem conveyed as a series of walks or mini-pilgrimages.16 The Lex Sacra, in effect offered two alternative journeys through the sanctuary, one leading to 'the incubation chamber5 and the other to 'the small incubation chamber5. Although the identification of these buildings is not absolutely certain, they probably refer to the incubation chamber in the basement of the southern portico (Fig. 27 no. 20 and Fig. 46) and the old incubation complex in the middle of the courtyard by the temple of Asklepios Soter respectively (Fig. 27 nos. 27-8).17 The rules of purification and offerings required before entering these incubation chambers are identical, with the exception that pilgrims heading for 'the small incubation chamber5 are not obliged to make blood sacrifices (lines 1-2, 6-8 and 18-23). Incubation in the small incubation chamber was thus considerably cheaper. This may suggest that poorer pilgrims were not excluded from incubation at the Pergamene Asklepieion. F. Sokolowski has interpreted the alternative journeys in terms of different groups of worshippers: those consulting the god 14

V. Turner and E. Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New York, NY, 1978), 99. Turner and Turner, Pilgrimage (n. 14), 115-23. 16 On Pausanias see above n. 13; D. Howard, Writers ana Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, CA, 1980), 18-19, 50. 17 See Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', 178, and Hoffmann, 'Remodeling', 55. 15

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for the first time in the large incubation chamber (at a higher cost) and those consulting the god again on the same subject in the small incubation chamber (at a lower cost). He also interprets 0\€pa7T€vovT€s ('worshipping3) (line 25) as a reference to OepaTrevrai ('worshippers5), and he argues that this was an organized group of worshippers who were also given the privilege of a less expensive consultation.18 This reading of the Lex Sacra is far from certain, as interpretations of the meaning and identity of Pergamene Oepanevrai range from an officially organized group to a loose collection of frequent and prominent worshippers.19 Although the exact reasons for the distinction in the cost of incubation are elusive, the document makes it clear that the differentiation of worshippers is primarily envisaged in terms of the different routes taken in the sanctuary. This suggests the significance of the miniature topography of the sanctuary and its intimate connection with ritual. All pilgrims were required to offer a cake to Zeus Apotropaios (cthe averter') and Zeus Meilichios (£the gentle'). The father of the gods is invoked in his guise as averter of evil, perhaps referring to the evil of disease but more likely to the possible dangers of unfavourable contact with the divine. Zeus Meilichios was usually worshipped as a healing god: fourth-century votive reliefs from Athens even depicted him as a bearded snake and used iconography very similar to that of votive reliefs to Asklepios.20 Artemis was also often associated with the Asklepian cult, partly through her familial connection as twin sister of Apollo, Asklepios' father, and partly because of her particular role in helping women in childbirth. Pilgrims at the Pergamene Asklepieion were required to offer cakes to Artemis Prothyraia 'before the door', to Artemis in another guise (not preserved in the inscription) and to Ge ('Earth') (lines 4-5 and 21-2). M. Worrle has argued that the epithet Trothyraia' refers not so much to Artemis' role as guardian of the entrance to the Asklepieion, but to her role in aiding childbirth.21 Both these interpretations suggest the goddess's 'liminal' aspect and her role in pilgrims' (or babies') entry into a new space or world. A second-century bronze votive tablet bearing the inscription Tur[ia] Barbilla to the goddess Artemis in accordance with a dream' (
Sokolowski, 'Pergamene Lex Sacra* (n. n), 411-13. AvP VII,3, 114 and 141, S. Nicosia, 'Un "Kultverein" di dcpa-rrevrat nelP Asclepieio di Pergamo?', in M. J. Fontana et #/., eds., Miscellanea di studi classici in onore di E. JVLanni, vol. 5 (Rome, 1980), 1623-33, especially 1631 n. 33, H. W. Picket, 'Religious history as the history of mentality: the 'believer' as servant of the deity in the Greek world', in H. S. Versnel, ed., Faith, Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World (Leiden, 1981), 152-92, at 159-61, H. Remus, 'Voluntary association and networks. Aelius Aristides at the Asclepieion in Pergamum', in J. S. Kloppenborg and S. G. Wilson, eds., Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World (London, 1996), 146-75, at 152-3 and 156. 20 e.g. N. Kaltsas, Ethniko Archaiolo^iko Mouseio. Ta Glypta. Katalogos (Athens, 2001), 224, no. 469, Athens National Museum no. 3329. 21 See Worrle, 'Lex Sacra', 173-4. 19

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played a part in the oneiric experience of some pilgrims in the Asklepieion.22 There are no surviving dedications to Ge; the inclusion of this goddess in the preincubation ritual was probably connected to the chthonic associations of Asklepios, and in particular of the incubation ritual. It is not known where the offerings to Zeus, Artemis, and Ge took place, but in the Hieroi Lqgoi Aristides describes someone coming out of the temple of Telesphoros cby the gates, where Artemis is5 (Kara ras Ovpas, ov 77 ^pre^t?).23 The temple of Telesphoros is thought to have been located in the middle of the courtyard, by the temple of Asklepios Soter (Fig. 27 nos. 24-6). It is likely that the other offerings were also made in the central area of the courtyard, both because it was the most religiously charged area of the sanctuary (on account of the old temples and the drawing well of Asklepios (Fig. 27 no. 22)), and because this area afforded open space for the movement of pilgrims in procession. Aristides5 reference to 'Artemis by the gates5 occurs in a healing dream narrative, which suggests that the sacred landscape of the Asklepieion, peopled by divinities, was an important feature of at least his oneiric experience of divine healing.24 By specifying the pilgrims5 ritual journey through the sanctuary to selected cult statues to make offerings, the Lex Sacra confirmed and vivified the sacred geography of the sanctuary. Although pilgrims offering blood sacrifices are directed to make an offering to Asklepios, the main deity of the sanctuary is notably absent from the list of gods who receive cakes prior to incubation. The process of making an offering before a cult statue brought the pilgrim face to face with the particular deity. Asklepios5 visual absence from the preliminary ritual makes sense in light of the pilgrims5 expectation of seeing him later in a dream vision. The emphasis of the Lex Sacra is on the preparation of pilgrims for meeting the god; while the aim of all this ritual activity may have been foremost in the minds of the pilgrims throughout the performance, Asklepios is alluded to but not directly present. If the absence of images of Asklepios in votive offerings reflects the state of affairs in the secondcentury Asklepieion this too would have increased the sense of expectation in meeting the god; if this absence is due to the accidents of preservation, such images, like the sculpture of Asklepios on the Via Tecta^ would have referred and pointed beyond themselves to the real divine presence awaiting in the temple and the incubation chamber.25 22

AvP VIII,3, no. 117. This tablet was excavated in 1934 in the Asklepieion but the exact find spot is not recorded. See also AvP VTII,3, no. 118 for another dedication to Artemis. 23 H.L. lll.2i. 24 Compare oneiric divine epiphanies at/f.L. II.4I (Athena), III.23 (Telesphoros), 111.46 (Isis, Serapis, and Asklepios). 25 See above, chapter four, pp. 172-3. On the divine presence of the healing hero Amphiaraos conveyed through different levels of images and by epiphanic contact see A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Amphiaraos present: images and healing pilgrimage in Classical Greece', in R. Maniura and R. Shepherd, eds., Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects (Aldershot, 2006), 205-29.

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The final offerings in the evening immediately before incubation were to Tyche, Mnemosyne, and Themis (lines 9-11 and 26-9). No particular details are given for the pilgrims entering the small incubation chamber beyond the type of cake required. For the pilgrims entering the other incubation chamber it is specified that the two cakes to Tyche and Mnemosyne are to be offered on the altar outside, whereas the cake for Themis is to be offered to her inside the chamber. These sacrifices are thus intimately linked to the ritual of incubation both spatially and temporally. Themis, the personification of 'firmly established law or custom', was also associated specifically with prophecy.26 Her presence in the preliminary ritual was thus linked both to the issue of legitimacy and custom, and to prophetic visionary contact with the divine. The significance of the propitiation of Tyche and Mnemosyne is brought into relief by a comparison with Pausanias5 description of the rituals performed before and after the consultation of the oracle of Trophonios at Lebadeia: the person who wanted to consult Trophonios first stayed in a house sacred to 'Good Spirit5 (ayaOos AaijjLOJv) and 'Good Fortune' (a-yaOr) Tvxy) for a specific number of days while he propitiated Trophonios with sacrifices in the hope that they would be favourable; and immediately before descending into Trophonios5 cave the pilgrim 'must drink water called the water of Forgetfulness (ArjOrj), that he may forget all that he has been thinking of hitherto, and afterwards he drinks of another water, the water of Memory (Mv-^oauv??), which causes him to remember what he sees after his descent.527 It is likely that at the Asklepieion pilgrims propitiated Tyche in the hope that she would grant them contact with Asklepios —a favour not granted to all incubants28 —and Mnemosyne ('Memory5) in the hope that she would help them recall their visionary experiences of the night the next day in order to enact the vision of future health. Each time pilgrims performed the ritual perambulation of the sanctuary outlined in the Lex Sacra they animated the religious topography. Through their participation in sacrifices and incubation in the Asklepieion they became part of the community of the sanctuary which spanned the human-divine spectrum. They interacted with the divinities by viewing their images and offering them sacrifices, and some experienced the presence and revelation of Asklepios in dream visions. Some narratives of dream visions explicitly depict the pilgrim and Asklepios conversing; in one example associated with the Pergamene sanctuary Asklepios offers the pilgrim the choice of exchanging his present disease for

26 e.g. Aischylos, Prometheus Bound 211-13 (Themis is identified with Gaia and is a prophetess), Eumenidai 2 (the oracle of Delphi is said to have once belonged to Themis). 27 Pausanias 9.39.5 and 9.39.8. 28 e.g. LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions^ no-n [B 13(33) lines 69-70].

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another (lighter) one.29 Philostratos' account of the sophist Antiochos' stay at the Asklepieion at Aigai features conversations both with the god and with fellow pilgrims: cHe used to spend very many nights in the temple of Asklepios, both on account of the dreams that he had there, and also on account of all the intercourse there is between those who are awake and converse with one another, for in his case the god used to converse with him while awake (vTTep re ^vvovGias-, OTTOOT] lypTj'yopoTOJv T€ KOLi SiaAeyojueVtoF aAA^Aots1, SteAeyero yap avra) eyprjyopoTi 6 0€os)5 and held it to be a triumph of his healing art toward off disease from Antiochos.530 This story emphasizes the easy communion with the god, and the importance of the communal dimensions of pilgrimage; it also introduces the theme of competition amongst pilgrims for the favour of the god. These themes feature prominently in the autobiographical writings of Aristides. His sense of fellowship amongst pilgrims at the Pergamene Asklepieion is powerfully captured in the following passage from Omtion 23 Concerning Concord'. And neither membership in a chorus, nor the companionship of a voyage, nor having the same teachers is so great a circumstance, as the gain and profit in having been fellow pilgrims at the sanctuary of Asklepios (els AoKArjTTiov re ov^oLrrjaaL) and having been initiated in the highest of the rites under the most beautiful and most perfect Torchbearer and Mystagogue, and under him to whom every law of necessity yields.31

This expression of the ideology of pilgrim communities appropriately occurs in an oration devoted to the theme of concord between the cities of Asia Minor. In Oration 4.2 An Address Regarding Asklepios and in \htHiewiLogoi this sentiment is systematically undermined by Aristides5 presentation of himself as supremely favoured above all other pilgrims.32 This sense of therapeutic competition

29

Oribasius, CollectionesMedicae XLV, 30,10-14 (Edelstein and Edelstcin^Asclepius i, testimony no. 425, translation quoted here): 'How it happened to Teukros from Kyzikos is worth telling: when he was afflicted with epilepsy he came to Pergamon to Asklepios, asking for liberation from the disease. The god appearing to him holds converse with him (ds Xoyovs afaKvcirai) and asks if he wants to exchange his present disease for another one. And he said he surely did not want that but would rather get some immediate relief from the evil. But if at all, he wished that the future might not be worse than the present. When the god had said it would be easier and this would cure him more plainly than anything else, he consents to the disease, and a quartan fever attacks him, and thereafter he is free of epilepsy.' For examples of Aristides conversing with Asklepios in dream visions narrated in the Hieroi Lqgoi see 1.71 and IV.so. Compare also accounts of conversations between Asklepios and the incubant in the fourth-century BC Epidaurian 'miracle inscriptions': LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions ^ cures 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, and 34. 30 31 Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 568. Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16. 32 e.g. H.L. 11.47 and 59, and Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 6—n; see above chapter three, especially pp. 132-50.

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paradoxically occurring within a fellowship of worshippers of the god, is succinctly expressed at the opening of Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios: O Lord Asklepios, you who have often and for many reasons been called on by me, night and day, publicly and privately, how glad and eager I was when you granted me, as it were from a great sea of despair to reach a calm harbour and to address the common hearth of mankind, in which no one, indeed, under the sun is uninitiated, and I can affirm that no Greek to this day has enjoyed more advantages In this passage Aristides presents himself as surpassing not only the pilgrims present at the Pergamene Asklepieion (where this oration was delivered) in respect of the favours he has received from Asklepios, but as surpassing all Greeks throughout time.34 Elsewhere in this oration he uses the terminology of "divine grace5 (#efa X&PLS) m ^s assertion of absolute supremacy within an elite of favoured pilgrims to Asklepios.35 The discussion in the second half of the chapter will explore the way that visual narratives of miraculous cures on display in the sanctuary similarly asserted the individual pilgrim's identity and the favour received from the god, while simultaneously the display of these votives as a whole visually created an elite community of those cured by the god. Subsequent anthropological critiques of the Turners' theory of communitas have emphasized that it is one of a number of competing discourses at pilgrimage shrines.36 Aristides' writings about pilgrimage to Pergamon in the second century can be interpreted as displaying both a sense of the importance of fellowship within the pilgrim community (which he expresses in the language of initiation),37 and a strong sense of competition and a drive towards social, oratorical, and religious distinction. This can be recognized both in Aristides' literary construction of a sanctuary populated exclusively by a social and religious elite, and in his assertion of his religious and oratorical supremacy in this community, analysed in chapter three. In the sanctuary itself, the coexistence of community with therapeutic competition can be traced in the communal ritual rules (purificatory rules and communal choreographed movement) and in the votive dedications on display, together with the assertion of pilgrims' individual agendas (including non-healing) and with civic discourses in the form of honorific 33

Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios i. On the date and context of delivery of the oration see C. A. Behr, The Complete Works of P. Aelius Aristides, vol. II, Orations XVTI-LIII (translation and commentary) (Amsterdam, 1981), 416. 35 e.g. Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 9. 36 E. A. Morinis, Pilgrimage in the Hindu tradition: A Case Study of West Bengal (Delhi, 1984), 233-75, E. A. Morinis, ed., Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage (Westport, 1992), 1-28, and J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds., Contesting the Sacred: The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (London, 1991), 1-29. 37 e.g. H.L. 11.32, and Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16. 34

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monuments. Graeco-Roman pilgrimage to Asklepios, in common with other forms of pilgrimage cross-culturally, can be seen as "above all an arena for competing religious and secular discourses, for both the official co-optation and the non-official recovery of religious meaning, for conflict between orthodoxies, sects, and confessional groups, for drives towards consensus and communitas, and for counter-movements towards separateness and division.538 The Pergamene sanctuary, like many other Asklepieia, was founded by an individual following a personal miracle of bodily healing: 'Again, when Archias, son of Aristaichmos, was healed in Epidauria after spraining himself while hunting about Pindasos, he brought the cult to Pergamon'.39 The very foundation of the sanctuary embodied a personal miracle, while the rituals of incubation helped other pilgrims to attain such personal miracles. The rules of the Lex Sacra both emphasized the individual within the community of pilgrims (through differentiation of social and religious elites) and simultaneously fostered a pilgrim group identity and consciousness. Divisions within the community of pilgrims occurred on a number of levels. It appears that not all pilgrims performed incubation—friends and relatives of the sick, for instance. Incubants, then, were a select group within the sanctuary which participated in an exclusive ritual to gain closer access to Asklepios. Moreover, as we have seen, the Lex Sacra set out the spatial separation of incubants, in effect according to the cost of sacrificial offering being made. Although this rule might have been predominantly practical in nature, because of the large number of pilgrims and the organizational challenges that this entailed, it may well also have visually emphasized a social elite within the community of incubants. Entry into these groups of favoured pilgrims depended in the first instance on publicly claiming sickness. In the Hieroi Logoi^ this is presented in a competitive light: the degree of Aristides' sickness and suffering is linked to the (extraordinary) amount of favours offered to him by Asklepios.40 Whereas generally in Graeco-Roman society illness was a misfortune and a stigma, within the world 38

Eade and Sallnow, Contesting the Sacred (n. 36), 2. Pausanias 2.26.8. Compare foundation stories of other Asklepieia which associate the sanctuaries with individuals: Pausanias 2.10.3 (Nikagora brought the god Asklepios in the form of a snake by carriage from Epidauros to Sikyon where she founded a new sanctuary); 2.23.4 (Sphyros son of Machaon and brother of Alexanor, was the original founder at Argos); Pausanias 6.21.4 (in Elis, forty stades beyond the ridge of Sauros is a sanctuary of Asklepios surnamed Demainetos after the founder); 10.38.13 (Phalysios cured of blindness and founded sanctuary at Naupaktos); LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions ^ no-n [B 13(33)] (foundation of Asklepieion at Halieis following the miraculous cure of Thersandros from consumption by a sacred snake which had returned with him in his wagon from Epidauros); IG IP, no. 4960 frag.# and 4961 (Telemachos' involvement in the foundation of the new sanctuary of Asklepios at Athens), see L. Beschi, 'II monumento di Telemachos, fondatore dell'Asklepieion a.temcnsc\ASAtene 29-30 (1967-68), 381-436, and C I1 rilievo di Telemachos ricompletato', AAA, 15 (1982), 31-43, and K. Clinton, 'The Epidauria and the arrival of Asclepius in Athens', R. Hagg, ed., Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence (Stockholm, 1994), 17-34; see M. Melfi, Isantuam diAsclepio in Grecia. I (Rome, 2007), 495-526. 40 See above chapter three, pp. 139-43. 39

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of the Asklepieion it was transformed into a sign of potential divine favour: for it was to the sick that Asklepios appeared at night, and it was the sick who received healing and whose bodies became permanent monuments to the god's miraculous intervention. The Asklepieion not only provided an all-inclusive space for the spectrum of sick and healthy bodies, as chapter four demonstrated; it actually reversed the usual hierarchy, which prized the beautiful healthy body, by constructing the sick body as the means to the divine and even the miraculous. Entry into the group of incubants, if not into the Asklepieion itself, was predicated on the body deviating from the model of health and wholeness, just as entry into a paradoxographical text was reserved for the abnormal. The group of incubants then formed a select group among the community of pilgrims. Within this group, further elites were created in turn, not just along divisions based on wealth, but also through claims to greater suffering and sickness, and more significantly, claims to miraculous recovery (therapeutic competition). However, in their quest for personal divine favour, the group of incubants operated as a united body through its adherence to the rules set out in the Lex Sacra. Even as certain rules divided the incubants, adherence to the same set of rules united them. These rules fashioned the incubants as an elite group within the wider body of pilgrims at the sanctuary, through spatial choreography, and rules of fasting and abstinence. In their study of pilgrimage at Lough Derg, Victor and Edith Turner write that 'there is a connection between the pilgrims' discipline and privations and their sense of existential communitas^ which we have defined elsewhere as £the direct, immediate, and total confrontation of human identities'.41 At Lough Derg pilgrims are given the same minimal portions of food and drink, and there are communal sleeping arrangements. Whereas in this case the community of suffering pilgrims is metaphorical (their bodily privations only reflect the suffering of their souls in repentance of sin), in Pergamon the rules of bodily abstinence emphasized the community of incubants who suffered because of their bodily sickness.42 The rules of fasting, sexual abstinence, and ritual communal sleeping at the Asklepieion imposed an order on the bodies of incubants, which were 'disordered' by sickness. This control took the form of regulating what went in and out of the bodies of pilgrims (lines 11-14). Although rules of fasting and sexual abstinence were not unusual for participation in religious rites, they may have had particular significance in healing cults: since disease was often perceived as the blockage of channels in the body, the regulation of passages through the body

41

Turner and Turner, Pilgrimage (n. 14), 133. On the cultural and theological traditions of pilgrimage to Lough Derg see M. Haren and Y. de Pontfarcy, eds., The Medieval Pilgrimage to St Patrick^ Purgatory: Lough Derg and the European Tradition (Monaghan, 1988). 42

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was particularly appropriate.43 Although it was hoped that the god would recommend a specific personal treatment to each incubant during the night, in the days prior to incubation the group of incubant pilgrims followed the same preparatory regime. They also performed a communal mini-pilgrimage under the leadership of a priest (lines 23-5). The Lex Sacra emphasizes the sense of communitas in this ritual by its definition of the participants as call those who worship the god3 ([TTOLvres OL 9]epa7T€vovT€s Tov deov, line 25).44 This may refer to all incubants or may even include non-incubant worshippers.45 As one body the community of worshippers followed a prescribed ritual itinerary around the space sacred to the god. Simultaneously the Lex Sacra regulated the passages (itineraries) through the pilgrims5 own bodies in preparation for contact with the god who, it was hoped, would then regulate their bodies by individually prescribing treatments which controlled entry and exit from their bodies, such as fasting, diets, vomiting, bloodletting, and enemas. A fragmentary inscription from the Pergamene Asklepieion, usually dated to AD 100, suggests that the outward appearance, as well as the internal workings, of the bodies of incubants was strictly regulated.46 It specifies that for the performance of incubation, pilgrims must wear white chitons, must not wear any rings or belts, and must be barefoot. The purificatory nature of these practices is suggested by the fact that they are listed together with requirements to bathe and burn incense. The Lex Sacra also includes the rule that incubants are to take up an olive wreath for the performance of sacrifices and then after the night of incubation leave the wreath on their straw beds (lines 2,14-15). It is not clear from the wording "taking up another wreath of olive3 (Xapaiv aXXov ore^avov eAaa?) whether the incubants carried the wreath or wore it on their heads, but in either case the injunction altered their appearance. All these rules which regulate and homogenize the appearance of the bodies of incubants are intimately connected with the performance of sacrificial and purificatory rituals prior to incubation. In this way supplication of the god and regulation of the sick body were ritually combined. The rules concerning the appearance of incubants would have reinforced the creation of a very visible select group within the sanctuary. The visual impact and emotional resonance of this spectacle is suggested by Aristides3 oneiric vision: CI dreamed that I stood at the propylaia of the temple, and many others were also gathered together, as whenever there is a purificatory ceremony at the temple, and they wore white garments and the rest was of an appropriate form.347 Participation 43

On channels through the body see chapter two above, pp. 111-13. It is not clear whether this group also includes non-incubant pilgrims in the sanctuary. 45 Nicosia, 'Kultverein' (n. 19), at 1631 n. 33. 46 F. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrees des Cites Grecques (Paris, 1969), 42-3 (no. 14) (Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius i, testimony no. 513). 47 H.L. II.3i. 44

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in a procession around the sanctuary following a priest would have made the group even more visually prominent. The importance of ritual movement in the definition of this group is suggested by the fact that the Lex Sacra defines the incubant spatially by referring to him or her as £he who goes into the incubation chamber' (6 [eia7ro/oeu]d/i,evos> €is TO €yKoijji7]Tripiov).4S 8 During these processions incubants both presented themselves to Asklepios and the other divinities they invoked at altars and cult statues and also presented themselves as a select religious group to other non-incubant pilgrims in the sanctuary. They also performed to each other and to themselves by means of their bodies: through their common claim to sickness, their purificatory regimen of fasting and sexual abstinence, their identical apparel and their coordinated movement they evoked a collective incubant consciousness. Within this select group the sick body was constructed as the privileged body. The incubants5 self-definition as sick was transformed through the regulation of the Lex Sacra^ and in particular through communal procession, into self-perception as a member of an elite religious community. Incubants were thus offered a new vision of themselves within the sanctuary. This self-perception would have been reinforced by an awareness of being viewed by non-incubants as members of the elite community of incubants. This new sense of selfhood was related both to inclusion in this community, whose sick bodies were constructed as vehicles of divine charisma, and to inclusion in the community vtthaumata by means of perambulation of the sanctuary which was peopled by images both of divinities and of miraculously healed bodies. Incubants saw each other and themselves moving as a group amongst the statues of the gods and amongst visual narratives—sculptural and inscriptional—of past pilgrims who had been favoured by the god. During the ritual procession they saw themselves participating in this miraculous community of the Asklepieion. In addition to viewing the monuments set up by past pilgrims, they actually walked in the footsteps of those who had performed incubation and received the favour of Asklepios. In this sense they became part of a timeless miraculous community through the re-enactment of ritual and spatial choreography. Despite the radical second-century building programme, the sense of continuity with the past community of pilgrims would have been maintained ritually through this choreography, visually through the preservation of the images of the gods and votives of pilgrims from the past, and architecturally through the complex of old temples in the centre of the courtyard. In this final ritual stage of pilgrimage to see the god, incubants saw themselves as devotees of the god, their bodies and movements fashioned according to the Lex Sacra. Whereas it was common practice in religious processions to carry 48

Lex Sacra lines 11-12. Compare the fragmentary inscription in Sokolowski, Lois Sacrees (n. 46), 42 (no. 14 line 7): 'may he go in towards the god' (ela\7Topev€oda) npos rov deov).

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images of the gods, there is no mention of such images in the Lex Sacra: instead it is the incubants5 bodies that are the focus of this Asklepian choreography, to be enacted within the sanctuary animated by divinities and images of miraculously healed bodies.49 Similarly in dream visions the god was expected to communicate with the incubants on the subject of their bodies and it is primarily bodies and body parts which were displayed in the votive imagery. In this world, a new taxonomy of the body was enacted in which the sick and deformed body was transformed into a locus for divine manifestation. In this respect its discourse is similar to Polemon's revelatory narrative about the body which sets up a selfcontained system of semiotics ascribing meanings to each body part. In the Asklepieion the sick body was constructed as the favoured and miraculous body through a visual discourse in which the pilgrims actively participated. This vision of transformation was enacted in the sanctuary in the present and it was hoped it would extend into the pilgrim's future in the incubatory vision and thereafter even beyond the sanctuary. It has been argued that the location of charisma in the incubants' bodies was achieved in part through collective choreographed movement through and interaction with the animated landscape of the sanctuary. Various locations within the sanctuary, such as the temple of Asklepios Soter and the sacred drawing well, and various images, such as the cult image of Asklepios, were also charged with religious charisma through the same mechanism. It is also worth considering Lucian's attack on the cult of cthe new Asklepios Glykon5 in the Alexander in this context. His specific focus on the image of Glykon, the person of his prophet, the celebration of his mysteries with processions and re-enactments of the god's myth, and the specific location of Abonouteichos as a centre of pilgrimage, can be interpreted as a polemic against this kind of Asklepian charismatic discourse.

MIRACULOUS BODIES ON DISPLAY: ENCOUNTERING THE DIACHRONIC COMMUNITY OF PILGRIMS The tension between communitas and desire for the individual attention of the god traced in the context of the Lex Sacra is also a feature of the display of votive dedications in the sanctuary. While these celebrated the individualized, personal miracle granted by the god, their communal display constructed a diachronic community of the miraculously healed. This group in itself constituted an elite within the wider community of pilgrims. This section examines votive 49 MacMullen, Paganism^ 20-1; e.g. Lucian, De Dea> Syria 47, Apuleius, Metamorphoses ii.n (religious processions with images), and Chariton 6.4.1 (a non-religious procession (a hunt) where the Persian king and his companions are said to be 'worth seeing3 (a|to^earoi)).

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dedications as visual autobiographical narratives of healing, not unlike Aristides' literary narrative, the Hieroi Logoi. It is argued that these dedications construct a coherent language of visual signs about the body, to be decoded in the context of their display in the Asklepieion. The discussion opens with a consideration of three literary passages which concern the location of the individual's identity in the visible body, the idea of the human body as a memorial, and the exploration of the limits of different media (text and image) in the evocation of the presence of a person. With this interpretative framework in the background there follows an examination of the surviving votive dedications from the Pergamene Asklepieion, including a consideration of the impact of the depiction of parts of the body, as opposed to the whole body. The discussion then broadens to take into account the viewing context of the Pergamene Asklepieion, and the process of evoking a community of the 'miraculously healed5 through reading and viewing votive dedications. The linking of body and soul was a fundamental and deep-rooted idea in Graeco-Roman culture, as explored in chapter two by means of a range of texts including medical, physiognomical, and novelistic. The concept of locating identity in the outward, visible body also entailed the idea that the physical destruction or loss of the body (corpse) constituted a total annihilation of identity. This is a recurring theme in a number of texts, including Achilles Tatius5 Leukippe and Kleitophon™ It is particularly relevant to the experience of illness understood as the deterioration of the body and the threat of death; it is also relevant to the experience of healing pilgrimage which entailed the pilgrim's eventual departure from the sanctuary (i.e. the removal of his or her body from sacred space) and the desire to leave a memorial of the healed body there. The contestation of identity and its final loss through death and loss of the corpse is intricately developed in a passage of Philostratos3 Hewikos.51 The winegrower relates the story that an Assyrian youth insulted the miraculous statue of Hektor at Troy (which granted prayers to cities and individuals and which sweated when excited), by claiming that the hero had not actually performed the courageous deeds he was reputed to have done. In other words, in front of a 50 Achilles Tatius 1.13 (not even the corpse of the young man is left), 5.7.9 (Kleitophon laments over Leukippe's headless body; he suggests that the head is a privileged location for identity), 7.5.3 (Kleitophon laments Leukippe's three 'false' deaths; there is an escalation in the loss of Leukippe expressed in the loss of her body: in the 'first death' there was a full corpse left, in the 'second' the head was gone, and in the 'third' there is total loss 'of soul and body5). Chariton 3.3.4 (even Kallirhoe's corpse has now disappeared), 3.4.18 (the kidnapper Theron is punished by torture and crucifixion at Kallirhoe's (empty) tomb: the ultimate punishment is the breaking of his body), 3.10.8 (Kallirhoe laments Chaireas' 'death' and wishes that at least she had his corpse), 4.1.12 (at Chaireas' cenotaph Kallirhoe laments the fact that neither of them possesses the other's corpse). 51 Philostratos, Heroikos 19.3-7; J. K. B. Maclean and E. B. Aitken, eds., Flavins Philostmtus: Heroikos. Translated with an Introduction and Notes (Atlanta, GA, 2001) (text and translation).

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visual memorial to Hektor which was imbued with his presence, the Assyrian youth challenged Hektor's biographical narrative. Finally he challenged the very identity of the statue by claiming that it was not Hektor at all, but Hektor's killer Achilles: che disputed the identity of Hektor's statue and claimed that it was Achilles on the basis of the hair, which Achilles had shorn for Patroklos.'52 The Assyrian youth then meets a fitting punishment: when Hektor appears in person to him, the Assyrian youth recognizes his true identity, and the hero then diverts the course of a river which sweeps the Assyrian youth away, drowning him and totally annihilating his body: cthe river carried him back to its usual course and destroyed him so that it did not yield his corpse for burial. It disappeared and I do not know where it went.'53 The illegitimate challenge to Hektor's identity in front of the image of his body brings about the total annihilation of the youth's identity through death and the loss of his own body. Polemon's Declamationsfor Kallimachos and Kynaigeiros plays with this idea of a dead body becoming a memorial.54 In these declamations Polemon impersonates the fathers of two heroes from the battle of Marathon who both argue that they ought to be allowed to deliver the funeral oration over all the dead soldiers by demonstrating that their son had been the bravest in the battle. In both cases it is argued that the men attain heroic status through the agency of their bodies: Kallimachos' body was pierced by so many Persian arrows that his corpse remained standing, while Kynaigeiros5 hands clung on to a retreating Persian ship and were cut off. The heroes' dead and mutilated bodies are spoken of as victory monuments, both commemorating the deeds of their owners and the Greek victory over the Persians.55 Each father tries to prove that in his son's case identity and courage resided in the body, which was an active agent, and that in the other's case it was cjust' the body (and not the person) which suffered passively.56 In both declamations the language of thaumata is used for the

52

53 Philostratos, Heroikos 19.5. Ibid. 19.7. For text and translation (with some changes) see W. W. Reader, The Severed Hand and the Upright Corpse: The Declamations of Marcus AntoniusPolemo (Atlanta, GA, 1996); andReardon, Courantslitteraires^ 107-955 Polemon, Declamationsfor Kallimachos and Kynaigeiros A.io (when both hands had been cut off by the retreating Persians, what remained of Kynaigeiros was a Victory monument', rpoTraiov),, A.39 (Kynaigeiros' arms and the rest of his body would have been crowned with a wreath cjust like a victory monument', aja77e/3 rpoTraiov); B.I2 (Kallimachos' body is addressed as an individual and called cthe first victory trophy of 54

Marathon', Trp&rov MapaOcovos rpOTrcuov). 56

Polemon, Declamationsfor Kallimachos and Kynaigeiros A.n (Kynaigeiros' right hand remains holding the ship even after his death, thereby becoming an independent agent), A.23 (Kallimachos' body was not an agent because it was acted upon by the arrows; it suffered and by chance this resulted in his body remaining standing; contrasted to Kynaigeiros' hands which were sent against the barbarian 'just like naval expeditions', a)07T6p avroaroAous-; 'The degree to which acting is more decisive than being acted upon and more beneficial to the countrymen—to that same degree Kynaigeiros is more admirable than Kallimachos and

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57

men's bodies; and these miraculous bodies are used to construct the identities of the heroes. The theme of their physical bodies as monuments to the courage of the two men is of course a literary trope: it is actually Polemori's text which functions as a monument for the deeds of Kynaigeiros and Kallimachos. And there is another level: the declamations are ostensibly a competition to decide who will deliver the official funerary speech over the buried corpses on the plain of Marathon. Polemon gives Kynaigeiros5 father this rousing end to his speech: I stretch out [my] hands to you like the ones lying [severed] on your behalf. I lay claim to the speech, I take hold of the grave (e'xo/xcu TOV Adyou, Aaju,/3avoju,cu rov rdou). I am not withdrawing from going ' through the mass grave, since I am the father of Kynaigeiros. I am putting my hands on the body (eVtri^^i ras x€t~Pas> ™ crc^an) — let the one who wishes cut these off too.58

In this passage the father of Kynaigeiros stretches out his hands to claim the funerary speech (Adyos), the grave (ra<£o?), and the body (crania) of his son, making explicit the parallels between logos, a visual commemorative monument, and the actual body as memorials of a person. Both this text and Lucian's Imagines are concerned with the literary commemoration of extraordinary—miraculous—bodies.59 The Imagines explicitly addresses the question of whether words or the visual arts (sculpture and painting) can adequately depict the extraordinary Pantheia. Pantheia's body is described in the text as a collage of parts of the most famous ancient sculptures more to be honoured than he'), A.26-7 (Kallimachos' deed is said to have been done by a corpse; the arrows are the agents of the action), B.io (in response it is argued that Kallimachos and not 'just' his body endured the arrows), B.n (as Kallimachos' soul departed from his body it ordered the body to continue righting; the body then deceived the Persians who thought that Kallimachos was alive), 6.43 (attack on Kynaigeiros: it is said that his soul was located in his right arm in order to impute cowardice to him: 'He, doing nothing but getting his hand cut off, fell immediately as though he did not have another [one], but [rather as though] his soul were lying [prone] in the right hand'), B.44 (Kynaigeiros' deed is ascribed to his hand and not to his person, whereas Kallimachos as a person is credited with his body's deed: Kallimachos' father objects to his son being compared to a hand: 'Will you not stop comparing a hand to a man ...?'). 57 e.g. Polemon, Declamations for Kallimachos and Kynaigeiros A.n (Kynaigeiros' severed hand continues to fight the Persians, 'a marvel', ^au/xaardv), B.2 (Kallimachos's dead body fought on, 'the greatest of the marvels at Marathon', TO ^eyiarov . . . rcov ev Mapada)Vi Savfjidrajv}. 58 Polemon, Declamations for Kallimachos and Kynaigeiros A. 49. 59 Discourse of marvels and emphasis on the spectacle of Pantheia e.g. Lucian, Imagines i (Pantheia is described as a 'miracle', Oav^a and a 'spectacle', TO 0e'a/u,a), 2 (her beauty is 'miraculous', repaanov n KaAAo? for the 'spectators', flearcu), 9 (miraculous nature of Pantheia: Oeo-rreaiov TL xp'n^ • • • Ka'L oXtos jiteya TL Qav^ia KO.L ^ea/xa rrdaav TYJV dvdpanrivyv evfjiopfyiav OTrepTreTraiKO?, 'In short it was a great marvel. . , a spectacle transcending all human beauty3; her teeth are described as a marvel), 16 (herpaideia: she has all the accomplishments of the Muses, Hermes, and Apollo; this has no ancient precedent and is unique, miraculous), 17 (she is compared to Aspasia, the companion of'the Olympian', Oav^aaiajTaTos).

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(cult statues). Although it is rhetorically said that words cannot create the image that even the great painters and sculptors of the past could hardly produce, it is through logos that the invisible soul of Pantheia will be made manifest (cto reveal in words what is invisible', ra aS^Aa e^aviaai ra) X6ya)).60 The ability to portray the soul as well as the body is again adduced in the final pronouncement of the superiority of words to visual portraiture: sculpture (of the body) and painting (of the soul) put together in the form of a literary tribute for people to marvel at (OavjjLd^eiv) is superior to the visual arts (just as the Muses are superior to wax and wood).61 Philostratos the Younger's assertion in his Imagines that good painters should evoke the soul as well as the physical features of their subjects suggests that there was an ongoing debate about the possibility of capturing the identity of the person in a visual depiction.62 The assertion of presence, divine or human, in a statue is part of the same polemical discourse.63 Viewers in the Pergamene Asklepieieon were confronted by a plethora of sculptural and inscriptional memorials of healed bodies, side by side with actual pilgrims performing the prescribed rituals.64 Extant votive dedications include freestanding altars and statue bases as well as bronze plaques with rings or pegs for hanging on walls. Their find spots (which were not always recorded in the earlier archaeological records) suggest that they were displayed all around the sanctuary, and in particular in the area between the temple of Asklepios Soter and the sacred drawing well (Fig. 27 nos. 24-6 and 22), and along the north portico where most of the statue bases and votive altars still stand (Fig. 44). Dedications made of precious metals (such as the silver and gold tripod described in the Hieroi Lqgfoi) and presumably cheaper ones made of perishable material (such as wood) have not

60

61 62 Lucian, Imagines 12. Lucian, Imagines 23. See above, chapter two, p. 80. The practice ofdamnatio memoriae implies that the destruction of a person's image hurt and disgraced that person in addition to erasing his or her memory. On damnatio memoriae and the image-referent relationship see J. Eisner, 'Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of Classical art', CQ^-6 (1996), 515-31, especially 527-8, and C. Edwards, 'Incorporating the alien: the art of conquest', in C. Edwards and G. Woolf, eds., Rome the Cosmopolis (Cambridge, 2003), 44-70, at 46-9. Passages from Graeco-Roman texts relevant to this matter include: Dio Chrysostom, Oration 21 On Beauty', 13-15 (presence is located in statues); Favorinus, Corinthian Oration (Favorinus' speech on the disrespect caused to him by the removal of his statue in Rhodes); Pausanias 6.11 (the story of Theagenes' 'active' statue); Arrian, Periplous 1.3-4 (Arrian writes to Hadrian that Hadrian's statue is in a good position because it looks out to sea). On slippage between viewing statues and viewing real bodies see Dio Chrysostom, Oration 21 On Beauty', i and Oration 2$Melankomas II, 2; Philostratos, Gymnastikos 25 (Polikleitan canon applied to the real body), 35 (the statue of the athlete Maron adduced as ideal physical type, and statues of Herakles point to the canon of the ideal athletic body), 42 (the ideal combination of humours of the body is metaphorically described as the combination of gold and ivory in chryselephantine statues); and Philostratos, Heroikos 52.2 (Protesilaos claims that 'he was good-looking and resembled his father but was inferior to him in the same way that beautiful people are inferior to their statues'). 64 On votive offerings see F. T. van Straten, 'Gifts for the gods', in H. S. Versnel, ed., Faith, Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World (Leiden, 1981), 65-151. 63

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survived.65 Financial considerations would no doubt have played a crucial role in pilgrims' decisions regarding the type of material to use for their dedication; nevertheless, within those bounds, pilgrims were able to exercise choice. Considerable variety is evident both in the choice of type of votive dedication and in the inscriptions, despite the fact that these are usually short and formulaic. For example, even when objects are dedicated to the same god Asklepios, the pilgrim had the choice of which epithet to use for him: appellations include cto Asklepios' (JlaAo\7?mto),66 £to Asklepios the Saviour' (AoK\j]7TL(2) ZW7?pi),67 cto Asklepios who listens' (AoKX^-nia) eV^/cofoj]),68 cto Asklepios the most present of the gods' (eTn^aveordra) Oewv AoKX7]7Tia)i)f9 {)

C

t0

c

the lord Asklepios' (rco Kvpiw AGK\J]TTIO)}^ to you Asklepios, by far the greatest of the gods' (act, (jie-yapiGre Oecov, AaK\TITTuQ,71 cto Asklepios the god who loves mankind' (AoKX^mdn > (f)i\av8pw7Ttoi #eon),72 cto Zeus the Saviour Asklepios' (Ad Hcorrjpi AoKX^TTiw).73 In fact dedications in the Asklepieion are not only made to Asklepios, Hygieia,74 Telesphoros75 (both of whom had temples in the sanctuary) and Tyche Agathe76 and Artemis77 (both of whom are specified in the Lex Sacra}: they are also made to at least twenty other deities.78 Pilgrims also made dedications to pairs or groups of these gods.79 The choice of deity or deities evoked a particular story of the pilgrim's personal contact with 65 68 71 72 73 75

66 67 H.L. IV.45. AvP VTII,3, nos. 72 and 108-113. AvP VIII,3, nos. 69-71 and 73-98. 69 70 AvP VIII,3, no. 99. AvP VIII,3, no. 101. AvP VTII,3, no. 106. AvP VIII,3, no. ii3b. Dedication of Publius Aelius Theon line i (Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht', 194). 74 AvP VTII,3, no. 63. AvP VIII,3, nos. 65, 66, 69-72, 96, and 121-3. AvP VIII,3, nos. 121 and 122. In no. 122 the dedication is 'to Telesphoros the saviour'

(TeAca^opcoi | Zayrripi}. 76

AvP VIII,3, nos. 81, 85, 88 and 89. AvP VIII,3, nos. 117-19. In no. 119 the dedication is to 'Light-bringing Artemis' ((Pcoa^opov 'Apre^v). 78 AvP VIII,3, no. 72 cto Koronis' (/fopoWSi); no. 72 'to Epione' (H-mov^i [<,]); no. 115 'to Pythian Phoibos' (Uv6LOJL 0oi/3cui); no. u$b 'to Apollo' (AnoXXiDvi); no. 116 'to Apollo the Saviour' (ArroXXajvi ZYuT^pi); no. 119 'Hekate the Saviour' ('EKar-^v ZVoreipav); no. 120 'to Leto' (/177-7-01); no. 123 'to the Muses' (Mouacus-); no. 124 'to the Moirai' (Moipcus); no. 124 'to the Nymphs' (Nu^ais), no. 128 'Panakia the saviour' (IJavaKLav ao>£ouaay); no. 129 'Kypris' (Krnrpi); no. 130 'of Demeter' (J^ryrpos-); no. 131 'Paian' (TTcudv); no. 127 'to Strength' (E^peooT^'jai); no. 85 'to the fellowship of those loyal to the emperor' ([TT?I] av^LO)[o6L ra>v] (PiXoa€pdo[Ta>v}); no. 133 'to the gods everywhere' (®eof? rots Travraxov), no. 134 'to the subterranean gods' (@€OLS KaraxOo- \ VLOLS); no. 132 'to Taras' (Tdpai) (the eponymous hero of Tarentum; Ch. Habicht suggests that the dedication of Gaius Julius Nabus may have been made as the result of aid received during a journey to Italy); and no. 132 'to Tifberios] Klaudios Pauleinos the hero' (Ti. KXav | Si'OH riavXeivaji i^pon) (this votive altar was found in 1931 in the rubble of the east side of the theatre; it is presumed that it marked the heroon of the Pergamene Pauleinos which is thought to have been located outside the sanctuary; see discussion mAvP VTII,3, no. 134). 79 e.g. AvP VIII,3, no. 72 (Asklepios, Hygieia, Koronis, and Epione), no. 81 (Agathe Tyche and Asklepios the saviour), no. 85 (Agathe Tyche, Asklepios the saviour, and the fellowship of those loyal to the emperor), no. 119 (Hekate the saviour and Light-bringing Artemis), no. 123 (Hygieia and the Muses), no. 124 (the Moirai and the Nymphs), no. 134 (the subterranean gods and Tiberios Klaudios Pauleinos). 77

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the divine, by suggesting that the pilgrim had prayed to and perhaps seen the named god or gods during incubation. The story of divine contact required not only the identification of deity but also of the pilgrim. The pilgrim's name—a fundamental signifier of identity80—is inscribed on almost every dedication.81 This can be combined quite simply with a statement of the votive nature of the dedication, for example, cTatianos, a votive' (Tana- \ vos ^x^v) (Fig. 66).82 An inscribed small statue base dedicated to Kypris exceptionally brings attention to the fact that the name of the dedicant is withheld: "You know, Kypris, on whose behalf I declare that I shall make you in gold, and you know who the dedicant is, and for what I am grateful' (OloOa ^ceV, avrl TLVOS xPVG€avi Kv-\7rpi, cf>rjfjiL G€ review, \ oloda $e /cat, ris 6 Oeis, Kai TIVOS oiSa ^aptr) (Fig. 67).83 The viewer is tantalized by this glimpse into the conspiratorial understanding between dedicant and goddess. This playful dedication is unique among those in the Asklepieion in the way that it conceals the identity of the dedicant and the nature of the favour received: honorary and healing dedications on the contrary proclaim the names of the dedicants and honorands. Dedications made jointly by pilgrims give the viewer a glimpse into a joint experience of healing at the sanctuary, and indicate the social group of the pilgrim dedicant. For example, cSotas the second and Dionysia' dedicated a bronze plaque to Asklepios Soter in thanks for being saved (Fig. 68).84 Dedications put up on behalf of a relative evoke familial and social networks and also suggest the nature of the request which was put to the god in prayer or visionary contact. For example, Claudia Pantagathe set up a votive altar which was found in the rubble in front of the north portico, Tor her children to him who listens' (probably Asklepios) (virep reV^cov] CTT^KOWI) (Fig. 69);85 and in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios 'Aspasia daughter of Bokros' put up a statue of her grandson, described as "Herodes son of Demophilos, [and] son of Stratonike her daughter' (Fig. 70).86 In addition to references to family, pilgrims sometimes specified their city of origin. Examples in the Asklepieion include: 80

e.g. Achilles Tatius 6.16.5-6: Leukippe laments her total loss of identity after she has been kidnapped and sold as a slave; she specifically mentions the loss of her name as the ultimate loss of identity: CI am the daughter of the commander-in-chief of the Byzantines, the wife of the first in rank among the people of Tyre; no Thessalian I, and my name is not Lakaina: this is but another instance of the pirates' violence; my very name too has been stolen from me (AeATJcn-eujucu /cat rowo/xa).' 81 The exceptions are: AvP VIII,3, nos. 114,118,129, and 130. 82 AvP VTII.,3, no. 135 (found in 1933 in the middle of the wall of the south portico). See also nos. 136 and 137. Other inscriptions use the same formula and in addition specify the particular deity to whom the vow is being paid: AvP VIII,3, nos. 108, 109, nib, me, 112,113, and iisb. 83 AvP VTII,3, no. 129 (found in 1933 in the middle of the south portico). 84 AvP VIII,3, no. 81 (found in 1934 in the Asklepieion; the exact find spot is not recorded). 85 AvP VIII,3, no. 100 (found in 1932). 86 AvP VTII,3, no. 123 (found in 1933 in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios).

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

FIG. 66. Marble votive inscription dedicated by Tatianos. H: 13.5 cm, W: 7 cm (top) and 8 cm (bottom), D: 6 cm (top) and 7 cm (bottom). From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

245

246

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

FIG. 67. Inscribed marble base for a statuette dedicated to Kypris. H: 14 cm, W: 15.5 cm, D: 10 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

Troas,87 Nikaia,88 Antiocheia,89 Kos,90 Mylasa,91 Pergamon92 and Rhodes.93 On one level this information simply identifies the particular pilgrim who might share a name with another person from a different city. But in the context of the Asklepieion, these references also evoke stories of the dedicants5 arduous journeys of pilgrimage. 87

AvP VIII,3, no. 74 (found just north of the altar of the south temple of the old complex, in front of the theatre). 88 AvP VHI,3, nos. 75 and 76 (both found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion and first published in 1899). 89 AvP VHI,3, no. 78 (recorded by Hepding in 1904 in the garden of a house in Bergama). 90 AvP VTII,3, no. 88 (found in 1930 at the west end of the south portico). 91 AvP VHI,3, no. 102 (found in 1934 west of the sacred drawing well). 92 AvP VIII,3, no. 71 (find spot is recorded only as 'Bergama') and no. 125 (found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion; first published in 1899). 93 AvP VIII,3, no. 127 (recorded in 1905 in the garden of a house in Bergama—the same as no. 78).

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

247

FIG. 68. Bronze plaque dedicated by Sotas the second and Dionysia. H: 4.8 cm, W: 6.2 cm, D: 0.15 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

Some pilgrims chose to describe themselves in terms of their social or military rank, or occupation.94 There are examples of various Roman officials: a lictor to the proconsul of Asia,95 the treasurer of Lower Mysia,96 the public notary of the province of Asia,97 a corn supplier to the sixth legion,98 and a soldier of the first legion.99 These positions often suggest the reasons why the Roman pilgrims were in the province of Asia. Other pilgrims define themselves in the civic-religious Pergamene sphere as priests of other cults (apx^parevoavra \ ^tAoret^co? Kal a^iajs I vacov TWV lv IJepydfjico and ap^tepeu?),100 as a 'soothsayer3 (olwvcov rS[/Hs]),101 as "winner of the Asian games5 (aat[oyet]^?).102 There are also those, including both sanctuary officials and pilgrims, who define themselves by reference to the cult of Asklepios, both in votive dedications and in honorific 94

e.g. AvP VTII,3, nos. 67, 77, 79,106,120, and 125. AvP VTII,3, no. 67 (found in 1931 in the rubble of the library). 96 AvP VIII,3, no. 125 (first published in 1899, found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion). 97 AvP VTII,3, no. 107 (found in 1931 at the east end of the north portico). 98 AvP VIII,3, no. 106 (found in 1933 in the west side of the courtyard). 99 AvP VIII,3, no. 77 (first published in 1895, found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion). 100 e.g. AvP VIII,3, no. 20 (found in 1931 between the north portico and Roman bath, Fig. 27 no. 23), and no. 120 (found in 1932 in front of the north portico). 101 AvP VIII,3, no. 115 (found in 1930 east of the Asklepieion). 102 AvP VIII,3, no. 119 (found in 1933 by the sacred drawing well). 95

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CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

FIG. 69. Votive marble altar dedicated by Claudia Pantagathe. H: 23 cm, W: 22 cm, D: 15.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

monuments: as priests, agonothetes, and worshippers.103 Dedicants could also combine these kinds of autobiographical nuggets to create the image that they wished to present to the god and to their fellow pilgrims. By these means pilgrims located themselves within particular spheres—familial, social, geographical, 103 AvP VTII,3, nos. 45-62b, 71, 79,119,122, 133, and 140.

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

249

FIG. 70. Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by Aspasia daughter of Bokros in honour of her grandson Herodes. H: 6.7 crn, W: 16.3 cm, D: 23.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

occupational, cultic. Their dedications implicitly introduced these worlds into the world of the Asklepieion, and asserted their relevance. At the same time, weaving in references to civic life grounded and 'confirmed' the narratives of divine healing that the visual dedications constructed. Another aspect of the dedication which gave the pilgrim scope for selfexpression and self-definition was the language and style of the inscription. The majority of inscriptions are in Greek, but a few are in Latin.104 The Latin votive dedications tend to be made by Roman officials whose careers had brought them to Asia Minor. It is highly unlikely that such men could not speak Greek: instead they chose to use Latin in their dedications as a powerful cultural signifier of their Roman identity in a province of the empire. Conversely, other dedicants with Roman names and careers in the senate chose to make their dedications in Greek, the language of culture.105 The definition of'Greek3 and 'Roman5 in this period is, of course, not clear-cut. The use of Roman names by Greeks (something criticized by Apollonios in Philostratos' VitaApollonii) and the settlement of Roman families in Asia Minor for several generations make it difficult to draw conclusions about cultural affiliation on the basis of names alone.106 Two pilgrims with neither Greek 104

Votive inscriptions in Latin: AvP VIII,3, no. 67 (found in 1931 in the rubble of the library), no. 68 (found in 1930 in the middle of the cryptoporticus) and no. 107 (found in 1931 at the east end of the north portico); honorific inscriptions in Latin: AvP VIII, 3, no. 12 (found in 1930 east of the Roman bath), nos. 14 and 15 (both found in 1929 in the south-west corner of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios), and no. 16 (first published in 1902, said to have been found in the Asklepieion, exact find spot not recorded). 105 e.g. AvP VTII,3, no. 27 (found in 1936 in the north portico): the Roman general Julius Maior paid for the cost of an honorary statue for his friend Titus Julius Perseus, which the city of Pergamon had voted him, with a Greek dedicatory inscription. 106 Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 4.5.

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CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

nor Latin names, Tapari and Atiki, also make their dedications in Greek.107 These women may have had both an Asian (non-Greek) and a Greek cultural identity, and emphasized the latter in their choice of language. Lucian's cutting remarks about Glykon's oracles in Celtic and Syrian are perhaps indicative of the linguistic and cultural value system which pertained in the religious as well as other spheres.108 The style of the dedications is usually very concise, almost elliptical. This is unsurprising in view of the fact that inscribing stone was a time-consuming and costly process. Even longer inscriptions, such as that of Publius Aelius Theon, often adopt a succinct style of factual statement.109 The use of the third person further conveys a sense of objectivity. In the light of some of the miraculous cures described, this plain style boosts the credibility of the narratives. As explored in chapter two Aristides3 use of a plain style in the Hieroi Logoi may well be a subtle quotation from such miracle inscriptions.110 While a plain style is the norm, a small number of dedicatory inscriptions use poetic language and metre.111 In the dedication to Kypris, in which the name of the dedicant is withheld, the poetic metre and style, together with the witty content, are perhaps meant to imply a man of culture and education. Most memorably, style is used in autobiographical self-expression in the following inscription, found west of the sacred drawing well (Fig. 27 no. 22), near the incubation complex and the temple of Asklepios Soter; it is thought to have been part of a votive altar (Fig. 71): c . . . doctor of actors and | [ . . . ] Menoitas from Mylasa to Asklepios [ . . . ] sets up

full

of

gratefulness5

Mevoiras MvXaaevs ^.OKXrj7TLO)L

( [ - ^ - X -] ujr^p rjSe a>Ta>v OK^VIKWV I [-^- X -] [ - ^ - X - Ti\drjai (jivpiav €\a>v ^[aptjf. 112 The

de-

dicant identifies himself by his name and his city of origin, and also by his profession as a doctor of actors. His use of trochaic tetrameters, and the language of Attic drama, imitate the stage language of his patients.113 This style dramatizes an aspect of the dedicant's occupation by which he has chosen to define himself, and characterizes the doctor as a man of culture. The autobiographical dimensions of style in this dedication are paralleled by the orator Aristides5 choice of genre (hieros logos) and literary style. In many cases the dedicant5s autobiographical self-definition would also have been conveyed by means of imagery.114 For example, the social status and fashioning of the grandson of Aspasia, daughter of 107 AvP VIII,3, no. 89 (found in 1932 in the north portico) and no. nib (found in 1959 cin the courtyard3) (Fig. 72). 108 109 Alex. 51 (see above, chapter one, p. 62). Muller, 'Heilungsbericht'. 110 See above, chapter two, pp. 103-7. 111 e.g. AvP VIII,3, no. ii3b (find spot is not recorded) and no. 115 (found in 1930 east of the Asklepieion). 112 AvP VIII,3, no. 102 (found in 1934). 113 Compare e.g. Euripides, Alkestis 544: peOes pe, xat OOL ^vpiav e£cu x^PiV O^tme g° an^ I w ^ be full of gratitude to you'). 114 See R. R. R. Smith, 'Cultural choice and political identity in honorific portrait statues in the Greek East in the second century AD', JRS 88 (1998), 56-93.

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251

FIG. 71. Marble votive inscription thought to have been part of an altar, dedicated by a 'doctor of actors'. H: 11.5 cm, W: 83.5 cm, D: 34 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

Bokros, would also have been read in the visual language of the statue (which no longer survives). Text and image would have complemented each other in the narration of the story of dedication. A distinctive aspect of many Asklepian thank-offerings is the pilgrims' selfdefinition through a narrative of the extraordinary body—sick and miraculously healed. Most of the inscriptional narratives from the Pergamene Asklepieion are short and do not relate the details of the divine cures. They nevertheless assert a discourse of bodily healing and salvation from a variety of dangers with the following expressions: 'having been saved5 (acufleVre?),115 "having been saved in accordance with a command' (Kara (jwrayr][v\ \ acu#€iY),116 'having been saved from many dangers' (awOcls €K TroXXwv KivSvvwv)^17 'having been saved from many and great dangers' (e/c | [TroAjAcuF Kal p,€ydXwv KIV&VVWV ao^ei?),118 'for 115 AvP VIII,3, no. 63 (found in 1963 at the middle entrance of the basement of the south portico where it had been reused in repairs). 116 AvP VIII,3, no. 69 (found in 1932 in rubble in the middle of the north portico). 117 AvP VTII,3, no. 71 (the find spot is recorded as 'Bergama'). 118 Dedication of Aelius Theon lines 6-7 (Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht', 194).

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CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

Salvation5 (vrrtp aaj \ rr/ptas-),119 "having been cured5 (0e/xx776u0eis-,120 SepaTrevQel\ aa121), and "having been saved5 (awdeioa).122 The pilgrims often emphasize their gratitude by specifying that their offerings are in thanks with expressions such as: 'thank-offering5 (xaPiar^PiOV^2?>€^XCLPl(Jr'^PLV'>l24e^XaPL(J' I Trfpiov125) and cfull of gratefulness5 (^vpiav c'xwv x[api]i>).126 These formulae assert that the happy events are not chance occurrences, but favours bestowed by the god. Stories of contact, conversation, and mutual exchange between god and pilgrim are suggested by phrases such as: "having prayed5 (evgdfjievos)127 which conveys the story of the pilgrim addressing the god; ca votive5 (e^x^)128 which suggests that an agreement had been made between pilgrim and god; cin accordance with a command5 (Kara In nay rivj29 Kara awrayT^130) and cin accordance with the order of the god5 (Kara KeXevaw rov #eou)131 which imply obedience to a command given by the god, presumably in a dream vision; and cin accordance with a dream5 (/car5 ov€ipovS32Kar 6Va/o133) and cin accordance with the vision of a dream5 (Kara IWTTVLOV \ oifjiv)134 all of which clearly suggest the pilgrim's dream vision of the god.135

119

AvP VTII,3, no. 81 (found in the Asklepieion, the exact find spot is not recorded) and no. 125 (found in 1932 in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion). 120 AvP VIII,3, no. 126 (found in 1929, the find spot is not recorded). 121 AvP VIII,3, no. 87 (found in 1959 in the north room i). 122 AvP VTII,3, no. 9sb (found in 1931, in front of the north portico by the sacred drawing well). 123 AvP VHI,3, no. 65 (found in 1933 at me middle entrance to the south portico), no. 69 (found in 1932 in rubble in the middle of the north portico), no. 74 (found just north of the altar of the south temple of the old complex, in front of the theatre), no. 96 (find spot is not recorded), and no. 138 (found in 1933 at the middle entrance of the south portico). 124 AvP VTII,3, no. 81 (found in the Asklepieion, the exact find spot is not recorded) and no. 113 (found in 1934 in front of the door of the west portico). 125 AvP VTII,3, no. 88 (found in 1930 at the west end of the south portico). 126 AvP VTII,3, no. 102 (found in 1934 west of the sacred drawing well). 127 AvP VTII,3, no. 78 (recorded by Hepding in 1904 in the garden of a house in Bergama). 128 AvP VIII,3, nos. 70, 80, 82, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 99,106, 108-12, nsb, and 135-7. 129 AvP VIII,3, no. 72 (found in 1933 in the western side of the courtyard) and no. 139 (found in 1933 in the courtyard between the sacred drawing well and the Roman bath). 130 AvP VIII,3, no. 69 (found in 1932 in rubble in the middle of the north portico), no. 120 (found in 1932 in front of the north portico), and no. 123 (found in 1933 in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios). 131 Dedication of Aelius Theon line 6 (Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht', 194). 132 AvP VTII,3, no. 75 (found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion; first published in 1899), no. 76 (found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion; first published in 1899), no. 77 (first published in 1895, found in the barracks opposite the Asklepieion), no. 91 (find spot is not recorded), and no. 116 (found in 1934 in the courtyard, in front of the door of the west portico). 133 AvP VTII,3, no. 117 (found in 1934, the find spot is not recorded) and no. 127 (recorded in 1905 in the garden of a house in Bergama). 134 AvP VIII,3, no. 132 (found in 1932 in the middle of the north portico). 135 On Kar 6vap dedications see F. T. van Straten, 'Daikrates' dream: A votive relief from Kos, and some other kat'onar dedications', EABesch 51 (1976), 1-38.

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

253

Two votive dedications evoke more detailed stories of curative bodily suffering in accordance with the commands of Asklepios (Fig. 72): "Julius Meidi[as] set this up in accordance with a command having been bled underneath his muscle' ('/ouAios1 MeiSifas] | (/>Aej8oTO/x?7$etV | vrro rov /JLVOS Kara emrayrjv aveOr]K[e]).136 A longer votive inscription set up by Aelius Theon includes a description of the gruelling regimen recommended by the god for one hundred and twenty days (lines 3-6) (Fig. 73): c . . . for one hundred and twenty days not drinking, and at dawn each morning eating fifteen grains of white pepper and half an onion in accordance with the order of the god ...' ( . . . eKarov etVoat rj^epcov ^ TTIWV Kal (f)aywv ewOev €Kao~rrjs T^epa? XavKov m- \ rrepeos KOKKOVS SeAcajreVrc Kal KpofjiJJLVOV | [TJ]P,LGV Kara KeXevow rov Oeov.. .).137 Both these inscriptions create narratives of the body suffering and enduring not on account of sickness (though this is implicit), but on account of the will of the god. Within the confines of the Asklepieion at least, the dedicants chose to identify themselves through narratives of divinely suffering bodies. The god's takeover of their bodies through the treatments was paralleled by their claiming part of the space of the god with their dedication. Although the inscription of Aelius Theon was not found in the Asklepieion, it is highly likely that originally it would have been dedicated in the sanctuary.138 The holes at the back of the inscription for metal clips suggest that it was displayed by hanging it on a wall.139 Julius Meidias3 dedication was found in the courtyard of the Asklepieion between the sacred drawing well and the Roman bath (Fig. 27 nos. 22 and 23). In this case the marking of the pilgrim's body through cutting (bloodletting) is paralleled by the permanent marking of the god's landscape by the setting up of the votive inscription near his temple, where his cult statue stood, and near the incubation complex, where he appeared in dream visions. While these two dedications create permanent images of the sick and healed body in the Asklepieion by means of therapeutic narratives, a votive altar bearing a fragmentary inscription dedicated by Dione seems to allude to the image of a body in a different way (Fig. 74): cTo you, by far the greatest of the gods, Asklepios, Dione dedicated the silver mirror [...]' (ZW, ^yapiore Oea)v, [A0\KXrj7TL€, OrJKe A Lcovr] \ [apyvp6o]v ro Karorrrpov [. ..]/.. .N£2).140 Beyond the value and beauty of a silver mirror as an offering, its relevance surely was that it 'contained' the image of the body of the dedicant. The tentative restoration of the last extant line of the inscription, proposed by W. Peek, follows this line of thought: cin which I once knew well my body5 (eV o> rrore aw^a aa]' [ey]vco).141 136 AvP VIH,3, no. 139 (found in 1933 in the courtyard of the Asklepieion). 137 Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht', 194. 138 The inscription was found in 1983 during an extension of the main road of Bergama, near the city's post office. 139 14 Miiller, 'Heilungsbericht', 193-4. ° AvP VIII,3, no. ii3b (find spot is not recorded). 141 Sec AvP VIII,3, no. ii3b.

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CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

FIG. 72. Marble votive inscription dedicated by Julius Meidias. H: 17 cm, W: 18 cm, D: 3 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

This votive inscription is one of a number which list the dedication of other offerings to the god, effectively creating a double thank offering—the objects themselves and the inscription. The effect is to place particular emphasis on the thank-offerings, on the dedicanfs act of giving to the god. The dedicatory inscription to Kypris (Fig. 67) refers to the golden statuette which is thought to have actually stood on the stone base. This self-referential dedication emphasizes the material of the statue (xpvaedv), which is also an appropriate epithet for the goddess herself. The text of the inscription explains the meaning of the image and together they create a gift to thank and honour the deity. The description in the Hieroi Logoi of Aristides5 dedication of a silver tripod to Asklepios emphasizes the process of deciding on the most appropriate inscription to engrave on the object.142 In this case it is said to be the god himself who composes the inscription, and the thank-offering takes the triple form of literary text, physical object, and divinely inspired inscription. The votive altar dedicated by Oneso is inscribed with a story of dedication of a long list of objects (Fig. 75): To Asklepios, Hygieia, Koronis, Epione Oneso dedicated offerings in accordance with a command for Gemellos and Epaphroditos 142

H.L. TV,45 (see above chapter four, p. 201, and below p. 263).

CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

255

FIG. 73. Marble votive inscription dedicated by Publius Aelius Theon. H: 32.2 cm, W: 56 cm, D: 15.5 cm. Second century AD.

who appeared, she who had dedicated before five bronze statuettes, four silver statuettes, a ckuethos5, a golden ring, three pieces of clothing, an cothonion5, an image, a splint, [...] a whittled unguent flask, a writing tablet, and whatever else [ . . . ] of faith . . . 5 (AoKX^TTiWi c yytet[ai]| KopwviSi !f/77tov[t] | av€iK€v *0v7]ad> | [K]O,T' €7TiTCLyr]v tep[d] | virep F^eXXov [/cat] ^ETra^po^irov ITTL- \ ^>av€vr TJ TTpoava- \ 0€iO < a > xaXKLOL £aj§ia|e5, dpyupea 8', KveSov, [.] 7^, $CLKTV\IOV%pvcre| [o]v, ecr^Tyra^y 5 , a)^or[t-] | [o]i^, etVova, vapO^Ka, .EIAQMATA, £varov [X]r)Kv8ov, TTWCLKL- \3iov] KOLL oaaaAAa | [..7-8..] NKAITOI \ [..?..] 7TtaTeco[?-]).143 This inscription refers to the well-being of two people as the reason for the dedications, and implicitly constructs a story of Oneso's contact with the deities: the names of the gods evoke a story of contact between them and Oneso, cin accordance with a command5 ([/c]ar' eVtray^), specifies that Oneso was instructed by the gods to dedicate the altar, and cand whatever else5 (KCU ocra dAAa) seems to suggest that the objects were specifically requested by the deities. The identity of the gods as healing deities suggests that the offering is in thanks for health. Moreover, 143

AvP VIII,3, no. 72 (found in 1933 in the western side of the courtyard).

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CHOREOGRAPHY AND COMMEMORATION

FIG. 74. Marble votive stele dedicated by Dione. H: 26.5 cm, W: 28 cm, D: 7.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

many of the objects listed are specifically connected to the body (clothes, jewellery, images, medical equipment). The display of these actual objects'in the sanctuary would have evoked images of the bodies which they had adorned and which they had cured (now departed from the sanctuary). Two bronze bracelets were in fact found in the courtyard in the vicinity of the incubation chamber, and these may well have been worn prior to dedication (Fig. 76).144 The 'writing tablet5 (mvaKi- | [8iov]) referred to may well have told the story of the cure in 144

The bracelets are inscribed: (a) AvP VHI,3, no. 109: 'Julius to Asklepios a votive' (YorfAios AoKX-nmu evx^)- and (b) AvP VHI,3, no.mc: CAR. Agathoneike to Asklepios a votive'

(AP. AyadoveiKir} AoKX-^Tno)

etr^v).

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FIG. 75. Vlarble votive altar dedicated by Oneso. H: 28 cm, W: 18 cm, D: 17 cm. From he Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

words or images, while the votive altar constructed that story through the totality of its list. The taxonomic pleasure of exact recording and knowledge may have had particular resonance with pilgrims who experienced their sickness as their bodies out of their control. This same principle applied in reverse to the fragmentation of the body in body part dedications. The specification of the exact part of the body which was sick

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FIG. 76. Bronze bracelets dedicated to Asklepios (a) W: 2 cm, Diameter 5.5 cm; (b) H: 3.3 cm, Circumference c.iS cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

and then cured by the god may have restored to the pilgrim the sense of control over his or her body which the experience of sickness had challenged. Such dedications come in the form of inscribed text, sculptural image, or a combination of these. For example, Eueteria dedicated a votive altar to Asklepios Soter bearing the inscription (Fig. 77): cEueteria having been cured in her eyes to Asklepios the Saviour a VOtive5 (Ett^pia 6^SaX- \ pots 0€Pa<jr€vO€i- \ aa AoKXrjTTiwi Zurrjpi, 6uX^);145 while Tapari specified her eyes by an image, and in words only conveyed the votive nature of the dedication (Fig. 78): Tapari, to Asklepios, a votive5 (Tavapi Aa- \ ^mcS €trf ).™ This model of the combination of word and image in the construction of a miraculous healing narrative for a specific part of the body is also used in the dedications of 145 146

AvP VIII,3, no. 86 (found in 1930 on the north side of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios). AvP VIII,3, no. nib (found in 1959 in the courtyard).

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FIG. 77. Marble votive altar dedicated by Eueteria. H: 40 cm, W: 28 cm, D: 28 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

Proklos and Fabia Secunda (Figs. 79 and 80): To Apollo, Proklos, a votive3 (ATToXXcwi | FtpoKXos | e^x7?^)147 and £To Asklepios the Saviour Fabia Secunda in accordance with a dream' (AoKXrjTnco Ua>- \ rfjpi 0af$ia ZZKOVV- \ Sa KCLT ov€i).148 These dedications are perhaps best understood in the light of classification 147

AvP VIII,3, no. nsb (the find spot is not recorded). us AvP VIII,3, no. 91 (the find spot is not recorded).

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FIG. 78. Bronze votive plaque with eyes dedicated by Tapari. Rectangular plaque: H: 5.9 cm, W: 2.1 cm, D: 0.2 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

and 'conquest' of the sick and unknown body through the description of parts in words or images. The narrative fragmentation of the body of Joseph Merrick in the doctor Treves's account exemplifies this technique.149 The display of single body parts in Asklepieia visually fragmented the body; these dedications created stories of illness and cure, and offered pilgrims a sense of understanding and control over the sick body. The perception of the body fragmented in parts perhaps had particular resonance in the context of illness, which often manifests itself in specific parts of people's bodies. The choice of many pilgrims to make dedications of body parts rather than statues of their whole bodies may have been related to this experience of illness. Several passages in the HieroiLogoi describe Aristides5 bodily sufferings in terms of the dissolution of his body, such as the images of his teeth falling out of his mouth, and intestines hanging out of his body, while the theme of the fragmented body is prominent in a number of second-century texts belonging to 149

See above, chapter two, p. 114.

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26l

FlG. 79.

Bronze plaque with ears dedicated by Proklos. Rectangular plaque: H: 3.3 cm, W: 5.5 cm. 8.5 cm (total). From the sklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

a variety of genres, including novels and medical and physiognomical writings.150 One of the key ideas is the extent to which parts of the body can contain a person's identity; another is the process of constructing the whole person from a collection of parts. In dedications of body parts, which bore the names of the dedicants, pilgrims identified themselves with a part of their bodies; these 150

e.g. H.L. 1.27 (ordered to cut off a piece of his body, remitted), 62 (feels that his teeth are falling out), 63 (feels that his intestines are cold and hanging out); III.15 (ordered to remove his bones and tendons, remitted).

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FIG. 80. Bronze votive plaque with gilded ear dedicated by Fabia Secunda. H: 9 cm, W: 4.3 cm (top) and 7.3 cm (bottom), D: £.0.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

dedications conveyed narratives of the sick and miraculously healed body part and whole pilgrim. Within the new taxonomy of the Asklepieion the very part of the body which had been perceived as the locus of illness and pain became the miraculous part. Through these monuments pilgrims exalted those parts and made them signifiers of their identities as divinely favoured. The ordering of all the body parts in the god's sanctuary by means of display created a taxonomy for the ideal, miraculous body of the pilgrim. In the Asklepieion the totality of the fragmented parts could be constructed into an ideal miraculous whole body in the eye of the viewing pilgrim. The majority of votive dedications in Asklepieia commemorated aspects of the pilgrims' bodies—their sickness and miraculous cure. The status of the body as a signifier of the internal being (in physiognomical and medical thought) and the debate about the possibility of depicting the soul in an image of the body (of creating an image of the whole identity of the person) would suggest that representations of bodies in Asklepieia involved narratives not only of divine healing, but also of biography. Such narratives about the body were constructed both in words—texts which were mostly read outside the space of the Asklepieion, such as Aristides3 Hieroi Lqgoi—znd in visual monuments within the sanctuary, usually including both text in the form of an inscription and a plastic or figural representation. What informed the choice of genre and material for these dedications? In the Hieroi Lqgoi^ his literary thank-offering to Asklepios for health and success in

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oratory, Aristides mentions that he also made offerings of objects in the Pergamene sanctuary.151 For example, he relates that cas a thank-offering to the god and at the same time as a memorial of the choral performances3 (a^a ^ev rw Sea) xapiar^piov, a^a 8e fjLvrjfjieiov TWV %opcov) which he had given in the sanctuary at the god's request, he dedicated in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios a silver tripod with three gold statues of Asklepios, Hygieia, and Telesphoros at its feet and inscribed with ca divinely inspired inscription . . . "Not obscure among the Greeks, Aristides dedicated this, The glorious charioteer of everlasting words'5 3 (Oeiov eTTLypafjifjia . . . OVK a(f>avr)sf'EXX7]OLV ApioreiSris av€0r)K€v\ /JivOwv d€vdwv KVSi/xos- rjvioxos).152 In this case the choice of a tripod, the traditional prize in Greek festival competitions (including literary competitions), had a particular resonance as a thank-offering for, and commemoration of, Aristides' choral compositions in honour of the god. This physical object and its inscription would precisely make him visible (cnot invisible' OVK a^avifc) in the sanctuary after his departure. Within the narrative of the Hieroi Logoi this story emphasizes and commemorates Aristides' choral compositions, but more importantly displays the god's desire to honour the author and be intimately involved in his life. This occurs through the revelation to the privileged of the inside story of the process of making the dedication where the viewer in the temple would only see the final result. In Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios Aristides writes more generally of his use of the literary genre to thank Asklepios. He writes: Of course I am concerned to express my gratitude (x<*p^) and show my respect by means of sacrifice and incense, whether this takes place in keeping with Hesiod's advice or even with greater enthusiasm than my means allow. But the expression of gratitude through oratory (Adyos) appears particularly proper to me. For if in general the study of oratory means for man the point and, as it were, the sum of life, and of speeches those concerning the gods are the most necessary and just, and my career in oratory clearly is a gift from the god himself, there is no way more beautiful of showing gratitude to the god, I think, than through oratory, nor would I have a better use to which to put oratory.153

This passage makes clear that for Aristides logoi is the most appropriate form in which to give thanks to the god, because they are both the highest good and a particular gift to him from Asklepios. The Hieroi Logoi is thus a dramatization of the gift of oratory which Aristides claims to have received from the god; its very genre has autobiographical dimensions for him. The literary text was also the

151 153

AvP VIII,3, no. 145 is disputed; see above chapter two, pp.117-18. Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 2-3.

152

H.L. IV.45.

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ideal medium for a long narrative of a series of divine interventions for the benefit both of Aristides' health and his oratory; the visual monument, even if it included a long inscriptional narrative such as that of Julius Apellas in Epidauros, fundamentally froze only one incident of divine healing, one pilgrimage.154 Aristides emphasizes that he has been repeatedly saved by Asklepios, in contrast to other pilgrims who have been saved only once, or granted the gift only of a single healed limb.155 The Hieroi Lo0oi is a literary re-enactment of this series ofthaumata^ and at the same time a thank-offering for them. Elsewhere Aristides mentions pilgrims5 lists of gifts from the god, such as limbs saved, in both oral and visual form: But some, I mean both men and women, even attribute to the providence of the god the existence of the limbs of their body, when their natural limbs had been destroyed; and each lists different things, some thus in oral accounts, others setting them forth in votive offerings (01 i^ev 0,77-0 orofjiaros OVTWGL ^pa^ovre?, ol Se ev rots' a

This passage suggests that the activity of orally telling a story of the god saving a part of the body was comparable to making a dedication which visually — inscriptionally and sculpturally— narrated the same story. There are several references to the importance of discussions among incubants at Asklepieia, some of which specify that the subject was their dream visions and miraculous cures of their bodies.157 A reference to narrating stories of past sufferings within a group of travellers in Achilles Tatius5 Leukippe and Kleitophon suggests that the creation of autobiographical oral narratives of suffering had a communal therapeutic function: the community of travellers are said to be helped by listening to each other's stories of misfortune which resulted in their journey.158 An incident in

154

7G, IV2, i, no. 126, Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius i, testimony no. 432. Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16: 'I myself am one of those who, under the god's protection, have lived not twice, but many, various lives, and who on this account regard their disease as profitable, and who in addition have won approval, in place of which I would not choose all the so-called good fortune of mankind'; Oration 42 An Address RegardingAsklepios 6-7: 'Some say that they have been resurrected when they were dead, and their stories are accepted, of course, and it is an old practice of the god. I have received this service not only once, but it is not even easy to say how often... For us it is not only a part of the body, but it is the whole body which he has formed and put together and given as a gift, just as Prometheus of old is said to have fashioned man'. See also H.L. 11.37 and IV.p. 156 Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 7. 157 e.g. Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 568 (see above, pp. 231-2), and Aristides, Oration 42 An Address Regarding Asklepios 9: 'Indeed some men tell stories about their endurance (KapT€pr)a€i<s eaurcuv dnrjyovvrai) and all the different things which they withstood under the god's leadership ...' 158 Achilles Tatius 7.2. The novel itself is cast as an autobiographical narrative; see B. P. Reardon, 'Achilles Tatius and ego-narrative', in S. Swain, ed., Oxford Readings in The Greek Novel (Oxford, 1999), 243-58. 155

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Chariton's Kallirhoe further suggests that the narration of one's past life story was an integral part of self-definition in the present: Dionysios persistently questions Kallirhoe to tell him not only her name but also the full story of her past.159 The function and effect of visual votive dedications in Asklepieia was predicated on their containment of the identity of the dedicant. This occurred in two main ways: firstly through the votive offering's evocation by means of image or inscribed text of the pilgrim's body (a signifier of the soul), and secondly through its narration (again by the same means) of a story of the pilgrim's past. Such autobiographical visual dedications in the sanctuary were on display to all viewers, whereas literary thank-offerings were only available to a select audience—determined either by literacy or by presence at a particular reading or performance of the piece.160 Although the visual monuments were dedicated to the god, they also implicitly addressed other pilgrim viewers. Just as in procession incubants' bodies were offered to Asklepios and at the same time were viewed by other incubants and pilgrims, so representations of incubants' bodies in visual dedications were permanently offered to Asklepios and at the same time were displayed to other incubants and pilgrims. By setting up their votive dedications the pilgrims physically claimed the god's sanctuary with representations of their bodies, while at the same time, these images and narratives were viewed within the context of sacred space. In this sense narratives of the body and the buildings of the god mutually imparted meaning to each other and created the landscape of the Asklepieion. Similarly, the buildings donated by Pactumeius Rufinus, Flavia Melitine, Claudius Charax, and Octacilius Pollio also claimed sections of the god's space and simultaneously shaped it. The donors' identities were represented on the very buildings through named inscriptions and, certainly in the case of Flavia Melitine, in the form of a statue by the entrance to the library (Fig. 61). Whereas these individuals associated themselves with whole buildings in Asklepios' sanctuary, others were only able to afford part of a building: Tiberius Licinius Ca- [ . . . ] offered either a small passage or a window c to Asklepios the saviour' (AoKXrjTnwi Uwrjjpi) in the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, and he simultaneously claimed it by displaying his name by it (Fig. 8i).161 In addition to the mutual influence of the votive dedication and the space of the sanctuary, in the eye of the viewer dedications also 'interacted' with each other through proximity of display. The Pergamene Asklepieion was not unusual in its display of thank-offerings for healing next to other honorary dedications set up by 159

Chariton 2.5.4-12. H.L. IV. 30 (appears to describe the divinely inspired reading ofH.L. Ill to a group of friends in the Asklepieion for the relief of Aristides' toothache); IV.43-4 (the performance of Aristides' choral hymns in the Asklepieion). 161 AvP VTII,3, no. 73 (found in 1929, approximately twenty metres south of the front steps of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, at the east end of the south portico). 160

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FIG. 81. Inscribed marble fragment which probably crowned a small passage or window of the temple of Zeus-Asklepios, dedicated by Tiberius Licinius Ca-[... ]. W: 135 cm, D: 65 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon.

the city to commemorate benefactors and officials (local and imperial).162 This phenomenon can perhaps be seen in terms of the competition of civic and religious discourses, but very often these aspects are combined in the benefactions giving rise to the dedications. For example, the official positions of priest and agonothete evidently had both sacred and civic dimensions, and Julius Antoninus Pythodorus (euergete at the Epidaurian Asklepieion) is honoured in the Pergamene Asklepieionc... on account both of his reverence towards the god and of his goodwill towards the city5 (. . . rrjs re els rov Oeov cvacfleias ev€Ka Kal rrjs eis

TTJV TToXiv ewoias-)-163 In another example a statue of the emperor Marcus Aurelius (which does not survive) was accompanied by an inscription which used the epithet 'saviour3 (owrrjp) both for the emperor and for the god Asklepios, and the manner of description of the city of Pergamon emphasizes both its civic and religious (in particular Asklepian) aspects: cthe metropolis of Asia and the first to hold the neokorate twice, city of the Pergamenes and only (?) city of the Saviour Asklepios5 (\fj\

[^rp}6TroXiS TJJS A[a(as] \ Kal Sis] veajKopos 7Tpa)r[rj]

\ [/cat fjiovr)?

r]ov Zairfipos AO[K\TI-\ \ [TTLO]V Hepya^vcov ir[6Xis\).164 The integration of religious, civic, and imperial discourses is also clearly evident in the statue of Hadrian in the library, in which the reigning emperor is pronounced a god through imagery and inscription (Figs. 59 and 60).165 Naturally such monuments only express the central and pervasive presence of religion in Graeco-Roman culture as a whole. The continuum of sacred-secular viewing, traced in chapter four and exemplified in Pausanias5 description of the sanctuary of Dionysos at Tanagra, is a 162 AvP vm,3, nos. 3-62b. For dedications to priests and staff at the sanctuary see AvP VTII,3, nos. 45-55; the base of the honorific statue of Julius Antoninus Pythodorus, AvP VIII,3, no. 23 (found in 1932 in front of the north portico opposite the theatre); on the latter see above chapter one, n. 18. 164 AvP VTII,3, no. 10 (found in 1932 in front of the north portico; dated to the year AD 162); lines 9 and ii ('saviour3, ato-r^p). 165 See above chapter four, pp. 207-16. 163

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fundamental aspect of this phenomenon.166 But some distinctions can be made: in the Pergamene Asklepieion in particular, honorific monuments which combined civic and religious dimensions were displayed next to votive dedications conveying narratives of pure miraculous healing, such as that of Julius Meidias. The reception of otherwise familiar honorary civic monuments would have been conditioned by this viewing context: they would have been seen through the prism of the new taxonomy of the world of the Asklepieion, which constructed sick as favoured, and asserted the presence of the divine and the miraculous. At the same time, their display in the sanctuary could be interpreted as implying the city's acceptance and approval of these events. All monuments on display in the sanctuary can be seen as a sculptural community mutually imparting meaning. There was considerable variety in these monuments, and this is reflected in descriptions of the objects on display at sanctuaries, for example, in the De Dea Syria the disparate collection of bronze statues of priests, kings, and mythological figures in the courtyard of the temple of Atargatis.167 The viewing culture of the Pergamene Asklepieion was dominated by discourses of miraculous healing, and the range of monuments was interpreted within this alternative microcosm. Civic and imperial memorials were transformed in this environment, as well as images associated with Classical Greek culture. The busts of fifth- and fourth-century BC Greek intellectuals (Sokrates(?), Euripides, Antisthenes, Xenophon) from the Via Tecta conveyed the ideals of Classical philosophy, drama, and history to the pilgrims on their arrival (Figs. 25-8).168 The images asserted the presence of the Greek Classical past in the Roman empire of the second century AD, and could be interpreted as bestowing the sanction of Classical culture on the miraculous activities within the Asklepieion. At the same time their presence at the Asklepieion among the stone and real pilgrims polemically constructed them within this atemporal community of pilgrims. Demosthenes, another prominent fourth-century BC Athenian, was depicted in the Asklepieion in a votive monument set up by Polemon. Phrynichos the grammarian mentions that the statue, which no longer survives, was made of bronze.169 A statue base, found in front of the north portico, opposite the theatre and close to the Roman bath, bears the following inscription (Fig. 82): 'Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Paianaia [set up by] Polemon in accordance with a dream' (A^fjiooOev^v Ar)p,oo6€vov$ \ Flaiavica UoXefJiajv Kara 6Vap).170 As discussed above, the phrase cin accordance with a dream' (Kara Svap) frequently occurs in dedications to Asklepios, including dedications of body parts in thanks for divine healing. It does not necessarily follow that Polemon saw Demosthenes 167 See above, chapter four, pp. 165-6. Lucian, De Dea Syria 39-40. See above, chapter four, pp. 172, AvP XI,4, 102-4. 17 E. Fischer, Die Ekloge des Phrynichos (Berlin, 1974), 104-5. ° AvP VTII,3, no. 33.

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FIG. 82. Inscribed marble statue base dedicated by Polemon in honour of Demosthenes. H: 104 cm, W: 40.5 cm, D: 40.5 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD.

in a dream, as M. Gleason has suggested:171 in the context of the Asklepieion and the other dedications on display inscribed with the same expression, it would probably have been interpreted as a dream connected to Asklepios, which had occurred in the sanctuary. In this way Demosthenes was associated with divine 171

Gicason, Making Men, 25.

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dream revelation. He was also specifically associated with the dedicant, Polemon, who presented himself as the recipient of the dream. The identification of Demosthenes solely by his patronymic and his Athenian demotic asserts Polemon's proximity to and familiarity with Classical Athens generally and in particular with Demosthenes, who was generally considered to be its greatest orator.172 Philostratos writes that Polemon 'impersonated5 Demosthenes in several declamations.173 Through the claim to personal divine revelation Polemon associated his own identity with Demosthenes and in so doing polemically reconstructed the fourth-century orator. The story which Philostratos tells of Polemori's death— that he committed suicide when he was too ill to declaim—suggests that his identity as orator was of paramount importance to him.174 His dedication of the statue of Demosthenes instead of the more usual offering of a body part is in keeping with this construction of his self-identity. The statue of Demosthenes was associated with Asklepian revelation and with Polemon not only through its dedicatory inscription, but also through the viewing context of the Asklepieion since it was put up next to monuments set up in thanks for miraculous healing. In the Hieroi Lqgoi Demosthenes and other fifth- and fourth-century BC intellectuals (including Antisthenes whose portrait was displayed on the Via Tecta) are explicitly associated with Asklepian revelation in dream narratives.175 Just as dedicants were able to people the Asklepieion with images of particular individuals, so Aristides is able to introduce famous individuals (living and dead) in the world of the Hieroi Logoi^ and polemically fashion them as elements in the miraculous narrative.176 Votive dedications on display at Asklepieia functioned as testaments of the god's favours to dedicants.177 In an epigram by Kallimachos a tablet dedicated to Asklepios is imagined as bearing witness to the dedicant's fulfilment of his vow to 172 por a discussion of the choice of the demotic sccAvP VIII,3, 75-6. 173 In the Vitae Sophistarum 542-3 Philostratos writes in general about 'the Demosthenic flavour of his thought' (TO ArjfjioadeviKov rf)<s yvcoju/^?), and he singles out 'the speech in which Demosthenes swears he did not accept fifty talents' as evidence of Polemon's excellent defensive oratorical skills. 174 Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum 543-4. 175 e.g. H.L. 111.33 (Antisthenes' On use of Wine features in a revelatory dream directing Aristides on how much wine to drink), I.i6 (Aristides impersonates Demosthenes in a dream), IV.I5 and IV.iS (Aristides is commanded to speak like Sokrates, Demosthenes, and Thucydides; Maximus the African proposes the subject 'While Alexander is in India Demosthenes advises that it is time to act', and Aristides accepts it as an omen), IV.24 (Asklepios recommends to Aristides which of the ancients to study, 'and after that day they all appeared to me almost as comrades through the god's introduction'), IV.59 ('it came about that I viewed (vTT-fjp^e fjiOL 0eaaaa#cu) all the other ancients who were most famous in literature, both prose writers and poets alike'; he sees Lysias when he has a fever) and IV.6o-i (Aristides dreams that Sophokles comes to his house). 176 In particular H.L. IV.i5-i8. On the choice of text or statue for the portrayal of famous men see the dream narrative in H.L. ¥.63. 177 e.g. Plutarch, De Pythiae Oraculis 4o8F-4O9A (votives adduced as proof of the truth of the Pythia's pronouncements).

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the god: cKnow, Asklepios, that you have received the debt which Akeson owed you by his vow for his wife Demodike. But if you forget and demand payment again, the tablet says it will bear witness (TrapegeaOai ^apTvpi^v)^ As they walked around the sanctuary pilgrims were visually confronted by narratives of divine healing which evidenced past cures and evoked the presence of past pilgrims. In his description of the most notable features of the Asklepieion at Epidauros Pausanias mentions the stelai of ancient inscriptions listing the god's cures (the "miracle inscriptions5 which still survive and are dated to the second half of the fourth century Be):179 Within the enclosure stood slabs; in my time six remained, but of old there were more. On them are inscribed the names of both the men and the women who have been healed by Asklepios, the disease also from which each suffered, and the means of cure. The dialect is Doric.180 Pausanias locates the stelai within the sanctuary, and implicitly within their viewing context in the sacred enclosure. His description of the sanctuary as a whole includes references to a mixture of artistic and religious features amongst which are the famous cult statue by Thrasymedes, the extraordinary tholos^ works of art by Pausias, and an inscription recording a dedication by the mythical Hippolytos.181 His statement that the six stelai then in front of him on display were but the remnants of a larger corpus ofiamata suggests that the fragmentary records of the present are only a glimpse into a past rich in miraculous cures. It has a similar function to Aristides5 statements in the Hieroi Logoi about the loss of some of his dream diaries recording Asklepios5 manifestations and cures.182 Both this passage from the Description of Greece and Aristides5 Hieroi Lqgoi suggest a past when healing miracles were more common: even Aristides, who emphasizes the extraordinary divine favours he has received and continues to receive in the present, concurs with the tradition that in the Pergamene Asklepieion one hundred years earlier Asklepios used to perform more cures than he does now.183 The passage from Pausanias5 description of the Epidaurian stelai does not explicitly claim that the cures listed on the stelai actually happened. However, the simple expression cof both men and women . . . healed by Asklepios5 (/cat avSpcov Kal yvvaiK&v . . . dKeoOevrwv VTTO AoK\j]TTiov) implicitly asserts their truth. Moreover, in view of the miraculous

178

Kallimachos, Epigmmmata 55 (translation Edelstein and Edelstdn^Asclepius i, testimony no. 522). R. Herzog, Die Wunderheilungen von Epidauros. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der JVLedizin und der Religion (Leipzig, 1931), LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions^ and M. Girone, ed., lamata,: Guaripfioni mirtuolose diAsclepio in testi epigmfici (Bari, 1998). 181 iso Pausanias 2.27.3. Pausanias 2.27.2-4. 182 183 H.L. II.3, II.8, and 111.26; see above, chapter three, pp. 127-8. H.L. IV.64. 179

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nature of the stories related on the stelai, Pausanias' plain description of them, including the factual detail that they were written in Doric dialect, is striking. Whereas Aristides emphasizes the miraculous nature of Asklepios' activity, Pausanias plays it down. His very reticence on the miraculous nature of the stories listed on the stelai would, however, bolster their credibility for some readers. His description of the narratives as lists of names together with the disease and the cure selects the most important elements of Asklepian votive dedications: identity through name, narrative of past disease, and narrative of miraculous cure which links the past (when the cure occurred) to the dedicant's conceptual present and future (when the effects of the cure were manifested). Past and future biographical narratives of the dedicant are relived in the viewer's present. Two consecutive stories from the stelai mentioned by Pausanias indicate the importance of viewing votive dedications in healing pilgrimage:184 A man who was paralysed in all his fingers except one came as a suppliant (iWras) to the god. When he was looking (Oecopwv) at the plaques (mWfcas) in the sanctuary, he didn't believe in the cures and was somewhat disparaging of the inscriptions (dmaret rots idjuaaiv KCLI V7ro$L6Ovp€ ra emypdjUjLia-1 [r] a). Sleeping here he saw a

vision (OI/JLV e?Se). It seemed he was playing the knucklebones below the temple, and as he was about to throw them, the god appeared, sprang on his hand and stretched out the fingers. When the god moved off, the man seemed to bend his hand and stretch out his fingers one by one. When he had straightened them all, the god asked him if he would still not believe the inscriptions on the plaques around the sanctuary (el €TL aTTlOTTJGoi TOIS CTTLypafJifJiaOlTOL'S

€7Ti TOJfJL TTiVOLKOJV Ta)V\KOLTa TO tepov)

and he answered no. Therefore, since you doubted them before, though they were not unbelievable, from now on,5 he said, cyour name shall be "Unbeliever" (^TTICTTOS).' When day came he left well. Ambrosia from Athens, blind in one eye. She came as a suppliant (ifcc'ris) to the god. Walking around the sanctuary, she ridiculed some of the cures as being unlikely and impossible (TWV layidrwv riva Sieye'Aa d>s aTrldava KOLI a8vva-\[ra eovjra), the lame and the blind becoming well from only seeing a dream (ZVVTTVLOV l^6v-\[ras ^6}vov). Sleeping here, she saw a vision (6'i/w e?
184

LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions ^ 86-9 [A 3-4 lines 22-41] (text and translation).

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At the outset both individuals are described by reference to their illness and to their pilgrim status, as suppliants in the sanctuary of Asklepios. Both pilgrims are said to view votive offerings on display: in the first story the use of the term Oecopwv ('looking') linguistically links the activity of viewing with the process of pilgrimage, theoria^ while in the second Ambrosia is explicitly said to walk around the sanctuary looking at the dedications.185 Both pilgrims fail to read the dedications correctly; in the case of Ambrosia, physical blindness underlines her inability to read the images and narratives correctly. It is precisely by seeing a vision of Asklepios (o^iv efSe) that the pilgrims5 ability correctly to understand the dedications is achieved; again, in the case of Ambrosia this is emphasized by the cure of her blind eye. The god's punish ment of these doubters involves an intervention in their identities: he gives the name "Unbeliever5 ('A-moras) to the man, and he insists that Ambrosia's dedication by which she will be remembered in the sanctuary is an image of a pig, a symbol of stupidity and lack of perception. Within the Asklepieion, and even beyond it in the case of "Unbeliever5, whose original name is significantly withheld in the narrative, the identities of these people are changed to reflect the fact that they failed in a vital aspect of Asklepian pilgrimage—proper viewing of votive dedications. Such didactic narratives played a part in creating an appropriate culture of viewing thank-offerings for miraculous healing.186 In Asklepieia one of the effects of displaying old votive offerings would have been the evocation of a sense of a plethora of past miraculous cures in the very space where the viewers stood. As viewers of these biographical narratives of the past, and potentially as dedicants of new narratives, pilgrims joined the "imagined community' of the miraculously healed.187 The pilgrims' goal was to inscribe their own story into the miraculous history of the sanctuary, and to become the viewing object of subsequent pilgrims. The activity of viewing votive dedications was not of course confined to healing sanctuaries.188 Passages in Achilles Tatius5 Leukippe and Kleitophon suggest that such viewing

185

On theoria see I. Rutherford, Theoria and darsan: pilgrimage and vision in Greece and India', CQ 50.1 (2000), 133-46. 186 M. Dillon, 'The didactic nature of the Epidaurian iarnata', ZPE 101 (1994), 239-60. 187 This phrase is borrowed from B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections of the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991). 188 e.g. Pausanias 5.12.4-8 (votive offerings in the temple of Zeus at Olympia), 5.21-7 (votive offerings in the Altis at the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia), Plutarch, De Pythiae Oraculis 394E (reference to guides conducting the visitor around the votive dedications at Apollo's oracle at Delphi); Lucian, De Dea Syria 10 ('ancient votive dedications and many marvels' are amongst the noteworthy features of the sanctuary); Chariton 3.5.3 (Chaireas comes to the shrine of Aphrodite and recognizes the votive dedication which Dionysios has set up—a golden statue of Kallirhoe).

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of images could involve detailed imaginative readings.189 The display of exegetical inscriptions by paintings or sculptures dedicated to the gods invited viewers to read narratives into images with the guidance of the texts. It has been argued that the Epidaurian 'miracle inscriptions' were themselves an official compilation of exegetical inscriptions which originally had glossed wooden plaques depicting scenes of miraculous healing.190 In their writings both Pausanias and Arrian demonstrate the second-century practice of concurrent readings of images and accompanying inscriptions: for example, in the Periplous of the Engine Sect Arrian comments both on the question of the likeness of a statue of Hadrian to the emperor and on its accompanying inscription.191 Such approaches were of course confined to literate viewers. Interestingly, however, in Herodas' third-century BC poem dramatizing a pilgrimage to the Asklepieion at Kos the two women who say that they cannot afford to sacrifice a pig to Asklepios are nevertheless able to read inscriptions on votive dedications.192 Their interest is taken both by the aesthetic aspects of the sculptural dedications (their naturalism), and the story behind the dedication, including the identity of dedicator and artist. Priests and guides at sanctuaries may have been seen as expert interpreters of dedications, and the practice of initiate viewing of images at the oracle of Trophonios at Lebadeia suggests a circle of privileged readers and viewers.193 A votive bronze snake from the Pergamene Asklepieion with a series of unrecognizable symbols inscribed on its back seems to be addressed to an exclusive group, or perhaps even to the god alone (Fig. 83).194 Exegetical and discursive approaches to the viewing of visual votive dedications seem to have coexisted and indeed competed with direct recognition of divine immanence in the dedications themselves. These approaches have been explored in chapter one in relation to oracles, the figure of the thews aner^ and cult images. In the De Pythiae Oraculis Plutarch dramatizes an exchange between Philinos and Boethos (an Epicurean mathematician) on the nature of votive dedications at Delphi: 189

Achilles Tatius 1.2 (in the temple of Astarte), 3.6-8 (temple of Zeus of Mount Cassius at Pelusium— paintings of Andromeda and Prometheus), 5.3-4 (painting of Prokne and Philomela; theory of interpreting a picture as a prophetic sign). 190 LiDonnici, Miracle Inscriptions^ 40-75, and 'Compositional background of the Epidaurian iamata', AJP 113 (1992), 25-41. 191 On Pausanias see K. W. Arafat, 'Pausanias' attitude to antiquities', BSA 87 (1992), 387-409, at 397, and Ch. Habicht, Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece (Berkeley, CA, 1998), at 64-94. Arrian, Periplous i. 192 Herodas, Mimiamboi 4, lines 14-17 and 21-5. 193 Pausanias 9.39.8 ('After looking at the image which they say was made by Daidalos (it is not shown by the priests save to such as are going to visit Trophonios), having seen it, worshipped, and prayed, he proceeds to the oracle...'). 194 AvP no. i6ob (found in 1958 in the Asklepieion; the exact find spot is not recorded) and E. Grumach, 'Epigraphische Mitteilungen', Kadmos 4 (1965), 173-7, at 176-7.

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FIG. 83. Bronze votive snake. L: 39 cm. From the Asklepieion of Pergamon. Second century AD. I should say that among votive offerings also, those dedicated here have movement and significance in sympathy with the god's foreknowledge, and no part of them is void or insensible, but all are filled with the divine spirit (aAAa 7T€7rX7Jo9aL Trdvra OeLorrjros).

Tes indeed5, said Boethos. 'It is not enough to incarnate the god once every month in a mortal body (rov Oeov els aeo/xa KaOeipyvvvai dvrjrov),

but we are bent upon incorporating him into every bit of stone and bronze (aAAa /cat Ai#a> rravrl KOLL ^aA/co) ovfjifivpaoofjiev aurov), as if we did not have in Chance or Accident an agent responsible for such coincidences.'195

This exchange suggests the variety of approaches open to viewers of votives at Delphi, including the recognition that in some sense they 'contain' the god even beyond his manifestation during oracular consultation, and simultaneously that the precise location of the divine in inspired humans and material objects demeans the divine. In the context of the Pergamene Asklepieion the suggestion of divine presence in votive dedications is conveyed by statements that the particular kind of dedication had been ordered by the god (for example, cin accordance with a command5, Kara e^tray?^, Kara Gvvrayrjv^ cin accordance with a dream3, KOLT oveipov) and by an explicit reference in the Lex Sacm to the possibility that the god might ask pilgrims for something else in addition to the normal fees.196 In this way the visible dedication was claimed to reflect the will of the god as revealed to the pilgrim. In this sense it was a visual dramatization of the pilgrim's contact with the divine and gave other viewers access to that encounter. References in the inscriptions to Asklepios as cmost present5 and 'listening5 (eVi^aWaraTos, CTT^KOOS) further suggested the god5s epiphany and conversation with the pilgrim dedicant.197 In these ways dedications gave the viewer a glimpse 195 197

196 Plutarch, DePythiae Oraculis 398A-B. See above p. 252; Lex Sacra lines 33-4. See above pp. 243 and 231-2 (references to conversations between pilgrims and the god).

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into the past pilgrim's dream vision which had taken place nearby in the incubation chamber. Dedications could be read as a collection of fragmented signs which together constructed a narrative of the visionary world within the sanctuary. The tradition of depicting what the pilgrim had seen during a divine epiphany was well established, and Pausanias mentions that at Lebadeia 'those who have descended into the shrine of Trophonios are obliged to dedicate a tablet on which is written all that each has heard or seen.'198 In the context of healing cults in particular, fifth- and fourth-century BC Attic votive reliefs dedicated to Asklepios and Amphiaraos display not only the epiphany of the god but also his interaction with the pilgrim.199 Votive dedications depicting body parts suggested an even more intense 'embodiment' of divine charisma within the object itself and the actual body of the pilgrim.200 Visual votive dedications in healing sanctuaries were distinctive in their focus on the person and body of the individual pilgrim. The permanent display of such testaments of personal bodily miracles created an atemporal community of the miraculously healed. Whereas the pilgrim's journey to and around the sanctuary as an expression of an approach to the god was temporary, the visual dedication remained in the sanctuary after departure. Deity and pilgrim were permanently united in the dedication and in its display within the god's space. Each dedication, in effect an 'extended pilgrimage', offered itself as a model to the succession of pilgrims in search of transformational healing. 198

Pausanias 9.39.14. e.g. relief dedicated by Archinos from the Amphiareion at Oropos, Athens National Museum no. 3369. 200 See A. Petsalis-Diomidis, 'Amphiaraos present: images and healing pilgrimage in Classical Greece', in R. Maniura and R. Shepherd, eds., Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects (Aldershot, 2006), 205-29, at 209-11. 199

CONCLUSION This book has brought together for the first time a broad range of evidence relevant to healing pilgrimage at Pergamon in the second century, including literary, epigraphical, numismatic, sculptural, and archaeological evidence. This material is not new, but has until now been examined in isolation. One of the major reasons for this lies in the entrenched division between Classical literary and archaeological disciplines. This division goes as far back as the inception of Classical scholarship and it is still strong. I hope that this book contributes to bridging the divide. It is not only a matter of the range of evidence I have used, but also of the fundamental approach which sees materiality as an integral aspect of culture. So this study has focused on the way in which material objects, topography, and the human body itself are imbued with cultural meaning. Related to this issue has been the question of how materiality constructs and intersects with subjective experience, and in particular its role in the individual's encounter with the divine. The material evidence examined in this book has until now broadly been interpreted within the framework of the official cuse5 of religion for civic selfdefinition and promotion. Personal experiences within the topography and in relation to votive objects have been marginalized. At the same time the texts about religion have tended to be interpreted in a straightforward manner, without sufficient regard for their normative nature and the highly polemical context of their production. So, Plutarch's and Pausanias5 restrained picture of elite religion and Lucian's caricature of a debased popular religion have been accepted as two sides of the same coin. The text with which I have been most concerned, Aristides5 Hieroi Logoi^ has resolutely not fitted into this mould, being both elite and displaying popular features, in particular religious conviction and the theatrical enactment of religious activities. The tendency has been to explain this text away as a bizarre aberration in Aristides5 mainstream, if uninspiring, oeuvre. It is not an exaggeration to say that Aristides himself is often viewed as a lunatic. By bringing the material and literary evidence together this book has offered a new understanding of religion in the second century AD. Aristides' text has been shown to fit comfortably into the religious and cultural movements of the time. This has been accomplished by contextualizing the man and his text in the cultural discourses of the body and travel, and in the spatial and ritual framework of the Pergamene Asklepieion. Once the text is accepted as engaging with broader religious and cultural trends it speaks eloquently against a simplistic and absolute elite/popular religious divide. By reading the Hieroi Logoi together

CONCLUSION

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with the material evidence from Pergamon a much more interesting and complex story emerges, one in which intense encounters with the divine are intertwined with high elite literary culture and other important discourses, such as those about the body and travel. This challenges the dominant discourse of Hellenic rationalism (and the occasional and marginal 'irrational'), and instead paints a subtler picture of religious praxis and experience informed and intertwined with other central aspects of Graeco-Roman culture. The rehabilitation of the Hieroi Lq0oi from the fringe to the cultural centre opens avenues for further work on this fascinating text. Its relationship to the rest of Aristides' oeuvre has hardly been explored and will no doubt cast further light on the interconnection of religious experience and expression with other aspects of Graeco-Roman public oratory and discourse. The material and epigraphic evidence from Pergamon has in turn been illuminated and vivified by reading it against Aristides' text. In addition to the blueprint of pilgrimage set out by the Lex Sftcra we have an individual pilgrim's narrative of his experience within and beyond the sanctuary. The official choreography of the sanctuary, including incubation in incubation chambers and carefully planned processions, needs to be seen side by side with Aristides' divinely inspired incubations all around the sanctuary and his naked running around the three central temples smeared in mud. The Hieroi Logoi suggests a vibrant religious life within the sanctuary, and a high degree of freedom and improvisation despite the precise formulations of the Lex Sacra. In Christian pilgrimage sites from the Medieval and modern periods there is often evidence for such unauthorized behaviour among poorer pilgrims, so-called popular religion. Evidence for poorer pilgrims is minimal in the case of Pergamene Asklepieion. While Aristides was certainly not poor, his text provides evidence for this kind of challenge to official attempts to control religious behaviour. Aristides and the Hieroi Lqtjoi are unique and the combination of healing and oratory may have been highly unusual; however, it provides us with evidence for the creative and personal ways in which the space of the Asklepieion was experienced, and we can imagine a multitude of such individual experiences and encounters occurring there. The focus of this book has been on the sanctuary of Asklepios at Pergamon, and to an extent on one particular pilgrim, Aelius Aristides. Beyond the multiplicity of pilgrim experiences at Pergamon there was also variation between sanctuaries of Asklepios in the Greek world. This diversity encompassed their geographical location, their foundation myths, rituals and the communities of pilgrims they attracted. The sanctuary at Pergamon offered significantly different experiences from those of other Asklepieia such as Epidauros or Messene; and in each case these were realized in partnership with each individual pilgrim.

278

CONCLUSION

Healing pilgrimage was an important phenomenon in Graeco-Roman culture, and not a fringe activity. This emerges not only from the engagement of a pilgrim's account with central discourses of the time, but also from the civic effort and expense spent on the rebuilding of the sanctuary of Asklepios at Pergamon. Healing pilgrimage is one aspect of religious life; religion as a whole was a central aspect of Second Sophistic culture. This is increasingly being recognized in Second Sophistic scholarship. Religion is taking its place on the Second Sophistic stage next to athletics, literature, and language in the vibrant performances of Greek identity. This in itself is significant, and changes our understanding of Graeco-Roman culture. It could even be argued that the profound and personal nature of religious experience was a uniquely significant aspect of people's identity. Where the landscape and the myth-historical past it evoked were vivified by personal encounters with the divine, the widely held notion of Greece as a theme park or museum, kept alive primarily for Roman tourists, appears to be a misunderstanding. The Hieroi Lqgoi has been probed for what it reveals about the central place of religion in Second Sophistic culture and society. Its interweaving of the body, travel, and miracle has been shown to be rooted in Second Sophistic culture. Taken as a whole these elements can be read as a manifestation of healing pilgrimage, a phenomenon which became increasingly prominent in early Christian and Byzantine culture. I have argued against the model of a rigid elite/popular religious and cultural divide, and implicitly against an understanding of religion and culture as wholly controlled by the elite. This has involved the demonstration of the broad cultural penetration of discourses of the body and travel; and the exposition of the artificiality and rhetorical nature of distinctions between scientific and pseudo-scientific discourses, and between techne and divine inspiration. It has also entailed the elucidation of the polemical nature of religious writings which seemingly uphold the elite/popular divide through literary analysis and through the integration of material evidence both about the cult of cGlykon the new Asklepios' and the Pergamene Asklepieion. Throughout a significant aim has been to demonstrate the importance of visual as well as literary discourses in both the experience of religion and culture more generally. One of the aims has been to reach out towards an experience of healing pilgrimage at a specific place and time, in the eastern Roman empire during the Second Sophistic. It has been a task of synthesis as much as analysis of the literary and material remains. Healing pilgrimage by its very nature finds itself at the crossroads of a number of vital cultural aspects, in particular religion, the body, and travel. This study has offered the opportunity to explore these aspects, to open a series of doors on an interconnected cultural landscape. Religion reveals itself at the centre of this landscape, and not at the fringes.

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The figure of Aelius Aristides and the sanctuary of Asklepios at Pergamon, though important in their own right in Second Sophistic culture, have essentially provided me with the opportunity to explore larger issues concerning religion and culture. My interpretation of the evidence has been carefully argued for and supported by the exploration of the cultural background from which it emerged. But it has also inevitably been informed by my own particular outlook and judgement. When I embarked on this project I thought that the subject of healing pilgrimage was particularly accessible as its vital elements are still important today: religious experience, the body, sickness, and travel. The process of exploring these elements in the culture of the Second Sophistic gradually revealed to me how different they were from contemporary phenomena, and the extent of their cultural constructedness and specificity. And yet I have now come full circle. Despite vast differences of detail, I recognize the similarity in the way that these elements are culturally embedded and upheld by interconnected cultural webs as much today as in the Second Sophistic. And having recognized and explored the richness of cultural difference, I have still reached for a common human experience of religion, the body, and travel, which has made the process of writing this book immensely worthwhile.

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INDEX Bold numbers denote Figures (Arabic) and Plates (Roman) Abonouteichos/Ionopolis 13-14 change of name 31 coinage 29-35, 4o-i, 44, n-13 presentation in Lucian, Alexander 61, 65, 238 Achilles in Arrian, Periplous of the Euxine Sea 97, 102 House of, at Palmyra 27-9, Plate II in Philostratos, Heroikos 240 Achilles Tatius, Leukippe and Kleitophon 70 -i, 99-100, 239, 244 n. 80, 264, 272-3 Adamantios 68 Aemilianus 55, 64 Agamemnon, sceptre of 165 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius 89, 157, 196 Aischylos, original manuscripts retained in the library of Alexandria 219-20 Aisepos river 109-10 Akeson 270 Alba Julia 43 Alcippe 164 Alexander of Kotiaion 125 Alexander Severus 33, 13 Alexander the Great inscriptions probably referring to him 44 in Lucian, Alexander 45, 63 referred to on the Tabula Peutingeriana 97 Alexander, prophet of Glykon 44-6, 55-63 Amphilochos at Mallos 52 Antioch 43 Antiochos, sophist 232 Antisthenes bust on via tecta 172, 267, 34 reference in the Hieroi Logoi 269 Antonine Itinerary 89, 92 Antoninus Pius coinage 31-2, 35-6, 11, 15-16 statue base dedicated by Charax, A. Claudius 184, 43 Apellas, Julius no, 264

Apelles 80 Apis 50 Apollo Maleatas, see Epidauros, Apollo Maleatas Apuleius Apologia 53-5, 56, 64-5 Metamorphoses 156 Apulum 43 Archias son of Aristaichmos 161, 234 Aresthanas 35-6, 16 Arethas, archbishop of Caesaria 2 Ar is tides, P. Aelius attachment to Smyrna 87-8, 119 Hieroi Logoi^ see Hieroi Logoi journeys 116-20 name Theodoros 132-3 portrait (?) 119, 26 Aristotle, significance of -doros names 132 Aristotle (pseudo) On marvellous things heard 154 Physiognomies 68, 78, 82 n. 69 Aristoxenos of Tarentum 77 Arrian double-headed herm 103, 24 Periplous of the Euxine Sea 85, 97, 101-3, 273 reference in Lucian, Alexander 62 travels in the Black Sea area 116-17 Artemidoros, Oneirokritika 78, 81 n. 67 Artemis Prothyraia 225, 227, 229, 230 sculpture from Kos 26 St Artemios 5 Asklepieion of Pergamon n, 219-20 architecture cryptoporticus 188-90, 47 drawing well 102, 167, 188-9, 227, 230, 238, 242 Hellenistic Long Hall 188,45 heroon 172

304

INDEX

Asklepieion of Pergamon (cont.} library 171, 207-20, 59-64 peristyle courtyard 185-90, 44-7 propylon and forecourt 175-85, 37-42 rotunda 203-5, 4i? 54~8 temple of Apollo Kaliteknos (?) 167-8 temple of Asklepios Soter 167-8, 194 temple of Hygieia (?) 167-8 temple of Telesphoros (?) 167-8, 230 temple of Zeus- Asklepios 194-203, 50-3 theatre 171, 191-3, 48-9 via tecta and colonnaded street 172-4, 29-36 charisma in the topography 227, 230-1, 237-8, 275 euergetism 171, 184-5, 187, 188, 192, 194, 207-8, 216, 265 incubation 188, 222, 228-38 layout and building programme 167-72, 182-3, 42 Lex Sacra 221-38, 65 parallels with paradoxographical genre 152-3, 160-2, 166-7 pilgrims attested by inscriptions Aspasia, daughter of Bokros 244, 250-1, 70 Atiki 249-50 Barbilla, Furia 229-30 Ca-, T. Licinius 265, 81 Dione 253, 74 Dionysia 244, 68 Epaphroditos 254-7, 75 Eueteria 258, 77 Gemellos 254-7, 80 Herennianus, Aimilius 202, 53 Meidias, Julius 253, 267, 72 Menoitas from Mylasa 250, 71 Oneso 254-7, 75 Pantagathe, Claudia 244, 69 Proklos 258-60, 79 Sabeinus, Aimilius 202, 53 Secunda, Fabia 258-60, 80 Sotas the second 244, 68 Tapari 249-50, 258, 78 Tatianos 244, 66 Theon, P. Aelius 250, 253, 73

story of foundation 161, 234 therapeutai 229 votive dedications 117-18, 242-75, 25, 66-83 see also Hieroi Logoi^ Asklepieion of Pergamon Asklepios epiphany 26, 39, 230 establishment of cult 21 n.2i House of, on Kos 26, Plate I iconography 20-9, 32 mythical family 23 travel 113 see also Glykon; Hadrian, cneos Asklepios'; Zeus -Asklepios; pilgrimage, to Asklepios; pilgrimage, to the Asklepieion of Pergamon Astraios 87 Atargatis 267 Athena Alea 163 Athena Pronaia, temple of 196 Attalus, M. Caerelius 38-40, 20-2 Augustus decoration of his villa at Capreae 162 image in the Pantheon 196 library in the Palatine complex 217 public displays of exotic animals and humans 164 seizure of religious objects from Greece 163 baths 21, 205 see also Hieroi Lqgoi, bathing; Asklepieion of Pergamon, architecture, rotunda biography genre 76-7 origins 85 parody in Lucian, Alexander 56 body collecting and displaying the extraordinary body 154-67 fragmentation 257-62 identity and commemoration 239-42, 261-2, 265 and travel 10, 84-100 viewing 69-84

INDEX

see also Hieroi Logoi^ body and thaumata; Hieroi Lqgoi^ body, travel and thaumata', Hieroi Logoi^ body, oratory and thaumata Boethos 273-4 books, reverential treatment of 219-20

305

reproductions 15 see also Glykon, iconography; religion, divine presence

Deinias 159 Demodike 270 Demosthenes imitation by Second Sophistic orators 170 Caesar, Julius, image in the Pantheon 196 n. 81, 269 with n. 175 Caesaria Troketta 43-4 influence on second century ideas about Caracalla the Black Sea area 62 n. 150 coinage 34, 38-40, 14, 20-2 statue dedicated by Polemon in the library in the thermae in Rome 217 Asklepieion of Pergamon 267-9, 82 synnaos of Asklepios 39-40, 216 Didyma 52 Carthage 75 Dike (goddess) 117 Cassius, Dio 198 Dio Chrysostom Celsus Polemaeanus, Ti. Julius, library at library at Prusa 211 Ephesos 216 Oration 21, 87, 242 n. 63 Celtic language 62, 250 Orations 28 and 29, 77, 242 n. 63 Charax, A. Claudius 175, 178-9, 183-5, 265, Diogenes, Antonius, The Incredible things 39, 43 beyond Thule, 87, 159 charisma Dionysos cult of Glykon (images and in Lucian, sculptural group from Kos 26 Alexander) 18-19, 33, 40-1, 51-2, 57-60 temple at Tanagra 166 see also Hieroi Lqgoi, charisma; Asklepieion Dioskouroi 75 of Pergamon, charisma in the dissection 72-4 topography Draco and Dracena 44 Chariton, Kallirhoe 164 n. 61, 239 n. 50, dreams 229-32, 267-9, 271-2 264-5, 272 n. 188 see also Hieroi Logoi^ dreams Charmadas 220 Christianity Egypt identity and names 132-3 Aelius Aristides' journey to 117-19 in Lucian, Alexander 46 thaumata 97-100, 162 reception of Hieroi Logoi 2 zoomorphic deities 49-50 theios aner 10 Elegeia 63 Tertullian on sexualised viewing 71 Elephant Man, see Merrick, Joseph transformation through faith 101-2, 116 Eleusinian Mysteries 61 see also pilgrimage, and miracles, Christian elite/popular religion, see religion Claudianopolis 44 Epicureanism, in Lucian, Alexander 46-7, Claudius 50-1 with n. 103, 52, 57, 62 collector of marvels 162-3 Epidauros Patara Stadiasmus monument 89 Apollo Maleatas 35, 217 physician of 217 coinage 35-6, 15-16 coinage 29-41, 44, 47, 11-22 healing of communitas 232-8 Ambrosia from Athens 271-2 Conopas 163 Archias son of Aristaichmos 161 cult image 14, 19, 35 n. 53, 47-51

306

INDEX

Epidauros (cont.) library 217 miracle inscriptions 226, 270-3 statue of Asklepios in Building K 20-1 votive dedications 23, 7-8 votive inscriptions no, 117, 264 Epione references in inscriptions 217, 243 n. 78-9, 254-5 wife of Asklepios 23 epiprepeia 82, 97 Eros 25-6, 10 Ethiopia 98-9 euergetsim, see Asklepieion of Pergamon, euergetsim Euripides bust on via tecta 172, 267, 32 original manuscripts retained in the library of Alexandria 219-20 Europa 26 Eutychis 164 evil eye 69-70 Favorinus 81, 83, 140 Florus, Mestrius 69 Forma Urbis 93-5, 23 Fortuna Primigenia, temple of 98 Gabbara 163 Galen 72-7, 82-4, 194, 218 Galli 54 Gangra-Germanikopolis 30 Ge ('Earth') 225, 227, 229, 230 Glykon iconography 14-41, 1-3, 11-12 inscriptional evidence 43-4 name 19 see also Lucian, Alexander Glykon, Clodius 222-6, 65 goes ('magician/cheat'), see theios aner Gorgades islands 75 Gracchus, T. Sempronius, 93 Graham, Billy 59 Great Mother 54, 58 guides at sanctuaries 75, 222

Hadrian commissioning of Arrian, Periplous of the Euxine Sea 101 images 171, 172, 207-8, 211-6, 242 n. 63, 266, 273, 36, 59-60 library at Athens 188, 216-17 c neos Asklepios' 20, 214-16 and Phlegon of Tralles 153, 155 and Polemon 79, 83, 84, 88 possible connections with the Asklepieion of Pergamon 167, 184, 193 restoration of older temples 169-70, 194-8 Hadrianoutherai 109, 117, 150 Hanno 75 Hektor 87, 239-40 Helen of Troy 74-5 Hera 117 Herakleides, tyrant of Mylasa 85 hermaphrodite 156, 164 Hermes 26 Herodas, Mimiamboi 4, 273 Herodes Attikos 131 Herodotos 86, 154 Hierapolis 49 Hieroi Logoi Asklepieion of Pergamon 109, 112-13, 142-4, 151-2 bathing 67, 139, 149 body and tkaumata 144-50 body, travel and thaumata 10, 101-16, 120-1, 140-1, 150 body, oratory and thaumata 108, 139-44 characters Asklepiakos, neokoros 126 n. 17, 131 Maximus 132 n. 44, 142-3, 269 n. 175 Pardalas, Ti. Claudius 130 n. 36, 142 Philoumene 147 Pyrallianos 201 Rosandros 132 Sedatus 130 n. 36, 142-3 Theodotos, doctor 145-6 Tyche, Julia 131 Zosimos 136-7 charisma 138-9, 149-50

INDEX

connections to Aristides' other orations 125-6 dream diaries 127-8, 159-60, 270 dreams 107-8, 115-16, 126-7, 141, 192, 201, 236 hostility to 2-4, 124 incubation 112-13, 151 paideia, religion and the social elite 129-32, 144 parallels with paradoxographical works 157-60 presentation of doctors 134, 145-6 publication in antiquity 125 relationship with Asklepios 108-9, 132-50 scholarship on 122-5 style 103-7 theios aner 10, 53, 135-9 title and its translation 4, 125 votive offering 107-8, 129, 262-4 Hilaeira 74-5 hippocentaur 162 Hippokrates humoral theory 77 images 26, 36, 18, Plate I impact of the environment 86-7 literary style 105 logos and ergon 82-3 Hippolytos 270 holy man, see theios aner humoral theory 77 hybrid deities attitude to, in texts 49-50 Glykon 18-19, 23, 32-3, 34 Hygieia images 23-6, 166 n. 71, 263, 7, 10, 19 reference in the Hieroi Logoi 113, 151 references in inscriptions 217, 243, 254-5 votive dedication by Aelius Aristides on Mt. Pentelikon 117 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon, temple of Hygieia (?) Hypnos 25-6, 10

laso 23 St Ignatius of Antioch 132-3 illness 10, 70-1, 140, 162, 221, 234-6

307

see also Hieroi Lqgoi, body and thaumata\ Hieroi Logoi^ body, travel and thaumata; Hieroi Logoi, body, oratory and thaumata incubation 26 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon, incubation; Hieroi Logoi^ incubation Inebolu 13, 31 n. 43 lonopolis, see Abonouteichos/Ionopolis Isis references in Apuleius, Metamorphoses 53-4, 219 n. 172 references in the Hieroi Logoi 131, 230 n. 24 references in Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 50 n. 101 votive inscription set up by Aelius Aristides 117 Ister, river 63 itineraries 88-9 Jackson, Michael 163 Jones, Jim 59 Jonestown 59 Kalamis 166 Kallimachos of Kyrene 154-5, 218-19, 240-1, 269-70 Kalydonian boar 163 kathedra 113, 141 Kelsos 46 Kempe, Margery 128 Keteios, river 38 Klaros 52, 138 Koressos 139 Koronis mother of Asklepios 35 references in inscriptions from the Asklepieion of Pergamon 243 n. 78-9, 254-5 Kos Asklepieion 187-8, 217, 273 coinage 36, 17-19 House of Asklepios 26, Plate I House of the Abduction of Europa 24-6, 9-10

308

INDEX

Mt. Kynortion 35 Kypris 244, 250, 254, 67 Leda 74-5 Lesbos marble altar set up by Aelius Aristides 117 Leuke, island of Achilles 97, 102 Leukippides 75 Lex Sacra, see Asklepieion of Pergamon, Lex Sacra libraries 154-5, 188, 210-11, 216-20 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon, architecture, library literacy 129 n. 30, 222 Livy, Histories map of Sardinia 93 portents 155 Lough Derg, St Patrick's Purgatory 169 n. 78, 228, 235 love 70-1 Loxos 68 Lucian Alexander 9, 12-14, 42-66 authorial personae 46-7, 62 De Dea Syria 49, 267 Deorum Concilium 48-50 Imagines 241-2 Syrian origin 62 Lucius Verus 31-2, 12 Lycius 164 Machaon 23 Magna, Plancia 216 maps 89, 92-100, 23, Plate III Marcomanni 63 Marcus Aurelius 63, 125 n. 15, 266 Marsyas, flute of 165 Martial, Epigrams 37 Mater Matuta, temple of 93 medicine 72-4, 82-3, 143, 147 Meiletos, son of Glykon 43-4 Melankomas 77 Melite 71 Melitine, Flavia 207-8, 216-18, 265, 59-61 Merrick, Joseph 114-15, 163, 260 Metrodorus, Flavius 216 Mexico City, shrine of the Virgin of Los Remedies 227-8

mirabilia^ see thauma miracle, see thauma Mnemosyne 225-7, 231 Mogros, river 102 'monster market' 164 mosaics arrival of Asklepios on Kos from the House of Asklepios on Kos 26, Plate I Asklepios from the House of Achilles at Palmyra 27-9, Plate II decoration in the Asklepieion of Pergamon 192-3 (theatre), 205 (rotunda), 209-10 (library) Nile mosaic from Palestrina 97-100, Plate IV Muza 90-1 Neiketes, son of Glykon 44 Nemesis (goddess) 117 neokorate 34 n. 52, 39-40, 266 Nero 163 Nikomedia andArrian 103 coinage 30, 33-4, 14 Nile mosaic from Palestrina 97-100, Plate IV novels 71-2 see also Achilles Tatius, Leukippe and Kleitophon^ Apuleius, Metamorphoses •; Chariton, Kallirhoe^ Diogenes, Antonius, The Incredible things beyond Thule Odysseus 92, in Odyssey 154 Olympian Zeus, temple of 169 Onesas, M. Antonius 43 oracles 51-3 Osiris 50, 100 Pactumeius Rufinus, L. Cuspius, 130 n. 36, 194, 216, 265 paideia 46-66, 161, 216 see also Hieroi Logoi^ paideia^ religion and the social elite Palestrina Nile mosaic, see Nile mosaic from Palestrina

INDEX

Palmyra, House of Achilles 27-9, Plate II Pan, sculptural group from the House of the Abduction of Europa on Kos 26 Panakeia 23 Pantainos, library at Athens 211, 216, 218 Pantheia 241-2 Pantheon, Rome 169-70, 194-200, 51-2 Paphlagonia 14 n. 5 Paphlagonians, presentation of in Lucian, Alexander 47, 56, 60-4 paradoxography 5, 152-63 Passio Perpetuae etFelicitatis^ 101-2, 133 n. 51 Patara Stadiasmus monument 89 Pausanias, Description of Greece altars at the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia 227 Ionia, a land of wonders in miracle inscriptions at the Asklepieion at Epidauros 270-1 oracle of Trophonios at Lebadeia

231, 275 temple of Dionysos atTanagra 165-6 temple of Hilaeira and Phoibe in Sparta 74-5 Pausias 270 Pella 13, 47 Mt. Pentelikon 117 Pergamon 32 coinage 37-41, 20-2 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon Periplous Maris Erythraei 90-2 periplous narratives 89-92, 101-3 Phasis 102 Philinos 273-4 Philostratos Gymnastikos 77, 79, 84, 86 n. 91, 87, 242 n.63 Heroikos 79, 131, 239-40, 242 n. 63 Vita Apollonii 48, 55, 60 n. 143, 79, 86, in, 219 n. 172, 249 Vitae Sophistarum 55 n. 118, 116, 122, 167 n. 73, 232, 269 Philostratos the Younger, Imagines 71-2, 80, 241-2 Phlegon of Tralles 153,155-164 Phoibe 74-5 Photios, Bishop 159

309

Phrynichos, grammarian 267 Phyromachos 37 physiognomies 5, 67-9, 78-89, 92 pilgrimage and miracles, Christian 5-7, 128, 164, 227-8, 277, 278 scholarship and analytical model 6-7 to Asklepios 12-14 to the Asklepieion of Pergamon 222-79 see also Hieroi Logoi^ body, travel and thaumata^ communitas Plato 161 n.4O, 201 Pliny the Elder encyclopaedic project of the Natural History 156-7 on marvels 75, 98, 99, 115, 157, 161, 162, 163, 165, 220

on physiognomies 78 on reading portraits 80, 220 on written cures at the Koan Asklepieion 217 Plutarch 129 De Defectu Oraculorum 53 on cult images 48, 50-1 on oracles 52-3, 54 on superstitious behaviour 58 Quaestiones Convivales 69-70 Quaestiones Komanae 30 Podaleirios 23 Poimanenos 131 Polemon death 167 n.73 Declamations ofKallimachos and Kynai0eiros 240-1 Physiognomy 67-9, 72, 78, 79, 80-9, 92-7, 104-5, in, 140, 238 and Smyrna 87-8 travels 84-5 votive dedication in the Asklepieion of Pergamon 267-9, 82 Pollio, Octacilius 187, 216, 265 Porticus Liviae, depicted on the Forma Urbis Romae 94 portraits 80, 220 Porus, king 163 Posidippos 153, 155 Protesilaos 79

3IO

INDEX

Pyrrhos, king 165 Pythagoras book of teachings 55, 219 n. 172 and physiognomies 79 n. 56 reference in Artemidoros' Oneirokritika 78 references in Lucian, Alexander 58, 60 theory that twenty eight was the perfect number 198 n. 120 Pythodorus, Julius Antoninus 21, 266

Skopas 28 Skopje 44 Skylax of Karyanda 85 Smyrna and Aelius Aristides and Polemon 87-8, 150 inscriptions 44, 118-19 journeys to and from in the Hieroi Lqgoi 108 n. 179, 140

Quadi 63

snakes iconography of Asklepios and Glykon 16-18, 20, 23, 47, 58 local Balkan divinity 44 Sokrates biographies 77 bust on the via tecta 172, 267, 33 Sophokles original manuscripts retained in the library of Alexandria 219-20 reference in the Hieroi Logoi 269 n. 275 Souchos, holy crocodile 99 Stadiasmus Maris Magni 90-1 Strabo, Geography 99-100, 163 Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars marvels 162, 164 physiognomic principles 79 portents 155 superstition, see religion Syrian language 62, 250

religion charismatic, see charisma divine presence 19, 47-60, 239-42 and 242 n. 63, 273-5 elite/popular 2-4, 34, 42-66, 129-32, 276-9 exegetical 49~54 experience 12 polemic/apologetic 9, 12-14, 42-66 superstition 42, 46, 52, 60-6 visual evidence 12-41 see also theios aner Rhea 165 Rome depicted on the Tabula Peutingeriana 96 epitome of the world 88 Salutaris, C. Vibius 227 Samosata 62 Satyr, sculptural group from the House of the Abduction of Europa on Kos 26 Satyros, doctor and sophist 218 Sebastopolis 101, 115 Second Sophistic culture civic identity and Greek heritage 30-1, 169-70, 172 modern scholarship and the place of religion 1-6, 276-9 Seleinos, river 38 Selene 58, 64 Serapeia 54 Serapis, votive inscription set up by Aelius Aristides 117 Severianus, M. Sedatius 47, 63 Severianus Neon, T. Flavius 216 Sisenna Rutilianus, P. Mummius 47, 63-5

Tabula Peutingeriana 95-7, Plate III Tacitus, Annals 155 tattoo 146-7 techne 81-4 Telephos 172 Telesphoros altar set up by Aelius Aristides on Mt. Pentelikon 117 images 23-6, 37, 39, 4O, 8-9, 21 inscriptional dedications from the Asklepieion of Pergamon 243 tripod with statue of Telesphoros referred to in the Hieroi Logoi 263 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon, architecture, temple of Telesphoros (?) TemplumPacis 93-4

INDEX

Tertullian, on sexualised viewing 71 thauma collections, royal and imperial 162-4 Graeco-Roman and Early Christian concepts 5-6, 152-3 image of Glykon 18-19 in maps and travel narratives 97-100, 102 on display in sanctuaries 74-5, 165-6 references in votive dedications 251-2 and the body 154-67, 240-2 see also paradoxography; Hieroi Logoi, body and thaumata^ Hieroi Lo^oi^ body, travel and thaumata; Hieroi Logoi, body, oratory and thaumata theatre of Pompey 164 theios aner 53-60 Apollonios of Tyana 55, 86, 137-9 aretalogy 77 model for Galen 76 model for Galen and Polemon 82 Polemon and Favorinus 81 see also Hieroi Logoi, theios aner St Thekla 5, 153 n.4 Themis (goddess) 225-7, 231 Theodotus, Aurelius 43 theophoric names 132-3 theoria 109, 272 Thmuis 98 tholos 196 Thrasymedes of Paros 28, 35, 270 Tieion 30, 44 Mt. Titthion 35-6, 16 Tomis 14 Trajan baths of, depicted on the Forma Urbis Romae 94 grant of free travel to Polemon 84 library in Rome 217 portraits displayed in libraries 211 temple depicted on Pergamene coin 39 Trajaneum 190 travel in Achilles Tatius, Leukippe and Kleitophon 71 images 92-100

311

in Second Sophistic culture 116, 120-1 texts 84-92 see also Hieroi Logoi, body, travel and thaumata', Aris tides, P. Aelius, journeys Treves, Frederick 114-15, 260 Trikka 36 Triton, on display at the temple of Dionysos at Tanagra 166 Trophonios at Lebadeia in Lucian, Deorum Concilium 52 n. 107 in Pausanias, Description of Greece 231, 273, 275 in Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 55, 219 n. 172 Trygon, Asklepios' nurse 23 n. 22 Tyche (goddess) of lonopolis 33, 44 in Lex Sacra 225, 226, 227, 231, 243

Upper Moesia 47 Viator, Julius 157 Vicarello goblets 96 viewing the body 69-84 votive dedications 271-5 visual culture 7-9 Vitruvius, Rome the centre of the world 88 Xenophon and Arrian 103, 24 biography of Sokrates 77 bust from the via tecta 172, 267, 35 influence on second century ideas about the Black Sea area 62 n. 150 Xenophon, C. Stertinius dedication of library at the Asklepieion at Epidauros 217 depicted on Koan coinage 36, 40, 19 Zeus Apotropaios 225, 227, 229, 230 Zeus -Asklepios 200-3, 214-16 see also Asklepieion of Pergamon, temple of Zeus-Asklepios Zeus Meilichios 225, 227, 229, 230

INDEX LOCORUM ACHILLES TATIUS Leukippe and Kleitophon 70 1.4.4 70 1.4.5 70-1 I.9.4-5 4.12.1-2 IOO 5.22.5 71 5.27.2 71 244 n. 80 6.16.5-6 ADAMANTIOS Physiognomy Ai-A2, 494-7 A2, 494-7 A4, 498-9

1.3 1.4 1.23 1-43 1-59 I.6o

II.56-7 11.59 II.60-I IL7o II.7I H.73 11.78-80 II.80 II.8I 11.82

80

III.I7

80-1, 83 84 n. 84

III.2I

AELIUS ARISTIDES Hieroi Lqgoi (Orations 47-5i) I.I-2

H.55 11.56

in 127 135 n. 60

132 227 n. 10

67 141-2

111.22

111.33 111.40 111.44 IH.45 IV.4 IV.5 IV.6-7 IV.8 IV.I4 IV.I5 IV.I7 IV.I8

145 128-9 148 H5, 152 149 H3 112-13 134 151 H3 138-9 139 135 230 I3i 135 n. 60 130, 138 131 n. 38 131 n. 38 no 131 n. 38 no no 141 142-3

1.63

H2, 134

L64-5 1.66-7

112

I-7I 1.72

136-7

1-74 1.75-6

137

IV.I9 IV.23 IV.24

137

IV.25

II.2

125 n. 13

IV.27

141 142

H.7 II.8 11.30

i 127

IV.28

200

IV.29

142

171, 192

II.3i H.32-3

236

IV.36 IV.38

135 n. 61

H.33 11.47 H.53

130

134

137

12

145, 152 149

IV.45 IV.53 IV.55-6 IV.59

143 132 n.44, 143, 269 n.i75 132 132 n. 44 269 n. 175

137

263 132 201

269 n. 175

INDEX LOCORUM

V.9 V.27-8

V.36 ¥.56

108 138-9 139-40 140-1

Orations 23-15 23.16 42.1 42.2-3 42.4 42.6-7 42.7 42.9 42.10

37

APULEIUS Apologia i-3 40.3 54.6-7 56.6 Metamorphoses 4.28-9 10.17 25.9

ATHENAIOS Deipnosophistai I 2Ob-C

1. 1-2

233 263 125 n. 13, 200 264 n. 155 113, 264 264 n. 157 202-3

8.8.6

65

DIG CASSIUS Roman History 53.27.2

164 n. 61 164 n. 61

198

DIG CHRYSOSTOM Oration 21 On Beauty 17 87 EURIPIDES Alkestis line 544

250 n. 113

GALEN De Libris Propriis 6 (Kiihn, Galen xix.36) 77 n. 43 De Pulsuum Differentiis 2.7 (Kiihn, Galen viii.6i2) 83 Hippoemtis De Articulis Liber et Gcdeni in Eum Commentarii Quatuor 22, De Humero Us Modis Pwlapso Quos Hippocrates Non Vidit Kiihn, Galen 88 xviii.A 347

55

64-5 64

164 n. 61 156 54

HIMERIOS Orations 48,9

78 81

ioo n. 151

KALLIMACHOS Epigrammata 55

ARTEMIDOROS Oneirokritika 2.69 4.20

88 n. 103

CHARITON Kallirhoe

12, 232, 264 n. 155

ANONYMOUS Anthologia Palatina 9.656.14 194,200 Antonine Itinerary 524.2-3 92 The Leiden Polemon ch. i Ai3, 365 83, 85 n. 86 ch. i A2O, 379 81 ch.32 B3i, 423-5 87 Periplous Maris Erythraei 21 and 24-5 90-1 Stadiasmus JVLaris Magni 32 91 57 9i 255-8 90

313

270

LUCIAN Alexander or the False Prophet 2 46 n. 82, 62

314

INDEX LOCORUM

LUCIAN (cmt.) Alexander or the False Prophet (cont.} 4 9 II

57 61, 64 57

13

48 n. 93, 58 48 n. 93

14

48

15-16

20

12-13 48 n. 93 48 n. 93 13, 48 n. 93 48 n. 93 48 n. 93

22

52

26

48 n. 93

30

63 64

12

16 17 18 19

35 38

De Dea Syria 10 59

Deorum Concilium 10 ii Imagines i

48 n. 93 272 n. 188 146 n. 125 51 n. 103 49

9

241 n. 59 241 n. 59 241 n. 59

12

242

17

241 n. 59

2

Fm*£ Historiae 1.40 Vitarum Auctio 2

MARTIAL Epigrams 9.16.2 ORIBASIOS Collectiones Medicae XLV, 30, 10-14

107 n. 173 57 n. 124

37

232 n. 29

PAUSANIAS Description of Greece 2.10.3 2.13.5 2.26.8 2.27.2 2.27.3 2.32.4 7.6.1 8.8.3 8.28.1 8.46.5 9.20.4 9.21.1 9.39.5 9.39.8 9.39.14 PHILOSTRATOS Heroikos 19.5 19.7 40.6 52.2 Vitae Sophistarum 542-3 568 581 582

20 n. 15 20 n. 15 234 35 n. 53 270 20 n. 15 in 50 n. 101 20 n. 15 163 166 166 231 231, 273 n. 193 275

240 240 79 n. 58 242 n. 63

269 n. 173 232 122 116

PHILOSTRATOS THE YOUNGER Imagines proemium 3, K39O line 20-K39I line i 80 proemium 5, K39i lines 11-18 80 n. 59 PHLEGON OF TRALLES On Marvels 25 156 n. 16 PLINY Natural History preface 13

156

INDEX LOCORUM

preface 14

156

6.200

75 98

7.21 7.32

99

7-34

156 n. 17, 164

7.71 7.78

157 157

7.89

220

11.145 11.273

78 n. 50 78 220

35-10

PLUTARCH De Defectu Oraculorum 4I7A-B 53 De Iside et Osiride 362B-D 50 60 n. 141 354E-F De Pythiae Oraculis 398A-B 274 De Superstitione i66A 58 60 I66B Quaestiones Convivales 68oC 69 70 68iD-E

Quaestiones Romanae 274E 30 n. 39 POLEMON Declamations for Kallimachos and Kynai0eiros A.io 240 n. 55 A.n 241 n. 57 A.23 240 n. 56 A. 39 240 n. 55 A.49 241 B.2 241 n. 57 B.I2 240 n. 55 6.43 240 n. 56 6.44 240 n. 56 SUETONIUS Lives of the Caesars Divus Augustus 72.3 162

TERTULLIAN De Vir0inibus Velandis 14.5 71 VARIOUS Bible, Gospel of St John 9-1-3

H5

315