The Workers of African Trade (Sage Series on African Modernization and Development)

SEIEEIEECEIV/i1O(I1I{kind, McGill University ARD E[gIIa3c;l:lI“er’L?niversity of Port Harcourt, Nigeria Bernard Magubane, University of Connecticut Ann Seidman, University of Zimbabwe Immanuel Wallerstein, State University of New York, Binghamton INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD Chiuna Achebe, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Chris Allen, University of Edinburgh Samir Amin, UNITAR, Dakar _ Georges Balandier, Centre d'Etudes Africaines, Ecole des Hautes Etudes des Sciences Sociales, Paris Abner Cohen, School of Oriental and African Studies, Universit of London Robin Cohgn, University of Warwick, England Jean Copans, Centre d'Etudes Africaines, Ecole des Hautes Etudes des Sciences Sociales, Paris Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, Université de Paris-VII Michael Crowder, History Today, London Walker Elkan, Brunel University, London Leo Kuper, University of California, Los Angeles Anthony Leeds, Boston University Peter C. Lloyd, University of Sussex Archibald B.M. Mafeje, American University, Cairo Peter Marris, Centre for Environmental Studies, London Segun Osoba, University of Ife, Nigeria Maxwell Owusu, University of Michigan Ian Pool, University of Waikato, New Zealand Terrance Ranger, University of Manchester Aidan W. Southall, University of Wisconsin, Madison Jean Suret-Canale, Paris Tamas Szentes, Institute for World Economics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest

Contents Acknowledgments 7 l. The Workers of Trade in Precolonial Africa CATHERINE COQUERY-VIDROVITCH PAUL E. LOVFJOY g 2. Trade and Labor in Early Precolonial African History: The Canoemen of Southem Ghana PETER C.W. GUTKIND 25 3. Merchants, Porters, and Canoemen in the Bight of Benin: Links in the West African Trade Network PATRICK MANNING 5l 4. Sur la route des noix de cola en 1897: Du moyen-Niger it Boola, marché kpelle ODILE GOERG 75 5. Camel Caravans of the Saharan Salt Trade: Traders and Transporters in the Nineteenth Century E. ANN McDOUGALL 99 6. Lignage, esclavage, contrat, salariat: L‘evolution de l‘organisation du commerce a longue distance chez les Kooroko (Mali) JEAN-Loup Awtstanua 123 7. Merchants, Porters, and Teamsters in the Nineteenth-Century Central Sudan M. B. DUFFILL PAUL E. Lovmov *37

I 8. The Labor of Violence; Dar al-Kuti in the Nineteenth Century DENNIS D. cononu. I69 9. Wage Labor in Kenya in the Nineteenth Century ROBERT J. CUMMINGS l93 I0. From Porters to Labor Extractors: The Chjkunda and Kololo in the Lake Malawi and Tchiri River Area ALLEN ISAACMAN ELIAS MANDALA 209 ll. Porters, Trade, and Power: The Politics of Labor in the Central Highlands of Angola, 1850-l9l4 LINDA HEYWOOD 243 l2. The State’s Bakongo Burden Bearers WILLIAM J. SAMARIN 269 Index 293 About the Contributors 302

Acknowledgments The chapters in this volume were originally presented at a conference held at York University, Toronto, in September 1983. The editors wish to thank the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, York University, the Université de Paris, and Laboratoire Tiers-Monde, Afrique (L.A. 363) for their financial assistance. Various participants at the York conference also contributed valuable com» ments; special thanks to Myron Echenberg, Martin Klein, Sydney Kanya-Forstner, David Newbury, David Northrup, Joel Gregory, and Gerry McSheffrey. The papers were typed by Secretarial Services, York University, under the direction of Ms. Doris Rippington.

THE WORKERS OF TRADE IN PRECOLONIAL AFRICA CATHERINE COOUERY-VIDROVITCH PAUL E. LOVEJOY The idea of this work arises from the fact that our theoretical understanding of the mechanisms of long-distance trade in Africa have advanced considerably over the past thirty years (Bohannan and Dalton, 1962; Gray and Birmingham, 1970; Meillassou.x, 1971; Hopkins, 1973; lsaacman, 1972; Curtin, 1975; 1983; Amselle, 1977; Lovejoy, 1980a). Until now, however, there has been little attention to the question of the work involved in this commerce (but see Cummings, 1973; Northrup, 1982; Alpers, 1975; Ku, 1982). And the work of African trade was considerable. In societies that were restrained by a low level of technology, necessary work depended to a very great extent on human energy, even though sometimes animals could lessen this burden. The transport of commodities over long distances, therefore, was a tremendous consumer of manpower. The caravans of the sahel and Sahara could exceed 20,000 camels (Lovejoy, 1985); movements of 3,000 or more were very common, although individual units of these caravans, which could break away to travel on their own, often numbered 300 camels (McDougall, chapter 5, this volume). Such a scale of operation necessarily required services of a large number of teamsters who had to load and unload the animals, bring them to pasture and water, tether or otherwise enclose them, prepare camps, gather firewood or other fuel, and otherwise conduct 0

C•lh•rln• Coqu•ry-Vldrovltdi and Paul E. Lov•|oy ll in many places (Heywood, chapter ll; Samarin, chapter l2; Cummings, chapter 9; lsaacman and Mandala, chapter l0), but even where it was safe to operate on a smaller scale——3 to l0 people—as many as 3000 porters and merchants often passed along a route in the course of a single month (Goerg, chapter 4; Samarin). These workers—porters and teamsters—constituted the most ancient and one of the most massive forms of labor migration in African history. How was this migration organized? What were the institutions used to mobilize this work force'? What was the role of the family, wage employment, slavery, and the entrepreneur? There wu certainly remuneration for the workers and the accumulation of surplus, but by whom and how much? What—if any—correspondence existed between the penetration of Western commercial capitalism and the appearance of a "proto—proletariat" characterized by a sharp cleavage between the worker and the means of production? To what extent did the development of trade promote individualism that derived from a new sense of professionalism, and did this social change result in the emergence of "class consciousness" that was revealed through struggle over the terms of employment? And if such developments took place, then what were the origins of this class-in-the-making? Such are the questions with which we are concerned; in the chapters that follow, we will see that some interesting answers are provided, despite the caution and qualifications that are usually attached to them. All parts of sub-Saharan Africa are represented in this volume, including East Africa (Cummings); southeastern Africa (lsaacman and Mandala); north-central Africa (Cordell, chapter B); west-central Africa (Samarin, Heywood); the central Sudan (Dufftll and Lovejoy); the West African coast (Manning, chapter 3, Gutkind, chapter 2); the western savanna (Amselle, Goer$): and the Sahara and sahel (McDougall). The political systems of the regions under study were of considerable variety: the "neo-feudalism" of the Mozambique prazos (lsaacman and Mandala); the centralized slave societies of Dar al-Kuti (Cordell), Samori (Goerg, Amselle), and the Guinea coastal states (Manning): the federated structure of the vast Sokoto caliphate (Duffill and Lovej0y); the shifting alliances of Saharan nomads (McDougall); and the small-scale and decentralized societies elsewhere that were more or less governed by principles of kinship (Samarin, Heywood, Cummin8$)· ln general the basic organization of work for long-distance trade was unaffected by these different political structures, except in those ex-

12 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE treme cases where slavery and slave—raiding were dominant land militarism was therefore most pronounced (Cordell). Othervvtse poltttcal authorities were largely content with extracting some surplus from commerce. The organization of the labor of trade was left to the merchants. Almost all of the studies are concerned with the. second half of the nineteenth century, just before and/or at the time of colonial occupation. Only Gutkind examines thelhistory of labor over a long period (late fifteenth to eighteenth centuries). Because of this temporal bias, it is not possible to reach any conclusions about the work of African trade before the time of capitalist penetration. Gutkind's study, despite its uniqueness and great value, is simi.lar to the rest of the cases in that he examines labor in the context of capitalist penetration; European merchant capitalism had an earlier impact on the Gold Coast than almost everywhere else. All the studies, therefore, examine the labor of trade in the context of capitalist penetration, no matter how tentative and hesitant that penetration was. The concentration on the nineteenth century highlights the spread of capitalism, but it is still possible to examine the indigenous structures of society as they affected the organization of work before external markets had much influence. The various studies demonstrate that existing mechanisms of labor mobilization were manipulated to accommodate the penetration of capitalism but that the autonomy of local societies was still largely guaranteed until the colonial conquest. Whether in the desert (McDougall), the savanna (Duffill and Lovejoy), or East Africa (Cummings), existing institutions could accommodate the need for labor; initially the pull of world markets only affected these institutions indirectly and indecisively. Despite the temporal limitations of the following studies, we are relatively confident that our conclusions are very revealing about earlier periods for which source material is poor or unavailable. The combination of written documents and oral data enables us to uncover much about the daily life of the mass of the poor, silent, and forgotten people of history. The nature ofthe sources—shallow in their time depth in the case of §:;Jsdl?;a,a{:;·‘Tgn and unsympathetic in much of the written materialthe past and cvl;tS1:2;::§Lthe history olf these people very far into · I I utton that this volume makes to this imploéttant area of social history ts only confined to the most visible of [O tE;";_';;;:.;::¤;‘§l;i 3;:mT iltlizciuized ictivities were indispensable the Gold CMS! canocmen in G Y lere a ways tn direct contact (cf. utktnd).

Catherlno Coqu•ry-Vldrovltch and Paul E. Lov•|0y 13 THE WORK OF PRECOLONIAL TRADE Common sense dictates that long-distance trade always involved a lot of work, and it is well documented that commerce is very old indeed. The trade of iron for salt, slaves for textiles, and the export of gold, copper, and slaves to the Mediterranean and lndian Ocean demonstrate the significance of this labor far into the distant past, well before the rise of the Atlantic trade in slaves. The Atlantic trade increased the volume of commerce and thereby correspondingly required the services of more workers. This commerce created numerous petty producers—free and slave—who made salt, mined iron, hunted ivory or men, sold agricultural surplus, or engaged in crafts. Their production only resulted in a surplus on the condition that goods were moved long distances, whether or not the producers themselves or professional merchants actually traded these goods. The accumulation of surplus and the creation of value only occurred along the trade routes. The monopoly of these routes was the basis of wealth and power of precolonial states, and consequently the labor of this trade was fundamental to the process of accumulation. The aim of long-distance trade was profits; the major part of these profits enriched the privileged few, including state officials, principal chiefs, traditional notables, large merchants, and heads of caravans. These privileged few recruited workers, someti.mes through kinship, other times through slavery, and other times still by attracting individuals who would work for wages. With all these people (except, without doubt, trade slaves), the notion of profit was clear. Despite restraints on the form of remuneration, people engaged in trade—as workers as well as merchants—in order to profit. The returns were often in usable goods or luxuries rather than in money. Household members received a share of the profits, directly or indirectly; herders who lacked animals might benefit from a pledge of unborn livestock; most often workers simply were given trade goods. Certainly these profits remained risky. The route was long—distances of l000 kilometers were not uncommon—and the work was dangerous and hard. Nonetheless, profits could be considerable, as much as seven times the initial investment (Goerg). Merchants distinguished between "good" porters and inexperienced ones (Heywood), and the law of supply. and demand very much affected the labor supply (Dufhll and Lovejoy). Profits ultimately depended upon the mobilization of an enormous work forcc.

1l THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE ln order to understand the mobilization of this labor frgcibarrgg not rrecessary to distinguish between-domestic work that was lt e-S Su of social production of the group, tn which the profit motivedih p posed to be absent, and the work whose goal was surpluslargo fence a possible source of accumulation. The isolation- of domestic la rh rorn work in general arises out of a model of social organization t at is mythical in origin. ln fact household labor was needed for both the reproduction of the household itself and-for surplus. For ecological reasons, this surplus was often nonexistent. or marginal. in the agricultural sector and hence was all the more Likely to be drained off through local or regional trade (Hymer, 1970; Coquery-Vtdrovitch, 1978; Meillassoux, 1960). But in certain cases regional trade tn provisions or in the output of craftsmen could develop to the point where there was some surplus (Amselle; Cordell; Gnobo, 1985; Lovejoy and Baier, 1975; Kea, 1982: 43-48, 173-179). Practically all our authors insist on the interconnection between long-distance trade and the production network for local trade. Finally, the domestic economy was rarely the sole source of survival for the family but was part of a political system that included the production and extraction of surplus through war and/or slavery (Lovejoy, 1983). What characterized the domestic or lineage mode of production was less the absence of surplus than the use to which it was put. Surplus was almost exclusively channeled into reproduction (as expressed through the accumulation of women), conspicuous consumption, redistribution as gifts, and other forms of social insurance that in effect constituted the destruction of surplus (Meillassoux, 1968), Nonetheless, at a certain moment, the surplus value that arose from the labor of long-distance trade was no longer retained in its entirity by the domestic economy but rather become a source of accumulation of capital. The question then becomes: When did the producers `ovil sjurlpgus begm to. recognize their exploitation? In other words, in me web 0tf<;2;;;Et1¢;t;con domestic, accumulation become ensnared to emerge that gradual! b umu atton.. When .did a proto-class begtn _ _ _ y ecame conscious of rtse|f—a class being not an object tn itself but a series of relationships (Thompson, l968‘ 83) THE MOBILIZATION OF WORK ln man of ‘ number 0fYchild¤;¤;;::;1;es, almost all the adults and a significant emp oyed on the trade routes at one time

C•lh•rln• Coqu•ry-Vldrovlleh and Paul E. L¤v•|oy 15 or another during the year (Goerg, Heywood, Samarin). All the studies included here except three (Cordell, Gutkind, McDougall) examine the work of porters. Four examine the role of caravans and teamsters in the region of the sahel, desert, and savanna (Duffill and Lovejoy, Goerg, Amselle, McDougall). Two are devoted in whole or in part to canoemen (Gutkind, Manning). The use of soldiers—protectors or raiders depending on the case—comes up several times (Samarin, Cordell, lsaacman and Mandala). The role of artisans is examined at least twice (Amselle, Cordell). Even hunters were important in trade (Cummings, lsaacman and Mandala). Finally, recourse to the work of women and children is often mentioned (Heywood, Manning, Samarin), while the position of women is inadequately documented in some cases (Goerg). Recruitment based on kinship was common, although reliance on kinship did not conflict with the use of slaves, who were rarely used to the exclusion of other forms of labor (Cordell). Finally the emergence of a category limited to individuals who were paid for their work—in kind and later in money—on the basis of individual con· tracts was sometimes long mtablished (Gutkind), but paid labor became more common in the nineteenth century. The primary means of controlling labor was based on tl1e domestic mode of production. Until the early colonial period the traditional social structure based on kinship remained capable of offering man» power and necessary animals, varying with the type of commerce and the region, from the desert (McDougall) to the forest (Gnobo, 1985), and for all stages of production (gathering salt, picking kola nuts, hunting ivory) and of transport. The sons, nephews, and other dependents recruited for commercial journeys on a regular basis by their elders, lineage heads, and chief merchants were certainly exploited. That is to say, only a part of the surplus as well as the product went to these dependents. They were not only conscious of this situation, but the work they provided was not free and voluntary. ln exchange for their labor and often under the guise of apprenticeship, youths were only fed and not paid. Social constraints and the obligation of submission counted for a lot (Heywood, Duffill and Lovejoy), and even if the youths found, after leaving on the trip, a way of freeing themselves from the domination of their elders who remained at home (Amselle). The objective was for the merchant to increase his prolits—or those of his house—through cheap labor, and everyone knew it. The trade slave was sometimes employed in transport, but much less than one might have thought. The reason is clear. The labor of

16 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE mt $'"° °°““‘ "° °1”‘°",$‘?.§“ 152§’§`,LZ’Ii’§‘ I‘£ZT§‘§, ‘,'Z?..Z‘2,TI‘.‘T;§,Z3£`;'? gf the Shim. The imdsaiiilyi/ivas twice as bad a worker as the free porter gi”do:e¢;tiief;l3$e.l?Fl(iis situation was similar to that of the forced labor Of gi-iiycidirfiglrgiing states at the end of thenineteenth centurysig slaves become a source of labor almost exclusively. Slave SOCl€ty fl a formidable simplicity (Cordell, lsaacman and Mandala). The principal workers included the warriors (who were often slaves themselves) who produced slaves and the slave producers who did lvtrtually everything else; they were porters, cultivators of vast plantattons, and artisans. The use of slaves on this scale resulted in greater extraction of surplus than had been possible from traditional peasants who had supplied provisions and the primary products necessary for interregional and international trade (Lovejoy, 1983; Cordell; lsaacman and Mandala . Occasfonally, the labor of trade relied almost entirely on the work of women, as among the Bete, where women dominated every stage for kola production and marketing (Gnobo, 1985). Women were certainly used as much as they were in Bete society elsewhere in the Guinea forest, if one can judge by the extent to which women continue to be imponant in commerce in this region. Despite this role, however, it is necessary to emphasize the way in which female labor strengthened the recuperative power of the lineage system. The preeminence of the great Bete merchant women and their troops of dependents, apprentices, female porters, and hired porters aside, it was definitely males who emerged and stayed on top. It was the husband of a prosperous woman who rose to the position of village head, not the woman herself. The lineage system exploited the work of women more than other systems, often as porters, but in many other ways including managing the home, cooking, caring for children, fetching water, cultivating provisions, and supervising young people (aged 8 to l2), who in their turn were porters or were assigned odd jobs. THE CONFUSION BETWEEN CLASS AND SOCIAL PROMOTION bc:/;;l1::`§ult tr establish a typology that defines the social relations not Simplyca:¢;;g:%dS1nd th}: explotter. The porter or teamster did and artisans [ or ot. ers, any more than canoemen, hunters, Der omted functions that clearly separated them from an

C•Ih•rln• C0qu•ry-Vldrovlteh and Paul E. L¤v•|0y 11 exploiting class. The porter and teamster were commercial producerstransporters produced surplus value by carrying commodities over great distances and hence enabled the owner of those goods to realize a profit. In this capacity the porter or teamster carried for his parents, his master, and his employer—the nature of the relationship varied considerably depending upon these conditions. But the porter or teamster also carried for himself and as such he was also a small merchant, an individual entrepreneur, or a partner in a family business. Such a confusion in roles was common in the very long distances involved in the sahel and Sahara (McDougall) and was sometimes the only situation found in the forest (Goerg). For this reason, it was sometimes difficult to recruit wage labor (Heywood). Moreover, individuals joined large caravans for security, so that differences between types of porters or teamsters was often blurred even more. All employees and dependents carried personal items as well a trade goods (Cummings, Samarin, and so on). One manifestation of this confusion between class relationships on the one hand and the individualism of workers trying to improve their social position on the other hand was the emergence of a group of petty entrepreneurs. They represented one of the crucial contradictions in the social formation. The worker was not separated from the means of production in that the porter or teamster was often a petty producer at the same time that he worked for others. All porters and teamsters (dare we state the anachronism) shared a petty bourgeois mentality. The ideal in the end was not to extract better working conditions or terms of remuneration from the merchant but to amass enough capital through commerce to climb the social ladder and become a merchant entirely. The confusion is all the greater if the porter was paid in kind and wanted to be (Amselle, Cummings). The trade goods that he received served to encourage local trade in provisions—in order to secure his rations—the rest he exchanged himself along the way, accumulating a bit of salt or a couple hundred kola nuts. After this lirst hurdle, the hope was that he would end up with enough to buy ivory or acquire a slave and therefore place himself on the road to accumulation and social advancement. lt is understood that the successful cases in this "penny capitalism" were rare. But the hope remained and a few big names were there to maintain this illusion. Most porters (male and female) came from the lower rungs ofthe population, slaves and the poor (Cummings, Duffill and Lovejoy: lsaacman and Mandala; cf. Kea, 1982: l05-107), but it was far from

18 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Y f technology portermg al""YS the case` In me Context Olfriiditinislcii/iilulation for goods and ¤¤d '°am$'"i"g were uic- norma the context of the lineage. employthe advancement ofindividuals. ln n for the youngest and the most mem in 'mde pmvidcd— me Occaslo to liberate themselves from the ¤dv¤¤¤¤*°S°"'° [O acquire the means elves into individual enterprise °°°"°| Oi-the group and launih uigrdgntext, it was the occasion for (M°iua·°s°uX‘ l97l)' in ihe ls arm f I lam by studying with the rfect his knowledge 0 5 . uw student [0 pc · this procedure of recruitment was Muslim Scholars along ihc mules, t by Muslim scholars and merused extensively in the nineteenth cen urythe twentieth Century by the chants (McDougall) ud even aim? ilieir students as a work force. Mouridcs of Sencggi fig; arixjnbaiiitiaiied to slaves (but not trade slaves). The same contra ic _ · t 1. ‘"“° ‘“‘.I° "‘§"°£t?§§§?T§§§i,i'§§$c'2§2‘3v°§I¤f§,‘3TbiiliyhSSS iE§,I'iT.Z§c [hwug im c` · - ummin s, Isaacman and who only engaged I; igrlclilcitiiiliai-le`/(ciialirlficacquirega little and evenMa-Iidalia; Dteftziii ;ilperi¢;)1·i';e]dycarava11 leader in the same way that a iii; yporigimclould. A slave cannot be viewed simply as an ;r;.1tployec; worker; a slave also must be seen as an entrepreneur. The 1 erelrnc between free and slave was defined by their social status more t an by the nature of their work or even the means of payment.. k. d. The hope of social advancement depended upon payment lin in , we understand why the Kooroko porters refused cowries, which were not current among the Moors with whom they did business (Amselle) or why at the very end of the nineteenth century the Akamba porters resisted the introduction of ruppees, which could only be used in foreign markets (Cummings). A money payment would have encouraged the proletarization of the workers and hence it was rcfused.. The canoemen of the Gold Coast consistently wanted to be paid in gold, DOI in cloth (Gutkind). Gold was recognized, through a complex system of exchange, as a monetary equivalent by Europeans (Kea, 1982: l86-l9l), but while gold wa.s the basis of the international Westem monetary system, the weights and gold dust of the Gold Coast (as well as the copper manillas elsewhere) remained a local commodity currency—the merchandise most secure, most valued, most noble. The canoemen had not really entered the era of monetarization. The emergence of real money—as distinct from a currency of equivalencies—required the financial calculations and therefore the payment of fixed wages in reference to the market in its entirety.

C•th•rIn• Coqu•ry-Vldrovltch and Foul E. Lov•|cy 10 But porters, teamsters, and canoemen remained attached to the working value of their remuneration—so attached that they were even able to strike not to sell their work. They did not want to sell their work; they wanted to exchange it. This fact is characteristic of societies in transition, where the method of exploitation was rooted both in the domestic and capitalist spheres and depended upon the interaction between those spheres. African societies were not exceptional in this sense. Hobsbawm (1964) has observed how long it took before the English worker calculated his wages on the basis of market demand rather than on use-value. At the beginning of the industrial era, workers still did not understand the rules of the economic game; they had to learn to sell their work like merchandise. They still wanted a wage barely equivalent to the level of subsistence, if not the equivalent in subsistence, by protecting their ru.ra1 ties to agricultural fields, or after finishing the day in the factory, they worked in their gardens. They were content as long as their industrial wages were roughly twice that of their agricultural work. In Africa social development was not as advanced. Retraction always took place, because it was always possible for profits to be transferred into the circuit of the lineage (Heywood). Each time that the method of preeapitalist exploitation became strong enough, the lineage recovered, at least temporarily, control over the organization of work. The most apparent example is the Kololo porters who had lived many years as wage laborers in the service of Livingstone and who voluntarily withdrew to develop their own system of exploitation based on slavery. Instead of being exploited directly under capitalism, they found themselves exploiters of a preeapitalist system tied to Western capitalism (Isaacman and Mandala). SOCIAL ASSEFITION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSCIOUSNESS The slowness of the process of monetarization hobbled the development of consciousness. The failure of proletarianization did not mean that the workers were not conscious of the fact that they were providing work or that this work deserved to be paid for. Expressions of discontent were frequent, as the strike of the canoemen. in 1753 demonstrates (Gutkind). Boycotts of recruitment are mentioned to varying degrees by all the authors in this volume. Such actions must have been more numerous still. They are at least a sign that a group,

20 THE WORKERS 0F AFRICAN TRADE if not a conscious class, was aware of being exploited. Quch knowledge arose out of a common experience that society was hierarchical and had been for a long time. This perceived hierarchy had not only religious, political, or institutional dimensions, but was also founded on the basis of the economic relations between rich and poor. The "strikes" were professional strikes that were caused by bad treatment (excesses of portering that were the basis of therrevolts agatnst Sarnort [Amselle], as later they were the basis of the violent reaction against colonialism), or by wage disputes. The canoemen reacted in 1753 because the increased work load resulting from the transport of the materials for the construction of the fort at Anomabu was not accompanied by a parallel increase in their remuneration. But neither this nor other disputes were capable of rranscending the professional level to become political acts of a revolutionary nature that might have affected the structure of society (except perhaps the revolts against Samori, which expressed a general discontent of this order). The canoemen who navigated the surf were specialized technicians conscious of being indispensable to the Europeans and were not prepared to be mistreated, even though they often were. They were the closest to being a class because of their social and professional homogeneity, their group spirit, their collective interests, and especially their direct contact with Western employers. Still, kinship reinforced ethnicity, thereby guaranteeing the transmission of occupational specialization within the group. The men (generally free) who were paid regularly for work that was indispensable to commerce rnadvertently acquired the knowledge of the value of their work and the legitimacy of their disputes, but expression of this knowledge was rare because workers were exposed to dangerous reprisals, the most senous of which was to be sold as slaves (Gutkind). Oftlllixse of the Gold Coast canoemen is relatively exceptional; most caravan W;-ggaircoheston of the group was much less developed. The cuems de end ésparatei group of large merchants, petty entrepreneurs, sfu h. P n s, paid workers, domestic slaves, and trade slaves. t tl e members of a single caravan had a definite sense of collective ;;):;Cl0Ll;|'l€SS. The vertical solidarity based on kinship, clientage, comconnrest ence, language and/or culture counteracted the potential for tc generated by horizontal interests (Duffill and Lov ' Th work was specific and hi hl ‘ · c]0y)` C _ Z y organized, the members even adhered to an oath of collective securit (D ff'll ‘ · interests of much Y u' tl and Lovejoy). lt was in the ants to promote this identity. They needed relative-

C•th•rIn• Coqu•ry-Vldrovltch and Paul E. Lov•|oy 21 ly qualified workers because certain jobs required an undeniable specialization. The inspection and handling of kola nuts. fragile and perishable, was no simple task (Goerg; Gnobo, 1985). Teamsters had to load and unload animals each day without damaging products that were often fragile (for instance, salt bars). The work required patience, competence, and careful attention (McDougall). Because all the social layers of society were gathered together, strategies of disputes were therefore necessarily more individual than collective. Pilfering could constitute one sign of dispute tlsaacman and Mandala). Bargaining was the prototype of this behavior; it played a role of socioeconomic regulation by forcing people to find the best possible price to avoid a direct conflict over wages (Duffill and Lovejoy). On the Ghana coast the collective action periodically took the form of ritualized rebellion, somewhat resembling the ancient Bacchanal and was as much a means of compensation as social appeasement (Kea, 1982: 291). Finally, there were other obstacles to the development of class consciousness. Even professional workers were rarely full-time specialists. Seasonal changes required the periodic return of workers to agriculture during the rainy season, even if trade continued year round (Goerg). Family attachments permitted the maintenance of links between brothers and between cousins; individuals rotated their activities from the village to the trade route—they were part peasant, part entrepreneur, part wage—earner, and consequently the porter or teamster was only partially conscious of his social condition. Occupational ambiguity blurred the movement between two worlds—capita1ist and domestic. Circulating from the one to the other literally and figuratively, they were not inclined to oppose one or the other, except haphazardly and irregularly. Specialization became more pronounced the more one climbed the social ladder. The small porter was also a peasant; the teamster was also a herder; the domestic slave was also a man who had to be trusted. The caravan leaders (the most successful merchants) and other merchants were the principal employers on the road, while the landlordsacting as intermediaries and wholesalers—had enough goods and the social contacts to shelter and feed the caravan members, to tend livestock, and to protect the merchandise. At the top of the ladder. landlords and other great merchants supplied the capital, the stock of goods, and the network of dependents. At this level, the merchants were sometimes sedentary, content to control caravans throulh

22 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE _ _ , . idence kin and slaves). im€rm€dlard?R;ii|f•;ly sXpe`cl;(l§sl}i?>btie;diri(llf1; local iystem, but they Lisigypiioeliied from their position on the margins of the international maff(:l·ie workers of long-distance trade had difficulty in becoming conscious of their exploited condition, by contrast the great merchants increasingly developed an attitude that was. more and more entrepreneurial. They were aware of their preemtnence and trted to increase their profits. The merchants promoted their interests through corporate structures based on a shared ethntctty (Hausa, Juula, Kooroko). There existed a hierarchy based on wealth, from the petty merchant who carried his own loads to the very large merchants as powerful as they were few in number, such as those who recetved from Samori the privilege of provisioning his army (Amselle). They organized the market and constituted the indispensable partners of state power to the point where they even seized power itself (Cordell, lsaacman and Mandala). More often they became allies—the instruments, bankers, and creditors—of political authorities (Meillassoux, 1969). Class consciousness undoubtedly filtered down from the top of the ladder. Those who found themselves well placed at the pinacles of trade networks weighed the advantages of playing the two systems (domestic and capitalist) against each other. They used the forces of social custom (dependents, clients, slaves) for the ends of commercial capitalism. The merchant/clerics of the sahel and large caboceers of the Gold Coast undoubtedly abandoned the sphere of use-value to petty producers and small·scale porters and teamsters and placed themselves in direct relation to the external market and the sphere of market-exchange. They based the accumulation of their wealth on the profits of their operations and the interest from their loans, and they were themselves conditioned by the continuous expansion of the sphere of commodity circulation (Kea, 1982: 177). That done, they contributed to the isolation and retardation of the social structure. lt was in their interest to exploit the domestic system; therefore they used their profits to enlarge their affairs and to reinforce the weight of the traditional structure, which thereby restricted the development of consciousness among the exploited. ...JZ“.'I§.2i"§§.,E'2§l‘1.§".’;‘.Zl§T?$.Z°£‘“°‘b°°‘*"°i" “"°““ ““°'*°” °“" one talks of the canoemen of th 'crc cgmnmg to emerge. Wh°`h°r were Crushed d I e sixteenth century or the porters who un er the wetght of colonial coercton at the end of the

Cath•rlne Coquery-Vldrovlleh and Paul E. Lov•|oy 23 nineteenth century (Samarin), the benefits of capital passed to the privileged through their control over the environment and their manipulation ofthe social relations of precapitalist society (domestic or slave). Because the existing social contradictions were maintained, the evolution towards a full-scale class struggle was halted. Only the presence of exploiters related to the development of capitalism could generate in time the emergence of class consciousness among the exploited. But an examination of that process is beyond the scope of this volume. REFERENCES ALPERS, E. A. (1975) Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa. Changing Patterns of International Trade to the Later Nineteenth Century. Berkeley: University of California Press. AMSELLE, .1. L. (1977) Les négociants de la savane. Paris: Anthropos. AUSTIN, R. (1979) "The trans-Saharan slave trade: a tentative census," pp. 23-76 in H. A. Gemery and .1. S. Hogendorn (eds.) The Uncommon Market. Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade. New York: Academic Prxs. BOHANNAN, P. and G. DALTON [eds.] (1962) Markets in Africa. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. COOPER, F. (1980) From Slaves to Squatters. Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890-1925. New Haven, CI`: Yale University Press. COQUERY—V1DROVITCH, C. (1978) "Research on an African mode of production," pp. 261-288 in .1. D. Seddon (ed.) Relations of Production: Marxist Approaches to Economic Anthropology. London: Cass. CUMMINGS, R. (1973) "Notes on the history of caravan porters in Fast Africa." Kenya Historical Review 1, 2: 109-138. CURTIN, P. D. (1984) Cross-Cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———(1975) Economic Change in Pre-Colonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. GNOBO, .1. Z. (1985) "The pre-colonial ltola trade of Daloa (Ivory Coast)." African Economic History 10. GRAY, R. and D. BIRMINGHAM [eds.] (1970) Pre-Colonial African Trade. Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa Before 1900. London: Oxford UniversitY Press. HOBSBAWM, E. .1. (1964) "Customs, wages and work—load." pp. 344-370 in Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. HOPKINS, A. G. (I973) An Economic History of West Africa. London: Longman. HYMER, S. (1970) "Economic forms in pre-colonial Ghana." Journal of Economic History 30. 1: 33-50. , _ ISAACMAN, A. (1972) Mozambique. The Africanization of a European Institution. The Zambezi Prazos, 1750-1902. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

24 TPE WORK} OF AFRICAN IRADE · · · r.h Cen Gold C . nm n.uss2>smi.¤»¤¤. 1·¤3¤a¤¤1;>nP¤»;;¤¤·=$¤v¤¤¤¤ ****7 °“' mmmgae; Johns Hopkins niv¤’$¤ - _ _ LOyE_;0y_ p_ 5_ (wu) Salt of the Sun. A History of Salt groducnon and Trai: in the Cenrral Sudan. Cambndge: Cambridge Umversity I ress. U ____(|”J) Tmmyommjom Lg $hvery. A History of Slavery in Afnca. Carnbndge; Cambrid University PNS- _ -...(|m;cCar-avam of Kola; The Hausa Kola_Trade, 17fD-IND. Zana and Ibadan; Ahmadu Bello University Press and University V I _ ---(l980b) *·K¤Ia in the history of West Afnca.‘ Cahiers d etudes afncan-15 20, 1-2: 97·l34. ..i(|W8) "PIantations in the economy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto calipl1ate." Journal of Afrimn History 19. 3: 341-368. ---and STEVEN BAIER (1975) "The desert-side economy of the Central Sudan," Intemational loumal of African Historical Studies 7, 4: 551-581. MEILLASSOUX, C. [ed.] (1971) The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press. ————(l968) "Ostentat.ion, destruction, reproduction." Cahiers de l’I.S.E.A., Economies et 2, 4: 759-772. -—(1960) "Essai d’interprétation du phénomenc économique dans les sociétés inditionnelles d‘auto subsistence." Cahiers d'études africaines I, 4: 38-67. NORTHRUP, D. (1982) "Porterage in Eastern Zaire, 1885-1930: labor use and abuse in war and pace" Presented at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association, Washington, D.C. ROBERTS, R. (1980) "Linkages and multiplier effects in the ecologically specialized trade of precolonial West Africa." Cahiers d'études africaines 20, I-2: 135-148. THOMPSON, E. P. (1968) The Making of the English Working Class. Harrnondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin.

2 TRADE AND LABOR IN EARLY PRECOLONIAL AFRICAN HISTORY The Canoemen of Southern Ghana PETER C.W. GUTKIND As the Portuguese captains hugged the West African coast in the late fifteenth century, they discovered that the powerful surf (initially referred to as "the burnjngs") pounding t.he beach: made it virtually impossible for even their shallow—draught sailing vessels to cast anchor close to shore. They also noted the almost total absence of natural harbors. lt is these physiographic features that gave rise to an initially small labor force of canoemen whose skills, obtained as fishermen, turned out to be indispensable. Thus began the long history of the canoemen of Southern Ghana as workers in the trans— atlantic trade. Author’s Note: Research on the history of the canoemen ol` Ghana has received generous support from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Africa Committee of the Social Science Research Council (U.S.A.), the Social Science Committee, Graduate Faculty. McGill University, and, in the early stages of research, from the Centre for Developing-Area Studies, McGill University. Among the many individuals who have assisted in my research, l would like to thank D. K. Fiawoo. John Hobbins. Myron Echenberg, Richard Price, Robin Cohen, Jeff Crisp, Ly‘n Garrett. Greg Teal, Paul-Arden Clark, and the retired surfboatmen at Cape Coast. Elmina. and Accra who had the patience to answer my questions. 25

RADE 26 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN T —d » P wgat under the comman ln Dccembef a large i1;l;;g@:SISOEi2e|,S, numerous Cfaflsrnen of Dlega d’A"mbu·la` Comp d carpenlcm and some prefabflcalcd such 35 masons- °°°p°rS‘ fp! the Sailing ships were mei bY small building mamlalsll On anna, n Offered assistance and eventualcanw- The l”ddl°"‘ lm moms ' me beach at the small village ly began *0 l-"'Y passengers end carg;;;d by [hc local potenlale and or Mina- ¤l¤¤° *""‘"""’“"‘ `"S g - ,,.,,mm settlement that ¤¢s¤*l¤*°d ‘”"“ """ "‘° 'lgl" '° mabhsll a prhemrorrh 1ztmma—the b known as Sao Jorge da Mina _ ,. ' 60* came to e hat they wanted "Mtna, M. N. Dias (19 . mine). The Hors knew rites-a land where gold could be traded for 383) wrote, arouses aPP€ ` k I ." _ . · I mn cfs nunately the Portuguese archives reveallittle about this ear y Un 0 ` { men in the period between history and even less about the use 0. canoe E mh and Dutch who 1482 and approximately llsogrgdnylelisllaier nite Portuguese did not un · . settled on lggdgeajosgsmfhose that were kept either never made it back keep very E l t r burned when pirates capto Portugal or were damaged by salt wa e , destroyed tured and destroyed outward orhomeward vessels, og were {On and by officials who had much to hide due to widesprea corrup 1 privateering. J. A. Faro (1957, 1958) is one of the few Portuguese writers who has given us some idea of the administration of Elmtrta during the 1'trst quarter of the sixteenth century. Yet, like others wit: an interest in this early penod, he makes only limited re erences f the canoemen although he recognizes their importance. We are le t to guess how the canoemen were recruited, whether they were slaves or "free labor," or how they were remunerated, although it is likely that "trade goods"—clot.h and ironware as well as 1qu0r—were given. As Elmina, which was given the status of a city in 1486 at which time also King John ll took the title of Lord of Guinea, was for some time the only settlement (until 1503 when the Portuguese constructed another but significantly smaller fort at Axim), the need for canoemen was limited; this, however, in no way reduced Portuguese dependency on these workers. Storeships from Portugal were few, averaging about six per year in the early years and gradually increasing to twelve per annum. The administration of Elmina, which had grown to imposing dimensions by the early sixteenth century, was authoritarian and hierarchical. Europeans and castle slaves rarely ventured beyond the surrounding area. lnitially small but rapidly expanding African settlements grew

P•\•r C.W. Guttlnd 21 up under the massive castle walls. Economically, the gold, ivory, and, later, slaves were the dominant objectives. The Portuguese crown was quick to institute complete control over the gold and ivory trade. Violations of a vast range of regulations designed to control every aspect of trade were punished with great severity. Yet corruption and privateering were, by all accounts, widespread and many a private for. tune was made. During the reign of Manuel 11 (1495-1521) new and very severe regulations were passed which came to be known as "Manuelinas" (Blake, 1977: 203-204; Birmingham, 1970; Brasio, 1958-1964; Sanceau, 1969: 77-78; Teixeira da Mota, 1978; Vogt, 1974: 103, 107; 1979: 34-35, 115). A cascade of ordinances and minute regulations literally poured from the court codifying a system of "monarchical monopolistic capitalism." Numerous regulations applied to all those connected with loading and unloading the ships and hence were applied to the canoemen, captains, crew, factors, writers, and warehousemen. They regulated the remuneration of canoemen, African "bomboys" (supervisors), and those Africans taken on for training as craftsmen and artisans. One is tempted to characterize certain aspects of thse ordinances as labor legislation. Particularly severe measures were imposed on the canoemen, captains, and sailors to prevent theft of gold, ivory, and trade goods. Canoemen in particular were constantly suspected of theft, while the Europeans invariably suspected each other, no doubt to protect their own guilt, a condition that contributed to racial and interpersonal conflict. Every item landed or shipped was recorded in huge ledgers (only a few of which remain in the Portuguese archives) and canoemen were always carefully supervised. But the regulations were broken with impunity; the records indicate that violators frequently ended up in jail, where they were placed in irons, or were returned to Portugal where they were brought before the king and, occasionally, put to death. Canoemen who violated the regulations were lucky if they were only placed in irons as some of them were sold into slavery and taken to the West lndies. RESPONSE OF CANOEMEN TO PORTUGUESE RULE Already in the period 1482 to approximately 1530, canoemen responded to the conditions of their employment (although the archival record is scanty) when, as in 1499, Governor Fernao Lopes Correta

gg THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE · k and all claimed that the canoemen "have once agam ;;;1;;€§;;i‘c';’§;b1€·__ HC Ol-ll efforts [0 punish them hal'? made [hcl-31,3 ddin that the "W0|’Sl concludedthat greater supervision “¤'¤i`“€€ em; Finn ucsc [actor among them must be placed in irons. l In 1 f 8 tl ni/hh a gmué Paulo da Mota, had, it appears, a physical con rontal 10 H noted that of canoemen on the beach just below the castle via s. ed d 1 · emen attempted to beat htm with ‘ btllets of woo an argc Some 9:10 e of this disturbance appears to have been the de;:;;:lSby·3l1le€c;?1Io;men to be paid with gold rather than cloth. (Ein get ` n i.n 1521, Governor Duarte Pacheco Pereira note t at :>1r(;1l:ila;:>;ir51g·r had used their almadius, canoes, to "attack a [Portuguese] storeship and set it on fire" becausea canoeman had been flogged for stealing a.nd had died of his injuries. The governor concluded that he had simply enforced the elxrsttng rigtitlfttiorglig ** w s o osed b theset 1eves." e wo ll ;2(;$%ovi:1;l* Afgrljso de Aylbuquerque sent a message to Lisbon lauding the canoemen for their faithful service and expressed the view that when they are treated "correctly" they will "work long hours and carry out the work with skill and care."‘ _ ln the mid—1550s, specifically during the governorship of Rui de Melo (1552-1556), when the Portuguese had to battle against attempts by the English to destroy their trading monopoly followed by the Dutch somewhat later in the sixteenth century, hostile attitudes toward and repression against the canoemen appears to have increased} Thus the governor complained in 1555 that canoemen were no longer "loyal" to the Portuguese (which is hardly surprising as their repression had always been very severe), that they assisted not only the ships of other nations but they were tempted by better trade goods offered by privateers who, of course, needed the canoemen as badly as everyone else. He also noted that African merchants began to employ canoemen thus draining labor away from the Portuguese. As in subsequent years, when the Royal African Company and the First and Second Dutch West India Company dominated the trade on the Ghana coast, Governor Melo proposed the more extensive use of slave canoemen as more secure and cheaper (generally slaves received some remuneration) than "free" labor (Gutkind, in press). With the expansion of trade in the seventeenth century, the need for canoemen also increased. English, French, and Dutch ships journeyed to the Gold Coast in a successful bid to break the Portuguese monopoly on West African external trade; by the end of the century

P•I•r C.W. Guttlnd 29 they were joined by Danes, Swedes, and Brandenburgers. Quite apart from the increase in licensed trade, the number of interlopers also increased signiticantly and became a permanent feature of coastal trade. Because the interlopers had to conduct their trade in secret, the canoemen took considerable risks to service the ships, to supply them with water and wood and transport African traders to the ships. By 1650, the number of free canoemen was about 350, and the number rose to 800-1000 by 1790, making these workers a significant labor force whose presence was felt in many areas of political and economic life, particularly as active participants, and often as rioters (agyesem— fo) in the frequent civic disturbances in the African towns. As such they also became night workers hoping via the cover of darkness to escape retribution from the companies. Governors, commandants, and factors did their best to prevent this illegal trade, and many a canoeman was placed in irons in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. ln order to rid the coast of these unwanted interlopers, ships were put to the torch, always with the help of canoemen. During the prolonged Anglo-Dutch wars between 1652 and 1667, for example, the canoemen became seriously embroiled in international conflicts that spilled over to the various settlements on the coast. Apart from these more dramatic involvements of the canoemen, their true importance rests on their employment as passenger and cargo transporters. As such the canoemen were the predecessors of the dockworkers, whose work began in 1926 when the first artificial harbor was opened at Takoradi. While the transport of passengers was clearly of vital importance, so was the canoemen’s participation in the slave trade, an activity that is occasionally cited in the records, and is portrayed in an excellent woodcut in Ba.rbot (1746, v. 5: 99). Equally vital was the unloading of the storeships and the constant need to supply the smaller settlements with trade goods and a great variety of provisions. The essential supplies ranged from massive quantities of construction materials, huge amounts of brandy and tobacco, thousands of yards of cloth, and tons of food and medicines. Over time the canoemen carried a vast number of letters (thousands of which are in various national archives), a service that alone made them indispensable. The canoemen were remunerated for all these activities with trade goods such as cloth, or rum, brandy, tobacco, and, occasionally, gold. All the companies kept very careful records of these disbursements, usually recorded under the heading "Canoemen Htre." The registers enumerate "Slave Canoemen" and "Free Canoemen,"

gp THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . . ‘ le ratio. Som the latter outnumbering the former by avery ggtlzdglggti and Acc; of the larger settlements such asbElmtr;;;m 7gw 85 free canoemen, €mPl°Y°d‘ but not on a permancm am, 'ed f 18 to 35 and tradin · ber at the smaller places van rom · 8 wmkthe ni"; es might use the services of between 9 and 16. when ggigtilgg afiifed, the number of canoemen workingj pier da; sxlrgxeg-?c$ rose to 150. Despite this, complaints about undue e ayls n th ng were common. The number of slave canoemen appearing ci · ig., nual establishment lists varied from 16.at Cape Coast Cast e tgt 21 to a low of 8 in 1752 rising again to 21 tn 1777. Some chartere companies used slave canoemen more frequently than others and all of them fell back on slaves when the free canoemen refused to work or when the metropolitan-based headquarters of the companies considered the expenditure on this "free" labgr lto be Excessive? tB;tc; g:hr;e;::|y_ canoemen varied wit t e con 1 tons 0 r , er— hlaiildhlsbpcohflfcd climate, and African-European relations. lnterethnic conflict was also a factor in the availability of free canoemen. When civil disturbances took place in the African towns, not infrequently engineered by Europeans pitting one ethnic group against another, canoemen generally became involved. · A shortage of canoemen also occurred when they came out tn support of caboceers, elders, and headmen who had not received gifts, or when rents were not paid to local chiefs. On the whole free canoemen were available, yet they also knew the appropriate occasions when to withdraw their labor. They readily did so when Europeans abused them, or when they objected to a cruel African bomboy or a rapacious merchant. Occasionally they would refuse to work in support of a fellow worker who had been mistreated, or because they believed that they had been cheated on their remuneration. There are no indications that the canoemen refused to take part in the slave trade, although a factor at Winnebah recorded in 1753, "unless we can secure more canoemen this part of our trade will occasion difficulties for us."‘ No remon is offered why these difficulties arose, but we can speculate to what degree this traffic in human cargo depended on the willingness of the canoemen to be engaged. lt was not uncommon for the London office of the Royal African Company to question whether the .\;;l";;>l-lzgeggexszts lzzclseatlltszigei us; of canoemen and other lab0r· Coast on IB July, l728· on on wrote to the factor at C¤P€

P•\•r C.W. Gutltlnd 31 We cannot but think that a much smaller number than sixty-one canoemen may answer all your occasion. and in that case we recommend it to you always to employ as many of them only as can be spared in fishing} ln the same account some figures are given about the number of slaves, pawns, canoemen, and other workers on the coast. We observe the contents [of your letter] in relation to the numbers of castle working slaves and canoemen employed on the Gold Coast and at Wydah which by the lists you have sent us we find amount to no less than six hundred and seventy—seven in all a very considerable number and in our opinion more than sufficient to do all the necessary business of the company [even if it] had the whole trade of the coast to themselves} There are no indications in the records how canoemen reacted to being declared redundant. But on the whole labor protest, and the many forms it took, was a reaction to unacceptable treatment and the low remuneration received. Canoemen expressed their discontent in a classic manner in 1753 when they went on strike during the construction of the English fort at Anamabu. Like strikers today, they simply stopped work and demanded better terms. Unfortunately for them they did not succeed (Priestley, 1965: 25). EMPLOYMENT AND ACTIVITIES OF THE CANOEMEN As an increasing number of ships came to the Ghana coast, the canoemen found themselves occupied almost daily, particularly during the months of October to May when the storeships arrived from Europe. The records of the Royal African Company and those of the Dutch West India Company record arrivals and departures of the canoemen on a daily basis as they moved newly arrived cargo and passengers to the various settlements or loaded ships with cargo and slaves. Thus the records mention that a thirteen-hand canoe arrived at Cape Coast from Winnebah, or a seven-hand canoe from Accra. Such entries are followed by the remuneration given. There are literally thousands of such entries that convey a picture ofconstant communica-

TRADE g THE i0|\KER$ OF AFNCAN ds h whatever the season. Some recor l mn from one sémemcng to Trvlliineganoes arrived or departed and, if even give the time of Z; es are given · nam · passengers are cu;-ifedlb; the canoemen from ship to shore and back The quam-mcsc t to settlement, are truly astounding and shi or from settlemen U _ _ . f to pi arate discussion. Durmg the construction o Could bg Uighdiis fl-;eFi75Os we can get an idea of the loads the Anama u t· ` ' d b the "l boats, which were carrie y °°·"°°m€n ha'ndkd` ahhmigh wig hrou h the heavy surf, sailing ships but were quite unsuitable to cut t g h. f _ Y ding. John Apperly, c ie engineer ere also used to speed up the unloa _ _ ; Anabu requested 1 million bricks and 400 tons of lime in 1753, i ' d 280 tons of lime soon thereafter. ln and another 267,600 bricks an _ 1756 a further 1.8 million bricks were required and another 600 tons of lime so that the walls of the new fort might reach d14 lgeeglfugh - · ·· housan s o g ons and 5 feet 4 inches thick. ’ Year by year t of brandy and rum were unloaded as well as thousands of fathoms of tobacco. Brandy arrived in large casks often too bulky for the narrow canoes. The following is typical of hundreds of similar entries. By the 7 hand canoe you will receive 35 cases of Brandy .... There seems to have been some Rogery committed indeed in the canoe on the Beach [probably a reference to theft].' The canoemen also transported large quantities of firearms and thousands of barrels of powder (and "letting sparks from their pipes fall upon [the barrels] without concern, which created a terror m lus to see and by which means they are frequently blown up"; Churchill, 1732: 223), and livestock such as sheep and, in the nineteenth century when larger surfboats replaced the canoes, we are told about the transport of a polo pony (Moore and Guggisberg, 1909). Loads were often so heavy and so bulky that the canoes capsized, spoiling the cargo and drowning the passengers, most of whom, unlike the canoemen, could not swim. When the surf was too rough, canoe activity oftentimes ceased for days. Such unavoidable circumstances, and the refusal of canoemen to work for other reasons, frequently resulted in severe shortages of provisions at the smaller settlements. Thus in December 1757 the factor at Komenda wrote to the governor at Cape Coast: Our supplies are very short, we lack in everything. ll` the canoemen refuse to work this factory will cease. The canoemen are making fools

P•t•r C.W. Gulklml 38 of their masters; they must be l`orced to work as informed by the [London] Committee. We have no supplies.' Life was lonely, often desperate, and generally confining for the European residents on the coast. Canoemen were the link to friends and officials stationed elsewhere—and they brought letters and parcels from home. Often, the canoemen were dispatched to ships lying in the roads to meet captains and crew or, as in the following case, to obtain a little liquid cheer. The factor at Tantumquerry dispatched a canoe on 5 February, 1775, with the following request. He had learned "that you have a quantity of Rasberry Brandy by you [and wonder whether] you could spare some. On this presumption l have sent this canoe and will be very obliged to you for 3 or 4 bottles of it."‘° The records are replete with desperate requests like this. Perhaps this little episode highlights one aspect of the indispensability of these workers. Everyone, from governor to laborer, as well as important African merchants such as John Kabes, who owned a fleet of canoes and employed many canoemen, recognized the importance of these workers. The officials in the settlements often recorded that this was so, however ambivalent their attitudes toward the canoemen. Despite their indispensability, or perhaps because of this recognition, these workers were often described as "rascal1y," "impudent," "ruftians," "outcasts," "vagabonds," "wretched," and "criminal." Others were satisfied with less evocative language saying that the canoemen were "lacking in obedience," that it was "so difficult to get them to work." But there were also those Europeans who recorded that "the canoemen for the past two months have behaved exceedingly well .... 1 do not know that 1 have had occasion to be angry with them."" John Roberts, president of Cape Coast Council, writing to the factor at Sekondi in February 1750. urged him to reprimand a Captain Bignal for mistreating the canoemen, for "refusing them the common allowance," and wounding one of them in "the shoulder with his sword," adding that such an act may be considered mere play to [Captain Bignall but it is earnest to them that they feel his blows .... They are free people and work only for their hire and not to be abused, beaten or starved by those who have no right to exercise such eruelty upon them especially as they are very willing and desirous to do any work for pay and good wages."

34 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Soi-ne sixty years later Meredith (l967Z 23) made much the same observation. -men, the erfom1 their when lhcsehmel-l`1-:eEsIl1l;ii)tli$?;’i,C:TJ’f:;€(ij2ln:?ll go throhgrli a vast deal :lu;bvditli:cbitirthey miust be treated with exactness and punctuality. When they call for any customary allowance., or for payment, they do not like to be put off; they expect that their labour should be met with i.nstam reward. lf they be not punctually attended to, they become neglectful and unattentive to the interest ol` their employers. But Meredith (1967: 23) could not avoid a Hnal and negative observation, for he concluded that the canoemen are much addicted to that vice [theft] which prevails in almost ever! part ofthe world, and, indeed, are very expert in the practice of tt, particularly as to small articles, which they can eastly conceal. LABOR PROTEST Much of the labor protest that took place might be set in a discussion of "free" versus "unfree" labor, a rather hoary issue that is, however, central to labor history and the understanding of the labor process (Corrigan, 1977; O'Connor, 1975). The slave labor that kept the settlements operating is no doubt a classic example of unfree labor. But, one might well ask, how free is free labor under even incipient forms of capitalist intrusion into the coastal societies of Ghana? Much of the treatment meted out to the free canoemen was harsh, contemptuous, and totally unequal compared to the conditions under which non-Africans were employed. True enough, canoemen could and did protest, could and did withdraw their labor, could and did engage in direct responses that at times took a violent form, physically or verbally. But the fact remains that the canoemen lived under a dispensation and control not of their own making and contrary to their own desires, their hopes, and, perhaps, aspirations. The canoemen were the direct producers of services, services that were critical to accumulatton of wealth that was not redistributed. They fell in a category, as workers under capitalism do today, of being unfree free labor (Corrtgan,.l977; l(lein, l969).·Thus, in 1855, a later period really outside the primary interest of this chapter, Campbell makes this interesting observation about the canoemen of Ghana.

P•t•r C.\V. Gutltlnd 35 ln the strict sense of the term, there is no such thing as free labour in Lagos, except what is imported; and, even that of the Gold Coast canoe men, is, in reality, Slavery; for very few of them, excepting the head men, are really free." lf one were to accept the view that explicit free labor does not, and cannot, exist among workers used for the production of surplus value, then free labor can never be totally free in the wider and more significant meaning of this concept and the actuality of freeness. Again, if this formulation has meaning in both structural and experiental terms, then the canoemen were merely fractionally freer than genuinely unfree labor. This then would account both for their class and political consciousness as well as their labor protest. As was indicated above, the most common form of protest was the refusal of the canoemen to work, desertion, theft, and what might be viewed as a local version of Luddism, that is, damage to canoes, canoesheds, and cargo deliberately allowed to be spoilt by salt water. Labor protest can be, as we know, informal or formal (Cohen, 1976, 1980) although the former is often difficult to distinguish from the latter, and the emphasis on informality gives the impression that workers only react rather than take a reasoned and formal political (class) position. The labor protest by the canoemen should be viewed in light of the fact that the Europeans were aware of their dependence on this labor while the former were equally aware of their indispensability. This certainly, to a degree, gave the canoemen the upper hand and made the Europeans conscious of the negative consequences of repressive measures that could and did lead to the withdrawal of labor. As early as 1647, the Dutch at the newly captured castle of Elmina reported that "the rimadores [paddlers] give us constant trouble. They demand goods in excess of the work they perform. Today 9 of them refused to unload a ship and l [Director-General l. van der Well] ordered two of them confined in irons."" ln 1652 Chief Factor George Middleton at Kormantin referred to the canoemen as "ignorant and arrogant thieves and labourers who want more than their due, and if we do not give this they refuse to work."" ln 1664 Captain William Short refused to provide advance subsistence to some canoemen whom he had hired to take him to (Dutch) Sekondi from (Dutch) Boutri. The canoemen, he recorded, had been "impertinent and left me on the shore." He had drawn his "sword because l fear‘d stones and their rais’d hands and Fear’d for my life."‘°

36 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . work for which they It was also Common qr~l:arf1$r|;5>|irs[i‘:le’r€eiiJ,S;o it appears. beneath Weis nciengagedharidwiioiik nornially done by common carriers. EdSg;?;|:`(;J;ni;e_ |972) recorded the following event in 1695: . take some of the corn in. The gngguiitvS;i’i[ti;n;zin'cI¥t|eni:agOTc:1c;’cSb;;ting ORC of them [a canoimggl was because he would not help to carry the corn to the croome [Sddlc village] that was wet with water, [but) he told me he came to p not to carry com at all. Desertion, theft, and refusal to work were not infrequently punished by selling canoemen into slavery, as occurred in a case in 1704 when a local caboceer at Cape Coast brought a case against a Captain 1-larnilin, who had attempted to sell a canoemgn into glavegy to be take; dies sim l because he had eserte an , so c aime ilcietiigpiiiaiiiif lilad also dgnilaged a canoe. Canoemen also feared being taken prisoner during periods of internattionzl lcotnfltct (sucl} as ltlse lo-Dutch wars , which may account or t err requen re usa o iialrisport troops arid military equipment. All canoemen, slave or free, were always known as either English, Dutch, or Portuguese canoemen. As such English canoemen feared crossing the sea in front of a Dutch settlement, while Dutch canoemen expressed similar fears crossing the English roads. lt was also common practice to panyar (kidnap) canoemen (Kea, 1982: 243) or any African, to be held as a pawn for another person's debt. Canoemen were particularly vulnerable to this practice because they moved about among the coastal settlements. When canoemen deserted they generally took refuge in another settlement or were protected by their fellow citizens in African towns. Recovery of deserters, the demands by English officials to return canoemen who had taken refuge in a Dutch settlement, frequently resulted in minor international conflict, very prolonged negotiations stretching over many weeks, or the arbitrary capture of persons who came from the same settlement where the deserters lived. Such events and a significant increase in refusals to work, as well as the maltreatment of canoemen, are very marked during the busy eighteenth century. Between 1730 and 1750 English and Dutch records are peppered with brief, yet significant, references to "undue delays" unloading the ships; that "we must wait for eternal time" because canoemen refused to work; of shortages of trade goods and all manner of provisions (par-

P•I•r C.W. Gutltlnd 37 been very obnoxious and have refused to do their common duty, we give them their due but they refuse to work. l told them if they still refuse we can do without them and take them as slaves.""' The eighteenth century was one during which their consciousness as workers increased, as did their courage to give it expression. We do not know what lessons, if any, the Europeans drew from these manifestations, nor how other canoemen along the coast perceived the actions of their fellow workers. As news traveled fast, it is rather unlikely that workers elsewhere were not aware of these protests. The documentation rarely reveals the public voice of the canoemen in their own terms. This is a serious limitation, but 1 do not think that it destroys the basic argument made. Although the historical record is one of European attitudes, responses, and analyses of events, it gives us an insight into the conditions for labor at the time. That the canoemen were conscious of the value of the remuneration they received in relation to their perception of the value of the work they did is clear from their frequent objections to be paid in worthless trinkets. They demanded gold when they were offered tobacco or liquor (both of which they treated more as subsistence than wages). The haggling that ensued often resulted in prolonged disputes, as in 1778 between Mr. John Clemson, a free trader at Cape Coast, and some canoemen (Gutkind, in press). The canoemen were offered liquor, which they refused, and asked for gold instead "upon which Mr. Clemson took a cane and flogged one of them," the appointed spokesman of the canoemen." The canoemen, like other skilled African workers such as artisans, were subject to supervision by African bomboys, a small group whose involvement in labor disputes is frequently recorded. No information has so far come to light how these African supervisors were recruited or remunerated, but there are many indications that they were disliked and seen as extensions of their European and African masters. ln 1718 a small group of canoemen attacked a bomboy who had been sent by his master to collect some cargo from the beach. The canoemen beat him as they suspected him of being a thief and they would be blamed. On yet another occasion a bomboy was verbally abused by the canoemen because his master had told him that the canoemen would not be paid for several days, a message that the poor fellow had to convey to them. Yet in 1788 some bomboys refused to work, to "Bfl the canoemen to unload the Storeship" that had arrived at Cape Coast. Hence Governor Thomas Norris ordered that the pay of the bomb0y$

38 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . . - ‘ des eration such as "our ticularly medicines) leading to expreS;¤€;l;;£. Offaclors complaining supplies are run out we are tn a sic . h [ain but lh that they "do their best to ovffer due speed to t e cap € CMFEZF; gs ggsjduring the construction of Anamabu Fort, a formal strike took place. Thomas Melvtl wrtttng from Cape Coast to the London Committee on January 25, 1753, recorded the event as follows: Gentlemen, My last letter by the [ship] Tubah of Bristol is inclosed. Since that time we have been busy landing the stores at Annamaboe where we meet with many Rubs. The Canoemen raised their wages upon us, and left off work. l sent all those belonging to myself and Partners to assist the Company and with these we wrought several days. This has brought the Fantees to reason and they now assist for the Old Wages. Every day produces fresh Demartds, from the Cabboceers who say now is their tin1e to eat when we are going to Build our Fort. . . . 'l'he Canoemen would not work, I have sent down my own Canoemen with yours to show them once more that we can do without them." While the strike failed, as "wages" were not raised, the fact that it took place was as significant as the outcome. Yet this was not the first time that canoemen had shown their collective strength. ln March 1685 canoemen refused to unload the Mavis, which had arrived from London with provisions, a few soldiers, and some building materials to establish a settlement at Succondee (Sekondi). The chief factor, Captain Henry Nurse, reported on l7 March that "despite our effort the rascally canoemen have refused to unload the ‘Mavis,’ their caboceer has told me that the canoemen were beaten [hit] by some Dutch at Mina and now do not wish to work for us."" In December l7l7 Agent-General William Johnson also complained that the canoemen had Iset fire to some canoesheds because "they were angry gégut; alnd said gmt they had been suffered [hurt] by Mister James beat lhenitfvusedto gtve them their due Brandy andrhad voiced to reported Hwath xl tn, May 1739 Chtef factor William Tymewell have run away mart; to the London office that "a.ll the canoemen on the bca h U H Ome 0 them attempted to set fire to our stores C . e noted that tn the last months the canoemen have

P•t•r C.W. Outklnd 3Q "be discontinued from 23 December l7BB, being the Time they refused to get the Canoemen to unload the Storeship. This to be understood to hold good unless the [London] Committee should order to the contrary."" We are not told why the bomboys refused to carry out their supervisory duties. As indicated earlier, the canoemen often refused to transport troops and military supplies, which, during the last part of eighteenth and much of the nineteenth century, arrived in considerable quantities. ln 1794 Commander Dod had to use his own long boats, particularly unsuitable for passenger transport through the surf, and expressed his anger at the canoemen. "The most disagreeable part," he wrote, "is the refusal of the canoemen to land the Troops at Amoko. . . . However disagreeable it is to me to be obliged to submit to the Caprice of the rascally Canoemen, I propose to land the Troops tomorrow morning."" By the nineteenth century labor unrest was common and by no means restricted to the canoemen. Workers in many trades demanded better pay and better conditions of employment including the hammockmen, another group of direct service producers well worth closer attention. We are also given some indication that navigational improvements might have been rejected by the canoemen who sensed that these might lead to redundancy. In 1818 plans were made to construct a breakwater at Cape Coast to assist larger vessels to discharge bulk cargo more safely and quickly. Sir George Collier investigated the possibility of such a plan but wondered how the canoemen might respond, "I am not prepared to say," he noted, how far the natives of Cape Coast Town would estimate such work as a large part of their means is derived from Canoe labour for which they are highly paid . . . It would perhaps be satisfactory to their Lotdships if the African Company were directed to state the general daily expenses of Canoe hire, during the time their Store Ship is in the Roads." But such issues bring us into the contemporary period, which is not the primary concern of this chapter. Many of the actions by the canoemen might be interpreted as mere antisocial activity (such as theft, smuggling, willful damage, and freebooting), rather than true labor protest and that what there was of the latter was haphazard and unorganized. This may well be so if we were to take no account of the rapidly evolving class structure within

413 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE and beyond the settlements, the rise ofimportant African mer-chants, traders, and middlemen, the progressive specialization of skills and division of labor, and, above all, the commodittzation of labor that radically altered an older labor process. Kea (l982) has exposed-the extent and kind of poverty in the coastal settlements and has, l think, shown clearly the emerging lines of stratification particularly tn the seventeenth century." The language alone adopted by the Europeans vis-a-vis the canoemen is ample evidence of the class position occupied by these workers. Canoemen were perceived by some as outcasts, as villainous, and always as lazy, but also cunning, ambitious, and deter— mined to set themselves up as traders in their own right. The following comment is not unusual: Canoemen in this country [Ghana] are such Thieves, such Lazy and runaway rogues, and so protected by their Relations, Countrymen and Acquaintance, a.nd so Countenanced even by all the Blacks of this Towne [Cape Coast] that it takes a considerable time, when on the run, to get them again." Because canoemen did attempt to trade on their own account, particularly with the help of the interlopers, they were accused of undermining the monopoly of trade that each nation reserved for itself and the appointed officials. Kea (n.d.c: 18) has pointed out that canoemen, although treated as commoners, were not prevented from engaging in trade and that lt was from among the ranks of the canoemen that the brokers and merchants of the past emerged .... Canoemen with mercantile aspirations began their careers as traders by borrowing gold or trade goods torn those who possessed them. Usually this meant that they were obliged to place themselves in pawn. tregrlzigjrstgot @1; gglusual rgtove for workers who facilitate the enOf property tgm mi lirs an TC the opportunity for the acquisition (Hobsbawm 1964) gTha|:;a;/e t e P/ay for their costumter aspirations msc in rank»and st.atus is ome 0 the canoemen were successful and trader and eventually man supgorted by one Quaquol who became a to a Dutch comm d age to pay off a substantial debt tn 1669 an ant. Others who attempted to trade on their own

P•l•r C.W. Gutklnd 41 account came to a grievous end as in English Komenda when, in l7l5 a canoeman was placed in irons for "taking trade from the Company}: He had had the help of a local caboceer and his son who "shot himself" rather than, one is led to believe, being put in irons as well. His father being a caboceer evidently did not expect similar punishment. ln the years following abolition the canoemen were enticed by all manner of rewards to facilitate the illicit slave trade. Because their activity involved them in great risk, they were paid large quantities of trade goods, which they then attempted to use to set themselves up as traders—albeit on a relatively small scale. The evidence does suggest that the canoemen revealed a class consciousness, and a political force, that transcended mere antisocial behavior and aspirations of entrepreneurship. Their consciousness rested on the foundation that they were the direct producers of services that created a considerable wealth for others both locally and in the distant metropolitan centers. Like workers everywhere, past and present, they protested when they felt entitled to a larger share of this wealth. Central to this consciousness, fed by an economistic rather than a reformist or apocalyptic vision of the future, is the question of their own internal organization. Despite extensive and prolonged searching of the records, no information has come to Light on this important issue. Some eighteenth century records occasionally suggest that the canoemen might have been organized in an usafo, but the references are too brief and unclear to draw any firm conclusions. Muller (1968) noted such an organization in 1676, but, again, the reference is too inconclusive. It is vital for us to know how the canoemen were recruited, what comprised a "crew," and whether they had their own headmen. Very occasionally there are references to the "Headman of the canoemen," but beyond this nothing further is recorded. The absence of such information does leave a rather large gap, which, one hopes, can be filled in the future. By the middle of the nineteenth century, when the documentation greatly improves and oral history can also be taken into account, surfboatmen, the successors to the canoemen, had their own asafo. lndeed, to this day retired surfboatmen will gladly take the visitor to Elmina to a house, magnilicently decorated, which is their asafo meeting place. At a meeting held in their hall they claimed that they and their predecessors, the canoemen, had always had their own asafo. which regulated who could be surf-

42 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE , . ` d, the authority they obeyed, and how ggridilfgnshgf wlgskwvseiereiegggated. But more needs to be done to determine the accuracy of these statements. THE CLASS SYSTEM IN SOUTHERN GHANA The canoemen, without whose labor coastal and inland trade in Ghana would have been severely restricted, comprised a dtsttrtct laboring class that fitted into an established class system that residents of and visitors to the settlements from the sixteenth century on have described (Villault, 1669; 296; Fage, 1980a: 289, 293, 295). The fr-ee canoemen were "waged" employees. But, despite this, were the social relations of production ultimately embedded in ktnshtp (even though their labor was primarily for Europeans) and juridicial determinants, and as such not dom.inated by imported economic conditions and structures? Most students of precolonial societies view them as precapitalist and, indeed, perhaps anticapitalist; that the domestic economy was small; that markets and exchanges met only basic needs for social re roduction; and that social rather than economic values were maximFized." Precapitalist societies, it is argued, do not pay "wages" to producers whose labor is rewarded and contained in networks of kin and the larger ethnic group. But such an orientation places exclusive emphasis on the structure of an economy and not complementary emphasis on the consequences of that structure; on formal political structure rather than on its operation and, again, its consequences; on the social organization as ideal rather than as praxis. Where there was hierarchy there was class, and there is no doubt that the Ghanaian coastal societies were hierarchical to various degrees. Kea (1980: 373) suggests as much in describing the various means of surplus extraction that coexisted in Akwamu from 1681 to 1730. The southern Ghanaian social formations were complex and rested on Iunequal distribution of wealth and authority, characteristic of capitalist modes of organization. Kea (1982) has produced the most detailed and analytically strong documentation of class formation for this coastal region, applying a three-stage periodization, and has suggested that the roots of class structure can be traced back to the thtrteenth or fourteenth century. The evidence suggests that the first clear signs of considerable class-based unrest became evident with the alrrtval of the Portuguese. The class of indigent increased sharply in t e period of mercanttltsm (fifteenth to early eighteenth centuries),

P•I•r C.W. Qutklnd 43 which also saw the rise o1` banditry when trade assumed great importance and agricultural production declined. Cordeiro (lB8l: 24) has noted that Because of the many commodities the Dutch have brought and are bringing, all have abandoned farming and have become and a.re still becoming merchants. Those who cannot pay become robbers of other merchants. There are no farms and no agriculture, and all of the neighbouring coastal Kings are in despair and lament that they are lost and mined, and that they will lose everything, and that they will die of hunger. De Marees (1912: 112-113) also reported that in the early seventeenth century many families were in debt to rich, abirempon, urban townspeople. In particular, a number of writers have noted that the port settlements became progressively the residences of the poor; that theft, robbery and crime were common, resulting in considerable disorder. Ratelband notes (1953: 183-192) that Elmina in particular harbored a "delinquent rogue" who, after being caught and put in prison, eventually hanged himself. Kea (n.d.b) suggests that some of the (class-based) crime was associated with organized gangs of young men known as sika den, black gold, who were without regular employment and engaged in the kidnapping of peasants on behalf of African and European traders. Craft production, concentrated in the coastal towns, rose rapidly; guilds developed and military leadership assumed considerable importance in the eighteenth century. As southern Ghana became tirmly incorporated into an evolving international system of trade and commerce (the zana comercio as the Portuguese named the Costa de Mina), primitive accumulation received a major boost (a process that likely commenced considerably prior to the arrival of the Portuguese during the period of the land-holding captaincy system). Production for export of gold and ivory expanded and the resources of the cotmtry can1e under pressure. An export-oriented capitalist mode of production took root and consolidated itself into the present. One is reminded of the view offered by Marx (1977: 874-875) who suggested that The process of primitive accumulation can be nothing other than the process which divorces the worker from the ownership ol` the conditions of his own labour; it is a process which operates two transformations, whereby thc social means of subsistence and production are turned

44 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE ‘ ediate producers are turned into wage—labourers. irtw ¤¤Pi“]-andlhclmm - ` nothin else than the ` itive accumulation, therefore, is S l::cr;ess of divorcing the producers from the means of production. . ` lcd in - · Marx (1961. 331) suggested, is revea The dynarmc of this process, . · · ` l` od f roduc‘h° °p°m"°n of merchant capital In Pmhcapuscfntigatedcinothz hands tion with limited surplus products genera y co U v_ 1 fthe ruling classes lends itself to manifestations of violence. to ence arises from conflict between merchant capital and ruling classes over distribution of the surplus product between them. Kwame Arhin (1983: 18) has documented this process of surplus ex— traction in his description of the class system. on the Mina coast, while Daaku (1971: 169) specifies those residents tn the coastal towns who had come to "sell their services [such] as the canoemen" as a new phenomenon: ln the coastal towns like Elmina, Cape Coast, Annantabo, Axim land Accra, there emerged a group of people who owed their new positions to trade. Some of them had come down to the coast specifically to sell their commodities but there were many who came to these towns to sell their services as canoemen, masons, soldiers, bricklayers, interpreters, etc. The fact that these people received regular monthly wages for their services gave them a completely new status in the traditional set up. . . . [What had emerged was a] new wage-earning group. European contact did not create new structures but advanced those already in place, as Arhin (1983: 15) has also observed. The canoemen provided the direct services so essential to the development of internal and external trade and to enrichment of European and African merchants whose fortunes rose but could also decline. The canoemen and other labor created for some a capitalistic paradise. One unnamed writer (Sarbah, 1904: 196) of the period (probably the seventeenth or eighteenth century) had considerable insight. For the Golden Coast, [as one quaintly wrote] where man may gain an estate by a handful of beads, and his pocket full of gold for an old hat; where a cat is a tenement, and a few fox-tails a manor; where gold is sold for iron, and silver given for brass and pewter."

P•I•r C.W. Gutklnet L5 Those who received the beads and the old hat were, of course, those who labored to create the gold and silver. This leads me to conclude that the history of people and their labor is always one of struggle. James Connolly, the great Irish republican socialist, put it simply in 1916: "The cause of labour is the cause of Ireland, and the cause of Ireland is the cause of labour." Of course, we must be mindful that polemicism and rhetoric do not run away with our hopes. We must not be father to a wish that might remain unfulfilled. I have deliberately not suggested that the canoemen were a proletarianized working class (ahhough I was sometimes tempted to say this [Sandbrook, 1981]); nor have I said that the canoemen were the true Ghana. What I have tried to suggest is that early precolonial African labor history can become an interesting field of study. I have also said that we might try to experiment with new models, which I think are best taken from that large range that Marx bequeathed to us. My own interests are both theoretical, which means different things to every social scientist, and ideological. We ought to try to set the record straight, if I may use a now rather dated expression. I would like to suggest that we should look toward a "I—Iistory of the Conditions of the African Working Class." Somewhere there must be an Engels atnong Africanists. Lots of distinguished colleagues have contributed to the history of the western working class. It seems equally appropriate to devote energy to workers who were such a distinctive and indispensable part of the history of precolonial Africa. Such workers cut out for themselves an important and permanent place in the history of labor. The successors to the canoemen of Ghana are the dockworkers who inherited their skills and activism. But that is another but equally exciting story. NOTES 1. A number of writers have accepted the view that large quant.it.i¤ of prefabrimted building materials were carried by the ships leaving Portugal in December 1481. Van Dantzig and Priddy (1971: 7) and Lawrence (1963: 91-94, 104) have disputed this. See also Sanceau (l959: 211-222), Major (1967: 322), and Claridge (1964: 4]) for the more conventional view, that is also supponed by a number of Portuguese writers. 2. Archivo National de Torre do Tombo. Lisboa. 85m. doc. 75, 1499-1560. 3. Even before this date the Company of Merchant Adventurers for Guinea or the Merchant Adventurers to the Coast of Africa and Ethiopia was launched in 1553 but ceased in 1567. Even earlier, in 1540, some Southampton merchants formed a trading company engaged in the African trade at Senegal.

45 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . · rr . 1. d (h 1 4- To nwmu Md,,,y_ 1 october 1753, Public Record O toe on on ence Dm, PIC? Fotztjgf Assistants, Royal African Company to Philip Franklin, 18 July 17z3_ PRO. 170/ss. . Ibid. g. PRO, 170/30; 170/1518; 388/46 (1753. 1754, and 1756), O, T70/1470. 28 MBY I · :3: Nassau Senior, ll December 1757, PRO, 170/1527. I0. PRO. 170/1479, 1775. 11. PRO, 170/1515, 1750 , id. . PbRO. F.O. 84/1(I72, Campbell to Clarendon, 18 February 1855. (Supplied by . lt' . _ A. lzghigfgan de Nederlandse Bezittigen ter Kuste van Guinea, 194, 1647. 15. PRO, 170/1515. 16. PRO, 170/75, 1664. 17. PRO, 170/29. Sec also 170/1520. both for 1753. 18. PRO, 170/81. 19. PRO. 170/1464. Z0. PRO. 170/94. 21. Recorded by Richard Miles, Cape Coast Castle, 19 November 1778. PRO, 170/1468. 22. PRO, 170/153. I789. 23. PRO. T70 1569. 24. National Mat·itime Museum, Greenwich, WEL/10, 1818. 25. The vocabulary reflected this stratification. The abirempon were the rich and the anihumartffa the poor; others were described as konkonsafa or mantemamanni who were the disposscssed, those who were degraded and of inferior status. 26. PRO, C.ll3/273, part 1, 1709. 27. Tltis. of course, opens up the substantivist-formalist debate and a large literature supportive of one side or the other. (Leons and Rothstein, 1979). Marxist models dif· fer fundamentally from both "mainstream" approaches. 28. PRO, C.l13/36, part 2, no. 10I0, 1709. REFERENCES M-PFR$.·E-A. (1973) "Re·thinlting African economic history; a contribution t0 lh! discussion ofthe roots of underdeve1opment." Ufahamu 19: 97-129. ::gf:$ON· P- (181:101 N'8¤¤'i¢¤¤ Wilhin English Marxism. London: New Left Books. I. K. (1983) Rank and class in Asante and Fante in the nineteenth ccnlufy-" Africa 53: 2-22. BAi?OT· J· (I746) Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea. London! tntot and Osborn. B .· - . mST;:$I;?“éL£‘;(;?7??7I TM K¢11J¤1¢nl0 da Mina." Transactions of the Historical

P•t•t· CMI. Gutltlnd 47 BLAKE. J. W. (1977) Europeans in West Africa, 1454-1578. London: Curzon. BOSMAN, W. (1705) A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea Divided into the Gold, the Slave, and the lvory Coasts. London: Knaptcn. BOWDICH, T. E. (1966) Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee. Landon: F. Cass. BRADBY, B. (1975) "The destruction of natural economy." Economy and Society 4: 127-161. BRASIO, P. A. [ed.] (1958-1964) Monumento Missionari Africana. Africa Oeidental. Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar. CHURQ1-111.1., J. A. [comp.} (1732) Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. 5. tpndqn; Walthoe. CLARIDGE, W. W. (l964) A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti from the Earliest Time to the Commencement of the 20th Century, vol. 1. London: F. Cass. COHEN, R. (1980) "Resistance and hidden forms of consciousness among African workers." Review of African Political Economy 19: 8-22. ---—(1976) "Hidden forms of labour protest in Africa." Birmingham: University of Birmingham, Faculty of Commerce and Social Science. CORDEIRO, L. [ed.] (1881) "l5l6-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa." Viagens exploracoes e conquistas dos Ponuguezes, vol. 6. Lisboa: lmpresna National. CORRIGAN, P. (1977) "Feudal relics or capitalist monuments? Notes on the sociology of unfree labour." Sociology ll: 435-463. DAAKU, K. Y. (1971) "Trade and trading patterns of the Altan in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries," pp. 168-181 in C. Meillassoux (ed.) The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press. DeMAREES, P. (1912) Beschryvinghe ende Historische Verhael van het Gout Kortinc· rijck van Gunea anders de Gout-Custe de Mina genaemt liggende in het Deel van Africa, (S.P. L'Honore Naber, ed.). The Hague: Linschoten Society. D1AS, M. N. (1960) "A organizacao da rota Atlantica do Ouro da Mina e os memnismos dos resgates." Revista de Historia 44: 369-398. DONELHA, A. (1977) An Account of Sierra Leone and the Rivers of Guinea and Cape Verde (1625). Lisbon: Junta de lnvestigacoes Cientilimo do Ultramar, Centro de Estudos de Cartografia Artiga, no. 19. FAGE, J. D. (1980a) "S1aves and society in westem Africa, c. 1445-c. 17t`D." Journal of African History 21: 289-310. ———(1980b) "A commentary on Duarte Pacheco Perei.ra's amount of the lower Guinea coastlands in his Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis and on some other mrly ac¤ounts." History in Africa 7. FARO, J. A. (1958) "A organizacao ftsal de S. Jorge da Mina em 1529 e as was rela¤:t¤ com a ilha de S. Tome." Boletim Cultural da Guine 13: 305-365. ———(1957) "Estevao de Gama capitao de S. Jorge de Mina e a sua organimmo administrativa cm 1S29." Bolatim Cultural da Guine Portuguesa 12: 385-442. FE1NBERG, H. M. (1979) "An eighteenth-century case of plagiarism: William Smith‘s A New Voyage 10 Guinea" History in Africa. 6. GUTKIND, P.C.W. (1983) "Workers are workers and Marxist intellectuals are mere intellectuals (said Alice)." Contemporary Marxism 7: 184-193. I ———(1974) The Emergent African Proletariat. Montreal: McGill University, Centre for Developing Area Studies.

lpggggk TRADE g TIE I(IIE$ OF ASI-l930; an exP|orn { Lb, cpu Coast (Ghana). l _ __-_" Pts, ..-rh, ° in Pmw¤dm§_ Cnnygso lnt¤‘¤Ql-total - ,,H,.t,..¤tMr¤¤*¤**°" · im,,,.¤_ tune tm. Lube; $1 in E A do Euyppa RCDZSC _ Duaommqum ?¤•"“8"" . _: I cmiqu, of wnrees on Sierra Leu; °° ··Bubot D¤w¤· Dm") nant P.E.t-t. ttv74)_ _ ·_ Mm L md Cv: I0 Ra_,umM_ (unpublished) itENlG£· D- P- ld:] (mz) · Mm stuutes in the History of Labour. Lon. HOBBAWH. E. J. U964) L2l¤>¤¤¤8· ‘ dm: wddmfdd and Sudan in the middle ages: und¤’d¤"¢l°P¤'¤¤Jt H0p|t|NS, A. G· (*967) S I pw and Present 37 (Jl-lb')- _ in lh, ,m,;,¤ of the k mum., On mc us, of the second cdr!-ion of JE"""$- “· "°”"m) im ,°.mr°.u..s.uu,·¤rota¤srs¤ msrory. r.·· History Reindorf s hhory 35 ¤ WNW in Africa *. _ _ [ · -dm-,_·· in R. Blackburn (ed.) JONFS. G- S- (W") ul l` me Poviny 04:2pl-ullousc ·S¤_.m5c3¤¤_NewYork.Rzn¤_ _- _ _ u°°k;{)I:m¤g lundow A study in the Relauonshtp Between Classes rn vn. ._(l · '°"h¤ S°'°i“y‘ Omni: Gundam · di ` al social relations on up ‘ ' ' aggumulauon and U'3 UO? _ migtow. S. ¤· Um) '"’”"" Cum ,,,,,.,,2] or Mum snare rz- mc. KE, R A Ugg;) sdjlgugnls Trade, and Politics tn the Seventeenth-Century Gnu ’ I l - Ohm H kin; University Prss. I C°:i$:1T: n°:nd trade in the Akwamu Empire, 1681-l730,’ pp_ i7l—]92 in B. K. Swartz and R. E. Dumelt (eds.) West African Cultural Dynamic: Archmlogal and Historia] Perspectives. 'l'he Hague: Mouton. -—(n.d.a.) ancumulation and regional systems tn Ghana: fifteenth. twentieth centuries." (unpublished) _ _ _ d: bandits and bandltry in the -—(n.d.b.) "l am here to plunder on the general roa -ninet th Gold Coast." (unpublished) L n.d.cT5 politics. and trade in the seventeenth century Gold Coast." blished . KLi5uJ:TuN. A. ZI969) "Wm African unfree labour before a.nd after the rise of the Atlantic slave tr1de," pp. B7-95 in L. Foner and E. D. Genovese (eds.) Slavery in the New World. Englewood-Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall. I · LAW. R. (l982) "J¤n Barbot as a source for t.he Slave Coast of Wat Afntzt." History in Africa 9. _ LAWRENCE, A. W. (1963) Trade Castles and Forts of West Africa. London: CaptLEE, R. B. (l979) The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foragtng Society. New York: Cambridge University Press. . LEONS, M. B. and F. RUTHSTEIN [eds.] (l979) New Directions in Poliuml Economyf An Approach from Anthropology. Wptport, Cl': Greenwood. LUBECK, P. M. (l98l) "Class fonnationon the periphery: class consciousness ind islamic nationalism among Nigerian workers," pp. 37-70 in R. L. Simpson and l. H. Simpson (eds.) Rsnrch in the Sociology of Work, vol. l. Greenwich, CTI JA!. MAJOR, R. H. (l967) The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal Sumamed the Navigator and Its Results from Authentic Contemporary Documents. London: F. Cass. MALOWIST, M. (l967) "Rejoinder." Past and Present 37 (July).

Pahr c.I. Bilbao ll --.(t%6) "The social and economic stability ofthe \\`e¤em Sudan tn the Mink _A8¤_" Past and Present 33 (April). MARX. K. tl977) Capital. vol. 1. New York: International Publulius. .1-(1%|) (hprtal, vol. J (F. Engds. ed.; S. Moore and E. Avding. trans.) Momoas Progress Publishers. MAYHEW. H. (1968) London Labour and the London Poor. Neu York: Dover. McLENNAN, G. (1981) Marxism and the Methodiologiu of History. London: Neu Left Books. MEREDITH. H. (1967) An Account of the Gold Coast of Afnca. with a Brit Hisory of the Afrian Company. London: F. Cass. MOORE. D. and F. G. GUGGISBERG (1%*)) We Two in West Africa. Nel York: Scribner. MULLER, W. J. (1%8) Die Afrimnische auf der Guineische GoId·Ot¤ Cdqene Lg;}. gghaft Fetu. Hamburg: Gmz Akademischc Druck. (Originally published in 1676) O’CON`NOR, J. (1975) "Pr0ductive and unproductive labor." Politics and Society S: 297-336. I PRLESTLEY, M. (1965) "An nrly strike in Ghana." Ghana Notes and Queris 7: 23, RATELBAND, K. [ed.] (1953) Vijf Dagregisters van het Kastcel Sao Jorge dn Mina (Elmina) aan de Gout Kust, 1645-1647. The Hague: M. Nijhoff. SANCEAU, E. (1969) The Reign of the Fonunate King 1l95·1521. New York: Archon Books. ———(1959) The Perfect Prinoe: A Biography of the King Dom Joao 11 Who Continued the Work of Henry the Navigator. Porto: Livraria Civilizacao. SANDBROOK, R. (1981) "Worker consciousness and populist protest in tropical Afritz." pp. 1-36 in R. L. Simpson and 1. H. Simpson (eds.) Resurch in the Sociology of Work, vol. 1. Greenwich. C1': JAJ. ———and R. COHEN [cds.] (1975) The Development of an Afrian Working Gao: Studies i.n Class Formation and Action. London: Longman. SARBAH, J. M. (1904) "The Gold Coast when Edward 1V was king (1l6I-1483)." Joumal of the African Society 3: 194-197. TEIXEIRA da MOTA, A. (1978) "Some aspects of Portuguese colonization and sca trade in West Africa in the 15t.h and 16th centuries." Bloomington: University of lndiana, African Studies Program. Hans Wolff Memorial Lecture. THOMPSON, E. P. (1978) The Poverty of Theory. London: Merli.n. VAN DANTZIG, A. (1976) "English Bosman and Dutch Bosman: a comparison of te1tt." History in Africa 3-7, 9. ————(1974) "Wi11iam Bosman's New and Aceumtr Desvripriorr of rhe Com 0] Guinea: How accurate is it?" History in Africa 1. ———and Priddy, B. (1971) A Short History of the Forts and Castles of Ghana. Accra: Ghana Museums and Monuments Board. VILLAULT, N. (1669) Relation des c6tes d` Afrique appellees Guinée. Paris: Denys Thierry. _ VOGT, J. L. (1979) Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast, 1469-1682. Athens: Georgia University Press. ———(l974) "Private trade and slave sales at Sao Jorge da Mina: a fifteenth-century document." Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 15: 103-110. [hiv.-Flbliclhek Ieqeitlbnrq

3 MERCHANTS, PORTERS, AND CANOEMEN IN THE BIGHT OF BENIN Links In the West African Trade Network PATRICK MANNING The initial objective of this essay is to document the importance of two major trade routes that are left off virtually all maps of West African commerce (e.g., Hopkins, l973: 59; Adamu, l97B: 65). These are the north-south porterage route from Grand Popo to Djougou, dominated by trade in salt, and the east-west canoe route from Lagos to Keta, dominated by l`ood—stuffs trade. Their importance stems not only from the large volume of goods they carried, but from their strategic placement: The CaSI·W€Sl route linked all the major coastal population centers between Accra and the Niger, while the north—south route provided the major link from the coast to the great interior route between Kano and Salaga. My second objective is to analyze the labor conditions along these long-distance routes: The analysis contrasts the porters, unspecialized, part—time workers who acted as petty trader—transporters, with the specialized canoemen, who worked in corporate groups and often received wages. The study begins with an analysis of the commerce and the work process along each route, and along various spurs and corollary routes of the Bight of Benin, at the opening of the twentieth century, when they are best documented. The third aspect of the essay, a longitudinal study of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, is intended to reaffirm the 51

ICAN TRADE 52 THE WORKERS OF AFR N ¤»¤-v-° { ~·~··° 0 i Snake BOM Om ,5-nnli g ,S•»| ,$.u\¤u • , nhl- I" ' maui 2 +_ pllmu °•‘°’ elhfiv Anniuu Ins ah'-,. •5I** *2 i P • "'Y /, **11 ' hh - 4 H c__~_ { _ .1 ' · o m an en nm +;%,4.;,.1 Gull ol Games 0 ga Ibn. c•¤•u•¤ anu. vn im-»··¤v Mnn 3.1: Dshnmcy, Lain Nirunaanth Cantury significance of the routes, to further elucidate the nature of the worl performed along them, and to show the impact of politics and chang ing technology on commerce.

Patrick llannlng 53 THE WORK OF THE PORTEFIS Most of the long—distance overland trade of nineteenth-century Bight of Benin was carried by unspecialized porters working on their own or in small groups. Overall, that is, the Bight of Benin head transport system contrasted sharply with the greater specialiuttion and division of labor in the Hausa-dominated interior commerce, even though the two systems met at such junctures as Sansanné-Mango, Djougou, Parakou, Shaki, and llorin. The patterns of such porters’ work emerge most clearly from the documents on the north-south route from Agoué and Grand Popo to Djougou. This route, in common with other north-south routes from the Volta to the Niger, was focused on the movement of salt northward to the Niger valley, in return for the southward movement of foodstuffs. According to the observations of French administrators at Kambolé and Savalou in the early twentieth century, some 90 percent of the tonnage of northward-moving goods consisted of salt. The salt commerce recorded at the interior points of the trade route was a significant proportion of salt imports to colonial Dahomey: Total salt imports to Dahomey ranged from 1000 to 3000 tons per year, and roughly two-thirds of that amount went to Grand Popo. The salt observed passing Savalou and Kambolé ranged from 250 to 350 tons per year and, accepting the assessment of adrn.inistrators there that they saw only 40% of the commerce, we would conclude that some 600 to 900 tons of salt per year passed northward along that route (Tables 3.1 and 3.5; Manning, 1982: 356-363, 378). Of the other northward-moving goods, textiles were most important in volume and value, followed by dyes, beads, alcoholic beverages, gunpowder, guns, mats, and baskets. Sma.ll amounts of such goods as tobacco, matches, and copper bars were noted (Table 3.2). Cowries had ceased to be carried north by the time of this survey, but they had been important in earlier days. Salt commerce in particular seems to have lent itself to pursuit by individuals and small groups, as is clear in a description of the activities of such individuals during February 1906: Les négociants de Djougou se sont approvissionés et les grosses caravanes nc se reformeront que plus turd; pour le moment, ce sont des groupes

55 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE de 3 a -1 Gambaris au plus, faisant du caborage, le sel érant monte par nous les indigenes de Savalou, Banté, Cabole, Bassila qu tls soient ou non conunereants. Des qu‘ils onr un pécule suflisant, ils se rendent a Aibomey, Toffo, Paouignan et meme Savalou, achérent un sac de sel-qu tls vom vendre a Bassila, Aledjo, Léméré ou Djougou. Les autres articles sont l’apanage des négociants Gambaris ou nagots.' That is, during the dry season, the roads were dominated not by the caravans of large Gambari (that is, Hausa and other northern) me;. chants, but by traders and cultivators from the region north of Djalloukou and south of Djougou who took their savings and a load of agricultural produce south to exchange for salt, which they then carried north. The commodities of a less prosaic and elementary nature remained in the hands of the Gambari and of certain Yoruba merchants. Human porters, rather than donkeys, carried the salt and other goods along this route. Donkeys are scarcely mentioned in the records of this trade (except for the occasional driving of a lone animal to the south for sale), a pattern that reaffirms the contrast of transport on this route with that of the further interior. The porters carried heavy loads of up to 40 to 50 kilograms of salt, and moved their loads by carrying them a distance of some 800 to 1000 meters, after which they rested their burdens against the fork of a tree, assisted in this by a pole that they carried for that purpose. The size of the burdens is borne out by administrative statistics: the median burden, as measured both at Kambolé and Savalou, was 35 kilograms per person' (Table 3.1). Thermedian figure is brought down because not all caravan members earned full burdens—some drove animals, and the children in the caravans carried smaller loads. An estimate of some 700 persons in caravans passing Abomey on their way from Savalou to Cotonou indicates that one-third of them were women and 5 percent were children, but it gives no indication as to the size of the burdens women carried (Table 3.4). ·The standard day's journey was roughly 25 kilometers, perhaps slightly less for those carrying salt. The 400-kilometer journey from the coast to Djougou thus required some sixteen days plus rest stops. cf;-Ejnlslisclgyggzrwof two weeks at therterminus, a full-time porter month and a round-{ZY journey from Djougou to Grand Popo in 3 p journey in two months; such a porter would

Pttrlett Mennlng 51 Table 3.3 Persons Moving in Caravans through Kambole, 1905-1907 1905 1906 1901 — MD,,‘h lyprrhwald Sbulhwuid N0/Ihwaid Scurltwgrfi N°"h,?,·,d soumwlld January 730 1172 14827 7 Hg; February **77 437 1199 1;]; March 338 2B0 348 511 ,,-,0 nu 4,11.1 190 243 an 516 May 41:1 245 524 493 June 549 558 JulV 567 59:1 410 467 August 597 629 120 117 September 497 594 204 493 October 682 494 830 937 November 731 1547 139 602 December 1283 1187 1054 925 Table 3.4 Southward Commercial Movement at Abomey, 1910 Sheep and Month Men Women Chi/dren Burdens (hre/e Goat: Jan.·Feb. 117 45 17 236 120 March 38 za 16 239 142 21 April 141 52 4 133 B9 145 May 12B 94 115 231 256 SOURCE: ANB, 2-D-2, Abomey, March-May 1910. be able to make six trips in a year. lf one thousand tons of goods moved north each year in burdens of 35 kilograms on the heads of porters who made six trips a year, it would take roughly 5000 fulltime porters to carry the commerce along this route. ln fact, since many of the porters were not full-time specialists, the total number of people involved in porterage along this route was much larger than 5000 (Table 3.3). Further, since the total male and female adult population in the region through which this commerce passed was withm the range of from 40,000 to 80,000, it may be seen that transport along the route was indeed a major activity for this region (Afrique Occidentale Francais [AOF], 1911). The southward-bound trade, dominated by commerce tn the agricultural produce of the inland areas, further clartlies the character of this route as one carried by small-scale rather than large-scale contmerce. The main product, both in volume and tn value, was mukan, a green paste made from the fruit of the nété or African locust tree. Shea butter was next in importance: lt was used for cooki¤8 ln

E 5. mz WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRAP - 05-1914; out nm. 3 5 sm Mum., Nqmmapa, Kamholn and Savalw. 19 an qq"-., mum (K;;¢;,é) yxambaré} lsava/ou} !Saval¤uI (Save/pu) Januafv February ‘ 000 12,000 MZICH 1 · 470 Ap", 4,000 · M=v 11000 24,750 32,990 J“"° 12,s70 Jvtv Egg 21,400 A¤¤¤=¤ · 10,775 $¢¤*°"‘°°' '°·°°° J6 675 .000 ‘ °°'°"°' 24 53,235 46,695 N°*°'“’°°' '°·°°° 12 040 December 44,000 ' SOURCE: ANB, 2-D-B2, Savalou, March 1905-February 1906, 2-D BG. Saval¤u_ January 1912·De1:em¤ar 1914. areas nonh of the oil palm forest, and soap made from shea butter was also carried southward. Beans followed shea butter closely tn volume and value. Small numbers of cattle, sheep, and horses were driven southward. Mats, calabashes, and pepper were other goods of northern provenance that flowed southward: These goods, rarely reported by European observers, seem sometimes to have dominated southward-bound caravans’ (Table 3.2). Certain of the southward-moving goods, however, were surely linked to the efforts of large-scale merchants whose geographical range and financial power exceeded those of the small-scale porters who were most numerous on this route. Kola, for instance, was diverted in small quantities from its primary destination of the Sokoto Caliphate, and flowed into the kingdom of Danhome and neighboring areas. ln addttton natron, mined near Lake Chad, was exported in all directions, and some of it came south along this route (Table 3.2; Lovejoy, 1985). An east-west porterage route, linking such towns of the coastal plateau as Abeokuta, Abomey, and Atakpamé, intersected the Grand Popo-Djougou route at Tahoun in the middle Mono valley: This route focused on the exchange of local manufactures and foodstuffs but also ilarrted goods from Europe and from the far interior. At the Dahomey· tgerta border between Kétou and Meko, the main products moving Evestlm IQIZ were natron, originating in northern Nigeria, dyes, Yoruba extt es, jars, calabashes, gunpowder, and beads. Goods moving

Patrlck llannlng 55 eastward were dominated by guns, gunpowder, pepper, kola, textiles and sheep.‘ Some of the livestock came from the region of Abomeyi West of Abomey, as registered in December 1905, the westward trade included ceramic ja.rs, cowries, oranges, natron, and calabashes, while the eastward trade was led by maize, but also included beans, indigo, and textiles. During that month, just after harvest, 4800 loads (some 120 tons) were carried eastward, and 2700 loads (65 tons) were carried westward.’ This trade carried on, step by step, to Tahoun, Atakpamé, and other points west. By a calculation similar to that carried out above for the north-south route, one may estimate that this level of transport required, for the Abomey plateau, a full-time equivalent labor force of some 2000 porters, which may be set against a.n adult male population of roughly 30,000 for the region (AOF, 1911). THE WORK OF THE CANOEMEN European writers on the Bight of Benin, while recognizing the great importance of canoe transport along the lagoons and rivers, rarely sought out details on the volume of commerce, on the organization of transportation, or on the financing of the water-borne commerce. Instead they contented themselves with capsule portraits of lagoon transport, of which the best was given by the agronomist Norbert Savariau (1906: 27): ll existe dans tous les centres importants riverains des lagunes ou des cours d’eau de véritables corporations de piroguiers ayant chacune un chef auquel les interessés s'adressent pour se procurer les pirogues dont ils ont besoin. Les prix de transport sont toujours établis a forfait, c'esta-dire a l'avantage du plus rusé des deux traitants. On peut les évaluer en moyenne a 0 fr. 02 par tonne kilométrique. Nous deduisons ce chiffre des tarifs usités entre Port0»Novo et Cotonou. Two—person canoes, usually of four to Eve meters in length and fifty to sixty centimeters in breadth, carried a sizable amount of such shortdistance commerce as could be accommodated to the trade of fish. Among the Tofin of Lake Nokoué the women’s trade canoes, known as "mosquito canoes," were often somewhat smaller than the men`s fishing canoes. Larger dugout canoes, up to some l2 meters in length and 140 centimeters in width, could transport twenty to thirty persons or a cargo of two to three tons; these traveled longer distances and

60 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . i f f r to six men propelled carrisd ° ‘”ld°' lang; Ol ggggg-€t2;\;Sal;¤ :n`lplo>’¢d 3 mm °“d Sail Such °°"°°S bl PPM gr p { wrlibte wind. The largest lagoon boatg lhal °°“ld be hmmd m a a ters in length and four or me were flat-b0ll°m€d· up wf[wHgsE€··,ujmen" [f2l'1$DOl`lcd €¤fS0es ¤l€l°'$ in width' Crews of our between main towns and pon; Of me wm or up :1(;i:ev€;;>)lel;cr;(f’l-ssail (Bourgoignie, 1972: l94·l95; · es, . _ . . . ;lsOv;llylll;1;n 8;; Foa, 1895: 142). The ethnic specialization- of ru `cn ienected this technical and occupational dif erenttationi cengem ‘ ' ts of the coast, including the .Totin of Lake Nokguc Flshmg Speclahs f Lake Ahémé relied primarily on small canoes; the and Ph? Hucda 0 h` edlthemselves out came dominantly from specialized canoemen who ir d Két, G of the Togo lagoons, the Hula of Grand Popo an enou, [Ee Tal fthe Porto Novo lagoon and such riverain Yoruba peoples t e ori 0 ‘ ' l` b . . . as :1 Ergkltm the coastal lagoon system—necessLtat1ng a pgzrtggalgeabz allel lagoons at some point etween n goctjgmzzitiilded the canoe transport system in twc;1.él'o theqeasg . -Calavi wit orto- ovo, 1 s linked Godomey and Abomey I I _ Saggggnaclsd Lagos; in addition, canoes went up the Oueme River as far as Sagon, and in the 1880s they began to go in growing numbers to the port of Cotonou. In the west, large canoes went along the lagoon from Avrékété and Ouidah to Grand Popo, Agoue, and ton to Ketla; canoes went up the Mono to Tokpli and, in smaller num lers, up t e Couffo to Long Agomey. Several observers attested to the importance of the nineteenth-century water-borne trade in foodstuffs-·for example, from the hinterland of Agoué, a rich agricultural area with a major regional market, to Ouidah with its concentration of population (Lambinet, 1893: 15, 22; d'Albéca, 1889: 61; Fonssagrives, 1900: 382; Bouche, 1885: 305). Lagos, as it grew, exerted a similar attraction on the areas west and north of it. _ The 30-kilometer journey from Porto-Novo to Cotonou took six hours by canoe, and the 35 kilometers between Ouidah and Grand Popo took six to eight hours, the latter journey requiring that the canoemen negotiate their way through numerous barrages mamtained by fishermen. Officials at strategically placed toll gates collected fees on passengers and merchandise. At the mouth of the Aro, the effiuent of Lake Ahémé, which formed the south-western frontier ol Danhome, the fee for passing Europeans in the 1880s was one head of cowries plus a bottle of tafia (rum); local merchants paid as much

Patrick Monnlng 31 as one·tenth of their cargo plus some talia (d`Albeca, 1895: 152). The trade canoes moved at a speed of some five kilometers per hour, roughly twice the speed of porters. Freight rates of 0.2 francs per tonkilometer were about one-lifth the rate for head porterage. At the san-ie time, this work appears to have provided revenues that reached three francs per day per worker, and that therefore permitted both a prolit for the canoe owner and a canoeman's wage, which exceeded the porter‘s daily wage of roughly one franc (Savariau, 1906: 27; d'Albéca, 1889: 57; 1895: 151; Bouche, 1885: 300). Another group of boatmen transported goods across the hazardous surf to and from European ships that anchored from one to three kilometers offshore. The work of the surf boatmen was, if anything, more strenuous and certainly more dangerous than that of the lagoon canoemen. Along the coast of Togo and at Grand Popo this work was done by Gen and Hula boatmen, while at Ouidah and Godomey beach the boatmen were Ga from Accra; east of Cotonou, most goods crossed the surf via Lagos harbor, with incoming and outgoing goods moving between Lagos and other points through the lagoon network. Many of the surf boats were owned by European merchant limts. At Cotonou—before construction of the pier in 1893, after which lighters no longer had to pass through the surf—these lirms hired boatmen at a salary of thirty francs per month plus a ration of rice, as well as a bottle of tafia each day, and a bottle of talia to be divided among the crew with each trip; the boats made a maximum of sixteen trips each day (d'Albéca, 1895: 10). Boatmen working both in the surf and in the lagoons were widely reputed to have added to their wages by stealing from the cargoes they were handling. At times, as we will see below, such theft took on the character of group rather than individual activity. Boats were hired, as Savariau (1906: 27) implied, individually or in groups; fees went, therefore, to individual boat owners, or to owners of fleets of boats, or to corporations of boat owners. The evidence thus makes it appear that the roles of merchant and transporter were distinct, though it remains possible that large merchants may have owned fleets of canoes. The chief of the town of Sagon, situated at a strategic head of navigation on the Ouémé River, had control over a fleet of canoes and large numbers of porters} This may, however, have simply been political control rather than actual ownership or employment of the canoes, porters, and boatmen. Thus, while it is

sz me wonxens or Arntcm TRADE s, the internal organize. dm, [ha; the larsf €“{'°°$ wercr3iwnc`;at;;,0gnr;;n_ however, were clearly [jon Of the 1-L1’lT|$ Temams hazy any Us (Fonssagrivcsi woo: 384686 . t es and slavery. 0¤ Couch;]-d, l91}· 56)· Lmeag nizalion Many s13V€S P3SSed vided alternative forms for labor orga making. it likely that many through me hands Siiegojia Ogiggjement. Further, the corporate 1i:|;§;:l;t|i·u;;lr;ai$11c;ng the Gen,. Hula, and other l?gO1;ne[;O13c1;;c1v as Such lha[ young men were not simply frccsggeirfltli ${0rk the going rate, but men who could be presld also be given the hope manipulation of family ties, and who cou f ll nd in the canoe of rising to a position of influence in the ami y a colipfmtaliigogrecise organization of the canoe work force ren;a::s speculative, its numbers may be surmised through esttima j 0 c volume of merchandise transported. For the transport o goo s across the surf, some 40,000 tons of goods were carried each way annually in colonial Dahomey at the end of the nineteenth century, slightly smaller amounts were moved in Togo, and larger quantities were rnoved in Lagos. These estimates are consistent; with a full-;rr£)i);gu;`;:lel?; f rha s 400 boatmen wit some seven goal; ;?r;;l;ni§1cDa1$omey, or 1000 canoemen for the entire Bight of Benin, based on assumptions of six men per crew, ten trips per day, 150 days per year, with cargoes of one ton each. A much larger work force was required for lagoon transport because of the long? dtsinces involved: assuming a minimal volume of 40,000 tons carrie eac way annually, one may guess that some 1000 f ull-time equivalent canoemen, with 180 boats, were required for each thirty-kilometer segment of the coast, which corresponds to 5000 for the area of colonial Dahomey and perhaps 10,000 for the entire Bight of Benin. This estimate is based on assumptions of a two-ton cargo being moved thirty kilometers pet day by a crew of six working 200 days per year. Some confirmation of these estimates is provided by the fact that the French Army, in its invasion of Danhome in 1892, requisitioned a reported twenty of the 1`lat-bottomed, twenty-meter boats and 100 of the twelve-meter boats: This imposition required crews totaling some seven hundred men, probably a majority of those available in the region (d‘Albéca. 1895: 70; Ross, 1971: 144-169). Additional confirmation comes from the volume of palm products moved each year via lagoon from PortoNovo to Lagos (Manning, 1982: 347. 352-354).

Pnlrlclt llnnnlng 33 Something of the outlook of the canoemen, and of their ability to defend their interests through group action, may be gleaned from the conflicts surrounding the construction of a road inland from Grand Popo in 1910 and 1911. The conflicts centered about the region's commandant de cercle, Antoine Rouhaud, who became widely known as "l'homme de la route de Grand Popo a Lokossa." The idea of a road crossing the marshes that surrounded the lower Mono was a thr t to the livelihood of canoemen in any case: lt would divert the southem. most leg of the Grand Popo-Djougou route from the river to land. Rouhaud, however, compounded the conflict by diverting funds that should have gone to canoe transport, cutting boatrnen‘s wages in half, and by relying heavily on forced labor. Construction began in May 1910, and immediately various groups of boatmen began selective slowdowns of transport. Canoemen in Athiémé, near the head of navigation on the Mono, opposed construction of the road, and European merchants there reported numerous thefts. The merchants had to call on canoes from Grand Popo to get goods moved down the river. The German merchants in Grand Popo were able to tlnd boatmen, but the French had to come to the administration for help. Canoe transportation of goods from Grand Popo to Ouidah, which normally took six or seven hours, was taking up to six days for French houses (Manning, 1982: 207-209). After the suspension of road construction and the transfer of Rouhaud, the conflict continued, though in a different vein. The focus of the slowdown now shifted to the surf boats and to the German houses. When the firm of Althof reported a theft of goods, the administration found some of the goods among some boatmen, and sentenced fifty of them to penalties of up to two years in prison. The other boatmen refused to land goods for Althof at any price for several months, and some ships were forced to leave port without loading or unloading their cargoes. The administrator attempted to mediate between the boatmen and the commercial houses but had to be satisfied with handing an ultimatum to the canoe chiefs that they would have to end their boycott or they would be arrested and forced to work on the roads, from which they had previously been exempt. To punctuate his threat, he arrested ten boatmen. A subsequent dispute flared up in December 1911, as canoemen refused to take loads to Ouidah for the firm of Cyprien Fabre because it was too late in the day. The administrator rejected Fabre’s complaint, but warned the boatmen that they should obey their chiefs and employers.' Both the unity and the

54 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE djvislons among canoemen are revealed in their contiicts with employers and government. CHANGING PATTERNS OF COMMERCE AND TRANSPORT WORK From the eighteenth century into the twentieth century, the need; in the Bight of Benin for foodstuffs, salt, and local manufactures provided stability in the commerce along the main routes of the region. ln contrast, the old trade in slaves and the new trade in palm products overlaid the underlying stability of this commerce with disturbances and successive transfomtations. Before 1770 the slave trade of the Bight of Benin, the most active of any African region but Angola, had drawn overwhelmingly on captives from the Aja peoples of the coastal band—that is, from Danhome and the areas immediately surrounding that kingdom. The slaves from the interior of the Bight of Benin were taken among the Bariba and the peoples of the Atakora mountains, and they were evacuated along the western route, through Grand Pope, to avoid the high duties of Danhome and its port of Ouidah (Mann.ing, 1982: 35-36). Then the Oyo empire deepened its involvement in slave exports, particularly in the reign of the ala_/in Abiodun (1774-1789), and promoted the route from Oyo south and west to Porto-Novo, along which many Yoruba slaves were sold; the Shabe kingdom was allied to Oyo and the town of Save was thus linked to this commerce. Further north, the wars of the Sokoto Caliphatc resulted in the capture and export of many slaves after 1804; Hausa and Nupe slaves were, for a brief time, exported in large numbers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century (Law, 1977: 176-180; Marty, 1926: 142-144; Manning, 1982: 335). The breakup of the Oyo empire during the 1820s led to the export of a much larger number of Yoruba slaves and to an eastward deflectton of thetr routes of evacuation: In a major political realignment, Danhomé, now freed from a century of subservience to Oyo, expanded its influence eastward, while lbadan and Abeokuta rose as new centers gggzzlilgakglolgtw influence. Danhome greatly weakened the Shab¢ with Abeokuiaotgs ztndrjntered tnto a half-century of confrontati0¤ Danhomé fame} thognoé) ovo, now brought under the influence dl ca-stem mute mst to B d;0,· Osl tts posttton as termtnus of the malll remained me Nagin a I grtt and then to Lagos, although Porto-Now and to Pal-akou (Lg P0l|'ll or the route running up the Ouémé Rtv¢l W, 1977. 278-302; Btobaku, 1957).

Palrlck Manning gg ln the second half of the nineteenth century the export of slaves declined to a virtual halt. Lagos had become, during the l840s, the regional slave exporting center, but tlte British occupation in l8Sl ended that. Slave exporting had become a clandestine business: ln hurried transactions, slaves came to be traded against silver coinMaria Theresa dollars- rather than against bulky goods and cowries. ln Danhome all available surf boats, including those of European palm oil merchants, were occasionally requisitioned to load slaves who had been force-marched to a point of embarcation (Laflitte, 1873: 124-I25). The domestic trade in slaves continued, however, now oriented around the needs of palm oil producers. Palm oil, for which serious exports from Ouidah began in the 1830s, had by the 1850s become the main export from the Bight of Benin, and palm kernels provided a significant addition to export revenue beginning in the 1860s. The Atlantic commerce of the region became, more than ever before, focused on its coastal fringe. This new commerce relied heavily on water transport, but it also required the development of paths on which to roll 300-gallon puncheons and a new work force of puncheon-rollers, as well as a network for bulking oil and kernels. This rising coastal commerce in palm products reinforced certain aspects of commerce with the interior. The Brazilian repatriates who settled in Agoué and other points between Keta and Lagos, particularly from the 1840s to the 1860s, illustrate the links of coastal and interior trade. The d'Almeida family, for instance, claimed origins among the Mahi of Savalou and the Yoruba north of Savalou. While the d’Almeida.s were active in commerce all along the coast, they were also well placed to participate in ventures along the route to Djougou (Turner, 1975: 102-114). Salt, cowries, foodstuffs, and slaves provided the links between the rising palm oil trade and the interior commerce. Palm oil exports generated continuing demand for slaves, as labor was required for palm oil production, porterage, and mnoeing. The royal and private oil palm plantations of Danhome depended upon this slave labor. Outside that kingdom the major slave markets. at Tahoun on the western route and at Okeodan to the east supplied Planters in those areas (Newbury, l96l: 36; d'Albéca, 1895: l68: Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1972: l07—l23; Manning, 1982: 50-56), These markets thrived almost until the end of the century. Most of the slaves sold there came from the Yoruba and Aja peoples within the Bight of Benin, but Gambari merchants brought in some slaves from more northerly regions.

66 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE · ro ean merchants to resume delivery Dcn}and(;:;a$1ai;1w?:iec;lhI;ii;l?: thi Bight of Benin, now to be cx_ ;)}:`a:1£;[i`or palm oil. The supply of cowries-the moneyé of thefighl of Benin for the previous two centuries at least-, tmporte tn exc ange , . n cut back sharply in the early nineteenth ;;ht$ti?yi,eiiin1iri?ri'ghririocngicsupplies for both coast and- interior. The resumption of cowrie imports with the rise of palm oil trade meant that sacks of calciferous currency flowed not only into the hands of coastal planters, but also moved into the interior tn exchange for slaves, agricultural commodities, and mandutgcturgsé But as Gerggartlrrgerrglpgnls · l 60s introduce ast rtean cowri , me gif cl;vi;5i)r;;o-Tis grew to the point where prices inflated rapidly, and transport of burdens of inflated currency; ultimately became imprac‘ dorn and Johnson, in press . uczihtizlftiigron to cowries, merchants began importing European sal; to exchange for palm oil and kernels; this salt competed with the domestic salt-purifying industry centered in the lagoons adjoining Grand Popo and Kéténou. The lagoon industry had supplied consumers both on the coast and, via the Grand Popo-Djougou route, in the interior, and it survived, despite foreign competition, well into the twentieth century. Hula and Hueda villagers in the vicinity of Grand Popo still produced an estimated one hundred tons of salt in 1940 (Grivot, 1944: 23-24; Officiers, 1895: 54; Foa, 1895: 134; d'Albéca, 1895: 57). To the east, the Hula of Kéténou also purified salt and in the nineteenth century sent salt northward via Porto-Novo, Save, and Shaki. One may speculate that, with the rise of salt imports, the people ol` the areas of Grand Popo and Kéténou cut back their activities as saltmakers and diverted their energies to expanded involvement in production and transport of palm products. Salt dominated merchandise moving inland, with imported salt progressively displacing domestic salt. Cowries and slaves declined in importance on the Grand PopoDjougou route after the mid-nineteenth century; after that, neither of these commodities ever threatened the position of salt. The merchant population and its activities changed along with the trade. Slave merchants redirected their efforts toward the provision of a work force for oil palm plantations; merchants on the Atlantic littoral began exporting palm oil as well as slaves. During this midcentury transition two Brazilian merchants—Francisco Felix de Souza and Domingo Martins—dominated the export trade of Danhome in slaves and palm oil; their commercial leadership serves also to emPhastze that, at this time, the Atlantic import and export trades ol

Patrlclt Hannlng 01 the Bight of Benin remained oriented toward Brazil and the Caribbean (Turner, 1975: 88-102; Ross, 1965: 79-90; Manning, 1982: 46-56). European merchants settled on the coast beginning in 1841, after an absence of several decades, but not until the end of the century had the Europeans, exporting palm products and importing cowries, textiles, alcoholic beverages, and salt, fully displaced the Brazilians and reoriented Bight of Benin commerce toward Europe. Much of the east-west commerce along the coastal route in the late nineteenth century was handled by immigrant groups, particularly Brazilians and Saros (Sierra Leonians). Brazilian families, dominant in the trade of Anecho and Agoué, were also significant in the trade of Grand Popo, Ouidah, Porto-Novo and Lagos (Kopytoff, 1965; Turner, 1975). The Saros, though less numerous than the Brazilians, came to dominate the trade of Lagos. These networks stretched into the interior, as with the Saro connection to Abeokuta and the Braulian ties to the interior from Porto-Novo and Agoué. Merchants based in coastal and interior towns were also significant: Leading ljebu and Abeokuta merchants may be noted (Biobaku, 1957). ln Danhome the equivalent merchants, known as ahLrin0n, were chartered by the monarchy and were led by such Ouidah families as Adjovi, Houenou (Quénum), and Dagba (Quénum, 1938: 134-135; Forbes, 1851: ll, 112-113; Marty, 1926: 105-107). Further west, Gen merchant families, bearing such names as Lawson and Johnson, competed with the Brazilian merchants (Newbury, 1961: 38, 113; Manning, 1982: 263). Gambari merchants established zongos (caravansarai) in each of the main towns of the Bight of Benin. Paul Marty toured these zongos in colonial Dahomey early in the twentieth century, and reported groups of 1000 Gambari in Ouidah, several hundred in Porto-Novo and in Grand Popo, and smaller numbers in other centers (Many, 1926: 94-95, 112-113, 116-117, 122, 131, 135). Further inland, beyond the oil palm belt, the roles of merchant and king seem to have overlapped more thoroughly. Kpohizon, who was king of Tado, the ancestral center of Aja-Ewe kingship, acted as a merchant as well as a kinl? ln fact a commercial dispute with Gbaguidi. king of Savalou, ultimately led Kpohizon into conflict with the French and to his deposition and exile in 1900.° The king of Danhome also participated in commerce. though indirectly through agents (Bay, 1979: 1-15). I The merchants recruited transport labor by relying on their wealth in association with a variety of mechanisms. The ahisinon of Danhome and the great merchants of ljebu were heads of large lineages and sus-

55 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE tained large followings by maintaining their family structures. The Brazilian families grew in size because of the accretion of relative; through marriage, the attraction of clients and the incorporation of slaves. Gambari merchants, in order to build retinues, drew on family structures and on the need of young men to gain commercial ex. perience. ln addition to utilizing these institutions, merchants could recruit labor through wage employment and by appealing to states for support in recruitment. The majority of transport workers were ap. parently of free rather than slave status, although little information on the relative number of each is yet available (Oroge, 1971: 146-211), Porters and canoemen worked in the manners described above well into the twentieth century. But the scope of their activity underwent progressive restriction and its nature was ultimately transformed by economic and political constraints. In the end, the most powerful force; of restriction and transformation were those of technological innova. tion and capitalist investment. But just as precolonial border changes had displaced trade routes, so too did the drawing and redrawing of colonial frontiers bring new limits to commerce. With the mid—nineteenth-century expansion of the influence ol Danhome, regional trade routes became increasingly oriented toward Abomey. At the same time, Porto-Novo provided a second focus of trade because of its alliance with France (tentatively in the 1860s and then decisively in 1882). The drawing of colonial frontiers, in turn, led to more dramatic changes in routes. The French, with a foothold in Porto-Novo, sought to end the commercial dependence of that town on Lagos and worked energetically to build up the new port of Cotonou. This policy, in turn, led to confrontation with Danhome and to the eventual French conquest; France also succeeded, after 1895, in reducing Porto-Novo's ties to Lagos. Virtually all of Porto-Novo's Atlanttcltrade prior to 1895 was transshipped at Lagos: some 20 percent of both imports and exports recorded at Lagos was in fact transit trade to Porto-Novo'(Manning, 1982: 344). Nonetheless, the importance of bagos as al regional metropolis was now such that the ties could not ti;l\;;1n0llly:·nterrupted. Even before the twentieth century, a substanand I-agi? tnvgltnldustry grew up alongthe lagoon linking Porto-NOV0 in imp0rl;ncEtc.I·ts1pre1ad to the adjoining land routes, and which grew 1963: 17-57) t t e passage of the colonial era (Mondjannagni. ..OEZJEETTl.Z"2EZi§‘L2'J§.L“§lZETEL". "°""°’ ‘” °°'-°"‘°‘ ""“°"‘°" rade. Anecho tn German Togo

Plfrlclt Hannlng gg was cut off from Agoué in 1887, and in 1897 the French ceded to Togo the entire right bank of the Mono River, with the result that Agoué was severed from its hinterland: Across the lagoon lay the village of Agouégan (site of a major regional market for provisions), the fields of the farmers of Agoué, and the trade route to the north. German taxes and customs regulations cut off most contact across the lagoon, and within months Agoué declined from a flourishing port to a village dominated by old people. ln 1914 the French ceded to Togo the canton of Tado, in the lower Mono valley, and the canton of Kambolé, two hundred kilometers inland: The towns promptly declined, and the western trade route underwent another contraction (Garcia, 1969: 36-44).'" More important in redirecting trade were the railroads. As the railroads in Dahomey, Lagos Colony, and Togo reached inland to the coastal plateaus, they almost immediately captured the carrying trade in salt. The old routes from Grand Popo, Porto-Novo, and Badagri were truncated, and certain rail stations replaced them as the key points in transshipping salt "to the caravans" (Ofliciers, 1894: 42). While the northern portion of the salt trade continued much as before, the old coastal segments of that trade died out at the turn of the twentieth century, and those who lived by that commerce were powerless to prevent its diversion. This collapse brought unmistakable reverberations along the southern segment of the western route. Chiefs in dry areas along the route—in Aplahoué, Adjaha, and Agouna, for instance—applied to the French administration to dig wells to give the caravans easier access to water, and a flurry of well-digging ensued, but to no avail. Disputes among merchants and canoemen broke out on the southern, water-borne portion of the route as business contracted. The efforts of Antoine Rouhaud, the overachieving administrator, to build a great road from Grand Popo to Lokossa may be seen as an attempt to regain the region’s lost commerce, but Rouhaud succeeded only in bringing the area to the verge of rebellion (Manning, 1982: 181). The more easterly route, running north from Porto-Novo, had already been a casualty of the fall of Oyo in the early nineteenth century, and the railroad reduced its importance even further. A lon8· distance trade in salt, textiles, staple foods, and local manufactures continued to be based in Porto-Novo, but it was much diminished by the decline of the towns of Kétou, Save, Shaki, and Old Oyo. The Ouémé River, long a part of this route to the interior, was later reduced

10 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE to the status of a local artery as rail lines were built on either side or it. lndeed. the story of Aholoupé, confirmed by the French as chiel of the canton centered on Sagon, at the head of navigation on the Ouémé, reveals something of the organization of this trade route, even though the story depicts its disassemblage: Autrefois le Chef du canton de Sagon était le plus riche de tous. Tout le mouvement de voyageurs et de marchandises du Sud au Nord et viceverse, se faisait par l’Ouémé jusqu‘a Sagon ; le chef foumissait joumelle· ment des piroguiers. des porteurs et des harnacaires en grand nombre, ll touchait des primes importantes. Cette source de bénéfices est presque complétement tarie, depuis la création du chemin de fer et le Chef de Sagon n’ava.it pas la chance de trouver une compensation dans les rem.ises provena.nt des travaux de la voie ferrée, pa.rce que ses adm.in.istrés, ma.l conseillés par les féticheurs, refusaient de se rendre sur les chantiers. Aholoupé et son sous·chef Ahijadé étaient donc devenus pauvres. lls s'étaient laissés aller, pour se procurer des ressources, a des exactions qui ont soulevé contre eux non settlement les chefs de village, mais aussi la population toute entiére du canton. Ce mouvement populaire a abouti a des plaintes portées devant moi, au remplacement des deux chefs et a leur comparution au justice. .l’espere que cette petite révolution aura de salutaires effets." The laborers could respond to the loss of their livelihood only by disappearing, and the big men could respond only by pressing additional exactions on their laborers: It was left to the colonial gdzlnmtstration to organize the "revolution" and to reestablish peace n quiet. As the colonial era proceeded, railroads and particularly trucks replaced porterage. The canoe transport system, however remained Sgnlzrlzablyl-lrestltent in the face of the threats of rail and motor one sliwrt. e lagoon route was affected by modern technology over ScgbOh(;’uéstretch,lwhere the railroad from Cotonou to Ouidah and the need f0rc<;mt;)e:ed in 1906) could compete effectively because of Grand Popo ntl r lage1 in the lagoon route between Godomey and I . oo t e colonial government until 1930 to link the owns of Qotonou and Porto-Novo—thirty kilometers apart—by road and rail; tn the interim th fl · . C ect of lagoon canoes maintained contact between the port and the capital S f b ‘ · 1930s as some small fr ' ht i Ilur Oats. [O0. sun/wed mm the · eig ers sti called at Grand Po D l' 1945. 209; Manning, l9B2: I47). po ( csan L

Patrick Mannlng T1 THE SOCIAL RELATIONS OF TRANSPORTATION Transportation in the Bight of Benin was more than just a technical function that needed to be performed; it was a major economic activity that both reflected and influenced the overall social order. The work of transportation, both for local and long-distance commerce, required a level of labor input that may be estimated at from 5 percent to I5 percent of the total labor output of the region (Manning, l982: 82-84). The large role of transportation in the total regional output of labor was required for two reasons: the devotion of the region`s people to commerce, both local and long-distance, and the relative inefficiency of the transport system, especially that of head porterage. ln the twentieth century, rail and motor transport would enable the region to rely even more heavily on commerce but with a much smaller labor input. The transportation system was linked to other elements of the economy not only because of the commodities that were passed among merchants and from producer to consumer, but because the labor force also did work in other and competing areas. ln good agricultural years, more labor was required to tend and harvest the bumper crops; yet more labor was also required to carry the produce to market. Such strains of competitive labor demand were less serious in canoe transport, where laborers were specialized to that task, than in porterage. In poor years, labor released from the fields tended to seek out porterage work. Salt production, of course, did not depend on the level of local agricultural output, but demand for imponed salt did. Thus the demand for labor in transportation was regulated, in the short run, by the annual agricultural cycle and the vagaries of the harvest; in the long run, demand for labor wu regulated by the level of commercial activity and the backward technology of porterage (Manning, l982: 83-84, Il2-113). As noted above, the internal organization of this work force is more difficult to analyze than are its activities and even its size. The social order of nineteenth—century Bight of Benin, as it underwent repeated transformations, appears in one sense to have been fluid and in another sense to have been complex and contradictory. Competing organizational systems for labor coexisted, and individuals moved back and forth among them. Among the boatmen, three labor systems coexisted. In the lineage system, boats owned by a family were manned by lineage members

12 THE WORKERS 0F AFRICAN TRADE who received remuneration from thc boat chief or family chiel`, and who remained members of the family 1`irm with opportunity lor rising within it. ln the slave system, boatmen were the property of the boat ehier or boat owner: They received subsistence t`or their wOrk_ but otherwise had little right to participate in the affairs of the firm. In the wage system, boatmen received daily or monthly wages, and their connections with the boat owner or firm owner did not extend beyond that wage contract. While elements of each of these labor systems are clearly visible in the documents on Bight of Benin canoe transport, the boundaries be. tween the systems remained hazy. Certainly it was possible to pay a wage to a lineage member, or to allow a slave to rise in the firm_ or to link a wage earner to the family. Even the limits of the firm are hard to define—the 1irm might have been as small as the operation of an individual boat, or as large as a great agricultural and commercial complex which owned a fleet. For the porters, the activity of individual porters working on their own account can be treated as a commodity exchange (or simple commodity production) system (Manning, 1982: 7). Viewed in this way, the porters acted as atomistic participants in the transportation system. With a slightly different emphasis, however, these same porters could be seen as having participated in a tributary system. That is, while they did not generally pay direct tribute to rulers in the regions through which they carried goods, aside from tolls at gates and markets, they can be seen as having subsidized rulers and monarchical trading operations indirectly by doing work to maintain roads and by accepting prices for their goods that were lower than those received by the kings. The kings, in turn, provided protection for the commerce which the porters carried. In addition to these structures, porterage included the familiar institutions of landlord and broker (Meillassoux, 1971), and porters included lineage members and slaves of caravan leaders. buzgecsstgallrelattons of transportation in the Bight of Benin were b ‘ cear and basic distinction between porterage work and oatmen s work. On the one hand, boatmen worked collectively in gxzrvniiilyq gligytiggzziséaiges lalborers: They developed an artisanal and they acted collective! in ot egwhen facing accusations of theft. or [O the volume of theirtéar Espa; tng to threats to their wage levels as individuals or in ad hoc g es. orters, on the other hand, worked groups on a given trip. They were part-

Palrlck Hannlng 73 time “*O|’kEl’S and usually agriculturists too, who dcvtlcpcd me mcmattty of a casual labor force. When conditions or wort, wm un. satisfactory, they simply escaped back to their peasant existence. NOTES 1. Archives Nationales du Benin (ANB), Porto-Novo, 2-D-82, Savalou, Febntary 1907. 2. ANB, 2-D-82, Savalou, January 1907. 3. ANB, 2-D-1, Abomey, December 1905. 4. ANB, 2-D-94, Zagnando, January-July 1912. 5. ANH, 2-D-94, Zagnando, January-.1uly 1912. 6. ANH. 2-D-92, Zagnando, Rapport annuel, 1905. 7. ANB, 2-D-11, Grand Popo, .1u1y 1910. 8. ANB, 2-D-41, Grand Popo, May 1910-December 1911. 9. ANB, 1-E-42, Dossier Pohizoun, 1912. 10. ANB, 5-E, Mono (frontieres), 1885-1907; A.NB, 2-D·83. Savalou, February l913. tt_ ANB, 1-Q, Mouvement caravanier, 1909; 1-E-42. Dossier Po1timun_ 19l2_ 12. ANB, 2-D-92, Zagnando, Rapport annuel, 1905. REFERENCES ADAMU, M. (1978) The Hausa Factor in Wat African History. Zaria: Alunadu Bello University Press. Afrique Occidentale Francaise (AOF) (1911) Annuaire du Gouvemmtent Général de 1'Afrique Oecidentale Francaise, 1910. Paris: Author. AGIRI. B. A. (1972) "Kola in western Nigeria, 1850-1950." Ph.D. thesis. University of Wisconsin, Madison. ALBECA, A. (1895) La France au Dahomey. Paris: Hachette. ———(1889) Les Etablissements francais du Golfe de Benin. Paris: L. Baudoin. BAY. E. (I979) "On the trail of the Bush King: a Dahcmnn lesson in the USC of evidence." History in Africa 6: 1-15. BIOBAKU, S. O. (1957) The Egba and their Neighbours, 1842-1872. Oxford: Clarendon. BOUCHE, P. (1885) Sept ans en Afrique occidentale : In C6te dt: Eselavcs et Ie Dahomey. Paris: Plon. BOURGO1GN1E, G. E. (1972) Les Hommes de 1’ettu : Ethno-6:010gie du Dahomey lacustre. Paris: Presses Univcrsitaires de France. _ COQUERY—VlDROV1TC|-1, C_ (1972) **1); lg trait; de: esdavt: a l'exp0l‘tlll0¤ ¢1¢ Phu"! dc Palme ei des palmigtgg au Dghorney au XIX: SEIIC." PP- I0-{JZ, m C. Meillassoux (cd.) The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press. _ COUCHARD, A. (1911) Au Moyen-Dnhomey : notes sur Ie cerde de Save. Bordeaux. lmprimerie commcrciale et industriellc.

1I THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE DESANTI, H. (1945) Du Danhome au Bénin·Niger. Paris: Larose. FOA_ E_ ()g95) Le Dahomey. Pans: H. Hennuyer. V P Isl Mean-Lével FONSSAGRNE5, J_ B. (IND) Notice sur le Dahomeyi VT london- LOL songs, F. E. (1851) Dahorney and the Dahomans. _ o bahcmc . migman GARCIA. L (W6;) uu atirggrrsrratron francaise au y. wm . Q . ` i Q C S. (3|zlr:§;_d1;.(19;2t?iLElI:dc;irie du sel dans la subdivision de Grand-P¤pO_·· NW fjlndustrie des péches sur la core occidentale de l'Afriquc. Pm H0:;:Js1;O1lN, J. and M. JOHNSON (in press) Shell Money of the Slavg Tmt Cambridge: Cambridge Universiry Press. _ HOPKINS, A. G. (1973) An Economic History of West Africa. London: Longman 1(EA, R. A. (1982) settlements, Trade and Politics in the Seventeenth-Century G0, Coast. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. KOPYTOFF, J. H. (1965) A Preface to Modern Nigeria: The "Sierra Leonians" ll Yoruba, 1830-1890. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. LAFF1'1"1'E, J. (1873) Le Dahomé : souvenirs de voyage et de mission. Tours: Mamr LAMBINET, E. (1893) Notice géographique, topographique et statistique surl ome . Paris: L. Baudoin. LA\EThR. (1977) The Oyo Empire, c. 1600. - c. 1836. Oxford: Oxford University Pm LOVEJOY, Paul E. (1985) Salt of the Desen Sun. A History of Salt Production am Trade in the Central Sudan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MANNING, P. (1982) Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomq, 1640-1960. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MARTY, P. (1926) Etudes sur |'1s1am au Dahomey. Paris: E. Leroux. MZEILLASSOUX, C. [ed.] (1972) The Development of Indigenous Trade and Market in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press. MONDJANNAGN1, A. (1963) "Quelques aspects historiques, économiques et politi ques de la frontiere Dahomey-Nigeria." Etudes dahoméennes 1: 17-57. NEWBURY, C. W. (1961) The Wmem Slave Coast and its Rulers. Oxford: Clarendm Ofliciers de l'Etat-Major du Corps expéditionnaire du Bénin (1894) Notice géographiqut topographique et historique sur le Dahomey. Paris: L. Baudoin. OROGE, J. A. (1971) "The institution of slavery in Yorubaland with particulz reference to the nineteenth century." Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham. QUENUM, M. (1938) Au Pays des Fons. Paris: Larose. ROSS. D. A. (1971) "Dahomey," pp. 144-169 in M. Crowder (ed.) West Afri¤l Resistance. London: Africana. ---1965) "The career of Domingo Martinez in the Bight of Benin, l833·1864.` Joumal of African History 6, 1: 79-90. SAVARIAU, N. (1906) L'AgricuIture au Dahomey. Paris: A. Challomel. TURNER. 1. M. (1975) "Les Bresi1iens—The impact of former Brazilian slaves up0l Dahomey." Ph.D. thesis, Boston University.

4 SUR LA ROUTE DES NOIX DE COLA EN 1897 Du moyen-Niger E Boola, marché kpeIIe• ODILE GOERG De mars E septembre 1897, une moyenne mensuelle de 126 chefs de caravane accompagnés de plus de 400 porteurs et 90 anes fut enregistrée a Beyla, chef-lieu de cercle du Sud du Soudan mais surtout ancien marché a la frontiere de la zone forestiere. C’est ce que nous indiquent d‘intéressantes statistiques commercialesf source quantitative peu fréquente sur le commerce a longue distance; ces listes de colporteurs présentent l‘image de pistes caravanieres grouillant de monde: plus de 3500 personncs, porteurs et commercants, transportérent du Nord vers le Sud environ 60 tonnes de sel et des tissus et remonterent avec 8 263 000 noix de cola. Cette étonnante activité—alors qu’il s'agit en grande partie de la saison des pluies peu favorable aux déplace— ments—met en valeur le travail engagé dans l'activité commercialez celui des commercants eux-mémes mais surtout l’immense travail de portage en l’absence d'autre moyen de transport. Les échanges envisagés ici conccrnent la région aUant du Moyen· Niger a la Haute—Guinée, zone souvent négligée car les 1`lux commerciaux y étaient moins denses que le long du Niger: Une partie des dioulas se rend de Médine et Kaycs vers le sud. Nous ne les suivrons pas dans cette voie. car leur commerce n`offre rien de particulier .... lls sont du reste de beaucoup les moins nombreux [Bai11aud, 1902: 41}. 75

0dII• Gong 77 L‘echange de base se faisait entre le sel du Sahara et les noix de cola de la foret, produit redistribué dans tous les centres commerciaux du Sahel. Les reseaux et marches temoignent de l’ancienneté et de l‘importance de ces echanges reposant essentiellement sur des produits autochtones mats en liaison avec le commerce atlantique par l‘integration de certains produits europeens comme les tissus, la coutellerie. Alors que diverses etudes ont deja analyse ces reseaux (produits, communautes marchandes), peu les ont abordés sous l'angle du travail. L'absence de sources ecrites ou leur silence frequent sur ce theme permet d’expliquer en partie cette lacune en ce qui concerne la region forestiere, un des Poles de ce commerce. C’est dans ce contexte que la source disponible s’avere particulierement intéressante, bien qu’e1le ne permette d'aborder que quelques aspects du facteur "travai1" dans 1’organisation commerciale. Les récits de voyageurs, tardifs dans cette region, ou les rapports des premiers admirtistrateurs negligent géneralement cette question: ils s'interessent surtout aux capacites de production des cercles occupés, aux produits que l’on peut requisitionner pour le ravitaillement. Le recours a la coercition comme principal moyen de recrutement de main d’oeuvre evite aussi de poser réellement le probleme de la mobilisation, dans une societe rura.le, de travailleurs pour des buts commerciaux. ll ne s’agit pas ici de redecrire les mecanismes fondamentaux des echanges entre le Sahel et la foret (Meillassoux, 1971; Curtin, 1975; Hopkins, 1973; Perinbam, 1977; Person, 1968) mais d'évoquer les elements utiles a la comprehension de cette source et d'approfondir—en les quantifiant—certa.ins aspects du travail engage dans cette activité: l'organisation des caravanes, le portage, le statut des porteurs, les reseaux. L’exemple du commerce des noix de cola (Lovejoy, 1980a: 97-134) est particulierement interessant car il s‘agit d‘une denrée périssable supposant une tres bonne organisation des echanges—par réseaux ou relais sur plus de 750 km—une rotation rapide des marchandises; d’autre part son aspect encombrant implique le participation d‘un nombre elevé de commercants et porteurs, tous soustraits au travail agricole. ll s’agit bien d‘une specialisation professionnelle dont les listes de colporteurs permettent de saisir quelques principes d‘organisation. Rescapes des archives car celles de Beyla furent détruites par unancendie en 1900,* les bulletins commeciaux conserves au poste votsm de Nionsomoridougou présentent des listes tres précieuses et completes des commercants passant ofliciellement par le poste de Beyla et cect de mars tl septembre 1897.

15 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE CONTEXTE HISTORIOUE ET SPATIAL La loaalisarion de ces listes dans le cercle Beyla en augment? . . - — · mation de cercle-frontiere et de 1 ancrermcle l’interet du tant de sa si · mw animisleh de Vimplantation commerciale dans un·m' _ [ I ` n du 8/12/1892 attribuait l essentiel de la region pro. La-convenm? 1 au Liberia! Ainsi les différents marqhés ductrice de noixwde coa · I S se Iwuvérem cOupéS` forestiers ou s echangeaient les cola _ I f b admiriisrrativement-du gros centre qu etatent Bey a et son7¤au Omg Diakolidougou. La creation de Beyla rlemonterait au 16/ s. selorr Person (1974, 170-271; 1968) lorsqu‘un important groupe de Maninka se fixa dans la région (le Konian); on lesrdesigna par le suite sous le tenne de Konianke. lls détenaient un quas1—monopo1e sur les rappons avec les producteurs et généralement. cnaque communaute de commercants avaient des relations privilégiees avec un groupe de forestiers. La volonté de controler le commerce des colas avant- certainement été l’une des motivations principales descgs migrations, ant les 0 ulation Kpelle et Loma plus au u . rcptgxire rypespdeplistes ccmmerciales récapitulent les échanges: d’um part le commerce extérieur ("exportati0ns hors du Soudan".et "-importations directes de la frontiére"), d'autre part le colmmerce mtérieur "im ortati0ns" et "exportati0ns de cercle a cerc e") précisant le fnarcgé d’origine ou de destination des caravancs. Ce systeme comptable existe depuis 1897; il présente l’inc0nvénient de compter deux fois la méme produit (par exemple le sel provenant du Nord et réexporté en partie vers Boola) ou les memes commercants, mais l’intéret de le faire ouvertement; en effet auparavant, depuis 1895, tout était cumulé sans distinction. De plus l'analyse comparée du commerce intérieur/commerce extérieur est instructive en elle-méme: comment expliquer la différence de tonnage? ou part le reste du sel? En fait le commerce avec le Libéria ne concerne que les échanges entre Beyla et Boola, un des premiers marchés forestiers situé en zone kpelle a quelque 50 km de Bey1a.$ ll s‘agit d'un important centre de concentration des noix drainant les producteurs dans un rayon de plus de 100 km; le marché s‘y tenait tous les jeudis en dehors du village} De nombreux jula y étaient installés pour servir d’intermédiaires dans les échanges et des commercants venus de tout lt lvloyen-ltliger le fréquentaient. Ainsi les commercants Soninkt 5 approvisionnaient-ils surtout sur ce marché en échangeant des bandcs

0dII• Gong 70 dc cO,On..iiggées par l¢ul’S €5¢l¤V¢$ €l i¢i¤l€S 5 l°il'1digo—comre|q; noix (Pollet et Winter, 1971: 117). La date pour laquelle nous disposons de ces listes appelle quelques commentaires. L‘année 1897 est en effet antérieure aux mesurcs de comréic el de taxation des iula cr suffisamcnt de temps yen écouié depuis la période des conquetes pour que le commerce, désorganisé par les guerres, ait reprts activement. La region de Beyla 1`ut occupée en 1893, année de création du poste, et le cercle de Beyla créé en 1894. Le controle des jula commenca réellement en 1897 lorsque l‘administra. tion chercha a les connaitre (sic), les immatriculer et a leur imposer une patente de colportage;’ ceci resta dérisoire par manque de moyens, a cause de la mauvaise connaissance de la région (localisation des marches, itinéraires) et du peu d’intérét que semblaient presenter ces colporteurs peu intégrés au commerce européen. Les mécanismes commerciaux n’étaient donc pas encore bouleversés bien que certains événements fondamentaux aient eu lieu comme l‘exode de Samori vers l‘Est en l893° ou la prise de controle du Fouta-Djalon par les Francais en l896.’ Les choses allaient changer peu apres car les colonisateurs francais, conscients du potentiel économique de la region, inposerent peu a peu leur présence plus au Sud aux dépens du Liberia (Peyrissac, 1912); ils créerent en 1899 les postes militaires de Sampouraya et Diorodougou ainsi que des postes douaniers comme a Boola-méme; la taxe était de 0,10 fr. par kg de noix auquel s'ajoutait 0,10 fr. de droit de circulation (le prix du kg était évalué par Chevalier a 0,37/0,45 fr. et tres exceptionnellement 0,90 fr., soit le plus souvent 50% du prix d'achat, Chevalier et Perrot, 1911: 375)! Ceci entraina des heurts avec le libéria mais surtout une résistance locale acharnée jusqu'en 19ll.'° En 1903 la taxe sur les colas (supprimée le 1/1/1900 lors du rattachement du district de Boola a la Guinée) fut rétablie et percue. entre autres, a Boola c'est-a-dire loin de la frontiére théorique: Cette taxe extraordinairement prohibitive puisqu'elle s'élevait sur les lieux de production a plus de 200%, eut pour résultat de favoriser la fraude dans des proponions inattendues. Les posts doutmiers . . . sont demeurés impuissants a assurer la surveillance des routes et. en défmitive, une quantité énorme de Kolas de l‘hinterland de Liberia pénetre dans la Guinée sans acquitter de droits mais ces noix ne passent plus par les grands marchés de notre territoire: ceux·ci sont en partie anéantts [Chevalier et Perrot, 1911: 378].

p THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE L marché de Boola fun par conséquem déserre. c uelqugg réilexions sur les mois conccrncsi CDl\\l`l‘l€ le monlue ub Qmem le gmphique 4 2 p|u$ [3 Saigon des plutes =‘Sl 3\¤m:ee_ p]u` ue - ’ gencmbre de cm-ayang; gg; hmite, cect p0ult d€Sll’Zll>0l’l> nssldgnigs dt . " i er esmar`anise raqilné de deplacemenr, de dilficulrc a pro eg I I d le h S_ I(jepgndan: les listes mettem en Yalcur la commune es ec anges pm dam l‘hivernage er leur importance: 11— en rrg··=$ ¤·=··~··*$ ·— cZ’ZZiZ"$NEYZ-§Z§§l°° *0 00"1 _ _ exportations cerqleg JO 00 F eerele (Sud-Nord) • ig _;j_7"'; ' _ ’>·"""`“"T"_ ` [mois par mois et valeuy 0 moyenne sur 9 molsl . f mn ;. J. neun s. • 1; valeur nnercu;-iale des noix de cola Grant basse dans Ia zone producnrice (l2 irs les 1000). le montanc total des exportations esr tcujours inférieur 5 celui des lmportations. Graphinua L1: Valnr mns|•|I• ds 6ehang•s Ceci contredit les afiirmations fréquentes selon lesquelles il y auraii quasi-interruption du tratic, le sel ne circulant pas lors des pluies (Meillassoux, 1963: 208). Des statistiques trimestrielles pour l`annéc l897"——ne correspondant pas exactement avec les données mensuellesconftrment Pimportance des échanges dura.nt les mois étudiés. De meme la presence d’§.¤es-souvent niée en hivernage—est attestée, méme si leur nombre diminue avec les pluies. RICHESSE DES INFORMATIONS Les infomtations portent sur la composition des caravanes, le detail des marchandrses et leur valeur mercuriale. Ainsi chaque caravane csi decme avec son "d10ula chef de caravane"—identifié par son prénom. son patronyme et le numéro de sa patente (ceci permet de débusquci les nornbreux homonymes et de reconstituer plus facilemem des iunéra1res)—le nombre de bétes de somme—en l‘occurrence uniquc· grent des anes—et le nombre de porteurs désignés sous Ie termt °F..· H hommes libres ’, en effet une colonne "captifs" est prévue mais e e reste vide. De mémc toutes les marchandises (a l‘importation ri

0G• Gong U1 3 Vexportation) sont detailleest bien que l'echange fondamental soit sel contre cola, d‘autres produits interviennent dans les transactions et nous renseignent sur- les liaisons commerciales (produits européens par exemple), sur les hens entre commerce et production (des tissus dans le Sahel) et sur les produits que les administrateurs prévoyaient ou auraient aimé voir échanges. Dans le sens Sud-Nord ne remontent que des noix de cola et un peu d'argent. La variété est plus grande en ce qui concerne les tmportattons de la zone courtiere et productrice de noix; sont distinguées "marchandises indigenes" et "marchandises francaises/anglaises." Les premieres sont les plus nombreuses (I4 categories) et dominent dans les échanges. Les produits européens occupent une place limitéc dans les échanges. ll est intéressant de signaler l’absence de sel marin ou sel gemme européen; celui-ci en effet n'est pas compétitif avant Vachevement du chemin de fer Conakry-Kankan en l9l4. L’étude des différentes marchandises, de leur provenance, des quantités échangées—qui dépasse notre propos-mériterait elle-aussi d‘étre approndie. LIMITES ET FAIBLESSES DE CETTE SOURCE Bien entendu se pose le probléme de la crédibilite de cette source, Ainsi il faut compter non seulement avec la sincérité des commercants interrogés mais aussi avec les erreurs de comprehension ou de transcription de la part d'administrateurs peu au fait des societés concernées. Le fait que certaines marchandises ne soient jamais mentionnées-— comme l'ivoire—peut également étonner et déboucher sur des hypotheses comme celle de leur exportation vers le Sud. Autre restriction, et de taille, en 1897: ces listes ne témoignent que d’une partie des échanges effectués dans et a travers le cercle de Beyla a cause de l’importance de la fraude (volonta.ire ou non car les colporteurs ignoraient en fait la nouvelle réglementation), du manque de moyens des administrateurs et de leur mauvaise connaissance des pistes de commerce; en effet ni frontiere matérialisée ou méme reconnue de tous, ni poste douanier n’existaient a cette date. Le fait que le commerce ne concerne que les relations avec Boola montre aussi le caractere partiel du c0ntr6le: le total des noix exportées vers le Nord est bien supérieur a celui venant de Boola (le double ou le triple souvent) alors que le cercle de Beyla lui-meme n‘est pas producteur; ceci met en valeur le

gg THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE role de marché-relais de Beygarl .::31: gxf; isélghzilizczc; ‘;;l§;::1'l S? [2- Etuggmpimuplsdcsiisir: la réalité des transactions et les ¤uc(,_,a_ iilysriede prix selon les mois. L’appe1 a d'autres sourcesc:rapE•;r;Slid_ ministratifs, enquétes contemporames . . . ) perrnet cepenl an pa ter cette lacune. L’anaIyse des patronvmes en relation avec a provenance des commercants serait égalementunteressante; les hstesAseu es ne suffisent pas pour Ie faire car un meme patronyme peut etre porte par différents peuples ou groupes sociaux; amsi les nombreux Kone-ou Taraore peuvent étre soit Soninke, sort Darnbara, sort Mamnka.’L 1m— portance des références islamiques est evidente sort par les prenoms comme Karamoko, soit par les patronymes comme les Kaba, Mamnka— Mori de Kankan généralement ou les Aidara, marabouts. L’analyse permettrair certainement d’affiner l'étude des réseaux; amst Dioumé Diawa.ra pourrait étre un commercant Kooroko (voir la liste des "tmportations directes de la I`rontiere" du 19/7/97). Malgré leurs limites, ces listes de colporteurs permettent d’aborder cenains aspects de |'organisation du travail tout en restant sa.ns réponse sur de nombreuses questions: elles nous donncnt un tableau instantane de nombreuses caravanes mais demeurcnt muettes sur le pourquoi, le comment ainsi que sur le vécu des travailleurs eux-memes. OU IL EST QUESTION DE CAFIAVANES, D'ANES ET DE PORTEUFIS Le lien le plus direct entre Ie travail et Ie commerce a longue distance est manifestement le mode de transport des marchandises. Selon Person dans I'étude du "monde du kola" (Person, I968:lOlsq), trois moyens de transport sont envisageables: navigation fluviale, animaux de bat, poneurs. Le premier ne conccrne pas la région au sud de Kouroussa. Les renseignements concernant le portage et le transport par anes sont par contre nombreux et intéressants car ils contredisem diverses études sur la question. U 1223::,;: ssngtlinuité des échanges meme pendant Ia saison des pluies Sud au Nord) Icu:t;;yenne par mois dans le sens Nord-Sud et 138 du . portance mans aussi le décalage considérable en-

,4 11-•£ WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE LA TAILLE DES CARAVANES L’essenriel des caravanes-soit 60% en moyenne——orit de 0 A ; 4% seulement en comporte 10 ei plus. Le nombre p°"°m$ alms que ‘ ' T atif: une caravanes de 19 maximum de porteurs est aussi Asigm ic I porieurs venam de Bamako en aoui. En ce qui concerne le commerce entre Beyla er Boola, les chiffres sont encore plus bas. 2,15% dgs caravanes om 10 porteurs et plus; ceci peut s expliquer par les condi. tions ecologiques et geographiques differentes (plus grande difficulté a se déplacer dans des regions montagneuses et a vegetationudense) mais aussi par le mode de relations propre a cette zone courtiere. Se degage a.insi une majorite de commercants-transporteurs travarllam avec un capital limité (le minimum se situe entre 10 et 20 frs) et effec. tuant toutes les operations: il s’agit de la forme la plus simple d’orga.nisation commerciale. Lorsqu’est fait appel a de la mam d’oeuvrg complementaire, l‘on peut supposer qu'il s’agit de dependants (cadets, esclaves) car le commerce pratique sur une échelle aussi modeste permer rarement d’accumu1er suffisamment de capital pour recourir a des travailleurs salaries. Ces indications vont a l’enc0ntre de l’idee genéralement repandue de vastes caravanes, meme s’il est signale par ailleurs que celles—ci peuvent etre divisees en sous-unites pour faciliter le deplacement." Ainsi Pollet et Winter (1971:113) évoquent pour la periode pre-coloniale des caravanes de 20 a 60 personnes accompagnees de nombreux ents (jusqu’a 100) et Amselle (1977: 135), dans son étude sur les Kooroko circulant dans des regions comparables, mentionne des caravanes allani jusqu'a 100 personnes au debut de la colonisation. De meme Lovejoy (1971: 537) parle de caravanes de 100 a 200 personnes (dont hommes, femmes et enfants) et autant d’5nes pour le commerce Hausa des colas au XIX °s. Parlant des Maraka, Roberts (1980: 176) indique une dimen· sion plus restreinte des caravanes devant permettre une rotation rapids des marchandises: de 30 a 40 porteurs. Les caravanes beaucoup plus réduites attestecs en 1897 sont-elles le résultat. de contraintes specifiques, de bouleversements récents ou bien fautjil remettre en cause cette image de vastes caravanes décrites Par Caillié, Mollien . . . ? Bien s0r on ne peut exclure le fait que des galgivzlnesrprésentees comme autonomes a leur arrivée ou formation mcnifcn higgstnt ensemble. Qn ne peut pas trrer argument du dépl3€€‘ aBe car les mois n’offrent pas entre eux de divergenccS

Odlh Gong Q5 Signifgcatives (par €X€mPi€ €¤ll’¤ MMS scc et aout pluygcuxy Les CML ms moins compl¢\S_P0fla¤l Sur IB94 ‘ Confirmem une moyenne dt 3 A 4 porteurs. Peut jouer par contre la moindre densité des flux commerciaux. De meme aucune mention n‘est faite dans les listes, ni dans les rapports commerciaux, ni dans les nombreuses enquétes de la fin du XlX°s (d‘Oll0ne. 1901: 313; Blondiaux, 1895-1896) de la presence de femmes accompagnant les caravanes. S'agit-il la aussi d‘une caractéristique spécilique, d’une evolution recente ou de l`extrapolation répandue a partir de certains témoignages? LE STATUT DES PORTEURS La question du statut des porteurs pose le probleme de leur rémunération, du profit commercial et des possibilités ou non de "formation de classe" ou tout au moins de création d‘un groupe professionel spécialisé aux intérets similaires, plus mobile et par consequent plus susceptible de répondre aux nouvelles formes de travail proposécs/ imposées par la colonisation. Différents statuts sont généralement envisagés: esclaves volontaires engages, porteurs recrutés dans le cadre de relations de clientele ou de parenté; dans ce demier cas il s'agit souvent d’une étape dans la formation d‘un futur colporteur." Avant d’apporter quelques éléments de reponse, abordons un probleme préliminaire: s’agit-il de porteurs (esclaves ou non) ou de captifs vendus comme tels, de marchandises? Est-ce que, comme Person (1966: 113) le suggere, "les deux produits du Sud, l’un portant l’autre, remontaient vers le Niger ou tous deux étaient vendus‘?" Estce que, comme l’avance Curtin (1975: 286), les porteurs libres prédominaient dans les relations Nord-Sud?'° Comme cela a été mentionné, les listes de 1897 maintiennent une colonne "non libres" bien que la traite des esclaves ait été interdite en octobre 1894 dans le Soudan. En application de cette reglementation, les "captifs" disparurent des novembre 1894 des statistiques commerciales: il n’y eut plus que des porteurs alors que de juin a octobre 1894 110 esclaves en moyenne étaient exportés mensuellement du cercle de Beyla, procuram plus de 50% en valeur des sorties. A partir de ce moment il n'est plus question de "captifs" mais le nombre de porteurs gonflant soudainement ne peut tromper personne. Qu'en-est-il en 1897 alors Que la pratique interdite est loin d‘av0ir disparu?"

gg THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Ceci entraine plusieurs réflexions sur la nature-meme du pwlage aussi bien avant qu'apres octobre IB94. En effet lorsque la traite dee esclaves était oflicielle, les listes distinguaient des "hommes Iibres‘· porteurs et des "captifs" porteurs tout en mdiquant par ailleurs la valeur marchande de ces derniers (170 a 196 frs) et donc le fait qu‘ilg étaient avant tout destinés a étre vendus dans le Nord. Ne fautql pas y voir plut6t d’un coté des porteurs et de l’autre des marchandises et done s'interroger sur le statut d’hommes libres des premiers? Faut-il prendre cette af lirmation au pied de la lettre? De méme lorsqu'en 1897 la colonne "captifs" reste vide, peut-on en déduire qu’aucun porteur n'est dependant, que tous sont des salariés embauchés ou des colp0rteurs·transpor1eurs et qu’aucun porteur n'est un captif dc traite camouflé? Le probleme reste ouvert; d'autres sources conlirment l’existence aussi bien de porteurs engagés que de porteurs captifs comme le suggérent d’ailleurs la plupart des auteurs (Curtin, 1975; Pollet et Winter, 1971: 113-115; Person, 1968: l13sq). Ainsi les enquétes faites en 1904" en prévision de l’abolition—prudente—de l’esclavage opponent cenains éléments." Dans le cercle de Beyla par exemple, ou les esclaves sont estimés a 1/3 de la population, il est dit: Les captifs des Dioulas ont une existence plus pénible (que d’autres captifs); ils portent de fortes charges et sont obligés d’aller a l‘eau, au bois ou de cuisiner a l'arrivée au gite d’étape pendant que le chef dioula se repose. En revanche ils ne font presque rien quand les dioulas ne voyagent pas. Pour le cercle de Kankan, la presence d‘esclaves est liée a celle des Marunka-Mori, commercants musulmans. Ainsi Kankan et ses environs comprendraient esclaves sur l0 500 habitants soit 57% alors que Lzizgtst;:;Jlil;;;;:;iteséL‘1(s:c) ;i'en auraient que 5,4%. Les esclaves de culture poy s au travail agricole dans des villages (rente en produits)—autre forme de liaison entre travail et :t;\mm;;e—mais: "chez les musulmans ce sont eux aussi qui sonta débr:ussa;T:n?;:‘\;§’rrtcnt chargés de tous les gros travaux (portagv. de ?;::i;;’f:33\;Z|:§l§srn§eQnZnLle cerfle de Dingruiraye, ancien ccnlff Tau (exile cn 1899 A B S ou, .1 s d El Had] Omar, puis de Mak! Hsouvcm Si lc m I amako) préctsant le r6le tenu par des esclav€S¢ aitre a reconnu de l'intelIigence chez I’un d’eux, il

0dII• Gonrg Q1 700 /_ __X ; itrrporratlnns (N-$) / \ _ __ expnrtarinnn (S-N) 600 // x` fl) cercle A rm-,;]c I, \\ (.) nnnnerce exterleur 300 `_ _ _ _ ` mn " \ _-·' 100 20,, "~t_ <2> ZZ : 100 " ’ 50 ° marGrnphique 4.3: Nombra meneual do porteurs lui contie des marchandises pour faire le métier de traitant." Cette utilisation des esclaves, dotés de la meme fonction qu'un homme libre, est confimée par d’autres sources. Les listes permcttent d’étaycr l’hyp0these d‘une traite des esclaves camouflée sous du portage car de nombreuses caravancs remontent vers le Nord avec une disproportion flagrante entre le nombre de porteurs et le volume de colas transportées. Etait-il "rentable" d'employer des porteurs dans ces conditions alors que la valeur d'échange des marchandiscs acheminées était bien supérieure au coin local des noix de cola: une charge de sel équivalait a 60 frs (une barre de 25 kg) contre 24 a 30 frs pour une charge de colas. Que penser d‘une caravane dont les porteurs transportent chacun 360 colas—et lcs exemples sont nombreux—alors qu’une charge dc noix en compreend généralement 2500 a 3000, ce que dc nombreuscs caravanes emportent? Que penser du fait que plus de poneurs remontent vers lc Nord. soit 34l5 "porteurs" (exportations cercle a cercle) contre 2739 dans Ie sens Nord-Sud (importations cercle a cercle)? Le calcul sur 7 mois D¢rmet d'éliminer les chevauchements des caravanes de mois en moisselon le temps passé aux échanges-e1 l’on retrouve ainsi une dif ference mQYcnne de 96 personnes, similaire A celle des captifs exponés ofliciellement en IB94: coincidence?

88 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Ainsi une partie seulement des "homnres libres" serait reellcmem deg pm-wuts (esclaves ou non). Les autres seratent des esclaves de (mile et l‘on peut douter de leur utilisation ellecttve comme transporteurg de colas vu le volume souvent limité de noix; en effet la fragilite des noix, le savoir-1`aire que nécessite leur manutention (ouvrir les paniers fréquemment, humecter les noix, les trier pour enlever celles attaquées pa.r les charancons (Chevalier et Perrot, 1911: 351) laissent a penset que cette tache ne pouvait etre confiée au hasard et supposait un cer. tain apprentissage. Ceci est contirmé par d’autres sources: ainsi dans une interview recueillie par Curtin, Tierno Hamady Madi SY indiquait que le portage était délicat, qui’il étajt l`a.it par le commercant lui-meme et des porteurs salariés dans le cadre de petites caravanes (jusqu’a 10 porteurs).’° Nous tenons certainement la une des raisons structurelle; dc la taille limitéee des caravanes décrites ici. Cela rejoint l'analyse de Roberts car le commerce des noix de cola nécessitait effectivemem une parfaite organisation des transports pour limiter au maximum les pertes; cela se combine ma.| avec le déplacement de larges caravane; qu’il faut loger, protéger. Cependant, bien que les esclaves de traite ne semblent pas avoir joué un role déterminant dans le travail de portage (il fallait préserver leur valeur marchande), leur participation at cette activité met en valeur une des modalités de recrutement de la main d'oeuvre commerciale: par ponction d’un systéme économique sur un autre, en l’occurrence de cornrnunautés marchandes islamisées—renforcées par |'organisation pohuque de l’a.lmami Samori—au détriment des sociétés forestieres non centralisées. C'est en réaction contre cet état de fait et pour s’organiser contre les razzias que des tentatives hégémoniques visérent a regrouper différentes chefferies dans la région 1`orestiere: ainsi dans le zone kpelle 2;-;;:i:;ecltt0t·r d§Gbankundo Saxajigi, vaincu par Samori en 1883. Q une unité Fgnsialgrdcliies esclaves pouvaient etre peu a peul intégrés mcrcialcsl assuram aigsi lapagtictper dtrectement aux 'acttvtttes comProduction du cycle d’echanges. LE ROLE DES ANES COMME TRANSPORTEURS dyaiggggillglrgegt aux affirmations fréquentes excluant l'uti1isali0¤ a Kankan (Curtin, 1975: 22 286· Meill 1963‘ 208; Pollet et Winter 1971* 113 d ' i I aS§Oux' l . . ) u fart dc la trypanosomtase ou lout

0dlt• Gong UD au moins évoquant leur remontée vers le Nord lors de la saison des pluies," les listes temotgnent de leur presence tout au long de l`année. La pourcentage de caravanes avec §nes(s) ainsi que le nombre total d`anes diminue tres nettement avec l`avancee de la saison des pluies: 40 at 60% d‘avril at juillet avec plus de l0O anes par mois contre 20% environ en septembre. Le role des zines est beaucoup moins important entre Beyla et Boola que dans le reste du Soudan. phénomene que les conditions sanitaires et géographiques expliquent aisément: le nombre d’anes par mois est généralement inférieur a 40. Ailleurs il est loin d'étre négligeable. Ceci est un moyen d‘accroitre considérablement le volume du commerce puisqu‘un ane porte en général 3 charges (70 A 80 kg) et se contente de peu, l'inconvénient étant sa lenteur (I6 km par jour en terrain accidenté). Pour un jula cela représente donc une possibilité de gain considérable mais aussi un investissement important." On ne peut pas associer l’utilisation d'anes a un type précis de caravane; toutes les combinaisons sont possibles: peu de poneurs et plusieurs anes ou méme un jula seul et 8 anes (en mai, importations cercle a cercle), nombreux porteurs et nombreux anes (en aotit aux exportations cercle a cercle l caravane comprend 7 anes et 9 porteurs), grande caravane sans ane (en avril aux importations cercle at cercle, ljula accompagné de 10 porteurs); de facon générale le nombre le plus élevé d'anes correspond a des caravanes importantes. Le nombre maximum reste tres modeste (B anes), ce qui est at mettre en relation avec les conditions somme toute peu favorables des zones traversées. OUELOUE DONNEES SUR LES RESEAUX Ces données ne concernent que le commerce int_érieur au Soudan puisque le commerce extérieur n'est enregistré qu’entre Beyla et Boola. L'analyse des marchés d‘origine et de destination des commercants mel en valeur les grands centres commerciaux—-concentration du sel ou redistribution des noix de cola—les axes d`échange, les licux dc rupture de charge mais aussi, indirectement, les réseaux et transactions se greffant sur l‘échange fondamental sel/cola. Le périple de la cola se fait at travers quatre zones différentes: la region productrice (ict zone kissi-loma-kpelle), le secteur des marchés courtiers, les savanes du Sud et la zone consommatrice. Le contr6le du commerce pouvait étrc eft fectif d‘un marché sahélien a Beyla, zone courtiere, ou Boola, march: forestier; un meme colporteur pouvait ainsi relier directement lcs

g THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE regions productrices et consommatrices en uiilisanr Iles services dum réseau commercial. L'échange sur d aussi longues distant;-S pcuvail aussi etre réalisé par relais. rupture de chargeldans certams matmhéx p|gque5 wurnames des transactions. La carte lemcigne bien de 1 Grim tation Nord-Sud, caractérisuque des echanges et de I existence dc ces deux pratiques commerciales. Hui! lieux d`échange monopolrsem mm que.-mm les relations commerciales avec Beyla en rotalisam 9425% des caravarres aux importations (Nord-Sud) et 96,75% aux export} tions (Sud-Nord). L‘on peut opposer les centres des regions scplm tr-ionales parmi lesquels domincnt Nioro, Médine et Bamakg aux deux marches-relais dans les savanes du Sud (Siguiri, Kankan). Siguiri, a proximité des placers auriferes du Bouré/Séké, joue un grand role dans les échanges. Les marchandises venant du Nord som acheminées par voie iluviale de Bamako ou viennent du Haut-Senegal. Les noix de cola sont ensuite redistribuées dans des marches locaur comme Didi, Dentinian ou transportées plus loin vers l’Ouest (Fouta_ Djalon, Dinguiraye . . . ). Gallieni (1891: 232) pereut tout de suite le role important de ce lieu d'échange: "Siguiri est le lieu de passage dt toutes les caravanes venant des Etats de Samory (en 1888) et se rendant a nos comptoirs du Sénégal et des Rivieres du Sud." Certains commereants limitent par conséquent leur rayon d'action a une zone restreinte, centrée sur un de ces marchés-relais. Ainsi Keleeba Konde, interrogé vers 1897," dit avoir "fait le dioula" entre Moriguédougou au Sud-Ouest de Kankan, Bamako et le Bouré. Kankan, sur le Milo, tient le meme role de marché-relais au carrcfour de nombreuses routes vers le Nord et les marchés sahéliens, vers l’Est et le Wasulu, vers l’Ouest et le Fouta-Djalon et bien sur vers lcs marches lcourtrers du Sud. De nombreux Konianke, intermédiaires El entrepositaires a Beyla, préferent ne pas trop s’éloigner de leur base ggafpart alors qu’a Kankan-méme les Maninka-Mori prennent It Ia Jgzglilgcglzéiieptentnonaux, les spéeialisations se situent soit dam Mlm Nic") ct Bam SE , sglt dans la redistribution des noix de cola. des caravans char éa 0 ( ont partent respectivement 11,3 et 23,6% cpamvéc des Maugcse; esfritielliment de sel) sont d'1mportants polllll [mem mrcmcm plus a|;PsG;¥`:u€§I%l du Sahara. Ces dermerg 5'aveIl· des csclavcs · I l B _" · lger et remontent avec des lisS¤¤· imé [_ _ ai aud (1903. 40,62) en 1898/99, s‘est beaucoul resse aces transactions: "A cété de Ia gomme et de la ' ’ ` ` guinee, rl arrivtl

Odllt Gong gg Nioro un troisiemebproguit: lg sill L;. sel provient des carriéres de `|-ichit cl csi appiulc au OU 3|\ D T L5 JUW5- HBIHBKD est égalqmgm un des points importants du passage du sel." Le r61e de Bargako ist conlnrme par'I‘étude de Meillassoux (1963: 208); ··Bamak0. Om. Wl molm ¤¤¢ ¢l¤pe pour les qayayancx qu·un point de rupture, un marché ou les produits passaient des mains d'un intermédiaire a celles d'un autre." Unsondage sur le mois d'avril montre que les caravanes partant de Nioro sont plus importantes—22 caravanes avec 120 porteurs (soit 5,45 en moyenne) et 30 anes-, et uniquement chargées de sel et que celles venant de Bamako comportent des marchandises plus variées (tissus, colliers) bien que le sel reste le produit dominant. Dans le sens Sud-Nord ces marchés n'attirent respectivement que 1,35 et 10,4% des caravanes; ceci se comprend aisément, surtout pour Nioro qui joueun |`aible r6le dans la redistribution des noix de cola. Celles-ci sont dirigées de préférence vers Médine (23,2% des caravanes contre seulement 5.5 partant de la), Kita . . . L'on peut ainsi reconstituer des trajets supposés puisque les caravanes, partant chargées de sel de certains marchés, retournent dans d’autres pour échanger leurs noix de cola contre des tissus ou de l’argent avec lesquels elles acquierent a nouveau du sel; le cycle commercial est bouclé: il aura duré plusieurs mois et occasionné un long périple pour des profits certains mais parlors aleatoires (probleme de la conservation des noix). lls conlirment le role spécifique de Bamako/Nioro (achat de sel) et de Médine (vente des colas) ainsi que l‘existence de colporteurs au rayon d'action plus limité (liaison entre Kankan et Siguiri par exemple). L'on peut aussi déduire de ces "trajets" le temps passe aux transactions dans la région de Beyla (2 a 4 semaines) et le profit théorique realise par le commercants. Sur l'exemple de Diane Soumsana on arrive ra la multiplication de la mise de depart par 7 entre Nioro et lglgdnne. ‘ Ceci doit étre confronté bien s0r au travail pénible de 7 I a D¢l‘Sonnes et 3 anes sur plus de 1000 km, soit un cycle total dc I I 2 mois minimum. La mise est multipliée par 5 environ pour un ,}:1 a seul achetant l000 colas—le minimum pour une charge—pour 12 [rs et pouvant espérer les revendre 100 frs et plus dans le Nord (60 s en comptant les pertes inévitables, les cadeaux). L'éloignement entre product · · cn l ‘€l-ITS ct consommateurs est a la base de ce profil; ]0U€ C11 e ce qu Amselle (1977: 2|0) nomme l`0pacite du marche c`est-a-

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i§ Q _ `ymwc, `h;.;m;n DL Snqun 1L\$· ‘(`. ${ 1·q*;rq, 1, _;m'"r ' g\.;¤I1»UDU’•Du•*0*·¥"¤-$_'Y$¢ lQ¤\¤xh1;g;; nm inaau F-R ****1 Lw,,m;¤¤na¤<¤=n:•=•¤¤¤~s*n¤un¤p:‘•nn-¤-.,,,,q,,·-,· '!Q_mu“p,·,;¤ gw; :¤¤h¤¤r:\rLh•:m¤·¤¤;¤.:u¤..¤ an All pm: t, pm u..;:nu¤ k\S LC 31. uct human vena; gun V A \;»:pH¤·¤¤•"*‘ -;*·"—‘¥*‘ "’ 7*-*** *F°*!’|¤¤••·¤¤ L Pura; 1u;;, ¤m.¤_;gv;¤rnpar¤¢’-H¤¤=¤m¤¤¤nmn¤1¢wL·¤a¤¤¤;_,—_ u_Epm*hq.uq,,_yg»e¤¤;¤uFrn¤Ffm¤"z•¤¤#¤=:¤¤;;¤¤Lk-; mm-¤E,k,¤1ammqwmru:¤.·b•¤ E`, kx; *009 SC-ec Cunah: = P<=1m119J.1bL s=|>.y`,¤y_;;¤C¤¤:¤=I";iL:¤s•gmic’q1.'aB:»na.¤hm¤¤·vnmnn`na•&¤¢ qu qudqun ;¤i;u:·• a·.r.¤ur ac Zhhqll \1u£"|2.:SI. (·.Cf.1G3£s¢.*icm:.ui::·n:.¤:·•¤nz1(»=:q:.·.1; iuznhtéan 4 11 1% 2 nm naman mmm:1 Tenn: Ont- ¤ P1:·1·¤a.l91i.3"Zn ’.AxS'G5(rra;pu1pohnqm¤¤¤¤:::1IT. S.S¤¤¤¤¤`¤a:pas¤:¤¤¤1u¤¤¤k:¤1¤:·¤h;tu¤msn¤¤t¤pq¢» ¤;;n¤1ifad1h:ics¤:hangzs;ii{u1a1éun;Sn6-£:.·kBry·hk1$9l. 9.l..aim¤1:¤*:rc¤Ai.1f»;m:¤z:1ia(.i¤n¤::kS¤¤:1an ]U.E.D]¤}5kHZIU}&"T El:['E.é'!'·fiLZ•!`E§€€'}$¢§ 11. A.\`S 'G 50 :u:1m¤:·h.h: {dh dc IH' 11. L: 1..-mai} pcmeid sur 1: ";x¤¤¤:r¤¢ caradzntz {1% ¥!Z1{ik'5lIéES2IZ\3.¥!CZQL-lJ}2kIEK lD ’¢!C£'§Z ¤ea¤¤xi¤s1c•uae2.·1 §g1·1.u"•a1d:r¤1hm¤1¤0@caiy¤. 13_ €m1:m•19*5: T21év¤qued¤c=nn·¤1¤¤:Ill>;¤s¤¤n¤. •¤n¤¤¤g¤q¤ d¢NiK>.aum0¤t¤1dciaLran¢b¤cia•n:s.l.¤ucg¤g¤1§7I 591-nnxh ¤·n1¤Ha•na&p1usd:|(lIpcrs0•m:¤¤·sIlD Sa. 14.A.’€S7GO9bu1.I¤msag:·icnh:¤.:;·¤an1&1S9l. 15. Pawn (l%S: llkqk lcs purumrs lihtcs ramncu 10S k mqfi pane: rzg:u~m1ainsidnn0miscrp¤wd:ma1¤¤m¤nx·¤11h.Fc&C¤tnT4< l3t|'a¤:l-21Commer::diakhankcparBak¤•1KahaiTa.@n·nd.•a:skB¤¤·hs1snn ]`I.»¤ll.i§i§dlIEEI.£&§I.m£I'@.Il). I6.cII.I`IjD0$§€C¢\I.X-C1l.ll.I \BE¤'IB§\§l£l' E.I·uE. 1*. Vai par. cx. Lipschuu (1973; IBD sq); Ar&~¤¢¤I*1itRm¤dOH'¤. Ks: Colonial Offrm 267/405. IHIF lcurt dn L) I0. ISYS; Fai Offs: ZT 3357 IST |mr¢duBz7/1897auF.O.cnrépnns:iun:l:n1·¢dnh1·¤nd:C4¤·¤d.ni¤•s¤¤h¤ &FI’I.£jLD|d|’¤(®II1)”¤“\lDEEl.I'E&(:1Il|’$.gIV¤'I|l|`&‘: .$ iziurc ds: cnbnh): A.N.S.O.M. Guih X.I\' Tmd a ni d'¤¤vr:-‘£v¤.dJ. 18.C¤c¤qué1:srép¤nd:mauquui>nnai2dul0:I1¤IQJ¤nrhcqnivit:p¤ •l!Gi‘¤1&cdu l7/9/I§12l’inl.¤·dhi¢ndch¤‘d¢a»1idérh|1i·&puIhG•ii: ldan.1t|.bnduSudduS0udan—oi1s:u0¤vtBcyh—¤1Ii|J)W. A.N.S.O.M. Guiné X1\’ d.3 (unc ami.: pu cud:). m.FDDd\C\l.I‘\il'IL£C0lIlI1'KI’Rd\|mI.£\I€I&[XI.[hl.C§I¢7fIC!|. U. Amsdle (IYT7: 134) ·-1·5M¤.1¤°|um¤¤ mmi11¤bkp¤dn¤h¤i¤¤¢¤ Plus`; Pcrmn 0968; IIJI; ‘I`inz va jusqui In mn: cumiim: pain: Ia és Fhfmaisrutronuccnavril-novunbuv IUN0l'd&\lhIIK.II.[I|I~B0 "Zl.DV!· Wxh®u'l’¤'I'|PI0id°I.|'|¤mgj;g,|5pr&ig*|`|k: d‘uilhd¤nll® 91.91. NU d‘”["mi¢|¢dcl>ufIiuqL;mj¤y p¤;¤¤s;¤¤¤¤•1n¤¤sil¤t<=¤mr! ¤cnlrnlSudnn":fcn1n1In1sion i Ia func monnlitédaslncs duns kS¤d.

Q DE l0 OF AFRICAN TRADE :2. `·°m_ a mn _|·mdk-,.,0n_ la eakur rnereuriale d'un ane a Nioro; so 50 __ ;5_ Ass *0 Ja sista des enefs dc la region Sud du Soudan en ts-? ug don? ues rensetgnements sur leur itinetaire politique et professionel. ;.»_ ii {agi: bien sitr dwstimations car les ccurs dex noix Flucruem rscaucuur __ ignciion ae la period: de l‘ai-mee. de l'etar des transactions . . . aussi been dam ‘ regions productrrees que dans les marches du Nord. ° 25. Cf. infra art. cit. de Duftill et Lovejoy: meuent en ~aleur Vexistenue de nobreut porteurs iolontaires. " 26. "Il est absolument contraire au.¤ reglements de procéder militairement ou { rntnistrativement a des requisitions d‘hommes, de chevaux. de tit res et de mater-i;,r. quelconques pour le compte de particuliers. a des prix arbitrairement fixes a sn;. au—dessous de leur valeur. De pareils fairs n`esistaient pas jusqu'en present en Guin,. ils sont contraires a tous les reglements adminisratifs." ANS, Q 50 Le commerceA.O.F. lB96¢ ISIJJ: Iettre du gouvemeur Cousturier au gouvemeur general du 29/6.*Iii juste aprirs l'annexion du Sud du Soudan par Ia Guinee. 27. Aneté local de Guinée 7/II/I905; cf. Goerg (I9BI: 429-445): "I'interventi¤· administrative dans les transports commerciaux." ` 28. Cf. IG 32 disette dans le cercle de Beyla en I909 7G 58 rapport sur Ia regu foresuere en I903 (incrimine Ie portage). Lovejoy. (l9B0a). qui évoque le tres fn; accroissement du volume de noix échangées découlant des transformations des mom de transport. ‘ ` REFERENCES AMSELLE. J. L. (I977) Les négocianrs de Ia savane. Paris: Anthropos. BAILLAUD, E. (I902) Sur les routes du Soudan. Toulouse: Privat. BLONDIAUX (I895-I896) Region sud du Soudan A N S IG I7l CHEVALIER A and E PERROT (I9II I ‘- . . · U . . . , ) Les kolatters et les notx de Itola P cnartamt. · ““’ COHEN. (I966) "Politics of the kola trade: some processes of tribal communin Cuggrxtign Bmong migrants in West African towns." Africa J6, I: I 8-J6. I . . . (I975) Economic Change in Precolonial Africa. Senegambia in rhdloi-TOiél;i9i)lTVBTf¤d¤· Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. V GM-MEN! J S)(l§9l:t (56lE d Ivoire au Soudan et a Ia Guinee. Paris: Hachetrr GOERG O. (iu.!) HEC) eux campagnes au Soudan franeais. Paris: Haeheut xlxélgil) H Th_ h°"$°s· 'é$“u"· m¤F€l'•¢S1 l'impact colonial en Guinée {rm - cse de Jeme cycle, Université de Paris HOPKINS A. G. (I973) An Econom' H' Z LIPSCHU-I-Z M R (ml __ '° "l°*’¥ vf West Africa. London; Lgnsmu, _ { ·_ - ) Northeast Sierra Leone aft I88 · ttl Samonantnvastons and Britishc I · . __ Cr 4. responses w ma. Los Angeles oomaltsm. Ph.D. thesis. University of Crtlil¤'· LOVEJOY P. E. (I9iI0 ‘· · · Hines 20, ug; g7_?;4_K°la In lh° h'$'°"Y °[ w¢S¤ Africa" Came,-S dgludmrp. *·(l980b) Caravan [K . Ahlmdl-I Bello un;,:,,l,;’l?rc1;2°al:;":J“ !(°I° Trade- 1700-l900. Za;-ig md Ibndtt ¤lV¢fSi|y Press.

OLGQUQ 91 _,..(|•)7l) ··L¤¤s4i¤¤¤¤= '-¤·* •¤¤ N¤¤¤ rhs wr of rhc ¤n•¤¤u.(m,,,,, Hm. Koh ",4q_" Journll of KM Hi$\0fi¤| $¤i¢kt) of Ntgcru !_ 4; 537.543 MEu_|_AssOUX. C- (rd-I IW"!) W Dwdopmcm or t¤es,¤..,.,, TM, ,,,1 Mums in W6, Amen. London: Oxford Univusiiy P;q¤_ _.__(I96]) ··|-|i5|0l|’c CI i|'l$(fI\|f-l0|`|S du Kll`0 de BIIIIIID d`|prh lg ugqjljon an Niaré." Cahicrs d‘étudcs africaincs, 4: IE6-227. PEMNBAM. B- M- 0977) "Th¢ DY\|lB$ in Wfiltfn Swdnnesg hmm-Y; d,“.bp¤` of ,,,0,,,c¤,·· an B. Swan: and R- Dumcn (cus.) wm An-a¤... cum, Archgolcgkzl and Hi$l0¥'l¢3] P€|’$P¤¤lVCS. Paris: Mqumn_ PERSON. Y. (I974) "Thc Atlantic mast and the southern savnnnnhs. IBID-IEU." in ]_p.,·.. Ajayi and M- Crowder l¤d¤-I Hisrcry of Wn An-au. wi. z. Lqnjql; Longman. _ ...-(l968) Samori. unc révoluuon dyula. Dakar: IFAN. ...-(|963) "Lcs anoéuu dc Samori." Cahizrs d‘etudcs nfricaizncs. 4, I: 12b-IS6. PEYRISSAC, L. (I9l2) "La fronciére franco-libéricnn¢." Bulletin dc la sodétt dc géographic commcrcialc dc Bordnuxz I9-40. POLLET, E. and G. WINTER (I97I) La Société Soninké (Dynhunu. Mali). Brucllcs: Editions dc I‘Université dc Bruxelles. ROBERTS, R. (1980) "Long-distance mid: and production: Sinsani in the nineteenth ccntury." Joumal of African History 21. 2: I69-I88. TRIMINGHAM, J. S. (l975) A History of Islam in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press.

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100 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE , . — t` . he internal, d Caml i"‘“·‘“‘“’ "““Y$?7`.“i$ET` E§li`.§m. tm, f§.§'§` Side economy (Ea Ttigstfneteentih century, as the French pusheé Hi-I }9` I36-igrghd rnilitary interests into the interior, Saharan ,,:,,,0) [hw wmnicm ·· d thriving commerce from the Uppe (usmng Ot :anr1iilS€r)[ii;li1[d?iAn; camels, though able to thrive in lh; gglitlggitlg duiiinggthe dry season, constituted the principalimeans by _ · ' · tweretransported. For all intents an purposes ih::hn§;)
E· *"" ’*°°¤••a•l• tm 20, \5' lu' 5. LEGEND · I gan Mines U Im Nin sm tm ·"` ArLANTIC SAHAnA zv zs.titlt° .Y•¤*••¤¤ , IJ l I I I I DRA R Ilaudenni A Ara u i n Wa ¤ • ri ml nu (MMM SOUTHERN SAHARA rv 'A -u ... `tga K‘\ I J- AL { §,'· •\'|N|D\lIlu atnl E 5 Ihara \ tau., V) •,,,_,,° S A E L IS' \ ¤ W. •\**¤ •r• I c E GAMBIA BI\Im¤.': Jlnnq j N1•Q:: BI I iu- 5 IIN AmkN° 5- 0Map 5.1: Principal Salt Caravan Routes, Ninataanth Contury east, toward Tishit. From Tishit (also the source of amersuI)’ routes radiated tn all directions toward the sahel and Sudart (McDougall, 1980: l99·220. 232-249). an ljil caravan of the l900s was usually large, several tribes and factions traveling together. Even when these slow—moving associations broke up into smaller groups (which they often did in the sahel), an average caravan might well number 200 to 300 camels. Units of under O0 Operated in both the desert and sahel, but these were more likely

nd nl @1 Of AIUCAI TIAX H adm: Nnajl unounls ul qi. LU w "gf] h@·Nm lra`dH$_UI . Bmlhud, (2 i Lk, Lt-;;;10lU*¤*h“m“°“ ulwln in the nl; of an asuah Mcuwpn Mg;. 253-257}- my `U H) AU axonal. uf ninnggmt, ;a;:l;‘:.:l:;h4;::•T;|jl;vel wan uf the dangers travelers fum '"' hadn` . V a.tio• of une man to four or live game}, ll dr muuxswdyglugithe narure ol terrain and. presurriabgy me W-KF. purity loaded (up to XD Imosramsy. badly fed Lamm dx 16 and Z5 kilometers a day; a |`resh,·IightIy Loaded nmvd r,,,,¤1 mum so and 40 kilometers (Curve, 1975: zw; ****1 " ‘v f of transport in the sand974 lnc¤¤t.rast,aher¤au e crms _ L ..w,,u mrry 50 or lil) kilograms (respecuve|y,_ M-u1,n,di,¤‘ mdxgzromesers a day. and required one man for every nv, · Thissiiuariongavemmelsamrwmgmpamtyofmoreihan I.-gtén, of donkeys and 50 percent more than oxen. In area. gf _ , Senegal River valley err¤a¤¤r¤¤.wch¤s·1=¤b¤'°°°‘*"“"‘; ummm . - . - ng and ll! $$1. dfneacy vannd ¢0l1¤®|'¤b|Y mq hu miqghj ne¤essi1a.wdonemanforeacbanimal.Her1cerot¤esw t wud; wud be used were usually preferable‘ (Cnnm, 1975; At 5,,;,,-H, ,,,.,4 in 1878, "uansport of ten lmgues m the Sudan is mm &ff’icultthan2(Dis1theSaharavhe1·e0nemari Imds fivecamelsand •·h¤·e¤¤hcamelt2n·iesa1l¤¤the|oadoftwoox¤1orfourdr>nkeys" Sola] , IU7: I79). (Thetransponadvan1ageofthecan1eloverothet·livestnck resulted ‘ png-aptui:1' anomalysvhaebyitwascharrertotrarssportgoodt Tgeaterdistancebycamelthanfollovvasliortetrrotrtebydonlteycr 0lQ.B1d2I¤)$,lID®I1S0{b|1Bdtl.h{gUiIIé€}, acrc¤•theSamra,•verefindingtls¢irvvaytotl1ei1r1es·sorvia. Scnwl River, folonving an overland route from the port of Medina to lh desert-side salt market of Nioro. This development generated an eltensive trade in which traders yuulaj carried the cloth from Medina and Hioro to Banarnba (north of Bamako) where they ¤ fovSn.haransah.Ahhou¢1;uinéedothcrxildhavebe¤1uadnddtr¤¤ll r¤rsaliinNioro,BailIaiiddiscov¤·edthatit sva•cli¤p¤·tobr¤ngds¤¥i* and salt to Banamba before making the exchange. In Nioro one p¤=¤ of;uinéevas7.$0Fandoneba:ofsalt I7 F, but in Banarnbadffh and salt sold for I0 F and 30 F, respectively. The proportional W intlnvah.seofsal1wa••ub¤antial|yym1erthanthatofguirsée,Isen¤¤for the Saharan;. there was a strong incentive to bring salt as far win

* *"' *=¤¤••l tm D pL,,,;bk.‘ An UWIZ Ut nplalrwd. puh. uw umd UTM duujm Uuum], not uhm: tz-melt. are most tmerested that the Mmm mm the talt as close at possible tr, th; ptw, uq nk mm HV w mt msu bend and the river. They my more tu other the um,p(,,-, wu Di MLm\·.·‘ Th! Cm Q striking; in lU96 3 bf¢3·k¢l0WI'l of livestock lzjm) lam M goods included 4600 donkeys, l5(l• oxen. and l'.((ll camels. C¤aeh_ lhtrd‘m¢_ were f¢\p0I'l\lbl¢ for 74 PETCCII1 of all {reid;] gy;-xrld (Curtin, 19751230)- U¤d¤¤b¤¤|ly. heavy lmdem ot desert sa .,4, up a very large part of this volume. BAHARAN SOGETY AID THE SALT TRAE In the nineteenth century three main socal youpings. adn associated with specific charanerimd Saharan sodety. Wariors (arab hassart) were responsible for secular and warfare: men of letters (zawuya or marabouuy prayed. taa¢. and provided spiritual guidance andtributariestavrqaorlalunajtroiaced the material life of society. They worked. In rnlity. uvaya families were often able to use the prestige cmed by their sté lOlD2II.l[lJlZ.l£0(h¢fS,l0§i11llI€3lllZl'@0l|l`ZT'h\,ZI“,i§.l0 exercinepolitieaIpower.Fra¤tjomofm•1yaw¤eev¤tkno•¤to¤¤ry arms and were little different than their hanani ndyibors in terms of their activities. The relationship of uibutaries to tribes or families was often ambiguous. Groups that had been vakened by some disaster (drought, disase, war) might seek the protection of a wmlthier tribe, thereby becoming clients. 0th¤·s. in contrast. were forced into this position by tribes with the apability to ntract tribute. Even among uwaya, those who souytt spiritual gt% mmediationservicesfromaparticular9iaikhem¤edim¤rdatiom 0finterdependenceinwhiehtheypaidforthead~·ama;:sthey·gnir:d with religious offerings and gifts (Miské, l9’70: 93-l0|; Stewart. 1*773: S4-65. Leriehe, l95S; Hamidotm, l952: 4I-47), Ban asClmles Stewart (I973: 6l-62) has pointed out, "the differences between spiritual Phhical threats as a mans to encourage gifts from a subtrdinate tn ¤i¤¤¤:mh-o¤¤uryMawitaniaappearstohavebe¤tdi;h."Tl•epo•¤ ¤f such subordinates lay in their ability to sci ne• allhnnes-etc veakentheresourcesofonepatronbymovingimothenpbereofnintleneeofanotlierwhoeouldprovide fororprotecttlrm !:uer.Tl¤ "latenl mobility," writes Stewart (l9‘73: 6l-62). "c¤ald dneruh the

104 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE _ _ . _ . osin haSSaI`l1gl'0UDS; lt) zavt-in Eglxlift;"mno?:r?1I;n?i>`f€det;nce:dc;:tfrtfeantga shift in labor and thus, in Tit(;rs(;[;:n|;>1)e;
E. Ann llcboupa 105 mms OI- pjllage and eXl0rli0¤ bl' iheif more powerful relallulle my ::`Iad Allouch, were €0¤$ld"€d "EWFN W3l'fl0l’S and camel r;li`q,,_‘· 1'he Boradda too were known for raising fine camels and were pre) IO Mellon; by, several ttetshbortns tribes.- especially me Mlad Allouch. ln the nineteenth century they were tributary to the Mechdouf as well. Awlad Boradda participation ln the Tawdenni amlay usually consisted of several hundred camels, and many Awlad Boradda were known as specialized salt merchants (Marty, l92la, lll: 16, 43-Sl). The third main group involved in the Tawdenni trade was the Kunla, or more specifically, the eastern Kunta tribes of the Amwad and l-lodh as distinct from their "cousins," the Kunta al-Qibla (Kunta of the West) who were engaged in ljil commerce. By the late eighteenth century Kunta political strategy, commercial interests, and religious leadership under Shaikh Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti had brought the tribe to great prominence across the southwestern Sahara as propagators of the Qadiriyya brotherhood} Involvement in the salt trade played no small role in this rise to power (Batrart, 1971: 94-104; McDougall, 1980: lOl-107). ln fact, it has been argued in a recent study (Batran, 1971: ll2) of the Kunta Azawad that, Kunta al-Qibla control of the salt mines of ljil in the second half of the eighteenth century and the concomitant rise in wealth. prosperity and prestige vis—a-vis other Zwaya [Zawayal of Mauritania were the main-spring of the success the Qadiriyya enjoyed in the Westml Sahara. Similarly, in the east, Kunta participation in the salt trade from Tawdenni constituted a "basic occupation" by the eighteenth century and was "a crucial factor in the germination and growth of their strength and popularity in the region" (Batran, 1971: 94-104). Sidi alMukhtar al-Kunti organized the Kunta commerce efficiently and profitably. He not only gave attention to the exchange of salt and other 800ds, but to the transport of these commodities. ln addition to raising f“me herds of goats, sheep and other livestock, the Kunta smialized in breeding camels. While certain types were best for riding, and others for food, most notable were those the Kunta raised for transport. Tradition recalls Sidi al-Mukhtar as "special" because he was able to use only his own camels in the azalay, a reflection of the importance itgtjached to the control of animal labor in the salt industry (Batran, l: 261).

,· ni y0n§ER$ OF AFROCAN TRADE I .303 IA SAHARAN COHIERCE AND SOCIETY Nl·¤¤xn'_h{cnm;-y qa_r3va,|15 were Ol`l€I1 lll ll'l€ h3.I`\d$ 0l·lpi0t5v|¤&· (ihurfa), but not everyone in a caravan owned tha came 5 [hq W il the gl; they carried. As for the domestic chores. t cse Zere L]-Nambe;. untkrtaken by less-than-free workersjslaves or free etaees wk hgmrme, or religious Stud¢l1lS ·(!;;¤ff|l¢Z;;n:;;t;-:Lr; ;t;el;l;ng; 0, · ‘ uses charactenz mn . cr, c2;l2-1257), who traveled in West Africa in the ea]-ry mm teenth century, observed that: The carneleers do not follow one master. Each is the mairre de la corr. duke of hk own camels, however few he has. Some have lifteen, other; six or ten, and still others three. 1 have even seen those with only twq_ These are the poorest. They join with the richer [merchants] drivin; their camels, receiving in payment food and water [by no means iu. consequential] along the route. The socioeconomic inequality represented in the composition of their great moving communities was no less striking on the level of tribe; and factional participation. Subordinates included tributary group; clients of other tribes, individuals and factions who were religiort students of prominent clerics, and servile laborers of assorted stattt who were found among each of these groups. No particular form or labor recruitment was specific to any one aspect or any one networi of trade; rather, labor recruitment and merchant investment were pan of the broader structure that characterized Saharan society. The predominant Kunta influence in the Tawdenni trade nurtured the reenritment of labor among religious students, which, in time, gan the term talamidh itself a much broader meaning. As Stewart (1973; 109, 112-113; on talamidh, 112-122) has shown, the Awlad lbiri rosr to a position of religious and political prominence in the nineteentl century under the guidance of Kunta disciple Shaikh Sidiyya al-Kabir because of their exploitation of talamidh labor: The principal elements of the Shaikh's economic power were revenue from religious offerings (hadaya), agricultural lands, [and] his group of talamidh .... [Here] the Shaikh's economic organization rested squarely on a foundation of the cadre of talamidh who sought out his protection and spiritual guidance. Tl1e world talamidh did not simpl1 tmply "students" . . . [it] also connoted a socio-economic group of in-

E. Ann Icboug tar ,ji»i..lua1s. families or fractions who were yomed in their loyalty to [the] ghaikh. Talamidh figure prominently in Stewart`s discussion of the .·\mlat.| lbiri‘s herding and salt trading organizations. The caravans themselves Ymed according I0 Whclhel lh€>` ‘*`€|’¢ "$m3ll-Kale domestic mae-mS·· of under iw animals traveling mainly in the sahelian regions. or "largescale long-distance enterprises" of 300 or more camels. The fonner provided transport ior the coastal salt coming from N‘teret, while the latter comprised a segment of the ljil netw·ork. This trade to the Adrnr *.35 a commercial innovation acredited specifically io Shaikh stdin-; and his economic refonns (Stewart, I973: IIS-IZO). Among the Kunta Amwad, to whom the origins of talamidh as a "socioeconomic supratribal body" can be traced, talarnidh were instrumental in conducting business interests. Already in the late seven. teenth and early eighteenth centuries, one Kunta family operating from Arawan used three talamidh to manage their affairs. One organized and conducted the azalay, a second supervised the mining and preparation of the salt blocks, and the third attended to the livestock and mmels. It is said that the one who managed the mining sector amassed a considerable fortune through his own private trade, which suggests that talarnidh may have been given some sort of payment in kind for their services (Batran, 1971: 94-IO4). By the early nineteenth century, the practice of usi11g talamidh to operate Kunta salt carava.ns was common (Batran, l97l: 261). ln both the ljil and Tawdenni systems, servile labor was widespread among tribes and fractions of every status. Servile labor referred to haratine (freed slaves with remaining ties of dependency) and 'abid (slaves). Haratine usually traveled with the main camp and fumished most of the shepherds for herding livestock. ln time, some haratine became sufficiently independent to establish autonomous camps and possess their own herds; nevertheless, they remained attached to the main tribe whose name they continued to use. Haratine also worked the date-palm groves and cultivation areas in the Adrar and Tagant. While these communities were more or less autonomous, part of the food they produced belonged to their former masters, who arrived annually at the guema (harvest) to collect their due. Slaves tended to live within the confines of their master’s camp. \l(arriors and zawaya possessed more slaves than anyone else, but even clients and haratine used slaves for domestic chores. Treatment varied

Q 1'I¢ GA€AI11IA§ ;;¤1•0¢l¤ilh¤n1..\¤¤|dI*¤&;¤Fp·$¤dg,_` ¤g,_.`h¤nvi¤p•p¤¤1of1hFr¤g¤m»¤¤id¢anI5u;¤¤.¤ iu•d=¤0frhc¤a¢nidhn¤h:•¤¤:¤of1¤s¤\¤du..,..r ;¢.;;¤:dh¤·»dm:a¤ua|·dbcs¤|d.|¤h¤·i¤dsh•¤¤~..; d.g,imm·ast.had¤¤Sv¤¤*•|F°*¤¤¤d¤°¥¥**$¥¤k¤1:... ¤¢¤hin3i•¢:•a¤qisii¤L(\i¢¤0fh•¤•¤g,;g-il uhd.;h¤¢1h¤tI¤:r¤cfafv¤:nas¤¤andsh~c.¤¤¤cnbi;g,,__ fm:.G¤¤nIyq¤t—..i¤as¤¤¤i¢h:¤da;im¤a:wh¤;d,,Q ¤rwalr•a;h•cwb¤!Bcrkrh¤nd¢¤.\'hil=1hisdid—.=; m¤¤¤sim.frwdr¤vas¤¤rtFkdFm¤mc¤pay·¤xmf¤¤¤m q¤¤al¤v:z.mevvhcm¤:¤cas?_g·uq>ofsh»~e;g;·,ci,l! huiudhyanghwbcdf-s.ufE¤¤1.u¤0bcgzm¤dq,1, §hola¤st!(M¤1Y.I92lb:335;!IcD¤:g¤D..lE:l4L;: |-|il¤.I95Z4I-49). lar:h:sak¤·ad:,slav1:w¤·:m0redsR:|c¤hanha1·adnc.Ha;·;gE •¤cp·iiIy¤n;iJ3=cdi1r.ltl¤·dh1g.mini1:,g.a1•dag1·i¤11rm·;lg;. mrs0hk¢:¤¤1m3·.akhmghs¤1tsh\¤•erta|s0¤1s¤d..-\1Ta1q§=;. i.f¤r@1|Jb.t¤ra1;incand`abidh¤thw¤ee:np|03w¤1bys*a-i:¤¤ u·lJ¤m¤iga¤dpq¤csaLTbcTajakamkqxafews¤\·Bewq\¤ ur.h:min:aIy¤r0und¤0<:xp|0i1sahand10mref0n·Lhe.:gg ¤h¤F|¤¤¤¤dild•¤*til1i!*(R¤\¤si¤.l9Bt4T7).S0¤rcofrh¤‘&,; (a¤dp0¤ib|yha¤:h:)als0:¤¤m;¤ni¤drbcaz21ay*,jn.nsxas;]ryq;g I.l!.k f1I'lI.I’}`,[kd2.i]§`ChG50fC2l?\'3DU2\dI‘EE ah¤¤in·ariably1I:vu·k0fs|avcs.111¤cr:sp0:s11>i1iti¤i11dai: ad•¤ndf¤rcn¤ki;,mdpr:paring:bcme¤ls.lnrheljiI¤a5c¤1n:1 f:¤¤im¤ac¤¤m|:nnicdarav·ans0uthcT¤hi1-sahd;mnofd: ?¤m·¤:y,¢t¤¤c0fscrvik¤annssharingtbcd0mcs¤icch0rcsand¤+ ngd1¤ini¤r¤cs’(CaHIié.I979:269).LJ¤¤qx1|dPan¤,h1aI¤ss,-th¤» ’hKiIEDAdI2l’Ql2\1.I1,[email protected]]3\EWH'Ed I ·wra1kev¤1unck:rdifEcuhcir¤1ms1a.nccs.lnLhisparti:il ¤ZE§.W?¤’$Illl`IZ$E€)EICIIHt3lH\h€SI3\*5h8dK ’*"‘d*°¤d¢0¤|y90lha1th:irwa1¤mdonsmu1dber¤dn;ccd¤¤ fmh¤.O¢h¤c:p¤i¤¤:•·i1hLbcdifIicuhicsofd¤s:rr¤x·avel¤¤ati1 |fJ::vh¤1fcud¤rva1¤snqJpI5csdhninisIn¤d.sIaves¤·¤·cl|s¢n|l!\¥ wts:¤f:rh(l:;¢;éi:I%s;|0¢1ym 1965:263-267).N¤¤‘ ’ '"mP°'¤¤8 ma vdlhavcbccnbdl 0ffl1¤¤s|avg¤1 inagricuhme¤|·h¤·di:';g.111e·a1IcM¤-i 'h'°FP°¥¤¤1¤Yw\11dc0¤tIncir0wn · L a¤¤mm¤(aIb¤¤onas1naHs»r#

£k g .d·at,d.g.¤¤¤1o·t¤¤¤¤¤ifnm1u¤¤n¤¤`1q.—, x` } IYY‘Ir: *:9:lIL jigp¤•c:u¤n¤¤¤csf¤¤¤¤r:z1!u\n~qz·r¤1¤a—¤. ·I»¤,,;.¤¤¤.uJ¤¤¤s•m¤¤"&>¤x\:x¤1¤•¤q.., gn5|¤¤t1&·hsahm¤:ham¤·b.:¢§|;¤Pa:\¤¤_•<¤:fv¤¤¤q• ;g;;¤l¤`s til lI\d\ 1: A IQl'\¢I11E\§;¤¤_;add¤Pa:uni.•:rsLncha¤¤ngawb¤¤-¢•¤¤::{i ;j¤·ad¤’nh¤·v•¤r·;I¤1Part. Iii 1*91. “,r¤|u-bu¤!¤¤m¤¤¤=mparui¤xha¤•;,,,,_ ;ggcfshv¢hhc:r¤$..-\mi:|<1¤xrxrpa:~¤¤:c("T¤h!l¤c:s"q— ¤¤d;.gmcs:•¤t&f¤n|h’s¤¤\=¤:}‘¤h¤h:i¤x•§¤|;`g¤T¤d;¤ hd£`$‘@kl.fI¤"l£’k'lQ—diSJL`EU*I¤'$$I`·»§.]¤. |yLTbcA•1a¤dBcDapr0h¤blyqi`·:i.g¤dtlisa¤·10f¤1m1t· Té`i\ECLICd$l‘i{((hf!'$l]l·{lHIhE'Y'§§£\l .kp::siS.¤·a.nspu1cdhLc1hcsnbd.¤;1¤c1§r¤;x*ai~&3fa ¤|·t¤‘i!iz."\nE1:|:•i1h
110 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE ,0 Elwvaslr (Chenguiti, l953: ll5-l I6). a Mauritanian scholar wmins in the early twentieth century: ln the past, corrunerce flourished in Mauritania. The principal Objm was salt which one traded for slaves in the Sudan. The salt was transported in bars attached to the backs of camels. On arrit-nl in mt Sudan. the bars were deposited and cut according to the contour or the f`oot of the slave to be traded, the piece taken from the bar representing the price of the slave. lt was said that a slave sold himself by the measure of his foot. But . . . today, a camel load [of salt] is exchanged for one slave of either sex .... lt is said that some trade their children for salt. This salt was extracted from the [Kunta con. trolledl salines of ljil .... The buyers come from the I-lodh, Tishit, Regulbat and the Tagant . . . they transpon the salt to the Sudan from which they return with slaves. One part of these slaves serve as payment for the debts contracted on departure, another part is sold to the Tra.rza [Moors] and some are kept to work as domestic servants. Unfonunately, data are not sufficient to assess the proportion of slaves retained in the desert in the nineteenth century, or, most pertinent here, the number that contributed to the reproduction of the region's ser. vile labor force, but it is clear that labor recruitment tended to reinforce traditional social relations and enhance the position ofthe zawaya. And in this, the orgartization of labor in the Saharan salt trade was part of the recruitment of labor in society as a whole. Consequently, increasing demands for labor in any sector of the economy were likely to draw on some form of dependent or servile labor—on clients. talamidh, haratine, or slaves. CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN CAFIAVAN TRANSPORT Qommercial expansion in the nineteenth century was related to the availability of credit from Moorish merchants, increased cultivation of grain and cotton by Sudanese farmers, and the steady, indeed exfgglglnzgésglggly of slaves from nineteenth-century jihads- (McDougall on Sgharan la;0':·h€»,:i0¤0mlC growth ln turrl placed new deméllldl pear to hak undc} O l § Sources and mechanisms of recrultmcnl all and degree of S cgarte ew notable changes, the scale of empl0ym¢¤‘ by sedentary mellzhmlgzatton increased considerably, The slaves_Sf¤' to distant markets had different responsibilities.

E. Ann “CD°\|·“| lu The", were lhose Wl'l0 l03€l¢\l NUS? and ll\0S¢ \•'l`l0 cared for lit eslo`;k_ whllf only lllc °ld°$l ‘*“d '“°*l l°llabl° W¤¥¢ entrusted wim me dl,,c_ lion Ol me car¤\’¤¤ and Sale ot lhe Salt. When nor acluall) engaged in naditts- $°m° $la‘“f°$ W"'? fm *0 §°°l¢ €>ilf¤ Work in the dalppalm grove; or aid wom"' ln Plicparmg B'al“$· The! weft? able to aceumulme some wealth Bfld €¤SaB° ln ff°ll>' ll¤d€_0¤ their travels. ln me Admn eervllc workers could acqutrc skllls in handling salt-laden camels (cspeelally along the treaChet0uS l_t31lS leading to and from the ljil ming) which they could later use on their own account." Panet met an Awlad Bou Sba merchant who had left his caravan in the hands of his "servants" while he proceeded to Shinqiti. In this instance, the loads were too heavy and a considerable amount of salt was unloaded and left to be collected later. Panet‘s discussion suggests that this situation was by no means unusual.(Panet, 1968: 76, B7). Indeed, as merchants became sedentary, therr servants or trusted slaves took over not only the actual work but more of the decision making and direction involved in the operation of the caravans themselves. A prime example of this type of growth was the Tishet-based Haidara family. The caravans of Moulay al-Mahdi I·laidara and his brothers were fa.rnily operations and were highly dependent on slave labor. Slave agents handled the transport and sale of salt in the desert and the sahel, and slaves were even settled at Banamba to farm and look after business all year round. The Haidara brothers exemplified the type of Moorish salt trader who seems to have become quite common in the Sudan by the 1890s. Binger (1892: 32) characterized these great merchants as those "whose slaves traded for them while they remained sedentary and lived a life of luxury" (cf. Marty, 192Ia, IV: 75-5). Increased specialization among some nomads also occurred. By the end of the century, the Awlad Bou Sba, the Tajakant, and the Laghlal were "almost excIusively" devoted to transport. The Awlad Bou Sba was a large con federation consisting of many warrior andhclerlegl fractions. They operated between Cape Blanc and Marakes , wt some fractions plying the salt route between ljil and Tishit. Awlad Bou Sba merchants, such as the one Panet met, comprised one of the lar8¢$l components of Shinqiti‘s sedentary community around the turn of lhe Wlllufy. As their warrior fractions brought respect l`0l’ ll1¢ U’ll>¢ ‘lVlll'* military victories, the commercial activities of other groups acquired for it the additional reputation of being great traders (Binger. l892i 32; Faidherbe, 1859: 135-l36; Panet, 1968: 76). And in the Tawdenm trade, yet another fraction (Ahl Kabla) had long specialued as gutdes

112 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE and escorts between Ti;b;13kg;a and the mine (Adams, 1816; U3; on [beg;/_?-niiltlgrtiyiaiirle iligelyi dispersed Tajakanat. also knosvnas etmcs and merchants, arrived in the vicinity of r\rawan and Tao enr aroumy msu to trade in salt. "At first," according to one report, [hgy dlq nm participate at all in the extraction of salt. lt was only after the miners [belonging to other tribe;] refused to wlotls gcéiglhgtncthagézexycigrl (gmc ‘ tine an s aves to wor . . joined iii ilzlig-r';ii{1i·lelllyilI
E. Ann llebougau 113 wade proves enlightening. By- the early nineteenth eeniury, it as said [ha, Sidi al-Mukhlaf ¤l·Kl-ll'lll 0D€l3l¢d his personal affairs lhfgush hired agents ('ummal) and that they were permitted to carry on their Own business at the same time, providing they produced accounts for inspccrjgn on d€lTl3|'ld- AC€0|’dll'lE to B3\f¤l’l ( l97l1 26l-262)_ the aqjyjties ofone ofihese agents (from the hassani tribe of Awlad Delim) took the following form: Al-Hajj ‘Uthman [the agent] would leave al-Hilla at the head of between 500 to 1,000 camels. On his arrival at Tawdenni the Oa`id of the village loaded the camels with salt. Al-Hajj ‘Uthman, it is said. used to appropriate several hundred of these camel loads for himself, selling them on credit to the Barabish and other salt dealers to be paid in gold in Timbuktu. He would then hire caravans to guide the azalay to an agent in Timbuktu .... Having thus dispatched the salt on its way to Timbuktu, he returned to al-Hilla where he was given camels and various other commodities (wool, hides, dates, etc.) to sell together with the salt on the market of Timbuktu. Tradition makes the point that Sidi al-Mukhtar was "speeial" because he used 'ummal rather than the talamidh employed by other traders. But the form of payment—the right to several hundred loads of salt to trade on his own account—does not appear qualitatively different from the arrangements sometimes made with talamidh. What is striking here is the identity of the agent—a hassani of the Awlad Delim. Sidi al-Mukhtar wu effectively using the practice of contractual labor, which had evolved within his tribe to accomplish what was ultimately a political as much as an economic goal, namely an alliance between powerful zawaya and hassani interests. With respect to the agent’s activities, it is notable that he chose to hire caravaneers for Sidi al-Mukhtar’s salt, but sell his own on credit. One could postulate that sales of this nature were a way of disposing of camels who had made several trips and whose value, therefore, was diminishing. But perhaps most imponantly, it suggests that skilled earavaneers were few in number and high in price. Caillié's (1979: 229-230) observations (ca. lB20) confirm that this was probably the case, though it seems he was speaking of a less skilled group than the Kunta salt traders employed. He commented on the scarcity of Tuareg transporters between Kabara and Timbuktu as "only the poorest a.mong them . . . make their living this way; the others are too proud." ln contrast, half a century later Lenz found several

ul ng |0•¤E||8 OF AFRICAN TRADE · ‘ ` bulttu and Arawan. ln lug,) U°“l’° 'dmg wnlmmbk mlgcfgsa Toromoz salt traders om ** "” “"" '° `°"k° a wlsclanvers. The agreed wm ¤f www ba. 'l" mud °[ me cam.? mithcals of gold) was "relatively high_·· bm ”°'· m hn Opmmm aww gl hcals for the same service. The d°mamin$ as much as sucnlydvgxer, were the Berabish based in "°mP°n¤S pu uxucnétavans heading for Timbuktu were ··m_ Mann. fmwaalhia-elitlrtlamels and buy new ones from the Berabi$h_ Coumlcd [0 ;ghlta.x—b0th in "exchange" for guaranteed secum)$3 iii ¤t ··—=»~~~·=t Ce-···=*$ "}3fJ’..?§.°{F§i°i£'°A?l§€`I'.§,°; recycled into the transport ustness a · sa] Caraéns were c of Lenz’s passage through Arawan, Tawdenm t I it‘ sibl because the Berabish themselve; ::r;:;ls‘;m lh:stra)d,§ (Lelnz, 1868-1867: 90-98, 142). lf the practices of the Kunta agent discussed above were representative of Berabish involvement in the salt industry,uthe;1;l}:etl;T;¤: al:lfa‘;•; · well as tls overa w gggllitllztiagngdillcaglhag mine. Indeed what we know of Kunta and Berabish activities suggests that the provision of credit and transport were often related. The Kunta may have sold camels and salt to the Berabish on credit, but others undoubtedly made use of Berabuh camels as well as personnel to transport their salt to Timbuktu. In addition, from at lmst the late eighteenth century, much of Tawdenni's salt was extracted on behalf of the "Qa’id"-the representative of a southem Moroccan family whose claim to proprietorshipsovegltge ngine dated to the late sixteenth-century Moroccan invasion o on y. p· parcntly, several tribes were involved in transporting this salt, which would be given them "on credit," as far as Timbuktu. Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti and his agents were among the more prominent of these customers. According to Batran (1971: 259), most Kunta business was transacted along these lines, which is equivalent to saying that the role of transporter, operating at Tawdenni, was an intrinsic element of their commercial organization. Nevertheless, indications are that the potential for expansion of contractual transport in the Tawdenni salt trade had barely been tapped by the latter part of the century. Though the picture is by no means clear, the development of a Tawdenni ‘-‘transport industry" around the turn of the century appears to have been shaped by the same conditions which affected the structure of pastoralism more generally. The distinction between gr0UP$

L Am Id}; 115 `-as reduced to the issue of who did and who did not have their own amd; 11-,, Kttrtta, for example. remember that when the French ar. yived in the country (presumably the l8§)s), their herds had recently um decimated. Conseq¤¤1UY ihfy had to rem wnels from the Tuareg at a eos! of half the salt transported. The Kunta were sufficiently wnlthy to rebuild their herds and free themselves of the need to hire transport (Généviere, l9S0: lll8). But few others were able to do likewise. During the early colonial period, only the Kuma. the Toromoz, the Berabish, and some Tuareg continued to send their otm aulay to Tawdenni (Clauzel, l960: 89-92). By l9l0 the majority of tribc engaged in the salt trade hired camel transport. ln l9l5 this "eoutract dc transport" usually cost three bars in four delivered to Timbuktu, hence, ll‘l€ U’1¤$P0|’i¢l’$' |33)' fluctuated according to the priq of salt in a given season. " The implications of the growing role played by these caravaneers in the Tawdenni commerce was painfully felt in mg when salt prices fell so low drivers refined to make the trip. in the words of that year’s commercial report, Timbuktu was "threatened with famine [and] one envisaged the ruin of the Torn."" Contractual arrangements were also common in Mauritania. ln l850, Panet’s (l968: 65-66) description of the organization ofthe salt trade between Shinqiti and Tishit showed an arrangement similar to the one found in the Tawdenni operation: Each yearwhentherainscmsetofbodthedsatmmstbeknbs [Sal1arat·ts] of Tishit travel to Chinguetti and Waian, and purchase large amounts of guinee and salt .... All affairs of imponance wht they involve credit, give place to a wrinm contract which stipuhtes the merchandise sold, the period for which cmiit is eumded. Ind lh¢ way in which payment will be made. And Al-Wasit's account of the ljil salt trade, in which salt *35 Bl'¢¤ on credit to transporters who repaid their debts with slaves, indicates that a comparable organization characterized trade to the sahel-Sudan. ln the desert salt trade, where travel was difficult and costs high, the extension of credit and the provision of transpon were two stdes of the same coin. Sedentary merchants in Shinqiti, Tishit, and other communities either tumed increasingly to the use of slave labor (like the Haidara), or they came to depend more and more on the services of Camel breeders like the Tajakant, Laghlal, and Awlad Sha. BY the early twentieth century, even the Kunta clients who mmed salt at

116 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE UH Mw able to establish themselves as DM!-\i¤ue.1f¤¤tSt?orters using Kunta-owned camels. They carried salt overhthe difficult trail to wudan {Or a payment of one bar in six tzipproxttuutely one bar pur load; 925: 216). pn-'l'(lt}eOd’:;l?oplment of specialized transport services provided new op. tions to tribes and fractions with camels (or access to camels through client relationships) but also reinforced these traditional socioeconomic ties by favoring growth in the pastoral sector. And because these new options were inextricably bound up with trade, they also enhanced the already prominent position of the clerics. Although some warrior groups were becoming professional protectors for caravans (Poulet, 1904: 162), most continued to operate in their more traditional mode, which is to say offering merchants the choice of payment or pillage. By the end of the century, most tribes whether hassan or zawaya, in fact included warrior fractions. ln the 1890s, for example, the Adrar Kunta actually had more warriors than any single warrior tribe and included an infamous "brigand organization" of haratine, the Soukabes, who were said to spread a "reign of terror everywhere they appeared." ln 1897, though the Kunta considered themselves an wx. clusively religious group," they were "above all warriors"" (Bou el Mogdad, 1952: 117-20; Ba, 1932: 84; Marty, l92lb: 196). lnvest. ment in long distance trade required one’s own protective force. CONCLUSION ln the southern Sahara and sahel, as in many other areas of Africa, long-distance exchange was a means of realizing wealth from surplus production. Concommitantly, control of labor was critical both to the success of this exchange and to the ultimate translation of its wealth into power. In several cases in this collection, nineteenth- and early twentieth-century changes in trade were generating new forms of labor control and new kinds of workers who in turn altered existing balances of wealth and power. ln these instances trade was based upon a variety of exportrcommodities and involved considerable European capital in its organization. Such export-oriented specialization invariably dePended upon the fluctuations of an external economic system for its ex:1stence—0r, at least its existence in a particular form. The SaharanZiisizg"gggsigscggsigogallgly different. Labor was drawn from D10: permeated so _ Ofganlzcd according to relations whlfll ctety as a whole. Control remained tn the hands of a

E. Ann Hcbougall 117 ·‘traditional" elite, and the expansion of this trade in the ninetecntlt ccmury acted 10 €0|l$0-i|1]al€lll$“'€3llh and DOWCI of this group vis.; vis others. More specifically, tt allowed some zawaya to prosper at the expense of hassant groups as well as weaker clerical trihcs. The explanation for this continuity may lie in the fact that the salt trade was based upon the exchange of internally produced and consumed eommodities. External goods were for the most part incorporated into existing networks, thereby tending to reinforce rather than disrupt established relations of trade and production. Similarly, the commercial capital underlying the trade was generated within Saharan society; hence, it was extracted from traditional forms of labor. Commercial expansion was likely to entrench rather than uproot these forms. Whereas the "labor of trade" in so many other areas seems to have provided an important channel for the penetration of wage labor, this particular trade spread the social and economic relations of Saharan society into the sahel. These forms of labor mobilization in turn, stood in direct opposition to the penetration of capitalist relations of production. The sale of human and animal labor by contract had certainly emerged in the Arawan-Timbuktu corridor by the middle of the century, although it took some time to penetrate the salt industry. These developments had the potential of creating groups or classes of Saharans dependent on selling their labor as transporters, but in reality, the very nature of camel transport precluded the realization of this potential. For even among the larger, more commercially oriented tribes like the Kunta or Laghlal, access to camels remained the critical variable, and access to camels continued to be carefully controlled by existing relations of production. To whatever extent one can argue that a transport industry had evolved by the turn of the century, it is clear that the reproduction of the means of transport—the cameI—was still dependent on Saharan pastoralism and its attendant social structure. Significantly, the only evidence we have of transport camels being sold. as distinct from being rented, refers to Kunta agents in the early putt of the century and the Berabish sales to trans-Saharan traders. ln relation to the Kunta, apart from the possibility that this was a means employed occasionally to recoup some value from worn out antmals, there is no indication that pack—camels were routinely sold. Quiteithe opposite, if practices of the early twentieth century are any indtcatton. The Kunta, who were great herders and merchants of animal products during the colonial era, sold camels for butchery, for milk and rtdtng. but they avoided selling transport camels (Généviere. l950: lllfl).

11B THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE gerabish camel saleS. in which the Price Was Célculalcd *0 equal com which wryuid otherwise be extracted as protection "taxes," were lime more than a complex system of taxation which regulated ihe now of camels in Saharan trade. ln fact. in its role as a mechanism by which camels could be shifted between the Saharan salt commeree and me [[3,flS-Sahafan trade. it provided a point of intersection b€lWcgn regional and international transport investments. U As long as access to camels remained ctrcumscrrbed by gahamn social relations, the labor involved in C&1T|€l transport dtd not emerge as a marketable commodity. ln fact, far from alienating labor, in. creasing market participation in the form of rental contracts seems ,0 have tied the worker even more closely to traditional sources of corr. trol. The Berabish, for example, used a specialized group of haratine to tend the camels they bought and sold. And the twentieth-century "contracts de transport," like their nineteenth-century precedents, i¤— volved renting ca.rnels which came with a stipulated number of drivers. There was no role, yet, in this Saharan sphere for the independent or free laborer. The transport sector of the Moorish economy experienced considerable development in the late nineteenth century, which was not inconsequential for Saharan and sahelian growth. But it was, never. theless, a development firmly rooted in a social structure still capable of supplying the animal and human labor it needed; in this respect it did not differ from the demands placed on Saharan relations of production by other sectors of the economy. Consequently, the longdistance salt trade did not reflect the complex changes in labor and labor relations that characterized nineteenth-century transport and exchange elsewhere in Africa. NOTES 4.. r2...§1Z.‘E’.,.T.°..1‘.1‘?5.‘Z."Z§°32iL°?2*rS;5.‘L“°`?2J "°""°"‘ "“‘ ‘° 'mp;£;°:;|i:: *;Jl;;>lrr¤‘::tiqnkco|lected by ’Aziz Batri;-ii.1Q7l: 262) about c<>lt· [IOM AIBWBI1 I0 1;l|'I'Ib\.IkII.I. C;ll’3l?3|: lll-igliillday: from Tawdcnm [0 Arawan and Sn amy.,) mm during the day wh": lh ins ram November to January (thc great April [0 May (in Erm hem) uével hem c sma azalay making the journey lrflm me day- _ cen early evening and sunrise, resting durmt can kégdscigpiainlgpsag gtccrgtrolrg tl·::it forms on the surface of the earth Md 4. ASAOF I6 46, Soleillet, |ll7‘i. ua y used for mmm md`

E. Ann McDougall 110 ‘ The proportional rise in the value of the guinee was JJ percent, and in 5.11 17 Pgmnh Consequently. Salt r<:e in ltllug bt Some 44 percent more than suing . far south as attain a y came. bybcmgtakenas ll Utd d d Il `- ` , The cost of rep actng tniur an age came s a so had to be coxered. (.ortter 190; 329) estimated the life-span of a camel making semi-annual trips to Tawdenni ( Six"0 wm year;. ln 1950 depreciation of a camel was calculated at appronimgtgly ‘:;0 francs per bar, as a transport camel worth 60(D francs was able to make, on ` . This gives a slightly shorter life-span than Cortier suggested average. ten return trips é "re, 1950: 1121). _ I (Gen7Tn$|—hc Qadiriyya was a rrlyStt¤ lSl¤rrlt¢ brotherhood that took hold and wb;. uently spread through much of West Africa as a consequence of Kunta propagation 111 the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 11, ASAOF 16 254, Pichon. 1900. 9, Interviews Dt·ame, Gakou, Muhammad, 1977/78. (lnterviews in Banamba listed in McDougall, 1980.) 10. lntertriew Muhammad, 1977/78. 11. lnterview Muhammad, 1977/78. 12. lnterviews Diakite, Drame, Gakou, Muhammad, 1977/78. 13. ASAOF 16 224 Capt. Lartigues, Notice sur les maures. 1897. 14. AM lD 24 Adams, introduction a la politique maure du Sahel. 1898; ASAOF 16 224, Lartigues. 1897. 15. lt is interesting that Clauzel’s much more recent work (1960) cites the same P1-icq "up to t.hree bars in four," though of course the real value has changed, 1-11; discussion of the tribes involved in the trade and the variations of this organization is excellent (1960: 89-92). 16. AM 1Q 40, 1910-1915. 17. ASAOF 16 224, Lartiques, 1897. ARCHIVAL SOURCES National Archives. Républic of Mali, Kouluba {AM} AM lD Il Appendices sur le not.ice sur les Maures AM 1D 24 Adams, lntroduction a la politique maure du Sahel, 1898 AM ZE 75 Renseignments sur les tribes maures du Sahel. 1898-9 AM 1Q 17 Rapports agricoles et commerciaux. Snudan Francais; 1907—1%8 AM 1Q 40 Rapports commerciaux du Soudan Francais: IW4-1917 AM 1Q 44 Rapports commerciaux du Cercle de Bamako: 1903-1916 National Archiver, Republic of Senegal, Section A.O.F., Dakar (ASAOF) I 46 Soleillet, VOM df Saint a ggousikomr ASAOF 1 224 Capt. Lartigues. Notice sur les maures. 1897 ASAOF 1 254 Lt. Pichon. Rapport sur Araouwan-Taoudenni, ASAOF JQ $·AF Letters concerning the activities of the Compagnie de Sd A$$l¤¤¤€ (pm"' l`°xP°n¤ll0ll) de I`Al`rique Occidentale Francaise, I5 Rue PISQUH. l897·l8”-

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LIGNAGE, ESCLAVAGE, CONTRAT, SALARIAT tjévolution de`l'organlsation du commerce a longue distance chez les Kooroko (Mali) ,|EAN·LOUP AMSELLE _ ' LE WAS'OLON A L'EPOQUE PRE-SAMORIENNE Le Wasolon, pays d‘origine des Kooroko, se délinit par la presence de Fula cultivateurs et eleveurs sedentaires, pa.rlant le maninlta et possédant les pratiques de cette population. Dans le sillage de ces Fula vivaient des gens de caste forgerons (numu) et griots (jeli). En occupant le Wasolon, les Fula ont cree ou recreeh certain nombre de petites chefferies qu‘on nomme jamana et qui sont l‘équivalent des kafo qu‘on trouve en pays banmana et maninka. Le processus de creation ou de recreation de ces chefferies est Ie suivant: un groupe de Fula occupe une portion de territoire, le chef s'instalIe dans un village et place ses "freres" ou ses "Gls" dans d‘autres localites. La descendance de ces "freres" et de ces "lils" fonne une serie de lignages entre Iesquels se distribue le pouvoir. Bien que des regles de transmission strictes reglent Ia succession a la chefferie, celle~ci est egalement liee de facon directe é Ia guerre. Tout grand chef est un kelémanxa (chef de guerre) et la detention du pouvoir est synonyme de celle du fusil. Ceci s`integre dans le cadre de la truite des esclaves atlantiquc puis interne qui affecte l‘Afrique tl cette epoque. S Au lmilieu du l9 eme siecle, avant la conquéte du Wasolon par amori. il existait une forte demande d`esclaves notamment dans le 123

ax-{gin 15 wdnukwjadtnkeup ei acc: d`auum pins que ic Wuousn eu uu I _ au pwpiqnmi nirememem dense. Pendant ceue pen¤4e_ L; pm"; umm}; au bngandag: tlerm cu nganunt. cn com.equm;;· B dbg, it ionlifient et s`em0un¤t d`en¤emu:; tjmy [A und, isn mm indus unda que hommes robusncs et les belle; femmes som cmm“5p_-y)¢g€i.ierncrsd.plaCesdaI¤sdt$har¤e2u1d¢cuhu·¢ lwyyaidetou g3fd€S 3 Ia manson, W Lg Wasolon, oomme du rene les regions emironna.nt¤. éuit dun: mw; de cneguiesgu sc bmnaiergucutrc dies et qui emu; epi,. mmlgihérrc wil ISIDICTDCS- illméutdcscxmfiiisqiilgg Nmgmi, cues dormaiem prise aux Em; voising qu; pcm-aim Assam W monte sur le pays (Segu. Kabadugu. €lC.I. Mais Faniiiie ug as ddfqigg ne se réduisail pas 3 la guerre; l‘agricu|mi·¢_ |*é|¤—agc_ ia dns: et |'anis.anam y oocupaient égziement une place imponamc. L; pmtique de Vagriculture par les Fula dent au fait qu`ils ont éponsé des femmes maninka ou des captives banmana et qu’i1s out abggrk da groupes entiers d‘agriculteurs Mais, qi fait_ iap|usgra.ndep¤nied¤tmvauxagriooIesétaitetTcct1n5:|nr¢h:; qdaves, mr ainsi que Ie dit un dc nos informateurs: "Auuefois It: nobles et lcs griots (jeli) rctaient a1·¤mt¤e.·· L'éIcmge est lui-mime la¤onséquen¤ede|’origineFuladeoespopu1aLi0t1setiIsemblebien que Ia race Wasolon meren (ndama) qu'on trouve dans h région et qui a Ia propriété de résister 5 Ia mouche prowienne du Futa laion. Au Wasolon, comme du reste en pays banmana et rnaninka. hdiassejouaitetjoueen¤oreimn5lemaj¤utantmipIandel‘ori;anisa— ti0ndelaguenequ‘auniveaudeI'a1i1ne:1tatiun¤deIasu1tcturesociak iconfrérics dc chaseurs). Pour ce qui concern: les activités artisanales, Liam noter que I'expIoitation de l‘0r se faisait en de nornbreux points cette région. Les autres activites anisanala comprenaient Ie travail du qui était cxercé par les jeli ainsi que oclui du bob, de Pargile (gotme) et du fer qui était pratiqué par la numu, group: auquel était lic lu Kooroko. UORGANISATION DU COIIERCE AVANT SAIIORI [_ Cm d¤¤€ dans le cadre d'une économie centre: sur li g\\¤'I'¤ ¤ ¤°|"a·8¢ q\|'i| faut rcplaccr Ie commerce elfcctué all WlS0|0|'|

I2! THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE pendant Ia pémde presamorlenne. Bien que les ittf<:r;¤=;:i:>ns dlvcrgtm su; ge point, il semble que d€$ €€U€ ¢?0Cl|-W. i €$ l C ver; lam qmail-is Kooroko allaient acheter. avef l·0r el la. $0mme que leur mm. talent tes chefs de guerre Fula. des fustls en Sierra Leone [De meme. quglqucs uns emmenaient des esclaves lusque suf les marches du Sahel pour les échanger contre des chevaux, des barrcs de se gemme et du vélllllrlgtfois la plupan des Kooroko répugnait a s'éloigner du wuclon ou ils bénéliciaient d’une protection relative de la part des Fula, en rgjgon du pacte de senankuya qui les liait a eux. Cette situalgon cn d’ailleurs celle décrite par Binger (1892, Tl: 31). Les Kooroko commencent pa.r fabriquer de la poterie, des objets en bois ou en fer, de la vannerie, qu’ils vendent contre des cauries .... Lorsqu’ils ont un lot de quelques milliers de cauries, ils s'en vont sur les marchés a colas, achetem une petite charge de ce fruit, et vont a 300 ou 400 kms plus au Nord . . . l’échanger avec un modeste bénélice contre du sel. Le sel a son tour est porté sur la téte jusqu'aux marches a colas les plus éloignés, jusqu'a ce qu’ils aient gagné un certain nombre de captifs leur permettant de se livrer a un commerce plus lucratif et d'opérer sur une plus vaste échelle. Les Kooroko, en contrepartie, se procuraient aupres des marchands Jula et Marka qui fréquentaient ce réservoir d’esclaves qu’était lc Wasolon des fusils et des chevaux, c’est a dire des moyens d'extorsion destinés aux chefs Fula. lls participaient donc directcment au functionnement de l'économie prédatrice qui régnait a cette époque. L'0r servait également at acheter des barrcs de sel gemme qui étaient apportées par les Marka a N’Tentu, Kona et Kankeri mais cette marchandise pouvait étre également achetée avec des cauris que lcs Kooroko se procuraient en vendant les produits de leur artisanat. Une fois achetées, les barrcs de sel étaient transportées sur Ia tétc ou a dos d'5ne a travers le Wasolon jusqu’a certains marchés it cola du Woorodugu (pays de la cola) comme Menian, Kalifilia et Kurukoro. Le voyage durait une huitaine de jours, il était effectué par les Kooroko adultes et leurs esclaves, les vieillards et les enfants restant au villa8°· Les leunes gens et les esclaves portaient des charges sur Ia téte tandit que les vteux surveillaient les anes. Les femmes portaient des charw ITIZIS étatent surtout chargées de faire la cusisine. Un homme P°“"“ll P0l’!¢l’ une barre et demi de sel alors qu'un Qne pouvait se déplml avec trots barrcs.

·'••¤-\-wv Am••¤• 121 Arrive, sur l‘un des marchés a cola. ils deseendaicm um ici ciiaismients grhw l“u"* l*’!°¤'> Uwfikil. des aulochtuiiu uui pmcéduiuui a i ecoulemicnt des marchandises. A Kurukm-(,_ incuiu éiiiii appoiiéc pai- deux categories ide commcrcantsz les Madka (Mau) dc ia iégioii dg Tuba qui I achetarent aux Jafuba (Dan) et tes Kdniau uui sc ia pi-Ocuraient chcz lcs Ocrze. Lc Iundi qui était jdui dc miiiuhé ii Kurukoro, lcs vendeurs die sel et de cola exposaient des échamillons Sui ia piucc du marché qui se tcnait cn plcin air sous les mum gi pm,. imité du village. Les commercants confiaiem A un de leurs parems la garde de leurs échantillons de sel tandis qu’ils pareouraient lc marehe pour faire leur choix. Lorsqu'ils avaiem trouvé un lot dc cola qui leur convenait, ils en faisaient part A leur logeur qui allait trouver le logeur du commercant de cola chez lui et entamait le marchandage. Quand eelui-ci était achcvé, le logeur demandait a son hote s‘il était satisfait des termes de la transaction, auquel cas le marche etait conclu. L'exposition des échantillons n'avait lieu que le jour du marche. Les autres jours, les transactions n’étaient effectuées que sour l’egide des logeurs qui se rendaient les uns chez les autres afin de s‘informer des marchandises détenues par leurs h6tes respectifs. Cette organisation répondait au double souci des commercams, d'effectuer dies transactions dans de bonnes conditions en laissam aux logcurs le soin de marchander puisqu‘eux seuls résidant sur place connaissaient les cours et dc soustraire les marchandises aux convoitises des brigands en les entreposant dans des concessions. Une fois les transactions effectuécs. les Kooroko f aisaient un cadeau de sel A leur logeur et repartaiem ven le Nord avec leurs chargements. Dans le Nord, les Kooroko écoulaient leurs paniers de cola A N'Tentu, Kankeri et Kona. Les échanges sur ces marches se faisaient exactement de la meme facon que dans le Sud. Binger (l892, Tl: 54) signale en effct qu'A N’Tentu: "le sel, les colas et les captifs se vendent dans les cascs" et que "le surveillant du marché sen généralement de courtier pour ces opérations." Ainsi, l’une des activités des commercants Kooroko était constitute par la participation au commerce A longue distance, fruit lui-meme dc la division intemationaie du travail qui regnait en Afrique de I'Ouest Aeette époque. Les Kooroko occupaiem, en effet, une place inon négligeable dans Ie grand systeme d'échanges qui consutait A transporter le sel gemme du Sahara vers la savane et Ia f orét, A danger Ia cola produite dans la zone forestiere vers la savane et Ie Sahel, A mettre sur le marché les esclaves et eniin A alimemer Ie Wuolon en

q nc guns! or vnu! TMP! ygneni, en chevans et en bicnr dr vrestiu. T0·uu=|`un, rz wmnuh ,._,,,n. wr an 41•un¤e• nuymnn nc WIIIQYIZJIIQII rye"` an Kxqjq d';¤;ue1 dt yutlti foriund. Ol`! Clit neanrnoim it uu! eomncfgznn qui éraienl parvenus a accumuler des quanm.g` it pagan d'or er de muris er a p·c••e¤drr un grand nombre d·mh`_ ll devau vagir de marclunds ésendanr leur; activites ju»qu‘en Shia |..e¤¤¢pour|'armemr¤!etauSarielpourleschrvauxeile;;l_ Ami le gand pere d'un de nos informaneurs ag d’une soixamu, d'nni¤ en l%9. Dngufam lavara et qui résidait a N’Temu ` _ _ P¤•w¤ar quue naman! de culture dans lesquels étaiem mstallés plusieun uines d'e•daves. Eu dehors des captifs qu'il u1ilisa.i1 pour la cul; ce enumnnu avai gleinenr sept esdaves nommés jula kwuigi rg: q·;1¤¢m)qu'il wusanait au commerce. En fair ces czpmin Mah hr¢@|¤n¤¤ urjlisés eomme ponews car a propos d’un Koorokoni n£mev·iI1ag¢,|e ;1:dcei·c;z¤§eBugi1ninoteen 1894;,,; "Fa¤n¤ Dhnrara rere u orgerons cle Tenenmu. ,, ¢¤...pe1ideB¤ug¢¤mi...avee l/Zbanedesel, 7(X1)caurise14q;, u{•p¤neunaMusigni,paysdeTlaKoumad0ug0upourya¢h,\¤ eh Au debm de sa arriere de eommermm. Dugufamj se déphpit luianéme, puis lorquil devint prospere, il de1·ne;?: N"l’emu et envoya Ie lils de son frere ainé, son Els classificawire el. fee1uerles.uamactionsasaplace.l.ar0talitédes bénéfices résulm des operations effectuées par le jula kuntigj et son "E|.s" revenaim a Dugnfam Jawara, de sane que la possession d’esclaves ei dr eiépeudanss était a la fois la cause et la consequence de wr casdececa‘;:c1i‘;1erb‘cac.:it devait étre assez rarecarln ¢l¤¢ RU ai distances pouv ' dm ¢N'¤j¤¢¤cr que pen de "va|eur" aux ma.rel1andi:sn:lon1 ililznisainr lecommace. De meme, leur marge de speeularion resiait limiuéec flnrparvenaienrsamdomeque diflicilemema rézlisercnwl €°l-*95* du sonnmerce iradinionnel. A ceue premibv mg. , °”'“9° '¤¤¤¤ ’a11leurs s’en ajouier d’au:res qui wv mbimem a limiser eomuemneuwm Pam ‘ _ pleur de leur aecumulaucsr :':f"“; h°"du¢l¤: I6 K¤0f0i0 aient bénéficié d'une séeurite relli "°";'““[ pine .3 senankuya FuIa·numu et 3 W m , “ W'? iw évrwg DUUMIDBDI d'étre tués ou rd}! “”°°’°Fuh" ·' ¤¤‘\h3l¢l¤p¤smomssoumisauxexacti0nsd¢6\*

iii gg Lg g3§¥AI`|'8 KOKKD 8008 BAER E,ws2.S¤m¤¤¤¤¤n¤¤¤1kW¤¤¤¤¤¤a¤¤¤r,°,,,,,,,,`_d¤ ¢¤¤r¢*°‘°“"”"°'¥‘“°Y°“‘“_“"°*""*°¤¤¤¢=¤¤¤v¤na;¢ I,imju:¤u¤ ¤PP¤¥¤l d`°$¤·(·¤K¤¤*0¥¤€¤i¢¤mmm餕Kq0,0g0 m,.;;gi(d1¢f K¤<¤Q*¤)_<¤¤1¤|¤i¤¤lidld»f camnupm E ,0-Naw ln gym uh MFUGIIW. Wh.!] R C0m.mq·p¤.dgm ou C,,Kmr0k0éui¤¤•0igu¤ncm¤n1héI¤¤io¤nné•pa:I'Ahani@ zm¤d,|;•q¤PI¤yac0¤¤pccmnm¤camfahai;p;q¤g4¤_,¤ am,,nquzummm¤nc.R¤¤1n¢l¤a;mu¢¤u¤yqp;¤¤,qi_ lclzlnntmdépmdamdchumhrcqmlnunmmahamig ¤&p;,¤m;msc1l¤utilisahauyéd:¤b¤:im.G¤K¤¤¤k¤ a r¢3,|1j§CI1kI.KQ'G|£Z|'\¤lGikI’#&h.|i|’($'liI'&'lll» um, |’a1.¤.r¢ lcs chcvaux. UAKEHIT us Kccroko qui émicm chargés d’a.ppr0vi•io¤n¤ l'an|6¢ ¤¢nchcvauxdcvaicmw fainpa:1i¢dc¤'¢z1v1 qm¢idI:•" dom park Pcncn (1968-I97S, T2: 914) pnigqgih éuig ¤wné•auccurs|cl¤mv0yag:•pard¤“•ofa'd:|'Ahnaniq•ie1i¤ ¤¤¤é•comr6Icr|cuntramac1ions.lJ¤•a:m¤([¤sikapi:11:¤Inihi Lirrapid¢)ctIcsmunit.i0ns(hallcs,p0udrc)é¤aic1I¢|i¤&h inanga.isdcSicr1·aL¤0nc(Fr¤¤.cv¤)c1d¢Ga1¤l»i(B¤th¤·¤), iCona.kryctégakmcmdam¤cuxd¢Mcm0via(Uhé¤iap.l¤moycm dcpaicmcn1uli1isésp0urI'acha1dc¤c1ar·na¢¤1:mé1aic•¤surw¤1 scmbk»¢-iI|'0r,|¢bétail¤ l::spi餤d'a:gm. IBCIEVAUX Dcmém¢qucp0m·I¤f0urni¤ur¢d'arm¤,I¤Kn¤roknp¤ti:i¤i¤ iux"carava11csoffacidIc•" chargixs d'a¤ur¤ l·ar¢m¤n|¢dcI‘an¤é: ¤m0ricnnc.L’A1mami0¤•¤licu.cnmusl¤¤c¤nf¤t¤d¤¤chv¤ riq¤ri&ai¤lch¤$d'¢P&hcrlcsrév0lL¤d'¤chv¤¤d¢prc¢ég¤k:¢z1va•¤c¤¤rtd¤ Ntdasévcmudke.

no THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Sur res marches a chevaux durvevs $¤¤i¤ké ;r;i];v(;ii¤i€acherés par les Kooroko pour le c0mpte`de1‘A1mami ne pouvaient etre payés qu‘avec des esclaves, cette dernrere marchan— digg pouvait par contre ;€l’Vll' 8 iECQA-1.15lU;?vgr;;;Y\Ea2;?;l;;iqtuf; la ‘ ’ mme et es marc an rses . n ace giiigitcpiaeuiiiniéeappeler a la suite de Polanyi ct al. (1956: 262) un commerce d’Etat (administered trade) effectué pour le compte de Samori, de nombreux Kooroko étaient engages en tant que commercants indépendants dans Ie lucratif commerce a longue distance axé sur l'approvisionnement de 1’armée samorienne ainsi que de celle de Ceba, roi du Kénédugu. 11 n‘est pas douteux que les guerres de la fin du 19 eme siecle (E1 Hadj Omar, Sarnori, Ceba etc.) ont entrainé un élargisse ment considerable dulmarché sous la forme d’un afflux trés important de captrfs. Des regrons entreres etatent vrdees de leurs habrtants (Waso1on) tandis que dans les pays de destination se développaient les rapports de production esclavagistes (Meillassoux, 1975) Ces nouvelles conditions éminemment favorables as 1'exercice du commerce profitérent a plusieurs groupes de commercants ouest-africains de cette période: Marka et Jula notamment, et conduisirent un nombre important de forgerons du Wasolon A se lancer dans la traite des esclaves et par la-meme a devenir Kooroko. Ces Kooroko indépendants sortaient pour la premiere fois du Wasolon afin d’approvisionner les armées combattantes mais aussi pour exercer sur une plus grande échelle le commerce plus ancien de 1'or, des colas, des bandes de coton et du sel gemme. Le docteur C0l1omb’ signale deur presence a Bamako dans les termcs spivants: "|es habitants du Wasolon apportent a Bamako, des captr1's,.de l'or, des kolas, des pagncs et des tissus blancs." Le relevé statrstrque des caravanes de passage a Bamako en 1886 indiquc que dans le sens nord-sud, cc sont surtout des chevaux et du sel gernrne qurtransitent par cette Iocalité. Dans le sens sud-nord, il s agrt prrncrpalement de captifs, en fait essentiellement des captives

J••n-Loup Am••|I• 131 el des colas. Lu pf0P0¤i<§¤ Plus lurtc dc captives (tc doubtcy cs, Sans dome due au fair qu`a Vissue des combats menés par tes troupe; dg Samoyi, les h¤¤'¤¤1¢S 50m it-ICS 0u enrolés dans |‘a;mé,_ LCS Camus Om la pwpriélé wétre une marchandise qui sc transporte mute mite ct qui a de plus la faculte en transporter d`autres. Souvent les colas sont ainsi portées sur la téte par les esclaves. Mais les tableaux révélent aussi que méme lorsqu'une caravane comprend des captifs, les paniers de cola, par exemple peuvent étre chargés sur des 5nes ou des boeufs porteurs. ll s’agit lsans dourte dans-ce cas de préserver la santé des csclaves atin d`cn ttrer un metlleur prtx sur les lieux de Vtnlc. A Bamako, une partie des marchandises apportées par les Kooroko faisait l'objet de transactions. Ainsi les colas et les bandes de coton étaient échangées contre le sel gemme apporté par les Maures at dos de chameau ou sur des boeufs porteurs. Les Kooroko descendaient avec leurs marchandises chez les Drave, lignage important de la ville. Les Maures eux, logeaient et entreposajent leurs barres de sel chez les Ture, des notables, a qui ils laissaient le soin de les vendre si a l’approche de l’hivernage, ils avaient décidé de regagner leur pays alors que le sel n'avait pas été écoulé en totalité. Les Kooroko qui ne comprenaient pas le hassaniya s'en remettaient a leurs logeurs pour effectuer les transactions. lls se rendaient avec ces derniers chez les logeurs des Maures atin de leur montrer des échantillons. Des lors, il existait pour les marchandises, deux possibilities d’éc0ulement. Ou bien les colas et les bandes de coton intéressaient les Maures et alors les logeurs respectifs des Maures et des Kooroko débattaient du prix et effectuaient la transaction, ou bien, ces marchandises n’intéressaient pas les marchands de sel et l'al` faire ne pouvait étre conclue. Les Kooroko étaient alors contraints de vendre leurs colas et leur bande de coton contre des cauris qui avaient cours a Bamako. Cependant, ils n'ét.aient pas arrivés au bout de leur peine car les Maures n’acceptaient pas non plus les cauris qui n'avaient pas cours dans leur propre pays. Les Kooroko coniiaient donc ces cauris at leurs Iogeurs qui achetaient des marchandises prisées par les Maures. ll s'agissait sunout de cotonnades blanches ou teintes a l’indigo et de bukar (pagnes noirs). Une fois ces marchandises en leur possession, les logeurs des Kooroko pouvaient enfin se rendre chez les logeurs des Maures pour Procéder a l‘achat de sel gemme. Ces logeurs jouaient donc égalemertt Ie role de banquiers puisque l’Afrique de l‘Ouest a cette époque étmt divisée en zones monétaires dif férentes (or, cauris, some, gwinzin·etc.). Si les commercants-clients de l‘Almami eurent A pitir de leur incor-

132 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE pomjon dans tuppareu d’Etat samorien. il n`est'p¤sSc;o;¤;eux pa, Fm He que les Kooroko 1ndependelnl$ 'lfafiqhani 3* €€ fl reugslrcm 3 accumujer une grosse quanttle d Or. d anes. de femmes et suncul d'esclaves. LES DEBUTS DE LA PEFIIODE COLONIALE Au début de la période coloniale. C`eSl 5 dire au lournant du Stadt il est probable que les K00r0k0 poursuivirent pendant un certain temps la traite des esclaves, puisque certains d'entre eux n`ont acquis de cap. tifs qu'apres la capture de Samori (1898). Toutefois le commerce de; captifs qui sera delinitivement prohibé en 1905 ne constttuait pas I‘essentie1 de leur commerce. L'epoque de debut de la colonisation peut etre consideree comme une periode de transition pour ce qui concerne le commerce des Kooroko venus se reinstaller a la faveur de la pacification au Wasolon et dans les regions environnantes. Celui—ci possede, en effet, nombre de traits precoloniaux comme la periodicite, le mode de transport, l'organisation sociale et la nature des produits échangés et pourtant il a egalement acquis une serie de caracteristiques nouvelles telles que I’allongement du rayon d’action et l’emploi accru de numéraire et de marchandises nouvelles (sel marin, étoffes importees, verroterie). Le commerce demeure a cette époque une activite de saison seche en raison de la difliculte des déplacements pendant l‘hivernage. Ce sont les moyens de transport precoloniaux qui sont toujours utilises: Ie portage pour les pauvres, Vane, Ie boeuf porteur et les captifs pour les riches. Les voyages continuent donc comme par le passe a etre effec— tués au moment de la saison seche, une ou deux fois par an au maximu, etant donne la lenteur des déplacements. La structure des écnanges connait quant a elle, des changements sensibles, car s'il s'agit toujours pour les Kooroko de transporter et d'echanger des marchandises provenant de Iieux eloignes: sel gemme, betail, bande de coton et cola. certatnes marchandises telles que les armes, les chevaux et les esclaves perdent de l’importance ou disparaissent completement en raison de Ia cessation de l'état de guerre. I En outre tntervienncnt des modifications qui tiennent elles-aussi, $§:;;';T;:if§;Llt;¢1§fjts1tL;nt aux incidences de Ia colonisation. P0}11 qu_c"e procure sul; lcs I tre. gricc a la pacificauon et a la secunlf wm, UB au Sud (M 0UteS commerctales, les Kooroko vont s at/€¤‘ an, Danane, Daloa, Nzerekore etc.) a la recherche

Jan-Loup Am••|I• 133 dc In com et plus au lwfd. dans lc pays du 5.:1 rtgogoduguy Au “,00\_0dugu_ [cg K0or0k¢\.d€SC€¤d3l€¤l il\€C Ieuts marchandiscs che; des parents et des allies- qut constituaient avec ceux installes at Bamako, Wolosebugu et Bugunt l`amorce des premiers reseaux marchantls du eroupe. Ces parents et ces allies ou d`autres marchands soudanais (Jula-ba ou Marka) servaient de logeurs aux commercants Kooroko ambulants et leur procuraient de la cola, en dehors de la période de recolte. Parallelement a ce commerce a longue distance axe sur l‘echa.nge des boeufs, du sel, de la bande de coton et de la cola, les Kooroko Opéraient a l’echelon regional ou local. Certains se rendaient a Kankan et a Sigiri en Guinée ou ils achetaient aux maisons de commerce europeennes du sel marin qu‘ils revenaient vendre au Wasolon. D’autres étaient utilises comme “acheteurs” ou "sous acheteurs" de mil, de beurre de karite ou d'arachide par ces memes maisons de traite. En effet, ces societes ne faisaient que collecter les produits dans quelques grands centres. Le ramassage a l'échelon du village et des centres secondaires etait ef fectue par tout un reseau d'intermediaires africains. Ces sociétés remettaient de l‘argent it des "acheteurs" qui sillonnaient les dif ferentes regions. Comme les véhicules ne pouvaient pas circuler sur les petits chemi.ns, les "acheteurs" remettaient l‘argent et des sacs vides at des "sous acheteurs" qui allaient faire les achats dans les pctits villages et centralisaient le mil, le beurre de karite ou l'arachide au bourg. L'acheteur pesait alors les produits pour voir si les quantités apportées correspondaient aux sommes avancées. Aujourd’hui, certains Kooroko qui ont commence leur carriere comme acheteurs de maisons de traite ou de commercants libanais et qui ont été ensuite charges de la commercialisation de l`arachide par l’Etat malien ont repris du service, depuis la liberalisation de ce commerce en 1982, en opérant a leur propre compte ou pour des Libanais.‘ LA PERIODE COLONIALE A BAMAKO Ces activites régionales ou locales étaient toutefois insufftsantes pour retenir au Wasolon et dans les regions environnantes |‘ensemble des Kooroko. Ceux-ci avides de profits vinrent se ftxer en grand nombre a Bamako qui devint la capitale du Soudan et qui a la faveur de la construction du Dakar-Niger en vint a occuper le role de plaque tournnnte du commerce de la cola entre la Cote d`lvoire et le Sené8¤l-

n. ni yosusns OF AFRICAN TRADE _ · · - ‘ -Bm-nako. le commerce de ia CO. S"' HF nom-Sud. gg? lgggciéristiques de la période précoli °°""“`° jusquc ms I rl une ou deux fois par an au maximum wwe- P? ,·;iEy;%$;p;‘;uec:e contiennent que 30 kgs de eq}; conn; M pawn · chefs de fa.rnille. leurs "fi·5i·¤_·· am. Mais it taut i-gmc, que ‘ . ‘ e leur im nance. ur l‘ In capufs pFrd€n,;g-$pl?9$;c:ll}{i.T;-Isqfiilendl920. les Kzbroko chargei-HTL: Barpakczcscniigiaiur le train jusqu‘a Kayes et dc li. sur des eiiaiands Palm' 0 Ties qui ueseei-ident le lleuve Sénégal. Vers 1920, le Dakap gig: 5; acs wagons a la disposition des marchands qui les uiiigscm jusqu’a Kayes ou jusqu'au §énéga;l mats ce‘n'est que, vers 1935-1940 ¤~= wm *¤*‘“'*’ ‘°‘ '°‘°‘“§".i·'i"i‘Z“€§.,E 3E’iZ'§£i§‘dZ§S£';“L$? · · ’ circuit e IS n u e L’instal1ation de ces est entre autres raisons liée a l’apparition de camions sur l ttmerjmre Coge td Ivoire’ ' tence de mo ens de transport mo emes u au ong decdxfsstribution modifle radicalement l’exercice du commerce de la cola. L’accroissement de la productivité qui enirésulte a pour eflet d’accroitre lcs quamites mises sur le marché, de dimmuer le prix de vente et donc d’augmenter les profits des marchands. La cola, dc ' e resti e devient un roduit de grande consommation. blcgudfai desiuantités accrtles de cola mises sur le marché, il devieiu nécéssaire que l’infon·nati0n sur les cours soit transmise plus rapidement. L’utilisation de moyens de communication modernes—lettre, télégramme—pem1et de faire face A ces nouvelles conditions en meme temps qu'elle nécessite la présence d’un réseau de correspondants tout au long du circuit de distribution. Ces réseaux intégrés sont composés d’un chef de réseau Uula-bu}, de commercants itinérants Uulu-den} et logeurs -correspondants (jarigr). Avant l’éclatement de la Fédération du Mali en 1960, les chefs de réseaux résidaient a Bamako, un de leurs logcurs-correspondants était installé en Cote d'lvoire, le principal pays producteur, l‘autre au $é¤éE2.l, gros pays consommateur tandis que les commergants itinéranl$ faisaient Ic va et vient entre les deux sections du réseau: Cote d`lvoireBamako et Bamako-Sénégal. Les chefs dc réseaux bien que recrutant principalemcnt dans leur patrilignage ("fre1·es," "fils") sont égalemcnt amenés du fait de la disparition dcl'esclavage ri embaucher de jcunes commercants dans le lignage de leurs femmes, sur la base du voisinage ou d’une commune appartenance a l’lslam.

·|•¤•-Lap Aman 135 Ces jeunes commercants qui sont lies a leurs patrons par un contrat oral operent dans des conditions differentes de celles des memtm du painlignagc. Ames avctrltravaillé un certain temp, mu, lc jula-ba en etant simplement nourn, loge et vetu. le jeune commercant gsi fondé a demander a son "patron" une certaine somme lui permettant de se lancer dans le commerce a son propre compte. c‘cst a dire en fait pendant une certaine période, en association avec Ie jula-ba. L'absence de largesse des jula-ba a conduit, dans les amtées 50, un jeune comrnercant a essayer de regrouper l‘ensemble de ses confreres bamakois pour exercer une pression sur ceux-ci et obtenir des conditions de travail plus favorables. Parallelement a l‘utilisation de parents, d`alliés et de clients travaillant sous »c0ntrat<<, les chefs de rdeaux emploient également pour la manutention des paniers de cola, des manoeuwes salaries. Ces mmioeuvres sont des migrants saisonniers, originaires de la region de Segu qui viennent chaque année a Bamako pendant la saLson seche et qui touchent une remuneration forfaitaire pour le travail de chaque panier. Il faut noter que cette organisation du commerce a longue distance n'est pas propre aux Kooroko et au commerce de la cola, elle conceme également d’autres groupes de marchands maliens (Ju1a-ba, Marka et Jawambe) et d’autres types de commerce, celui des grains et de l’aracl1ide par exemple.’ CONCLUSION Dans le cadre du commerce a longue distance effectué en Afrique de l'Ouest depuis Ia période précoloniale se sont développées un certain nombre d’activités reposant sur la parenté, l'¤clavage, le contrat et le salariat. Dans une perspective marxiste (Amselle l977: 207-216), il est d’usage de distinguer au sein du commerce, les activites productives que Marx nomme les "activités annexes du capital commercial" (triage, emballage, entreposage et surtout industrie des transports), des activités improductives (le fait d’acheter pour vendre). Cette distinction qui repose sur la théorie de la valeur-travail ne peut tenir que dans la mesure ou on peut prouver qu’un autre systeme de commercialisation serait a meme de remplir les memes fonctions dans de meilleurs conditions. Or les différentes experiences d'étatisation du menées en Afrique depuis Vindépendance montrent que l'eff`1ca¤té des commercants privés meme si elle se double dans cenains cas d’une exploitation des paysans, n'a jamais pu étre sérieusement ooncurrencée

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M.B.DU||I||lfIdPl|IE.L0v•|¤y ggg The relatively small. number of wealthy merchants (attajimt') who Opcralcu from the m¤J0Yi¤¤Tk•;\ Centers were the one;. who required Profcsgunal portefi (Sew! € Of Nel. leifnslers, specialist asggmhtcm and packm of·g00dS· The labor-tntcnswc nature or the trmspou System upon which IOHE-dma-¤¢e lfade depended is brought our by [uu German traveler Passarge (l§95: 479) on the basis of his experience in Adamawa and Mandara tn the 18905: The means of transport are very defective. Apart from the canoes on the large rivers no other vehicles are known. The wagon, indeed even the cart, remains unknown to the Africans. Cantels are met with in Kuka [Kukawa] and Kano in the nonhem most part of the Sudan, pack horses rarely at any time, pack oxen. . . only in the North. ln Adamawa only the donkey is used on a large sale; however the most important means of transport is man himself. Either the machant travels with his slaves or he hires profesional porters. The majority of attajirai actively participated in long-distance trade themselves: that is, they traveled and worked hard at the business of buying and selling both at home and in distant markets. Very few operated on such a scale that they could be classed as sedentary merchants with sufficient capital and businm acumen to spread thdr risks over several trading ventures at a single time. Those who could uatrusted their goods to agents or partners, who traveled to and did business in distant markets, while they remained at home acting as bankers, brokers, importers, wholesalers, and distributors} Undoubtedly many attajirai aspired to the role of sedentary merchant, but the risks associated with an attempt to enter the elite of this uading system were considerable. An aspiring merchant cottld easily be mined by the dishonesty of agents or the imponunity and rapaciousness of a ruling class, which could at will either give or withhold favor and Protection, and besides there were disasters on trading joumeys, the vagaries of markets and competition from other traders. The accumulation of suf licient capital and credit to transform business from single trading ventures to more complex transactions depended upon such factors as a willingness to take great risks, the making of a fortunate marriage, the securing of political patronage, dishonest dealtng with clients and customers. as well as astute and energetic trading. Most

yg TC G TILE V H, M (gg], LM gf@|C$i I-Dd HIUSZ is kl? laif rw,-;,j,"n,·dTha:1 all rh¤¤ 0*11 I-lqwfl LZPIIB: yainurwedmptalmiastcdmthcvuuwnmey pergsmh) umnwd_,,,¤,d“,u¤su¤n¤amuk¤¤¤l¤1¤¢¤¤•¤¤rumthcma,‘ » · . 1984 . Lradt was rcgafdvd as a sung wa} K aqui, ,¤hh and gcapc frtm tht P·0W‘¤!" and shame [hai wm ut kx 0; lh, sg mpmy of Hausa C0¤1|¤0¤€'l'§ (1¢l¤k¤»·¤).‘ Fm uw mw, ,,4 ppquiuistanding the risks, long-distance trad; nm.: i su-qq i¤m¤¤:ont.hehnagh1¤l10¤0fma¤y‘ men inthegohm Calipiiattand Borm. ln Hat¤safo1k.l‘;;i · ‘ gystmuunphasiswasp upontr ,1ncu . distance trade, as the way to win fortune and gain prestige. mlm;. hen: of such an element in the prevailing ideology was sure to hate had same influence on the attitudes and probably upon the behmq ofalthos¢wh0voltmta1ilyem¤edlong-distan¤etradeaspvr1crsanq pd aninal drivers (Sellnow, 1963: 410432; 1943: 129-191, As the mreer of Madugu Mohamman Mai Crashin Balti serves tc show, youngmen bemmemerchamsin a small way, hopingthata aresultofdiligemtradingandgoodfortunetbeywouldbecuuir wmlthy and respected (Duffill, 1984). Mai Gashin Balri became amuchantasayoungmanandgraduallybttilt uphiscontactswithcthte merchants, acquiring knowledge of distant markets from soutlm Adamawa to Bagirmi and Borno. Eventually he became a cararat Imder who headed expeditions SG1) strong. His success is represerr tamive in that most wealthy trad¤·s began in a modest way. but in this endeavour few succeeded and ma.ny fell by the wayside. As Passarg recogiized during his travels in Adamawa in 1893-1894. "the Hama islikeagypsywhoisathomeeverywhaeandmwbereandwhorcauu thr0ughoutthewholeSudanasaporter,whenhepossessesnothin;. and as a trader, when he has made some money" (Passarge, 1895: 31). Passarge's commem brings out the permmble nature ofthe imcfacc between wag labor and entrepreneurship and also serves to cun1'vman¤nphasisinHausaf0lkloreonu·adeasarneanstow¤ltl1¤¤¢ power. Though Mohamman enjoyed considaablc good fonune mi was a hard working trader and caravan leader, his career also Sill"! how easy it was to fail. He was caught embazling the funds of! “·'a'“ M Vai l%i¤$ and fancd the wrath of the mravan merdl·¤¤¤· Mchamman was fortunate in thai his involvement first with E. R-

'·'·°"""'¤F—¤···•·» m mmmmhtmkuyuwwqmm) R, @[0 ·,,yj1 as ¤ bn-*"' I" '-h' ¤¤F°’“·¤¤ \¤*'¤ vi Bnknmnh 4Du1m;_ mu, “m.¤Lhc8¤¤b¤¤¤¤9f¤¤¤>I¤¤:·¢¤¤¤¤¤¤1¤¤1.•¤¤m{¤¤,g,;, ’wm,f";¤mvmn:mmdav¤md|¤;4¤¤¤,¤n,¤wm`mf`m¢_ mm,,,•,m;¤m¤¤w¤¤•¤¤»p¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤,i3,,,,D, M,dug,,MgiCashmBaki•·asfuhumb¤n!¤;mhmt,.d¤. wb°q,¤-¤_¤j¤¤aIarg:smk.lndmdrv¤3·1¤•ninzkC;§¤;;|5—h, mdmm¤g|;gm¤¤mm1mky¤id1\’¤1dngmmh¤·scfI¤-g¤¤·d.·‘_ ASIl§¤IiZ-lIiS!0fIh|!5€UKE'$¤l.lHE¤7IE'IE1fG'IIkE#l w_,n,°;'_hc¤1iphawandB0m0.Ih¤cv¤:ummmmmm¤¤g| Iagd]0l'd5(fZI.DmBi)WbO d!UHkII1£'!lLB.h..IiV$.§ md¤Lb¤g00ds.S0mefa1mnai0pcm1:dbcs1:Isthm¤xddac::¤mm¤daEa$magyasI50m€·r¤hamsmaLh1:.Usml31h¤¢fmum¤j di1nctu·avcI,bmthcy0frcninvcs1¤Ih:¤·a:Ica:ndtI¤¤vf¤r:r¤;n1ir:d me emplcymcm of workers (buvcjcy, IQI IHS}. |.A@RGTI·ECARAVAN: TIECARAVAILEAEAIDISSTAE (hI'3\’3.IBI’$\.Ih'£[& IZIHdi1'€HlZl. j w¤·cg¤1cn1IIyI¤Ibyexp¤icn¤:d¤zv&·x.vh¤w¤:aI¤>u·:h·s¤¤ [hdIGW`I13&I.ll1l(`I.0VCj0)`. I9$}tI0I-II2).T'h:¤1mthd¤ (undugu)wasassis1cdbyasaafI¤>nsis:iagofagni:(.i¢•i!¤\,m Z§SI3lZI1II1Ch2.I?0f[tE3'ZVBE®u!l@'¢(&i' ,11\'E 5¤'&(lH0@f|iHG]W'I·),8IId¢'\lD&’(I|駧 l].I.&'Ql Z'3VN1S8I§0h8d3Sd§2DI@l'8V3II $h§"§0[€@0( r.hccaravan.Thisddegati0¤0fu|tb0rityvas|n yastI:h‘5¤ ¤rava¤s(Z1X)-5(II)p¤0pkwi111a11i1aIs)w¤cs|:·¤d¤m¤•¤¤v¤aI mHcs0fthcr0uLc.Ttmxask0fth:hd¤,•*h01¤¤Iym¤kq:th= |`$,'2Sl0§I.0i\I.IlZ.I¥.IR1`I\'I.III' i§ §I`d)` and¤|¤diti¤usIy.I1wasadifFncuhj¢:b•zIIi1gfcr&kr§§:4;¤aIii:s 0fahigh0rd¤·.Tbccaravan|:ah·n¤Ic¤Iyhadmb¤•rhcmm: andiudang¤·s;hewasaIsorcsp¤nsibkf¤n·mg¤tia1i¤gu:;¤·i¤:of |¤¤¤$¤ndth:pri¤eofmuyim0m¤·kc¤.Hcug¤1i¤:dd:ckf¤¤ °[u|¢GI1Van0n{,h¢m3,rd1¢¤·g[hglLing|;I£¤(§0)?!h m$7k$0fhighw;yr9hbq$()¤nf&1).HcW$IIDf6 *f“ ¤¤i¤aining0r4¤wm.5¤u.¢¤·;»-¤¤•¤d¤¤r¤lh;dis1¤¤¤¤¤'¤¤¤

142 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . . - hou h he could delegate some pall OI. , "‘°‘“°‘T¥S-{,?‘- 'l"i;?E.‘1lf`$Jr0u.'i n-an-S and leading the ne of :;F:?;;blr;;p;nsibiliries of the guide. there was tqrlprhi il]. lllc Hausa saying__··ja_ll_ shi ne sarkr" (Jail = madusu)- tf naravan leader is a chief`. _ · ‘ rmed what might be termed a loo Th? madug}1 and his Slagoiqoor firm. The Stall W¢f€ in the rqgliily organized business corpora fmcs membe ar · er r· ;Z‘.§2§’.l;T§"%.$J..‘.E‘f.J§2El., §‘.l`;L.`§ZL°uZ‘Ll.`Tlc im-. ..Li,;’,‘;l; - I r in turn was dependant upon the efficiency and i;;;:l;)fnhil;-lslsaifzfcigaravan leading was a deman-ding occupation and a risky one, but a madugu wholwas able to combine it with successful trading could become rich and influential. Thecaravan leader did not charge his clients a fee, though it was the practice for members ofthe caravan to give the leader a present before journeys and upon the safe completion of a journey. The caravan leader and hrs staff did not contribute to the tolls (gamma) demanded by rule-Irs through whose territory the caravan passed or whose markets t e caravan‘s members ' r. This exem tion amounted to a substantial subsidy iicsizscjsairfztfalricleader and hispstaff since, effectively, their share ofthe toll was paid by the rest of the caravan. Since it was the responsibility of the leader assisted by his staff to negotiate the amount of the toll with the local ruler or his representative and it was also their responsibility to apportion the contribution of each trader in the caravan, there was opportunity for deception and fraudulent dealing. A dishonest caravan leader could enrich himself and his staff at thc expense of other members of the caravan, and it seems to have been a fairly frequent occurrence. However, such dishonesty depended upon collusion between the leader and his subordinates, especially the caravan scribe. Discovery or betrayal could result in disgrace, humiliation, and loss of professional reputation, as the career of Madugu Mohamman Mai Gashin Baki demonstrates (Lovejoy, l980; Krieger, 1954: 289-324; Mischlich, l942: l8l-IB6). When caravans halted for the night there was much work to be done by teamsters, porters, servants—free or slave-of the wealthy merchants, and the women who accompanied the traders. Indeed all members of the caravan, other than the wealthy merchants who lock their ease reclining on undressed sheepskins, prepared the camp. Pacl animals had to be unloaded, hobbled, fed, and watered, which oc-

M. B. Duftlll and Paul E. Lovoloy 143 _ icd the attention 0i` tht: ¤¢¤mSl€rS. Merchants with sixty or mom Lupk animals in 8 $i¤Bi€ €8T3V3¤ l'€qUif¢d approximately twenty pacmsmm and an important merchant with that number of pack luimals was accompanied by other servants, including women, plus xy porlcfs he requircd in addition to the pack animal; After the animals had been unloaded and hobbled. the majority of the labor force prepared shelters for themselves and their masters, while some few attended to the needs of the animals and the remainder, especially the women, prepared food. Those engaged in the preparation of shelters unpacked equipment such as axes, sicltles, and hoes, and made off into the bush to collect supple branches, canes, thatching grass, and fencing material. Since caravans often stopped in the same places on a given route, shelters were often in relatively good condition and only had to be repaired. While the teamsters, porters and others built grass huts (bukkokt) for themselves, the attajirai had superior shelters (adadai) constructed for their own use. These had a framework of branches over which were spread tanned ox—hides (ki/agar), which were then tied down. Round the adadai and the bukkoki of those who had women with them, a fence or screen was constructed (Mischlich, 1942: 181-186; Monteil, 1894: 210-211). LABOR AT MARKET CENTERS: BROKERS/LANDLORDS AND THEIR STAFF Brokers and landlords needed assistance if they were to cater adequately to the needs of their clients and customers (Hill, 1971: 303-318; 1966: 349-366; Cohen, 1966; Lovejoy, 1980, 1985). Their yam ("boys" or servants) delivered messages, carried loads, and ran errands. Female servants, usually slave girls, prepared food, cleaned apartments, and performed other services for the guests. Grooms and ostlers tended the mounts and pack animals of the itinerant merchants and also cared for animals brought for sale, while guards and nightwatchmen protected the property of the clients. lt is obvious that a landlord with a lodging house (masaukt) needed a substantial staff, most of which was drawn from within the household, including and especially domestic slaves, who were often employed in agricultural productioneither on farms or plantations-in the rainy season. Brokers, who usually specialized in particular commodities, did not require as many employees as landlords, though they did need the services of agents,

444 DE G ASEAN TRAII x lh ;(x|$,f) [MIK Im IIIZYKCI CCDICY btlylng gym nn spgdany ulxn brokers became wholesale anim W .y; they invested in manufacturing. Mw leads were prepared and loadd by bouwhold labor mg to use uader or by tnmstm and porters. Awkward igghw In eetwu and bids and skim required special weparauom packingand loading. Kola nuts, thottgh not an awkward load, needed umu Fun"; and frequent inq:t¤t::;n on the march to remove inrrugd nmns; we-paration. packins l°¤d*¤S ° 8°°d‘ °' °°“‘° lfampon in the uans-Salma trade also required the labor of specialists. lvhn, Kranse USB2: JIS) estimated the average costs of transporting gum, from Tripoli to Kano in l882, he reckoned racking of goods (matemh andlabor)as I4.7 pereentoftotal transport costs. Loads leavtnggam or Kukawa by amel for the North also required careful preparatiq large tnsks of ivory, for example, had to be cut up before they could be lmded onto camels (Fkzd. IBB]/1885: l34-l35). 111e tasks of mravan trading and market exchange clearly involved the labor of large numbers ol' people, and the nature of trade in ug central Sudan invariably mam that most of these people operated on a small scale, even if some merchants were wealthy and employed workers to rtm their Emu. 'Hte oommercial vocabulary of the Hausa included a fair number of words describing the purchase of goods for resale and local trading by hawkers and pedlars. 'Hte purchase of good for rsale, including livatoek, grain, cotton, and other goods, was cm nccted with long-distance trade. Similarly local peddling tied in with long-distance trade if the commodities hawked were goods brought to a market center by long-distance traders. Stockholders played an important role in the assembly of goods for export, and peddlers were necessary for the distribution of imported goods. The existence of a pool of small merchants and others who could move into and out ol trade on own account facilitated the development of a labor market, which clearly functioned in the Solroto Caliphate and Borno in the nineteenth century. AND KINSHIP U The demandtfor labor was met in a variety of ways. Merchants at_ ac} Jnvvrmttccs and assistants from among their sons and GW l\¤¤01 and neighbors (Works, 1976: 63-79; Baier, l980: l77-l8l).

I. B. D1 nd Pu L Lqqq ya mcg •0r¥|7T$ Un"'} a”m·an“· "b°)‘"} did D0! rectise a I3; but me ud",} as ntlnblrrs of lhe hflliflbu who rags;} c|¤hm8_ {OGL ad Shcha at the d.l$CfCll01'I of lhflf Md! [ldd (ME of the h0u.g)_ A|] md! md, were met. In retum lor their labor, mq- gmc; ¤pm¤¤_ Ccmxw and access to credit. Trusted slaves eould—and enm ammdvc me game treatment as junior kin, even to the perm or ww,. dsmwmrnercial oper¤ttomandofscrvingastrut¤¤r¤¤rar¤upt,, me dnth of a '¤¤*°' "h°‘¥ $¤F'l*T¤$ $0¤s tvcrc minors. Thi; household labor satisfied many ofthe needs of machants, particularh·witl1reg¤rd$1¤¤G¤¤€Y· b\N¤'¤¤)'l1SbW¤em¤nalthar;g`.ub, undertaken by slaves and hired workers. Traders who relied on their sons and other kin often began their qreers as apprentices themselva (Alhaji Muhammad Lawan Banno. 19701 Lovejoy, l980: 9l; Baier, l980: 25l-152). Profrtable expeditions enabled these individuals to buy a slave or two, who then contributed to the busincs establishment of their master. 'lhse slaves-purchased early in the tzreers of sucessful merchants—w¤·e those most likely to become trusted agents (Works, l976: Bl ). Die household establishment of Madugu lsa na Garahu, an important Itola merchant at the md of the nineteenth century, included thirty house slaves, thirty farm slaves, numerotu kin, and other dependents. And he had hves at his houses in Sokoto and Kalgo. He drew upon their labor in a variety of ways,takingr:nanywith himontradingexpeditio11s(Mtthar¤n¤iul¤ lndole, 1970). Slaves were essential to the operatiom of mts: hrge merchants. Bytltetirneatnerdnntachievedaadhdunkvdofnmcs to delegate responsibilities to junior kin and trusted slaves. he required m0relaborthanhBhouseholdeou1dsupply,•speciallysinceIarge-scak operations were more subject to the vagaries of the market than those of independent traders. Besides their aecss to household labor, merchants had reeourse to severalother¤1tegoriesofIabor;theyeouldhireporterswhow¤·e either freemen or slaves owned by other people; they could CHEF tcamsters with their livestock; or they could force trade slaves on the march to carry loads. All three categories of labor were common: lreemen, domestic slaves, and uade slaves supplnnented household labor and appar to have offered competitive advantages that resulted in the purchase of additional slava or the recruitment of extra free dependents.

146 DE IORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE PORTERS The entrepreneur who required labor and pack animals beyond me resources of his own household was in a postttonin many market; to pick and choose among the strongest and healthiest men, women, and beasts who were readily available for hire. The 1-lausa merchants who employed these porters also used slaves and livestock to carry goods; invariably Livestock died and could not always be replaced at a reasonable price, transport needs varied as goods were bought and sold, and trusted slaves could not be supplemented on the road. Hired labor was, therefore, essential to the operations of these merchants. lt is clear from a legal opinion of Abdullahi, brother of Uthman dan Fodio and emir of Gwa.ndu, that porters were being hired at least as early as the first part of the nineteenth century (Tukur, 1977: 369). The experience of the German officer, Kling, who traveled in the area between the caliphate and Asante i.n 1890, confirms that hiring corr. tinued throughout the century. Kling (1890b: 353) reported that "Hausas are the cheapest, most satisfactory and best porters of the western Sudan." Whether or not Kling exaggerated, his comments do establish that ponerage was a professional activity that was widespread (Kling, 1890a: 145; Passarge, 1895: 31; Pigott, l896).° On the southern route to Lagos, which became well traveled from the 1880s on, porters were used whenever merchants needed them. Usually traders took donkeys as far as Agege, outside of Lagos, even through the mortality rate was high for donkeys that far south. As Alhaji Nagudu Abdullahi (1969) remembered it, if traders lost their donkeys on the trip to Lagos, they hired porters. A good porter could carry as much as a donkey. Before one was hired, they had to bargain over the price which would be paid. When the P0rter reached Kano, it was a big event; all the people would rush out to marvel at the tremendous loads they could carry. Most porters were Hausa; for example the Sarkin Zongo [in the early twentieth century] at Agege had been a porter. Early colomal officials found that porters were easy to recruit, although not always at wages that were advantageous: ::::3'a;:<:¤:¤:1<;§. probably twenty to thirty, of native carriers work tr own account through the Hausa States and even to

a|.¤.Du1tl¤•¢P•a£.Lc••|¤y 147 Lagos. This senice has been maintained for many years. The name Yalumg his mm day's uork at a l0- figure and carrying only the nchqi prcducm guch as potash lnatronl. or kola nuts. salt, muon ggodx and matches. remains months on the road |Girouard. l90'!|. The estimate for the total number of porters must be treated with caution, but Governor Girouard, who made the estimate in the context of planning the construction of the Lagos—Kano railway, had undertaken a detailed study of transport needs. ln European travelers‘ accounts there are numerous descriptions of the bargaining that went on between caravan leaders and porters: indeed porters often recognized their own headman, who consulted his fellows during the bargaining process. Of these accounts that by Passarge is one of the most interesting because it reveals some of the customary features of portering work and the expectations of the porters. The German expedition of which Passarge (1895: 64-66) was a member had a number of Hausa porters from Lokoja whom the Germans considered undisciplined and difficult to manage on the march, the basic reason being that the German concept of good order conflicted with the norms of the porters. With Pntssian thoroughnss Von Uechtritz, the leader of the expedition, insisted on close order marching in file with a rest stop of ten minutes every hour. These ord¤·s did not suit the Hausa porters who were conditioned to another work regime. Normally, a group of porters would contract to deliver goods between Yola and Ngaundere, for example, in a specific timeseventeen days—but they would detemtine when and how they marched, either by day or night. They would decide the pace, the length of breaks and when they were taken. Gemtan attempts to alter this pattem of work inevitably led to disagreements, although the Germans went to some length to impose their work discipline: . Whoever stepped out or left the line or set down his load or lagged behind was driven on with a stick and if the offence was repeated the man concerned was punished by the withdrawal of the day's ration allowance, the most severe punishment for the negro. for the stomach comes before everything else. The Hausa only gradually and unwillingly accustomed themselves to the discipline of the march lP¤ssarge, l895: 65-66].

Jgved guy yyvna ¤£¤.·`IL Y YH} J0•'f'|¤ *3Dnw 1..u;) gg ut.¤4» *m4·a¤ua•>l¤I\¤>•n¤n¤1=vA _ fw r,-mg; gagged suhthz ;nrt¤·= wcrcbc raunn u|¤•a,u yyy»eq¤1¤mnd¤62Mw•r\¤p¤day: :h¢O¢rrnzns vyirq-wm »••·m;•4ma:¤uchna¤i¤grh¢vagr¤¤¤0v•¤0mwn¤m.h_n §HQ!'I‘II1fGTWl‘1H\Z¤0(€hCQ¢¥?G'i§?0fZh¢.n(gjr=c {Yana!. Hl•)6· 31-31). TZ-acvanaeiou between Local ;1ra¤:xu:ana·nt mggnqu nanchefamavudaumwrascsahm »ag;‘; uuvsumrhe mpkwuuau of puter:. Pnrrercnadzo mamrmn mm: uga M urpnratc nanny m order an sngagc m shew nngouaaimu ndn¤¤·z»1»¢pm¤ibIzm¤ayrha¤rheu¤1s¤:in1m¤c=l)•»’•,Mnn¤dhdtm¤b|zwithhinp¤¤1¢z·s,a••diYaga,b¤¤e¤1 DmanJ$wy,»uwyoHupon¤»a¤•aud.0¤¢nig$:30ofnh¢$0 p¤na•ldt"•a••¢pcj’¤n•¢I¤rnoy¢nsd:I¢sfaiv¢joi·n¢kc;le.sd¤¤ ¤zd•oh¤a¤¤,c¢9•id¢Idiv¢¤lcni¢n,•pircataic1•t,é1¤¢¤h1· napotladzucpurtacuunvésncmnvuavionadbpourcuzcrhnu law•b0m•p¤r|izd¢Iaro¤1zhpi¤1."Th¢p¤rr¤·si¤¢Iud¤=d25•¤¤ h¤|b¤n1¢¢1¤idbyc»ib¤¢0¤imad0¤a1ndl0r¤¤·•i¢di1B¤b0· Dln•hm,Un!on•n¤dy,Mo¤uiIddn¤1v¢¤¤vd•h¤n¤·u:d;•¢r¤¤¤ ml mba of du nm groups corresponded. "qadlu raison l¤ PM|h•I\|I•'mf¤if?l¢n’ai¢»¤i•pu¤:I’¢n.pi:;n¢1; ' ,s'ih ¤'¤’ wv•i¤¤v»q¢»•a»,a•m·¤¤ama¢¤a¤»a¤¢•¤¤¢¢q¤¢j·aa»a;»dé favrms|¤nvu1ri1."Thcfu•wmsh.adb¢zndi.•tribu1¤da1n0n;¢\¤¤ prrnanncrdatorcdauthcsiudthclcads;ashummdmnrii m••••u•a• n¤h¢.A•wa» th:caci¤Pm•a1|¢’• ca:avan,1h¢ ponm

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150 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . - ween Garua alld Ngaundere_ whi, Caravan' Cam/mg lhmy lusksl The owner ofthe Caravan was rmkh had both male and female porte U ho work more chca I in Zma; most or his pewter; wcgrlhgdlllgadsvof 50 kilograms D y m Arg? clhaflotligs;-;OiI(;l polrttfslng seems l0 have been regarded as an Oc_ cupatlgn [fit only for slaves or for those driven to take it up as a result ¤t=~e·e ·°°""’ """ ""f°§‘“‘}$‘ P°IIEL'Li“§§§ £`2.‘Li?§s“i.2$§“€“‘ - , - n an 0 €l’l 3 · regggntlyuaflzzltexdehitdotlgeir personnel killed or enslavedil lthwas not s who em loyed free porters to se t em into glalvggrws tlltezddgfa journeyzr in other. ways to exploit ordefraud them. The hazards associated with portering and its association with slavery or extreme poverty may well have served to ltmtt the extent to which hired labor was available, particularly tn good agricultural years or when craft activity was buoyant. lf this was the case it may partly explain the use of trade slaves as porters and also the formation of specialised groups or companies of professional slave porters ('yan bojuwa). lt may also explain the relatively high wages porters could earn. Caliphate authorities do not appear to have regulated wages, but they took an interest in the labor of porters to the extent of defining their liability. A hired porter who accidently damaged goods, according to Abdullahi dan Fodio, "is not liable to make good the loss. However, he will not be entitled to his wages" (Tukur, 1977: 369). On the road from Kano to Sokoto in 1827 when he had trouble with his livestock, Clapperton (l829: l79) had to employ five men to carry the equivalent of a camel load of goods—at a cost of 2000 cowries for a day’s work. This charge was high because of the situation; Clapperton was on the road and needed to keep moving, but surely this kind of problem faced merchants on a regular basis. A day’s employment and a contract for a whole journey involved a different wage scale. Ogunremi (1982: 84-87) reports figures for the Yoruba/Nupe area that suggest that professional porters received wages considerably higher than that for day laborers. At midcentury, porters received 1200 cowries per day (l/2%), while laborers were paid 400 cowries per dal' (4%"). Porters carried loads of 65 to 70 pounds at twenty miles per dal'. for a cost of about l4.6d per ton/mile. By the 1890s, Robinson had to pay [500 cowries per day between Lokoja and Kano, which at that time was worth 9d. From Keffi to Zaria——about ISO miles-

M. B. Dufllll and Paul E. Lovejoy 1.1 Robinson paid each porter 2(),0()() cowries, plus a t`tn»d allowance of 300 wwries. ln l9U7· Gtrvuard wmpluined that head pummgc had become a problem because "the remuneration invaraibly paid was and is high. much above the current rate of wages in the country, [and] increasing difficulty nt obtaining head transport has been fclt." By that time wages were approximately 2/—per ton/mile (Girouard. l9()7; Ogunremi, l9B2; 89-90). Most of the labor force involved in the long-distance transportation of goods, whether free or slave (but excluding trade slaves), took up the occupation or were compelled to undertake it for readily understandable economic and social reasons. Some people needed to supplement household income during a season when there was comparatively little farm work to be done. Slaves who in the wet and harvest seasons worked the land engaged in transport for their owner or for others under sufuri or murgu arrangements, which provided the owner with the means of securing a return on his investment. The owner carried the costs of his slave's subsistence if the slave worked for him on a trading expedition, just as he did if he hired free labor or the labor of other men‘s slaves, but in sufuri and murgu arrangements, the costs of the slave's subsistence were transferred to the hirer. Other people became porters or teamsters because of the opportunity presented by travel and such petty trade as they could arrange on journeys to distant markets to accumulate sufficient capital to be able to set up as independent traders. No great amount of capital was necessary to enable an individual to establish himself as a petty merchant, from which position he might succeed, given good fortune, in rising to the status of a more substantial trader, caravan leader or broker. Slaves (other than trade slaves) required to labor as porters and pack animal drivers also sought whatever opponunities they could to engage in petty trade on their own account. From the proceeds of such petty trade they might hope to accumulate and secrete the basis of a ransom (fansar kat) and have something left over to allow them to start a farm, engage in a craft or enter trade on a larger scale. Professional portering was largely undertaken by slaves and members of the "lumpenproletariat" that existed in all the major Hausa towns and cities. According to Staudinger (IBB9: l4l) poners were recruited from the poorest classes, a fact that was obseryable in their behavior and character. There are cases of freemen being sold

tu rtl |0•\¢ER$ OF AFRICAN TRADE imo slavery to pay gambling debts; portering was suitable et-upto for welt "riff-raff" (Duflill, 1984). Other social and political mgm"' contributed to the entry of free labor into employt-not-tt in ton! dii°°'“ trade. Travel to distant places offered a means of escape rot crimlenu and those under severe forms of social and economic prcssuiilnall to mention those under threat of political persecution And Slave" "°* the possibilities of travel as a means of escaping. One fugitive JM who fled from Bauchi in the 1880s was reenslaved in Kefli wh ave disguise as a Hausa merchant was disclosed, H. Johnston aniigt IO9-I I0). who recorded this tale, accepted the claim of th Z ite to pass himself off as a merchant, but portering p:oSt:`t;;h? er a more likely cover in similar cases. ln any event ma t. °` porter} not in fact speak Hausa as their first langua; aequtstuoniof the language allowed them, albeit at a humble level T; zriiiittitpate tri t;t;c:a:;aafi::ir:iitie;iial systiiirm. L0ng·distance trade Qai P°'¤“ r ton an socialimtion Porters, whatever their background rose b l [Ink" and ungnjplcycdi h I a ove ranks of the Aiiiwiigh poncii migiii bcciotvever temporary thietr employmertt_ "lumpenproletariat," they stilingaxfrsgaerchs Or duh bad? imo the conscious Du g er as a recognizable and deed ii gr p of workers. As Passarge (l895· 65) observed ‘ t ey are not a special ... ‘ I * H'"‘ iiicic an ddiniie usages andcac.:itiit;0i:itii·tici§ angone can be a porter—but of hm www Ponzi and maim ii Pgar tng the regular conditinm his pcricii wiiii iiiii Nyamwczi aiid.Sw ziisiarge specifically compared bah mt ccmiai Suda i a 1 t porters of East Africa· in n and East Africa he thought h ** I p°n”° had °'“”S¤d 35 a result of th · [ at a class', °' eonttubn mm, ..wic,, and iiciaiiin sh‘:if::¤¤l0¤i0f grade. Ptmatgttt °f hl-* Hperience He found not C Ou the signmcan . th . _ ce in dah wiih mi ihiii baiiiiiat porters identified as workers and had 1'l¢¢ ponerittg as 3 ' . . . mmgih and miiiiiaiic: Owupihmiaiiionirequtred little skill but plenty cl epeeiattzd yada or caiiiiciiici 3; igtle scope for the emergence ol as a result or demand for ttigtt val, bon H°w°v” i' i“ ""°"" ‘*‘“‘ gizhc '““’“°¤ harvest, ot-tt,.cp,mc\:_f°°d"’ "jmh M the first kola mtu bd__°'“‘€" ° *¤vi¢l rwttport mic, t °° "‘ '° “”‘“>’ ****·• MM I is a dincimiiawd . n the process they brought into Ctalued ' cawsmy of Poflcrs-’ · g “' '°¤d¤· Adamu Bagwanic

I. I. Dull nd Pai l. \.o••|•y tg; (lw)_ tor example. besnn his career in a tettrn or ·y,,, h0w,,_ hm in Gam, on a tradins elpedtlton. as his name indicatq_ gqwmjt uayglgd to MSM N a Y°¤¤R mm ¤¤ the turn ofthe ;¢m,,,y_ Mw merchant; employed only Iwo [0 four P0|’\£T|—I.l Balwanjg rgmcm, bm.-and went in groups of about thirty. They took textiles, sandals, and hides and skim south and brought kola and textiles back. The porters received one-third of the prof'tts as wagr.1 (Bak’o Madigawa, 1969; Gambo Turawa, I970). Nonetheless, there is no indication that wan bojnwa and other porters differed in the degree of their mn. teiousness as a group. All porters recognized their status as workers, and that recognition—occupational in its basis—could, at least in theory, have become a foundation stone in a developing donsciousness of class position and class antagonism. At best class consciousness was rudimentary in this economy and society and depended on social rela. tions of production, distribution, and ertehange that were never dorni. nant. Occasional manifestations of collective action by porters and others cannot be interpreted as providing evidence for the existence of some "proto-working cla.ss." All that can be said in the present gate of knowledge is that there was some potential for developments along these lines. The potential was in our view weak and in any case it was to be aborted by political developments-the colonhl conquest—and subsequent technologiul and economic changes. TEAMSTERS Teamsters constituted a second category of workers in the structure of long-distance trade. There was always a large reservoir lol donkeys and donkey drivers (if not of other pack nies. and mules) in the countryside round the major towns and Camels were also available for hire. Pack animal drivin!. JW ashuardousasload¤1rrying,wasnotasphysi¤llydetnandn§.The 0ccupation—mainlyadryseasonone—tertdedtob¢l3I¢¤||Pl77¥**l7•' whohadtheresourcestoputtogetlreratnmdykartimhorby ul0l¢whohadsomeexperienceandskilliltW¢i||\¤¤*|**'"‘*‘!~ Gcnersuyonemnnwnu r¤nuietnreed¤¤key¤¤r¤¤¤··7**'•'°"° frvecamels.1'heowrsersofpack anirnalshiredthesnoutwrthtlressr*hsofadriver,whorniglstbetheow·ner·lsinsseIl,ansesssberofhss hduseholrlorhired labor. forbothlo¤lsndlong4hnncw¤s·k.some

19 ni w0RKER6 OF AFRICAN TRADE of the larger merchants and tzravart leaders maintained their 5,,,,, ,t_ and no doubt used members ol` their household. including s,,,,,“°m’ drivers, only hiring labor when they did not have sufficient n0,,,ch` a` tahoe, Pack animals and their drivers do not seem to have been ,,, mold supply, particularly not in the major centers of trade such as Kam or Kukawa. “° The role of hired camel transport in the trans-Saharan trad noted by Clapperton (Denham and Clapperton, 1955; 709) ,n Z wa` ··The merchants of Ghadamis and Tuat never keep camel; 5, 824: own, but hire them from this singular people [Tuareg], who Carry tier! goods across the desert to Kashna [Katsina] at the rate o|' etr a load, and likewise convey slaves at twenty-Eve dollarsw; sghail Heinrich Barth (1857: 1, 489). who used this service when he ` the desert in 1849-1850, amassed a debt er 55 000 cOw,,cS tirosscd carnase Ul-- » · l’D¢l'Cl'l3I'ldlSC f[O|1'| Tint an [ K tv Or me ddj , _ CES 0 ano, and he Ow an a tional 18.0QO cowrtes to a merchant who had rent hi,-n a ed and a bullock. A stnular method of tra.nsport operated at h mm trbe century. Monteil (1894: 290) reported in 1891 that the[Kc,c;d Ol tta-res "sc chargent des transports pour · C w°y H la plupm du lem I ' un prix convenu a |'nya,,ce_ Merchants also hir aizgzragcgcithzlcowmtitlagnent pas les caravaneS_·· Salt ms (mist. me Elaier isio-'Z2`°$i`{ d""°"‘ '" "‘° “""" The presence of camels ' t I . l I h-. Tunes w wu transport sglvicg S?él3;'ll'l3 made tt possible for the agdcullura, products On their ocal merchants and to buy market for me- Them is no w€;W|\ {account which they then moved to me No roles T y 0 telling the relative importance , . · lW¢s camel owners probabl - 0 somcunms in produce d [|,|[]c[,0,·,5' out to local merchants. Nonethelan mh? mms hiring their animals system of the cauphatc is dear ae:sé;l1etikl,;c;2tion in the transpon ’ l" ) has noted: T'*·¤•v0rt work d ‘ "i“" *”‘° ¤=¢ ¤m;|s::;i;Ii;d;;c:::°?"h(“l'“ "'f“" in H=¤¤¤J Httect mwmrdl um nvmma in I C n°mad$· HCfd¢r§ came Scum Southern pasture. and ‘ ‘ and Jan“°'y· Emllll camels [am. bean in May orljlng lh°m out for U’3I'lSpO|’[ duucg when lil: une. they returned north l Dm =¤¢ especial I IY reveali · ,9, ng dun n 130; l but mmm W"' "allable for:-5,;,; ,b°°m m pan"' °"P°l’i$ allfl · ong before then (Baier. 1980Z

I. l. Duflll IN Pg; ;_ \-¤••l•v ms In [hg dry season thvw with a team for hire O kIdmsms flocked i¤t0 the tvwns and cities lookin; lc; Lf ;n_“ B in wm I0,-lg. and short-distance transpon work. Such a lag; Hmm was nor particularly evndueive to the development of ,pm-lh Immn UUSRO,1 Ibugincss wit? the tearnsters organised into t:f{eetit·e summ ¢*5*;"0‘;;"f{.‘;i IZ.'Zi1Z `§J31'fZ.,LTtELY1Ef‘“'l‘ ‘° *“*’°*· **····e·=i- i is _ _ loo plaug rm; my plane in teamstertng. The [yan bnrqbum wm, B snpmmal- I dnl of mmsler; who engaged in the rapid transportation or hid; wm goods on lightly loaded donkeys. Although it is not possible to estimate the total number · . · f anunals taut r ii e. F tier . .° . . ZZ? wLi“£§‘..5§Z.‘.,.§T °{ “‘° “'i’ °°*°**** ew ·~··=··= [ arthe n Provinces the · cl n lm H was n°l°d um ul" lh¢ No r I . re t5 an inerw-Sed tendency on the part or owners of P¤¢k animals to place them at the disposal of the Govern merit for hire."‘ ln |907 over JG!) animals were · implication that livmtock owners were being drawn inszgnnplrl cd` TMI market for livestock should be dismissed, however. Certainly colonial m‘J£i’Jbi'Z ?$?°.1‘t.1'?’ a "°" °’"°‘°"‘“"**· *’** ***=¤~* *··=· ···¤· Ca§la1ppert0r;§l;29¤ 76. 77, 88), on his second journey to me scum duu:ha:§;r:1cad2O2venltlered into long negotiations with Madugu Ab. a ausa caravan returning from Asante to Kano. :\fter protracted discussions, Clapperton arranged for the hire of tir,,;:1 txtlfguirgdl dronkeys to carry his goods. He signed an agreement at was wntten in Arabic "by which he was bound tccarry my baggage and presents from Boussa to Kano; and for which dv;-S :5 pay htm, the day after my arrival in the latter place. two hunur ll ousand cowrtes." The negotiations probably took longer than h:¤l;c;1>t:cause.Clappenon was not able to put any money up from: _ o insist on paying in Kano. Nonetheless,·Clapperton’s deal ;$0;i;¤<ng. lt is the earliest known example of such an agreement man ¤ transport of goods, even though there are many details of the lh Bement that are not clear. Clapperton chose to deal directly with Hk:a|'3V8·l‘l leader; perhaps Abdullah owned the livestock but it is rI'l0re wax [hal he acted as an agent for one or more merchants in hiS me [_ an- The terms of employment for the teamsters required to tend for ;V¢St¤¢k are not known. lt is not even clear if they were employed §uppl?;|¢$ gr were part of the personnel engaged by the merchants v/h0 t e animals.

ng nl @1 OF A!NCM| TIIADI ws; ;5;.z53) rms more impressed than liruurum W R n,,h:;a~y;In.y¤¤» than were available in thcteallphatlz. In ty was able to make arrugemsms lor transport t ian won be paubk i Kam. · nnnnaaranem do gem. qui ¤v¤¤ do wwduuws. qui any pour ¤· propos! leurs animaua payables a Idu;w_ MQW, ,,, M .,,,.¤¤m¤n de la mm uyrrvenuv rv-Mt Vammal. paynnt, a Kam nt pus rqnomzl en qu¢l=qu¢$ JOUYS-UM l!€$ belle caraymh me u@x:iN devaiem faire la route avec moi ou me retrouver a Ka_m_ Unfortunately, Monteil did not provide details of such arrangements, so that it is not possible to analyse the methods of labor mobilization involved in hiring animals. Monteil either had to employ teamsters on his own, or they must have come with the animals and hence were the responsibility of the owners, A few days later, at Kaura Na Moda, he was able to "prolite de la presentx 3 KZOLHZ d’urm caravane qui se rend a Kano, pour acheter, toujours contre u papier remboursablc a Kano, ks aninmux qui me sont necessaires. Nous nous y arrewnn deux jours. pendant lesquels je suis en proie a une rechute du mal qui m'avait deja terasse a Z.ebba" (l895: 260). Animals could be purchased or hired on credit that could be collected in another town. Clapperton’s arrangement for fifteen oxen and donkeys between Bussa Kano suggests a rate of 13,300 rpwries per donkey or oxen for the trip; approximately fourteen cowrtes per kilometre. Later he rented an oxen to wry his goods from Kano to Sokoto for what appeared to an excellent rate of 50(X) cowries for the trip; less than zu cowrielsl tier kilometer, or half the COSI of hiring livestock lurt . n on y for Clapperton (l829: 77, HB, l79) the oi was sick and did not get very far. Nonetheless, the rates are instrue tive of the kinds of decisions facing the traveler. On the road in the southern savanna rcgton, Clapperton had to pay more than in Kano. where far more livestock were available. Clapperton not only had tu the needs of the caravan, which was returning lf0¤l same vi y loaded with kola nuts, but he also had to contend with :3%** QL! donkey and oxen prices were higher the further wml wu 0:Vhit_ ‘ wh-'k Cl¤PP¢fl0¤ did not provide information on llll W . ml ****4 lh? lW¢€l0¢k. it is likely that these wil ¢Y¢ lnduded in the rent for the livestock.

I.I.Dwl••d|*•||.|.g;q” ,.1 In Im and gwy, Briiish clfiuru arranged lov ih: 1;;;..;,.,,,-{ 0, 'm"wG,m|,;*¤byd::vnkcya•aru¤n•0fdimm¤m'q|»pun¤““ Yann tha] up in ull! ll Wit Qlllllllnd lh]! I,{|.||§xq was umu gum in hall`. In WW H- P. Nvrihwu repund; ,m"-m.‘y,ym,wnai¢iag0lUJ¢0¤iry•.hv¤w4ayluKi¤gq¤_ m,“d,4mu.eyi•w¢¤rr1¤w¤l¤ad•cflh¤•¢uva•;¤dr¤¤|;._. “m,,,n_onm¤¢bdn|ddiv¤dhuodw¤dim¤¤q;..*,·,_ M Hausa Hidl-Pfibi l$¤rii¤ Tanga?] atm .• g, ¤,_,,¤,,_ ,“ m,;"|0s.pcrl0ad.b¤l|r•n¤ ioIs.6d.pcrdi¤n.andi1therd0rc¢u>¤s[26•,p¤k»ad ,..v lihn mjybxg with dii`l'»cul1y.and byamcuanxnldrasm ninwmmu |havcb¤enabl¢wg¤1h¢lmammpr0vid¢th¢d¢nh¢y•|<¤d¤•n¢ of1h¢HausaHigh-Pries|,bulanucipa|.¢t|naial0b¤a¢:l:•uildnq· pearwh¤npaym¢n¤ismad¢fo1i11¢f•r¤c:vn•i¢¤m¢ai.' Al1h0ugh1hctradcwGamba;awa•0na1•id¢dn¢calipl¤¢.i¤•a• mrkas winh thcccntral Sudan, and hcnccuanspcriarrangnnms al0ngthisrculzarcanindica1i0n0fth¢ki¤ds0f•¤·vic¤•that•¤·¢ avzilablc¢cHausamcrcham•. Intl1iscas¢.Lhc•¤vi¤¤c(¢¤m¤crs wcrcassociawd with the hiring cflivcswck,nr*hich¤•ggcs1•thaiihi• wanhc usual arrangement. Wbm was perhapsunusul was thc role played by the "Hausa Hi¢1·Pric¤," the Sarkin bun, TRADESLAVEB Tl’l¢thifdcawgpry0flaborforus¢ii|Iong·di¤.an¤¢u1d¢iall1’ad¢ ¤lavesvAm¢:rri¤d|md¢asihcyUn¤r¤dv¤v¤tbdn;movedwm¤@ larSal¢(Krieggz,l9$4:299).A1timc•inccruinpIa¤¤ar•dc¤c¤*\a@ rcuwsitmayhavehocndifficuhfcrlnngdinanuruadarwcbtaia vr0f¢¢6i0na1p0n¤·scrpackanimMsandthdrdriv¢1•.In¤uchcr· ¤lm¤an¤¤tradzshvcs•va¢s¤rn¤.i¤¤ind¤p¤:\¤•.aIln¤@•¢¤¢ merdnams regularly uwdirue ;lav¤ascarri¤·r.A¤wrdnngmGap· Nf|0¤(|829: I3!). und: slaves

Q Il¢§U££ ·,__,‘“\‘$g;q,p•tu¢y n u¤.• vhll-°,,,,u,,a,q.,p¤z»¤; ¤¢¤¤¤·>~a..—.,, um £`a.“‘—u¤‘“°,-ng·;·qg.L v·n•~|nnutU0•r nun Lk. ng wma, Ital. mu nv nur w•¤¤1= ••¢¤' y, mt, W mt; ywmt eg]: Q} tt Z' nuuutusrr umm-; L,. M mm qgaymtnnatb tsl? a mmm! load iw a wutmtum. um: tm! •·etc imudkii luv salt wuid tx mnt tu ntuv;|‘81,.M bm gut gz tu: gpm: 01 nalin.; tht bceillh and lmuuz tm wm pmtm twm mansion:. 'lmdr nan: ullcml a mummy; WMU nu at udwmuqgx. Tim war nmving anyway and mum E guts at m•.vmmtllym·a¤;¤¤1l.»x•t.a¤ lun: as thc; wqtah. But uutkshma werenutatelhblcsulrsthutc luv Itvqum. vw tamu! porter:. Aa !*a:¤mgt(l8l!5:261-2f»2}1:b»1:rved W: 11 agar uw l-uhm asumrpankd by low ohm wuuml U, of tum as an ddcrly and infkrm woman who wuld lmmt n. b¤•dlkn•uuduritl1a»tld<.thc0therH11¢zwer¢buu1l11h¤;l‘I wudtbarucdssandnuucbedinuaimtrmbehmd tht 0th;_·¤$, ahu•z·ncdlmd¤0nth¢irh¤¤».Th¤sa¤pros=¤·siun¤e¤nm¤¤¤V nc »¢•¤·mu»1¤¤¤m¤¤‘tm ·· ~ “°"“ dw _ nn pnnceval supplm ufshmtutmqm A ¤[ _$••d¤¤. iatlnuwchavrenwuntcrcd such ahve mmm namlymovnjmvcuorn mth uml: trampvn to Yoh and Mmm 1,,. •¤¢¤ma9l¤¤¤rts3t»t.0bd,$,gbg qmmw W ` · lawns laden uithhals. licbkand link mm? ln¤dl¤uvtbeirh¤¢•uvttedakmgb¤id¢the¤" I.lIIbd1$‘I'LwhU*m snvcvllhtunrebbcirgwomuchlirrtlnennunlae Imumlm ‘*' •·¤**\¤*·»‘ ous in gm, mm ****5 wl. hm wt hw M me km s, wmvtnnu Inv: ul them lutmgp I, The kan valwd la ...,,,,,,. W and ',Y,;‘w“*;_‘*;;* ··*¥~ _~?···~_*r·»¤= ¤¤¤··¤··¤ wid mgm dhddumt H uilhlfllllnar Qumca wm lvm mmm luwwm {m*?*9°;";dU>’w¤mmnm th¢L¤nw,;,,., um an Damn mw bt :¥¤¤¢°" I `urpnuc. ln the uumpw ul ttm mq, {amid, M and , klrntthlul kat they nm any uq ju umiwquuiv *8* Un )70\i0lI\l\-It krnvcs cl a ucrtam busi. n m“a`“andBou"*mw ¤UW|`I¢K.Thlb\l{1igk{“n»py;"8g|$B' W _ Www nn the bush. The I-uhm‘ ""*"'“*’·*¤•nw¤tu¤a¢»¤, "“"""’“"‘”“‘“ "°*•l=~¤ can · HDI! -* ‘ · bacunztagt - *°'·”""l“’¥’ B14. Milli; mudnaumai uuneq, u

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Q ni imag.; or AFRICAN TRADE £;:gg|~€N$NOg*i$ORKER CONSCIOUSNESS A mm force recruited from slaves. the "lumpZnn;;rlo;eta[r5a;·- pclénylhing remolgly resemblmg an effccuvcisedpfqrm of CIBSS S) FS an Xcumlional lc! alone on [heir Own ' rtcrtng t iganioildoib ipngsfoeilflhgli status, whilelthe aspiratic5n;·of*slav(:s lay in - · om or at east 0 war s tp an with it 3;: gazixzzjgrig ijbgij tratic for 0¤€$€lf· Thc $}F¤f€$i€5 ocrceivcd by free commoners and slaves were predominantly tndtvtdualrsuc, not collective. . w ver, be uite wrong to conclude that hired porters antiit•;iii1;$r;]:re; incapagle of collective action to improve their conditions, although there was generally a surplus of laboravatlable for hire and as a result labor stood in a poor bargaining positron vis-a-vi; the traders and merchants. On the march, though, the trader and his goods were vulnerable, and dissatisfied porters and teamsters could give the traders and the caravan leader a lot of trouble if they modified working conditions."' Awareness of the trouble that dissatisfied porters and teamsters could cause gave merchants a further reason for making the maximum possible use of household labor. A merchant with a large proportion of loyal dependents in his train was in a better position to counter threats from dissatisfied porters and teamsters than one who relied on the labor market. Porters and tean1sters had to exercise some discretion in the way in which they brought pressure to bear on traveling merchants or thc agents of sedentary merchams. ln extreme cases they risked the possibility of a summary trial by the caravan leader for endangering the lives and property of members of the caravan. Alternatively they could find themselves being handed over to the authorities for trial when they reached their destination. Rather than face these prospects dissatisfied poners and teamsters were more likely to desert, though this in its turn risked cnslavernent. Occasional collective action bl porters and teamsters to defend or advance their interests is really nc more than one should expect given the nature of the labor market and prevailing economic and social conventions. What would be surprisinll tn thts context would be evidence for sustained collective action to imWove conditions.

||.B.Dutfl¤•dP¤iE.L¤n|¤y uq A major obstacle to the development of class solidarny among porms and teamSl¢fS by i¤ the existence in long.t-15;;;.-K, "adc or mostly Su-umnred but powerful assodations based upon ries nr kn-.,t·,gp_ Culture and €°mm°“ '°$id°“°°· $°"¢f¤i Wil-assimilated communities or alien origin. such as the Asalawa. Tckarawa. and Kambarin B",. beri, came to occupy a major role in certain branches of long distance md: (Lovejoy. l9B01 7$·l00)- Vertical solidarity within they trading associations cross-cut any potential for conflict between the interests ofthe merchants on the one hand and the interests of the poners and teamsters on the other when poners and teamsters were members of t.he same community as the merchants. Young men began their trading experience as humble load carriers or teamsters but with time they gained seniority and rank within the association. Bemtne they acquired contacts and capital through inheritance, they could hope to achieve not only a respectable position in the community but wealth as well. Porters and teamsters from these communities had little or no interest in maximizing short-run returns to themselves as laborers while working for or with other members of the community. Their interest lay in the long-term prosperity of the trading association u a whole and in particular that of the gidaje (houses) of which they were members. lt is possible that effective occupational solidarity came to characterize the labor of the specialists in the rapid transport of high value goods, the ’yan bojuwa and 'yan bttrabura. When these specialists were able to monopolize rapid transit on certain routes and prevmt competition, they were in a relatively strong position vis-a·vis merchants needing to hire their services. However, we need to know much more about the composition, organimtion and mode of opaation of the 'Y¤¤ bojuwa and ’yan burabura before we can say with any confidence that they had any of the characteristics of occupational guilds or embryonic trade unions. An examination of the labor of long-distance trade in the central Sudan reveals that trade was labor intensive, u indeed were seetors of the economy. There were few economies of scale in the organization of transport. Livestock could carry more than but the number of teamsters per livestock only reduced the labor input by a third to a fifth, depending upon the type of livestock employed. While draft animals reduced the number of workers necessary to transport a given quantity of goods, the difference was relatively marginal when compared with the impact of the railways and

,¤ ssjvpntsvlll . ,¤“;gpn••1¢n¤•t·¤¤¤•¤¤:n‘Zln-»,,,_ M =r¤P*" =¤¤'? *”*'¤¤·» mm, kl', _““,.·,gg.•q·¢1I»»0W¤¢I”:·:*f‘L§ }¤qu usf; n umu! wm:-IZ! ng.-fg-,,,,,_¤g•m$um>—Nm¤¤l¤f*¢¤f»§r»9·m m_ ,¤,.1¤,,·, guqqga auzntal :»sfr¤¤P¤¤'¤@¤¤ "*"#"’·¤*'¤·¢ n;p•¤·»na¤i¤z¤n¤m¢4us:¤aj:z{%¤¤¤¤n; »q·,,m“_ ,,.mwe¤¤»¤¤zan¤¤a¤¤¢¤\¢»¤»¤¢¤·¤vh¤¤§¤¤¤¤>¤,,,,_.,_ Ymwmumwu mxuuznusdiwwng ¤¤u¤i_z¤dm¤¤ns¤mvax,m, s¤¤ an¤¢¢¢B¤rnqiv¤•nn:vEh¤q»d•{xna¤¤§ua¤:_’»a¢u1u1 tw n¤••ui¢nha¢¤ni¢mr.s¤¤¢wv¢p¤¤:zuh•~¤¢¤tmm¤:¤»tu1y szslevndzinipnmnwimalmmmudwwwrmnqq »¤¤aIuw¢»¤¤¤u,In¤»·ih¤&¤éghm·m•g1i¤¤¤gw¢v*;a=..w¤<1¤ a••t¤Ii¤lwh¢d»¤¢,.I¤G¤dnt¤¢¤4u¤n•n¤¤•Iu¤ad:»wcu¤¤m¤, ¤•¤du¤¤u7u¤$¤»N¤¢|i¢¤•¤dhuo¢¤ovt¤¤a¤n»¤1b;m. u•z¤•,u¤¢s$nu@m¢ln¤¢·»aiu»c¤<sbcd$.Tk¢a¤¤nuc¢¤~¤‘ •u¤yuw»a¤l¤m•¤aw¤¤mi¤»¢b¢¤¤£»·¤udu»¤r4kr¢z•u, •;¤¢4¤n#vy¤¢¤,anJwil¤hzpn•s•%k¢z¢¤v¢u¤¤~¢°;a¤*¢,;u¤q ad Evans Mmm nur: ;mf.u¤r a•»•¤¤ca;&i¤u>,1hcm¤¤m»hmf¤wmta¤p¤:¤·»m t¢¤n¢baa•swwta¤ws¤·¢¤n¢vzna¤n1¢zg¤¤d§i¢¤.A •kl•¤¢t•H$¤•¤d¤¤idsh¤:tiny·c¢ w•¤¤‘1k¤·mv:;a¤1i¤¤r.;fyas a alaiwiiy, ibm Mn- had uhcnndvcs on unda mug; ar¤•@¤•¤au¢iida»¤ud¤¢munmn¤is¤iti¢¤huu:u¤rAw¢;¤i¤; va¢h¤r¢»h¤wo¤td!M¤¤¢¤.P¤»,alsu¤u,1ka¤m•¤pm¤ vw¢¤¤n|us.H¢m¢h¤•Hht¤w—bo¤l1¤ad¤&w—&d¤x¢dv §39€QC11‘}¢€i!I¢¢*¢W¢7¢ll1dl%l¢ll·|!¤’¥ s¢aIiyf•nuandv••1¢dwdfamd,¢h:h¢vand¢i¤¤tingan•¢¤¤n=& Tlqnacnsaindwnndsuwovtaaduuedlronuhzauvtgthnn Qf•¤u»y{¢da¤,a•d••|•hv¢s,b¤¤h¢i¤¢r•n1¤ufa¢Eia·m iivld anna an havin. In was lar haw no qmuvauv Wllvinnlaldnrkritttcdwdcpnnudshnaagnnnll Th•••¤¤a••hndv•uI•h•¢•|o•arta•th¢iv•¤a¤:n¤¤¤ rasshralilllvltlritdatzdrvcbnnsuvfuxprxacm-

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Ag\|¢.Al TRADE gg TIC W lakh, ru anne a tzmvvflfi ¤¤"i¤I¢ with a ny. me-yue•¤r¤b*-*** °:k:‘;m,,u,.d·nhhmandM·¤•hnwt,f‘ H. -iu-. · `T‘g,L.::u“m•¤ tu tl: dui: to he tn the wwe ot entrant.; hu, 0, hl •• e. - . —r*d¤‘¤¤.yvemt1:pra¤¤¢l0t. *797-. I °¤tM.edp¤ Tut;-:I¤¢‘, nerpruiaa lifrially ilk ¤¤b•8¤t*·’¤¤ OW:¤;cP¤na|,ch1: mm E 'enc E- 0. h. www me Quan: ts IIIILIBIKIC lfhdll l. wwe mm “'~‘ i it ké ,,,y·,4¤¤.¤uory gift1.=houd¤¤¤¤|w¤y·
I. I. Dil no Pd P. I-o•¢y it w'1h,,,;;¢;numh¢rv| “3|liFU'¤bNl uigcu thspriqinyqmik, M {M, nw hired ¤l·¤'H fm •¤¢ ¤M¤>m¤1¤1 abou: in gr. yn,.) 0; L.: nom Im lm, hun iu urry; •¤ la) Mm luna he rwwa ]¤Iu_ 4.. ,),,, U, M -uum-·r|gq••m1.·rMlh¢bM|¤lH¢ih¤•(h::\ii;|.i¤u|,{qg¤,°(|¤ hl yawn"; lh, gmei does not can (ai! wu can do n van hlll) (Maru |1¤5;u)_ wl udnawf nqamg ii p¤•ul?l:——'|\¢ ornu ol rh: load Inn delay/unug; ri. Lln,-rginnvdyldi-libl Y¤¤d¢v¤b¤k¤¤r¤m;¤»¤•n_ pm,,_,,,h_ wm“m|¤¤b•u(ywr)l¤¤dnad. From lECklm9M“;kg[A7' N-5-'~_ d,,_K;4nm.11i¤¢w¤•¤h•¤¤¤b:iu¤n¤¤d¤¤»¤1•qy._i..,.,;-.,·“.‘. O`-d¤,mm‘pm1qi,')¤LLawo. •:La'¤L¤yin¤1) idulsfnbkyumofhhuuivhp pd no p¤r¤¤M| iii! W s¤¤4¤ carried. ||. Goldsmith. Solwm Provicz, Rqon for Duzuntu lil, SNP 7/I IHMIWT Anon. 0963) Sudan Witness. Special Se~¤n.i¤h Var Isa:. Subs lnuerior Mauna. Tqromo: Sudan lnmior ABRAHAM, R. L. U962) Dictionary of Modsn Ycnsba. Se~¤i¤ak•. BAIER. S. 0980) An Economic I-liswni ofC¤¤n| Niger. Odovd: Onlord Uniwniy Press. --..41976) "bocal Lrancpon in the cmnomy of ih: Cad Sdn, IH-I9D." Presemed at YhCSCH\ll13l®ll!&0|DQiHh$') 0frheCe¤.rdhr;dUe¤ Africa, Kano. BARTH, H. (1857-IBS9) Travds and Diwo~¤·i¤ in North and Cnurd Afria. J wei. New York: Harper and Row. CLAPPERTON, H. (IBZ9) Journal ofa Second ln¤·ior dAfni:a. from the Bign of Benin io Scam:). Lands: lon Murray. COHEN. A. (1969) Cusiom and Poliuics in Urban Afri¤. union and Los Annan; Universiay of California Press. DENHAM. D., H. CLAPPERTON. and W. OUDNEY 0966) Narniiiz of Travel; and Discoveries in Northern and Oemral Afric in the Years IIZ2. ISI! ad IIZA (E. W. Bovill, ed,). Cambridge: Cambridge Univuiy Pius. DUFFILL. M. B. {au.) (wu) m Bingnphy of Manny Mai Cash hn Ln Angeles: Crossroads Press. FLEGEL, E. R. (IBIIS) Une Blanc: ans dun T@ad: ié Hausa-Frui 1 d¤·•ocia1¤V¤Mlmiss¢d¤Hmsn'no•ieni1Ku1¤L4¤b¤¤g¤chi:|n¢@\|a !.aIi¤Bakiverschenvo¤E. ll. Flegd. Hanh1rg:L.Fri¤‘l¤·ici¤. I "‘·(|"3/IBIS) "Du Handel ii N@·hd| ud |ehevu§5n:kZJlllI{|. ` “1· ltlllllgfll der Afrikanisches Gesdlsdnft in Deuuchlani 4; I)4·lJ$._ _ GOODY. I. (IW2) Cooking, Qigmn (lg. (iii; Qi·#_L|l¤¤·l1P¤HU-I-. P. (l97l) ···rw mi; qi wu Ann. in; par pp. in-mano. (¤d·)T11eDevdopm¤noflndi¤i¤u•Trad¢andIAai·t¤•i¤\/¤A!f¤·|-¢*L Oxford University Pres.

I |'I $ ‘IlM! .....(.·gs-—;;h¤•nn¤i¤’a\¤Ai¤¤¤•h;q»•¤· (tmc grill) )Q·U. U gyns¥(».H.A.svv»•I!•Ti¢H¤¤3daSl¤•¢ U1 n;a•,p.,Lh“¤ ¤§3.f,.4l1l·*kl1¢l|·| I.1i¤•1¤.¤¢_.¤¢[__°*..— ;•¢¤;¤15.;¤.$¤):I!"6• -...-4|;1h¤1•$¤bI·l¤¤i¤lTq¤"\'¤·m;;5,.¤,,_°E (;¤¢¤ii¤ti[¤¢inn¤il7:%r|. [|.AU1.G Au¤rAJ¤ih¤$•i¤b¤¤O¤¤¢¤s¢¤¤_··Z¤t—_* hcjilibldnlsiii-33*. ’ (:E£B.[.u95•p—¢¢.¢.-¤n¤¤-&n¤¤gn¤(,in¤iih¢d¤sI-Iaa¤m¤¤;g·· 3€h|¤|¤fi0;j•v¤é:289-32.4. uJvEJ0¥,P.E,0I$»S¤Idt¢D¤¤1&1AI-En¤·s·d$aiPr¤¢u¤i¤a,,éT,an: •tC¤¤i§ia.(§i¤id¢:§·&U•i•¤1ip·Pr¤¤. ` -——01(h:1 dish: Tk I-has hi frank, UU-lll?. Zara: AbanliUi¤¤iyP•¤. lil.l.K1.G.(I95Il|¤¤Pw•¤|l.La¤i¤:[email protected]¤d.Tr¤¤t.Tmhu¤ ECFU-K`H. A 09410 and \\»'d¤it¢G¤i¤sr du Molnmnnunmalu h Sakai Agkhtldti Akita 2, 3: 129-197. ———(IIbI.I¤6¢Kk¤il&-'.id¤.B¤*|i¤:X|·ichB.@¤ --€lQ9“{Ql¤¤Si1¤¤dC¢1s¢¢i}}n¤."Mi1 d¤5¤,,,,.· ()rh£iSp¤i¤II:ZI5-I74. fl ||W|H·.P.L.(I|!|)D:Si¤-|.»iséT¢i¤ivlIcLacT•$nd.Pa·is. · (X1JNl1|,G.O.(|§Z)( d¤c(Zi.'I'h|i;m¤;ni:o{T ·g_F¢x5l_. HT;¤¤uk¥m:m. '°"‘ |.A.Akib¢indS.0.0m¤(et7:wi¤mNi¥¤i::si‘|5;¤¤¤;¤‘hEe¤h',-·-? mdsmm dcnagdglgnmum " IIB/M.B¤1in:Di¤ri$¤|;¤;¤¤·‘ PIlASEWlCZ,S.(l914)"I1n¢•mg0{p¢>v¤1ya¤¤l•cnhh·LHg•¤ ;¤•u¤¤.·un¤¤n¤¤¤s¤;s1-ans. ` "°°°°°'°“1 $·|-Nj .|.(:63)“D¤l|anddi¤d¤Hn¤Ij¤uud¤,,q,d.¤.4¤;|g\“.1 u'h‘“"|“'“-°Mild|\¤!¤d¤|n¤in¤ · 00-31, |i‘Or1$Iur·schu.¤g¥ STAUUUKELP (|U9)|mI-I¤·¤¤ 1.m“I“;HA“ ‘ d¤Han¤Hnd¤.B¤·kn': J.S.(|9j9)&iw¤Anh_0n_°“·' 'N.K|JI.M,||_(|g·p-nayiui _-me -0¤I0l’dUuv¤¤tyP;¤_ qpg-¤,~¤-hun-d”*‘°“N·¤-#‘F‘· Y ld0Ui•qiy_Zl.“_ WHY- ?h·D.d|s¤·uim,M¤¢u imdilflz 211.;;;, nut hl un T¤‘·$¤¢." Pqq-my (hunts- dl °'“' "‘°» CH. uw, H., . '0··K',I,(|97qy&i· -“F`““P""’°‘·l@ZG0v¤¤|x\(Prhu '*•5¤•¤•¢|..mu any . · 0f[iC£INIIb\lU¤h¤'W)’P|'$

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THE LABOFI OF VIOLENCE Dar al-Kutl in the Nineteenth Century DENNIS D. COFIDELL During the latter half of the nineteenth century in North Central Africa, the labor of long-distance commerce became increasingly differentiated from other work—smal1-scale agriculture, gathering and hunting, and loca.l and regional trade. By the l880s, longdistance exchange meant for the most part slave-raiding and trading, as well as commerce in guns, munitions, and ivory. Violence became an important element in the labor of long-distance trade, eventually disrupting earlier patterns of doing just about everything. Slave—raiders initially directed their efforts toward the acquisition of captives for export, but they also relocated people around their settlements. ln and around these centers slaves worked in a variety of occupations. Although most were agricultural laborers, some joined the ranks of the raiders, and still others were craftspeople. Over time slave labor eclipsed kin-based patterns of work organization. lndeed by the end of the century the slave mode of production became primary in many l`°Bions of North Central Africa. The earlier domestic mode did not AutItor's Note: l would like to thank Joel W. Gregory for his editorial and substantive comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and l wish ro express appreciation to the Social Science Research Council for financial support.

Dannta D. X2 rn ‘¤a_W_,,_ bur ir nas dosdy articulated uith and sutwarnami is ,. y utggsug Fgcrrn Central Africa ts large. mxerin! me wmhqn Luc Cmd Umm. merbasrns tsee Map 8.ll this essay t`t¤~us4—s on only pm of “...rl;ie state ot Dar al—kutt. For most or me mnqxmh _,m_ um. Duhnltkutr was a-farflung outpost of the nm-rncm Muslim mu of wgdm, IIS l¢|Tll0T) €0l'llll‘l¢\‘-l I0 the lowland; south or mt A0"` mm, {hg; today mark thc b0fd¢l‘ btwcen Chad and the (mini African Republtc (CARL Small numbers of ngnhqm Muslims and in me yea whcrc ll't€)' lfatj-lfd Wlll'l l’l0I’\—M\1slim population; Qgsjn. ning in me 1880s. and parttcularly after |890, n0““_·,_ D., .l_Kmi-S himeylarid grew dramaucally southward and eastward er-mum;) K, include of the ueastem CAR Peaceful exchange gave uy to slave-rar ngas estate ettpan u rtheleadershi of . mad al—Sanusi, the most (in)famous dealer in captives ir? ual Africa at the turn of the twentieth century. This chapter charts this transformation. beginning with an overview of work assoctated with long-distance commerce early in the century; it then traces the implantation of Muslim communities in the smiuinarid the subsequent nse of slave—rtuding and trading as the major 8CtlV'lt1€$ of long-distance trade. The expansion of commerce resulted in greater specialization in trade and production. Whereas labor had been relatively undifferentiated early in the nineteenth century. by the end of this period the organization of labor had become more complex. But even at this late date. the labor of trade was notably less specialized in North Central Africa than in other parts of the continent. Some slaves were used as porters, and a few merchants operated on a large enough scale that they required the services of clients. capuves, and other workers. But most operated on far more modest levels. Dar al](Kuti remained on the frontier of more complex commercial networ s. THE LABOR OF EXCHANGE IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY Dar a.l-Kuti as such came into being in the l83(k with the southward movement of the Islamic frontier. The resources of the south attracted both Muslim immigrants and itinerant peddlers who traded with nonMuslim peoples such as the Banda. Sara. Nduka. Manza. and Gbaya. Most of these peoples lived in dispersed hamlets. working the land with

112 nl idlli OF AFRICAN TRADE giupeppk and a few clients; very few occupations were nun agneiated with long-distance trade. Communities consumed mmdl what they produced, and with the possible exception of peoptn TW atpng the Mbomu. Uele, and Ubangi rivers in the far s0uth_ UWWH""! prntsably not any societies or settlements whose inhabitant, cn ft" peimarily in production for exchange. commerce, or tranwongdw Nonet.hdc¤, longdistancc exchange and tasks asweiatcd with .' tamjy untea, In North Central Africa both individuals and Elm were more mobile than agriculturalists elsewhere. Perha up` arable land of roughly uniform quality was readily availabps buzw .l mgttlatton was not dense, migration was frequent, A Very c;;;dkl.h* ‘ system also pumitted individuals to move quite read'| m` - ,. . . . B liaségnnd term permissive ecology" to describe the flulid $::2 0 ya society (Burnham, I979: IBS-202); it may be apptgcd LO pther savanna peoples as well (Cordell 1983: 39-45). Trade Occ mt tn trhtsaiontext of overall mobility; it was not a specialized at-llnid r in mineral resources such as salt was a ' ww pe0vlcS burned plant lmves and washed the aghgrgiigmplcu MW mutture of sodium chloride and potassium sulphate. Suclili 2 bitter L': d:;eren:-Stuidgrom domestic labor, and there is no eviden; si; www Pl" for exchange. By the late eighteenth ee bmdaguitsttniral salt from the Sahara and Sahel had reaeh;iurtQ 0 North Cen ‘ · . l lchmlier. tw; 221-222- gl"? " w" l“g*"Y Valw Jl-Lim; |sSli492)· While the wu,-C5 If ?3' 245; ,al'T“"l*l- W5: "Nk al ¤h¢ southern gnd of the mw Ok im" at lay ‘“ Muslim hands. lo' that W3} [¢|3[iyc|y unl . , °r_ lnvolvw non-Muslims. Even Although um closely aiizmlaumcgmtton and little division of labor ‘l’°°l¤li¤=¤ forms or nbc, ww cum:} °:°a':“P'° l"°‘l“°**°¤· mw a|,...c°W¤, and if · C0 r tn two other minermm: [hdr way m K; Sahlg'; gzaments from Nonh Central Aft-in gm) rcwncd mins my wp y asthe l7% when Browne(l7992 pound, in Dm, Fur Bu khm PW f1¤$5 Wctghtng twelve to nftunt production south si Wallllai argl grit? M2) www in lm °l °°""’ ln Kordprm two decade, Iain ¢ ($442 35ln) saw large anltleu at_Nuh“ miner . Most of this copper , m wdays south came from Holm Ctfliu { · , wcnzrn Sudan_ B · ry h° "'"‘°‘ "¢'¢ tn Mtutgm ha Y ""° Wly nineteenth about th, mm fom in the mma nds, and although little is lmmn uslun ua"' (Hay"' 1972: 4- Bénnltlost workers were probably nw. . l853: l20). The transport and

Dunk D. CUK 11} xw;] trading ol copper to the Sahel were in the hands ol Muslim traders-namely the lallaba; Barth (l96S: l, $2l; ll, 48ll) found copper from Hofrat al-Nuhas in Kano in the early lll$0s, which attcsts In the opening ol an east-west route as well. Oral traditions suggest that non-Muslims from societies to the west atm transported and traded copper from the southwestern Sudan. Among the Banda. for example. Kalck 0970: I, 262-%]) collwtg lmimcngct, thirty years iso recounting the itinerary from the ming; more recently, Banda informants claimed that Banda peoples traded md traveled east for copper anklets to include with brideweahh "a long time ago" fAbudullu Yiala Mende, Banda Ngao-Banda MarbuKresh). The Manu did likewise (Chevalier, l907: IIS). Activities mxgmed with the production. l1’3l'tSDOt’t, and exchange of ww,. em gnainly more differentiated from domestic labor than the production of local salt, but they were still influenced by the subsistence sphere. Ddling in copper was not a specialized occupation except in Hofrat al-Nuhas itself. The Banda, for example, confined their copper expeditions to the dry season when their labor was not needed for 'culture. w1Still more specialized than work associated with salt production or with copper transport and exchange was ironworking. 'l`his work had little to do with the irregular distribution of iron deposits, sinm the laterite soil of Nonh Central Afrim is rich in ore; Gtevalier (I9U7: 628-630) located four major deposits near Ndele, the mpisal of Dar al-Kuti, in the first decade of this century. ln this asc, it was indeed a question of specialization—in the extraction, smelting, aml working of iron. By the arly l8lI)s, Muslims of the desert-edge describd many non·Muslim peoples as supnior smiths; al-Tunisi (|845: 277-278) noted that craftsmen from Fertyt-a geograpltiml and ethnic term Muslims used to refer to the non-Muslim peoples south of Dar Fur and \Vadai— produced excellent knives, bracelets, armbanm. and spnrhends. EVld¢I'Ice from much later i.n the nineteenth century IUQQGU lhil there were many iron workers among the no¤·Muslim peoples of Dar al-Kuti. Whereas Banda Mbatta smiths only made tools and weapons for their own use, other smiths clarly produced ironware for exclnnee (Mlllendumu Alber-t_ Band; Mbgttasgnda Mbagp). at the tttrtt Gl the €¤'|lI.lI’y, for example, most Banda Dakvli villaeer ln lk Mun '°¢l¤¤ south of Dar al-Kuti had two or three lorsel W 'f“““f°°: ture knives and agricultural tools for exchange with their neighbors.

174 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE _ 3 u w€|’€ I’€|'l0Wl'l€d for lheir [hr _ The myths Ogg}: gi:-:itl;'t?:;j2i;·Jio7.tth as the Ubangi Rive;-_ Whelgzs mg hnvveihggrvred as weapons among the Ngapu themselves_ they wm gferlgnjong the rivet P¢0Pl€$ Where lh€Y Welrfggllsgg S; srttamems (pybowgki, 18931 304-396)- in Scneml- the P'i°Af _ 3 Su mhc Slylgs and their wide distributlton an gogtxllaiegtslg; angzm (giegeil ,1;;:; · ` CXC a · : gflzlijrlggdfiacraidinjyiety of jays in which societies have inicgmed their use reinforces this conclusion: some were weapons, others served 35 speeiatized currency for bridewealth payments, and still Others came to be symbols of chietiy authority. _ Al-Tunisi’s awareness of the production and trade of tron goods in the south indicates that some items probably made their way fur(her afield, at least by the 1830s if not ear|ier.;tn<:: the 1890s al ern Muslim traders dealt in iron goo s. o owing attacks ;?;7ittl;lsl:.’irl-tftlllraders said to be involved in the slave trade, both Dybowski and Maistre, leaders of two early French expeditions, found numerous small iron pics and other iron implements in the merchants’ baggage bound for Wadai (Prioul, 1981: 124; Dybowski, 1893: 273; Maistte, 1895: 137 . lt is impossible to answer what is clearly a crucial question: To what degree did ironworkers produce goods destined mainly for longdistance trade? Among some groups smiths clearly produced goods with exchange in mind, but it does not appear that the commerce was ever sufficiently large to allow ironworkers to specialize completely in production for exchange; they continued to plant fields and to gather and hunt. Sometimes, smiths constituted recognizable groups that were virtually autonomous, although the nature of the evidence makes it impossible to detemtine the links between these groups and other societies in North Central Africa. ln the early twentieth century elders among the Dakwa, one such autonomous group, claimed that their ancesters had "always" been smiths,' which suggests that in their minds there was a close association between ethnicity and occupational specialization. ln the organization of labor for trade and production, however. such ethnic consciousness marks an economy that was only marginall;c€;|&l¢l'llBd !0Ward production for exchange. ln most cases, tl’2d€ was

D•nn1• D. Conhll 175 LABOR AND TRADE IN DAR AL-KUTI, 1830-1870 Dar al-Kuti emerged as a discrete entity around 1830 when the sultan of Wadai laid claim to the region and sent a representative to reside south of the Aouk. The su1tan‘s initiative testifies to the greater integration of North Central Africa into the Muslim economy of the Sahel. With this integration came increasing specialization of work associated with long-distance trade. This change manifested itself in three ways in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. First, new groups appeared in the region whose livelihood was partially or totally dependent on the market. Second, the older currents of long—distance exchange-the f'|ow of products such as copper, salt, and iron, as well as ivory-were at times diverted into the growing streams of longdistance exchange. Third, long-distance trade brought demands for new products which in turn created new occupations and a need for new workers. Muslim immigrants from Bagirmi in the northwest and Dar Runga directly north also began arriving in Dar al-Kuti in the first several decades of the nineteenth century. 1n Bagirmi, drought, conf'1ict with Wadai, and the persecution of Muslim teachers in the 1810s and 182IJs encouraged emigration; and while Dar al-Kuti was not close by, the Shari River afforded a natural route to the southeast. Some people came mainly to settle, taking Nduka wives and establishing permanent ties with local leaders. Temporary migrants included itinerant Muslim peddlers who came to trade in the October-March dry season when travel was easier, returning north before the rains. These traders exchanged northern imports for ivory and pepper (Yacoub Mahamat Dillang, Runga; Ngrekoudou Ouih Fran, Banda Toulou; Abakar Zacharia, Runga; Chapiseau, 1900: 124-125; Carbou, 1912: ll, 223. al-Tunisi, 1845: 280-281, 467, 488); slaves were not a feature of the commerce at this time. Thus individuals who gained their living solely by long-distance exchange made their appearance for the first time. As time passed and the Muslim communities and their influence grew. a second temporary migrant appeared. This was the faqih. a teacher familiar with the rudiments of lslam who supplemented his income from petty commerce by selling Muslim charms and offering Qur’antc instruction. The temporary sojourners stimulated the participation of the settled Muslims in commerce as landl0rd—br0kers. The permanent residents

176 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE _ . red the temporary migrants the securit· ues wh lsmloprgssggeaisd provided needed information about lh; nqmmy [9;;;: and availability of exports. 35 well as an assessmcm Pucci IEE:-land for imports (cf. Yacoub Mahamat Dillang; Assam Of hhc t Angula Runga-Jailaba). They also housed the peddlers and Ma ama — ood; To talk of a tradirlg di8$P0|'¤ l$ l0 €X8ggeratq the Stored [::3 itensity of exchange with ih¢ ¤01’ih-Particularly before i/ggzlnlcbut the specialization of labor described above is characteristic lts (Cohen, 1971: 266-281). of i·:;hpi1;s;“irc;; of Muslim migrants. both l`p§ri:(tan;ent and teT;p(;my. stimulated production for exchange. The u a, or examp e, egan · d and sold locall [ they pepper, WhlCh they ail’€3dY C01'|$\-|m€ . y, or gtpgn north. But the ivory trade was perhaps the most important example of this transformation of "traditional" work: ln the early 1870s, Nachtigal noted that Dar al-Kuti was famed for its abundant stocks of ivory (Nachtigal, 1971: 81-83). The Nduka claim that they have hunted elephants since time immemorial; while their claims may be exaggerated, it is clear that Nduka men did hunt elephants in the nineteenth century, dividing the meat in a prescribed fashion and presenting the local earth chief with the tusk that touched the ground first (Maarabbi Hasan; Abakar Tidjani; Yusuf Dingis). With the integration of Dar al-Kuti into the Muslim economy came a ready market. By Nachtigal’s (1971: 202) time, t.he commerce was well organized and profitable: The foreign merchants who wish to dea.I in ivory sell their goods on credit to reliable natives, who then take them to the rich sources of ivory in the Bahr es-Salamat, Runga, and Kuti. ln my time a centner of ivory, which in Egypt costs 150 dollars, could be bought in Kuti for bads or cotton strips to the value of ten dollars. 'l'he Muslims also introduced new products, some of which came to be produced locally. The most important of these items was cotton cloth. Initially Bagirmi was an important center of cloth manufacture for the sahel and savanna east of Borno. Bagirmi cloth was popular among thelpeoples of Wadai and its southern vassal states, including Dar al-Kuti. When the Bagirmi migrated to their new homelands, they took cotton cultivation, spinning, and weaving with them. They also imported cloth from farther north, supplying prominent non-Muslims with cloth which was considered a prestige item (Nachtigal, 1967: ll.

D•nnt• D. Corddl 177 669; Chevalier, 1907: 219). While less is known about their actixities in this sphere, the Runga also produced cloth and wosen goods lor trade (Khrouma Sale; Chevalier. 1907: 229). The initial appearance of cloth probably only changed patterns of work insofar as some people began hunting elephants and producing pepper in order to buy ii. By lhs? I860S and IB70s. however, the eagtgrn Banda were growing cotton, spinning thread, and weaving cloth—for exchange as well as their own consumption. By the 1890s, the Manza and Akounga, among other peoples, were following their example (Prioul, 1981: 50-51). The expansion of trade and the greater concentration on production for exchange increased the demands on transport; perhaps for the first time specialized tasks associated with commerce may be identified. By the 1870s, at least, considerable quantities of long—distanee trade goods arrived in, or were exported from, Dar aI—Kuti by headload or on pack animals. The traders themselves carried out most tasks associated with transport; the fragmentary evidence does not suggest the existence of many porters, animal suppliers, or guides who offered specialized services. (Nachtigal noted that transportation costs were high because sleeping sickness took a heavy toll a1·nong the animals.) Later in the century, greater specialization was necessary travel along the trade routes became less secure, and more porters, teamsters, and other workers were employed. Long-distance commerce between North Central Africa and the sahel became increasingly synonymous with the trade in slaves. Spiraling violence accompanied this transition and the flight of rural people created vast dserted areas; both made transport more difficult and required more organization. THE TRANSITION TO SLAVE-RAIDING AND THE SLAVE-TRADE: DAR AL-KUTI, 1870-1890 The decades between 1870 and 1890 are a watershed in the hist0|'¥ of Dar al-Kuti. The economy of the region became increasingly articulated with the Muslim economy of the sahel. As it did, the image of North Central Africa became more clearly defined. ln contrast to the vague references to "kuti" by Barth in the 1850s, Nachtigal’s account (1971: 59) twenty years later clearly reveals the growth of ties with the north. The demands of the larger Muslim economy very much determined the nature of Dar al-Kuti‘s participation in long-distance

tre DI iii!-N OI AFRICAN TRADE gnhwl, increasingly, northern slave·raiders saw the area a, a rb ‘ t' labor, a source of captives. _ I umu 0 · mt that the Muslim newcomers ol earlier duadh ns;¢|;¤1a1T)hL:’,;;!n,,0i_. Throughout nifggit;. fngromlncm . -h_,mk.,_ pmined tn Dar al-l(utt._ ts to 'erra mg, some insight into the evolution of exchange. By prevailing stan. duds he was successful, exchanging ivory, a few slaves, and lesser er. ports for the beads and cloth brought south by Muslim traders. Ag ,, mus, local Muslims and the f;v;;is2Lrarél;:rs};wo”gniz;Id|;in: rcepcqcd · i diator (Cordell. I J . . e organize iliigbciiijesrlliin a significant scale and he was probably one of the first. if not the first, merchant to require the labor of porters, teamsters, and commercial assistants. He recruited these workers through slavery, clientage, and kinship (see Cordell, l979: 379-394). I Beyond this, the evidence does not suggest any mator changes in the labor associated with long-distance exchange in the 1870s, but rather an intensification of already discemible trends. immigration continued, although more commonly from Dar Runga than Bagirmi, and the population became correspondingly more diverse. Foreign traders became more numerous, including Muslims from Hausaland and Borno and Jallaba from the Sudan (Yacoub Mahamat Dillang; Khrouma Sale; Abaltar Zacharia). Two of the major settlements in the region, Kali and Sha, were inhabited by Runga, assimilated Runga-Nduka, and foreign Muslim traders. These settlements had close ties with the third principal village, Mongo-Kuti, the settlement of a prominent Nduka earth chief who supplied ivory to the traders. Little information is available on other activities stimulated by greater contact with the north. However, Nachtiga1's (1971: B2-B3) description of travel between Wadai and Dar Runga in 1873 offers some insight into the organization of trading parties, modes of transportation, and the stopping points along the way: lt is possible indeed to take camels to Kuti from Abeshr in the dry season, but they promptly die there, and. cheap as they are in Wadai, still reouire too large an expenditure. Oxen and the ordinary donkeys. Lllmecsvof which do not exceed two to three, or at the most. four me huge °:;l:;.r¢;t;ait;ily stand the test better, but they likewise usually One [neuron has {OY cgurlesurn after exchanging one s goods for IVOI')'somebody back I0 me north \;?:JI’\ the loss of one s animals, hto send er the goods have been sold, in ordcr

Dunn D. Gtl& ng to bring back the required number of donkeys or oxen. and :::1 tm. m¤m,,|,- to set out on the retum The cause or me um mcyujjty amons U¤¤¢ h¤&S¤G¢ MHMB B the viruhtt fly, mm p~,,.,,,,_ Nachtigal hoped to go to Dar al-Kuti, but had to limit his trip to Dm. Runga. ln pf€D31’3ll0|'| [OY that S0_l0\|fl'l he bOugh1 a draught gx and a riding donkey; the sultan of Wadai had already supplied him with two other oxen (Nachtigal, 1971: 84). While traveling south and still in Wadaian territory, he and his companions stayed in mmjids. inexpensive hostels maintained in many villages for itinerant Muslim scholars (muhajinm} by local Qur‘anic students (Nachtigal, l97I: 92). Traveling south at the height of the rainy season in July and August, Nachtigal and his party turned back before reaching Dar Runga. further progress blocked by the swamps of the Salarnat. His experience nonetheless suggests regular communication and a network of may stations between Abeche and the Salarnat; beyond t.he Salamat such camps were less common. lf patterns of labor associated with long-distance trade within the region do not seem to have altered greatly by the 1870s, the intermittent appearance of slave-raiding panics from elsewhere was a harbinger of the violence that became the predominant influence on long-distance trade in the remainder of the century. During the 1870s, the greatest threat remained the infrequent incursions of raiders from Wadai (Nachtigal, 1971: 87). Several hundred kilometers to the southeast atnong the Banda, however, Sudanese slave traders known as the Khartoumers were already building armed camps (zariba [Arabic|) which served as headquarters for raiding parties. Closer to home, a group of raiders raiding on behalf of al-Zubayr, the governor of Dar Fur. ravaged major villages in Dar al-Kuti in 1876. ln the same decade. Rabih, another Sudanese raider, pillaged Banda lands in the east and then invaded Dar al-Kuti and Dar Runga. ln addition to these Muslim raiders, Ngono, a nearby Banda Ngao war leader with military and commercial ties to the Muslim slavers of the southwestern Sudan, attacked in 1874 and again in 1877 or 1878 (cf. Yacoub Mahamat Dillang; Yadri Sale; Yusuf Dingis; Yadjouma Pascal; Julien, 1925: 106-107, 113, 124-125; Chevalier. 1907: 131-l32; Modat, l9I2: 180. 272; Carbou, 1912: ll, 129-l30). Greater changes arrived with Rabih b. Fadl-Allah, who first aP· peared on the Gounda River just east of Dar al-Kuti in 1878. Several Years before. he had left the Sudan, having parted company with his

" nl 'ousss 0; ArntcAN TRADE · -. · lo er al—Zuba>¥ lDi¤'¤Pierre, :¤1l¤¤&¤* $“*“’““"‘ wn M hb Tgtsin North Central .-\t`riq_1_ 1933* Ml Hs Spin! QW ncmjonquests of Bagimli and B°l’¤0- Seek¤ t¤¤<¤* =*“*°“‘ '°' h" mir `cg of arms ma mtmruorrs. he preat.,.,,, ln! '°‘“"¤°m Gund? and wud built an army—in part through the b°'h Wada] and-Hamm. ljiiiit-T-trough extensive slave-raiding. \&‘hm purchase Oicapuml ·I;L,? ii; had only a few hundred men; in lB89_ a :;£rt;;r·:s‘i-elili;i‘;rie§|ii.r al-Kuti. he Headed a force of 10,000 (Cordell. lgfabiiils giésenee dramatically expanded the sgale of ecgitomit; and miulm. aCm.i,y_ y\'h€[-gag the Wadaian slave-rat ing expe 1 tonsweie ` frequent, Rabih’s sustained search for slaves to incorporate tn his igrces, and weapons to arm them, brought continuous uiheavat that made it difficult for people to lrleturn to azrlgirspaggxshzusgyggigé is de arture. ot even ?::re\`dOi;>;ii:;.hHe killed or took many Runga captive, and an intensive campaign in Dar Runga shortly before his final departure from the area is said to have stripped the region of tts population. During this period Wadai blockaded Dar al-Kbuti Fcotnomtcallyé egigaggdhlthe ‘ ` a'or but inconclusive att e, ut never e ea e tm. lnvlgttiifitzii-ltgo-gisi]ei.ni:e commerce, then, Rabih’s sojourn was a disaster, Either his forces or the threat of Wadaian attacks made travel very insecure. Moreover, his campaigns caused many people to abandon their villages. In 1891, shortly after Rabih’s exodus, the Crampel expedition crossed a vast no man’s land created by raiding south of Dar al-Kuti. Ten years later al-Hajj Abdo, al-Sanusi’s advisor, told Chevalier that Rabih had "eaten the land . . . where he passed, he took all" (Chevalier, 1907: 226). Still later, Modat noted that among Muslims, a li11e of a popular cradle song went as follows: "Rabih came. the bullets fell" (Modat, 1912: 226). The slave-raiding and slave-trading initiated by and encouraged by Rabih’s campaigns signaled a major change in activities associated with long-distance commerce. The primary orientation of commerce shifted from hunting and trading ivory for cloth to hunting and trading people. Successful raiding required military superiority, derived from the possession of firearms. This, in turn, made it necessary to expand raiding constantly in order to supply the captives that the Muslim economy demanded for more weapons. The violence and upheaval accompanying the slave-gun cycle also produced larger population concentrations. People seeking security voluntarily settled around the head-

Dumb D. Cork! t|1 quums of individuals such ats Rabih; others were ttireiptt NtwMcd_ SML had p,;tbih's need lor soldiers and slaves to trade rpt arm, bm., me only impetus for Ilhelcommerce. such exchange at ttatt as me Violence associated with tt would presumably have ended with hi, depmum As it was. three developments prevented the return to ti mp'.; peaceful existence. FtrSl. lh€_f€V0ll in the Sudan against the Egyptian government and the rise ot the Mahidiya between 1881 and 1898 blocked commercial routes in the eastern sahel and Nile valley. bringing a westward shift of the zariba system to North Central Africa. second, rising demand f0¥ Slaves in North Africa, and in Egypt in particular, led to increased trade on the major tra.ns—Saharan route connecting the Mediterranean with Black Afriea—that from Benghui to Wadai (Cordell 1977: 21-36). Finally, and most important for events in the immediate area, Rabih left a client whose continuous presence, at-rns, and aspirations, would make of Dar al-Kuti a major slaveexporting state between 1890 and 1911. THE NEW LABOR OF LONG-DISTANCE TRADE: 1890-1911 Outsiders may have sown the seeds of slave—raiding and slave—trading in Dar al-Kuti, but they fell on fertile soil. Between 1890 and his assassination in 1911, Muhammad al-Sanusi routinized and "domesticated" the random raiding initiated by Rabih. The violence of enslavement in its various steps and phases became the most important "labor" associated with long-distance trade. Over much of the area, the violence disrupted the domestic mode of production. either eliminating it entirely by taking people into slavery, or forcing its articulation with an increasingly dominant slave mode of production. The shift began with Rabih’s departure in 1890. but it was not abrupt (see Cordell, 1985: ehs. 3 and 4). A1-Sanusi‘s first years as "sultan" were spent searching for security. Placed in power by one of Wadai’s most vociferous challengers and then abandoned, he had reason to fear retribution from the Muslim state to the north. And indeed it came in 1894 when a Wadaian cavalry attack destroyed his capital at Sha on the Aouk floodplain. The sultan. his Runga followers, and associated traders 11ed before the horsemen. and thus survived. but they did not return to the site. Finally, in 1896 he settled at Ndele where the lands of the Runga, Nduka, and Banda came together.

-¤ `¤;·¤¤a¤¤¢::a•u¤¤`n;z»¤iu¤¤|m¤;nn¤L 4;,-;,,.* _ nl--M__,jp¤g{)mm;m\1»¤»ax¤¤¤c¤|¤pgm;;¤r¤ ,¢;¤,¤¤¤¤¤L¤d:¤¤·¢a4»$¤¤•¤¤¤¤ii¤L¤;¤m¤¤¤¤¤.pg¤,,“__ §gigi¤1?ga*¤.a$dn¤if¤.ili:rmd¤·¤o9s»;¤1¤:¤bnm_t},E E,;·0";;¢¤u¢%9Ev•ill'¤’€l¤¤d·‘- F¤•’L|1¤n4¤;;{§gmm »g¢q¤¤r¤¢¤¤$gI¤t§¢•aw;-¤ph1y;»¤(m¢$d¤unmpE.-;¤h¤E, .,¢»¤p•¤i¤¤¤¤¤7.Ih·d>la¤!¤¤•h¤id¤¤¤a¤`¤mEh,q,? bbve-¢ziq¤un¤¤pn¢¤D¤¢&uiub¢admry1¤¤eq€mE gpawikqgfangfiipnubmrmnascidsfrqm ¤s•@¤a•¤¤¢r,éiwbQadlhv&zw:kri¤dp;¤,;.,CL §w•ii¤»6d•a"prub¤i';h•¤.Y¤¢¤m.id¤i¤ir¤¤¤q¤_q¤q taz¢•a¢i•¢1tdi•¤tz|i•ii¤u¤*pr¤¤h:¤"p=¤g:izp1$·I!!br¤p¤rnd;an¤b*iyI¤rg¢ui1¤.I¤hi1o¤¤:rvig-w ¤¢•¤»¤y·aAhiai•t¢a¤¢¤¤icz¤¤y.lnwj¤ryg:nsz¤¤¤ ¢¢yrdI¤¤b9adbggnszi¤•n:t••h¢¤¤cf¤1·igwuh¤er¤;p;i. •¢¤d1hv¤io|h¢si¤0fAlri¢z•sa:sa¢i|hzi·¤i11¤q¤m rih;|aa1lhi¤¤iq:i•¢s:"h¢h¢i:yshv¤•crc¤¤m¢¤ Iapm¢•¤iv¢p¤pm¤,¢¤qrith¢srm¢d¤s%*s‘pr¤¤!¤;¤;x* •h•atIa¢•¤sadrih”(1.a•¢j¤y,I!3:Z75).Wriig0fBum am•hupu¤.L¤•¢jn1,¤¤¤1I¤“crjz¤dshvc»ai¢hgretI¤¤z¤1 ah¤¤¤¤"(Lv•¢i¤y,|9I3:7()). llhtfcilyviclclnhiswucralsomdanninnaiqiaingmndncf musician: ::¢b;9=¢¢¤lsr1;.;:¤¢m¢¤z¤¤hu¤¤mmymw hk H n¤p¤•1znc:0f•.l:¤v¤ak, _ ¤F¤¤`¤¤ offranm. ldbynhclorxmnuthcanadamwndcdwutubnwhmc dw ¤a••6v¢¤u|imu¤n' ' alpenomldepnndangovrand uzeupanmdbmdmur . cu wuualofcirvablzhndsutlzcuuullcuicwtki, 198I: I02]. · .. dew ahgraf -¤m ‘¤"¤Y¥h3i¤¢atd1hhMw';I:;$a::°{ gdb: · mum ,“d“dy°M°' ; { PY 'UCUOII, but slave-randmg IM .WnhmDaraI-Kuuwmc slavcsw sculcd mgaudintmc productiv · U? C Work, The labor of randinz as bcst

iii Q ¤i;@aa¤1»¤f’W¤¤·¥¤¤¤¤¤hh1rrknu.h¤I~x;u¤, ,,,;¤¤w¤¤¤¤=¤¤‘°":"""°'*!’·**¤¤•¢iw¤».·¤¤¤¤4¤;. m¤1¤._fhgd¤m¢¤:•:¤¤•k¤fPf¤il¤¤t¤;¤\¤r¢(`¤. ¤dA¤.,¤,¤.-q:¤r¤go(Du#lmr¢¤¤¤¤uw¤_y mul; pu;-¢nnn;r·l¤¤¤’:¤= 1 mn: pwuun of an mma; pg-qnragggx a¤:1·•¤¤¤rr¤a; chile;-3 dd*é_|;;h¢¤:¤¤¤r¤¤¤t¤¤¤h:a•h•¢¤¤ialp¤¤. ¤m,,,am,¢h¢s¤¢cl¤¤hd¤r¤¤¤m¤••••;..-._` ¤·¤q€h%¤r!¤r¤ci¤@!w¤£ ·&,•£¤¤¤p #,,_,&_A¤:Lp1.as¤¤:=¤$_n:yn¤ud1hiu¤p¤ w¤¤B11¤’!¤¤11·Er1kTi·:\l!cl|•kiht:hi&)¤rx ¤;•h¤zhtis¤0h§1< I¤Ls¤D¤d-Knadcrhz gun-:&1¤¤i:|i:•¤ghur@·•hn¤q¤1¤a¤agdr@n•g ¢gyq1zsh::iI0€thr&:¤f¤rcras¤:laa¤¤¤f•.·qni·q Iiiéxxu hd-$é`szi:1·1iIig§a¤::r§;·.¤~¤y:hini bg¤h¤sei£Rdis0ju¤·diIhd—[¤i.liihl• édédthtcbkwvwckhiidatqmut; r¤s¢|¤-¤h¤·e.l-lisku·a¤d¤¤¤1¤h::adh¤¤¤q;¢!;;—; nihrvutolpcngtf I.i1¤1¤;¤igmgmaIy0cc¤r¤dt·§th¤t·y|¤t0l& y¤,fuI0ring¤heag·i¤ah¤·is¤m;u1¤d¤¤$¤c¤ta¤h :1.TI:sczh0f|;h::¢q1¤ai:m¤·asit:q1•ih1iihqh1— tin.Rangigi1i:f1·u|nl(Dm·ZDu>¤1ysIGI)0t&¤¤.. riig|:¤nj¤¤¤¤lIys¤0u•·i:hiacn¤;ieoln:¤.hsah¤¤h:end 0f|t¢¤imam1¤m•¤Is|¤•Iy¤¤•1rd¤h:¤|g:1a¤.\’H:itIe ia:dh1:hin1¤·Ian¢l0fNchlc.\hcs¤hu`sag:·i:uI¤1l»·hg¤spr0viI¤Ig¤in;bcy¤nd:himm.n•mn¤\¤¤|¤Ii¤hgllifG‘§ |nni¤¤¤¤¤dthe¤¤1m¤y§d:f¤rg¤nt.sI¤:absn¤a•¤¤.•¤dcd:\aI: •iIdphms¤osuppl¤¤muhcf0¤ds1q1pI¤cani¤db!thc¤¤P¤*i°¤0m:inth:rcgi0¤t0Ixraihd.thc|¤1·¤tl:$¤nast|·1:t¤ic¢u ¤nc2aihastl¤1s¤·vcdash¤t]1nn¤sfurhc¢g1¤·a|i¤n.F•¤nrhc. ¤mll¤|¤ni¤s:t0u1t0raid!hcg¤r¤1IIys11¤l|a||ds:a|t¤¤d•1¤a— M¤slims¤t1l¤nems.Shvcs¤akcni11¤ch¤1c0•m\¤¤u:1hcnh¤§'hd |¤cktothc¤rib¤wh¤·c1heyw¤chddp1·is0¤¤.Aft¤•snnIf¤¤a\ numhcrof¤¢p¤ivcshsdb·e¤a¤quircd,mheyvu·cticd¤ogc¤h¤.a¤d lhccxpudition returncdt0Nddt(Yac0ubMal1ama¤ DilIu$;Ah•kjl ZAduria;Abd0u1ayc()\|mbl‘a: Kon0ng•r,I97I:1)t—2I)7:Dyb¤¢wsk•. I893: 268-69; Daigre, l9$0: 47; Julien. I929: $5: Moth!. l9I2: 233).

mls, gr anu! TVN ‘_ TIE nm Phxtdmc t _ usnmgc nun;T;b;i slases taken in the in . -h g3ug)¢$ ZJE 3\ - ampmgm Hx `M a combination of surp¤S¢. numbers. and me www mr C at close range. Unlike LM raiding Clwdb tions of agian sums S"` . -d¤a;hme·nLs A I3-fgf ¤UmbC1 of ··[¤w¤inclt•ded¤0¤a‘¤l’? __‘ __ _ · Safmm S . made mm- way gn mor to within smktng drstar-lc; of mléds up camp for the night. The next morning they uw :;u'u:§0N dnl nk and Su out after me dav·nl|;layer.lTh;y arraekgd - .ughlO[¤_;|ym0mrngW|LhguDSb D8- l'I· OS ca$g;_ U? mc gm uhm by sum;-g$;_ and many people were killed or- cap. Hug? Ygtgnmal melee. Bemuse others fled to hide in the bush man Lf mmm]-ng pam; {rcqucmjy camped in the abandoned villages for ge;-al days to hunt for refugees. The marauders took uu; Op pcmmity [O su-ip the settlement of stored food and items of va|uc_ ' , that had been put aside for trading with itinerant fill; l'i'jyr-aiding pany then retumed to the oenual zan`ba (Abaka; hcharia; Julien. l929: 55-56). · Slave-raiding, like other forms of violence, was dangerous. AlSan " forces triumphed in most encounters; however, they were not invinugitile, and they knew it. The frequent use of surprise tacucs suggsrs that they fared defmt or unbearable casualus m a d.u·ect engagemC|It. Another strategy also reflects t.h.is concem: The raiders sometimes approached a village slowly and quite openly, causing everyone to flee into the bush. They then withdrew. Thinking that tl1e danger had , the villagers eventually retumed. Shortly thereafter, however, the marauders abruptly reappeared, attacking and quickly subdurng the population (Decorse, 1906: 174). lt is difficult to measure the effectiveness of these tactics. Certainly marauders on foot were more vulnerable than those on horseback. After the initial attack, their 1`rrearms were of little advantage since most of them were not rapid-tiring weapons. On occasion, they sustained a fairly high number of casualties, occasionally even being routed (Julien, 1925: 143; 1929: 56; Gaud, 1911: 95-96; Chevalier, 19073 280-228).' The slave-raiders also employed terror to discourage opposition. How often or randomly such measures were used remains unknown. but in several instances`the marauders bound all the males of a vill¤8° and burned them to death in piles of grass, or severely mutilated and then slaughtered them (Chevalier, 1907: 283-284; Modat, 1912: 233)-

Du; D. Gut! sg {Std |8§.Ih$( \\nI8€$ lhhl €h\T$¢ l0 YCSISI TIURI lhln IQ guy rmdd_ smh methods prvmowd the bdid that the sulranx rkwq-s ggukj nd be balm. The sla\c—ruders dtd not attack each ;“umm, nih `QL Fof GDC [hm- me ‘ ·-nd removal flI.I'I'\ll\||°1 |“.n\ (amid; (Kumm. l9l0: 187-188). ` when me ;ulran's detachmcnts arrived in the capital. slate-radius an (ny to sla\`e—tr‘¤d-i¤!.. Many captives were already mag to me muh who supplied al—Senusi with imports. But before the uiqdmm mgjsed their slavu. al—Sanusi and his major lieutenants divided the Pdsonqg among themselves. The owners then deejay.; amd, umm, (0 sd] md which ro settle in and around Ndde (mllflbl r-tum; Abaltar 'Hdjani; Yadri Sale). T`he proportion sold and the proportion scaled varied from year to year, depending on whether the sultan and his prominent followers were in greater need of labor or the imporrs that the exchange of slaves provided. But despite the disposition of slaves in any one year. there is no doubt that sl.ave—raiding and slave grading were the predominant wks amodared with long-distance trait. Because thue activities produced the firearms. munitions. doth. and other supplies required to keep the sultan's operation afloat, they had an impact on all other forms of labor. NEW FORMS OF LABOR FOR LONG-DISTANCE TRADE AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF OTHER KINDS OF WORK The rise of a predominantly slave mode of production in Dar alKuti brought many changes. First and perhaps foremost was the appearance of striking inequalities in wealth and status. Slave·ra.iding produced captives whose labor and sale enabled a new elm to ac· cumulate wealth. The slaves that were sold brought highly valued imports into the hands of the Muslim ruling clas—it¤1:s such as those Kumm (1910: 173) observed when he visited al-Sanusi in l909: A number of magnificent Persian rugs eovued the mud floor. We were installed in iron rocking chairs. and the rich wild smell of sandalwood and oriental scents Iilled the atmosphere. Several kinds of beads, chechias. shoes and other ready—made apparel. Fa- $**8%*- SMD. and salt also numbered among the major consumer items imported into Ndelc in the time of al—Sanusi (Julien. 1929: 674)-

_ yg G»1§1l I- ;b·0'Ky“"¤¤,,.,·,4g¤n;n¢¤wr(m¤¤I_|·gq. *°;,-h,,,¤,.4n an-¤¤¤•°"“""°¤?M::;(;,;"f'l°m icln-,,,.Wm.¤¢¤¤¢0(§h¤*¤¤1°"V F¤;¤’¤\a¤ ai [du,¢,_,~;g;n¤r¢¤a¤¢¤r¤¤¤¤F¤p¤rr¤:q¤,¤, H-H,-gy ¥¤¤•r.h¢F¤1¤¤’Y¤Yf*f¢—¤"¤'Yf¤¢v·~¤-g H¤’,&»j·j£’\6f1dh¢|')lll?hQU'f0!lC}t¤nph_ m‘· lm¤a,,¤h‘y_ntl97a:dIahlh¤§l¥¥)rme¤gqqm ,.¤em¤¤¤c¤¤ats¤¤¤wNm¤C=§¤r¤1»}fr¤c¤4bv¤·2v>v,L·,,.,, ¤nn¤¤¤l|·h¤¤and¤a¤¤¤wu·cq¤tmg§¢¤:•’:ce!;=vtdéz»L\1¤¤>y$;, nahhrlcdizteizm . many gmx pma¤¤s¤¤4E¤¤v==¤m¤d¤¤¤¤¤v¤~j¤¢¤_¤bv¤u,;. !¢r¤¤dCa¢rouu.FwnBor¤o,Kas1¢¤{,zndBag¤·¤n,fnr¤. W,;gyigpnd¢a1z|¢,hon¢¤,•|¤=¤.0¤¤¤¤.Arab4tyk1;¤;3;¤· kn¤·•¤¢(»nrtab[AraIici).I»ubo¤.¤dburm¤;:heya|so¤i:zk¤¤ ¢h¢¢¤m¢ydyd1t¢••d•c•,@••are,j:•¢h·yandcxhe1*Lri¤k¤.s d¢i•.¤:th¤,adhud•.‘ A•Nd¢kge•,rh¢n¤i¤¤·0fcrzf¤p¤¤0¤•ah0gr¢•.A¤uxngd1¤¤ •¢r¢1yD¤r¤¤¤¤dI·I¤¤I¤h¢r•0rk¢1\{Yadjou¤a¤Pa¤
iii Q jajlaqéltlwé T\¤r¢•a;·¤my.l;, -l“‘:,“d¤¤•-Sah¤ra¤¤~a¤;Frmndar¤h¤m;n“?: p_”‘d,,y¤q¤zgaf¤·m|czr¤|¤tn·.¤mm;g··¤qy.;¤ h¤dmqp¤¤¤;i¤¤.•¤h¤•c:fmnr&¤¤*V··gt,,nbwd ¤¤¤¤¤ reprunud ch nm ra ¤¤.an¤·•_ uh`. f"ih5gia¢dti¤"\thd¤I¤•¤.mp¤•¤".A•!qq;_ p¤m_,,a,“|¤·pa¤r•¤¤ywmvr;¤fcn••¤:¤1.:h; ’ah¤,—¤;¤¤a!¤¤¤fn¢•¤Hr1i1¢¤q¤h_ gry¤¤¤h¤i¤’•¤v=¤¤=¢•=¤¤¤|rvv¤¤l.¤:¤aa¤•¤¤|;.4 Elmgqgruhn-¤hC¢¤1·iS&•¤did•k_ ‘1¤|=y¤•¤h&I¢hB¤r¤¤h=i¤dak•pi1di¤¤;¢;|,• ¤,¤;kc:ri¤¤¤¤i¤l¤¤¤l.=¤d¤i·ryhh¤T\¤¤¤¢:•.•¤.. |kWESk1iI:G'l-c|'#.,— d—Il'I'i*dIl Mtwsclztcfcucvzzzk-enntgzisahyuhunahguat r¤¤i¢wlhd·K¤i-O¤:i!¥tk.Fv¤ih¤ay¤:|•\t gm-mam-¤i¤d¤dh¢hdd¤¢d¤q¤h:¤y.Ih—¤k:¤ jh,h¢¤¢hg:Ihg¢¤¤hI¤Frih&,k£nr1i ¤A:iiChd•hchc» ¢z:k.I·k&v¤c!ki1 mFwl-9¤¤i¤¤h¤nb”l;-k·i,sniiti¤f1¤·f|·x,餤 q¤;w(h1¤¤ikC1¤t1•ihthh¤qi-¤t¤!k.l¤ :rnigmb'h$-kikiilykiamhuiié ¢Md¤y¢0¤tt:b{ls¤mA10¢c1ua:h:hh§i i¤cry¤Imbh¤·.Fr0¤d¤hrcx¤n¤dm!¥'¤h|:i¤kl9!h•ir¢ hzhxaxuncddrnnapru-iznxcisirhciy. Chbocmpaziumasnchdviihq- ¤at i |hIi¤dc¤d¢cfthc¤¤¤y.Far¤1.ar¢ ¤i ailcaddonkqulcvelnpndherunhlulchdii -r · rotkmn.h.Clncrk*(lW’7:I55-l56)•1pur1¢d¤¤¢:1•ahn¤ WadiorD¤§harri•¤di:¤r¤•¤u1¤hy¤. W&d:n¢¤1 §|h:¤l•d.¤iI¥¤\·¤ wlnnczvueluuutyqpigu,-ukpusuzukxd Dri-K¤iap@¤IIy¤¤ |ki i•¤¤:Iu·@ Flin. Harchisadlnndthhirnhtuuutsn ¤¤¤¤Uhm5-sn¤ia¤u»¢a¤4¤¤u¤¤¢¢¢¤¤:y,¤:pg¤¤¤u¤ KkdmilEléIK!HI!]Z'IVK&'|Z`YY—#‘ ¤¥ir¤I¤¤ionfr¤mM¤hnrah·sm1h:¤¤th.Pri'sah¤•1 lhurzvaladunnnnlydnlimvrupiwgxhf?. ildshion, ¥¤vd¤;(Prin. IW7: l38).’

TRADE Q vt! qll G MIILAN _ Du ,|-Kuu and pomrs north, sash Jn Imam; .;o¤ta»1 b*‘;"{;'Tkj associated with transport md [hi; ***5* F": me [O _n;mmjaj mf,-asu-uerure. Porterase. 1`or etumpjg mamtem.n1>¤~>l dl“"° dj [mcg exchange 35 early as the 1890;. ln eujtmnlons $_ , . — WB aswum { neg; u·ave.lcl'S I1¢·|-\' the bflbtnuul nnmache r¢D°1"°d “‘°°°°g I 1893 _ hom were pcnus md probably slaves (BU-\Ili1t;hg_ tuver. r*¢l‘°l;°‘F"' wm in Sm, ,;¤un¤·y. Maistre mired in lhg 119* lggzgué um"'Saru"°a we dur, gggustomed to supnlvms porters earl'! . · iaistre 1895: 118, 127,.3; - - - pam Muslim merchants (l\» , eq for v$•¤¤8 gmrcig) And Shortly anu- me tum of the Century. the g ::.3.; I-dim, jujjm (1929: 65-66) noted that ¤l—$anusi regular. 1’ · · ‘ ` ts in Ndele ` . . - U bdougqng to tus major lieutenan _ m ly [ 0,,:; :2:;:; for commercial expeditions. This pracueg cm, qrilothmpr lghom me sultan’s reign iu Ndele. When Kumm tl9l0; [35] :21 H ‘ E I-or me Ang|0.Egyptjan Sudan lll 1909, Sl-SBIILISI provided - · . The German also reported that the sultan fre of 100 or 200 people loaded wish iikory to the Sudan henc the eturned with European cloth an. ot er goods. Lonw;:lista;ce required other services. The region was but an extensign of the Muslim commercial zone farther north. Not only did villages provide porters for visiting merchants, but they also opergted fernes` across the major streams (Prioul, 19Bl: l26; Brunache, l 93: 201). East of Ndele the same was true (Kumm, 1910: 183-184). Th owth of long-distance exchange did not only create new occupgtgns, it also redirected a part of agricultural labor. When French expeditions first appeared in Dar al-Kuti i.n the 18905, the Eurupeans noted with some surprise that local peoples were accustomed to supplying foodstuffs to caravans (Prioul, 1981: 147). This was the case throughout central and eastern Ubangi-Shari as well..ln the 1910s the Banda Tombaggo who lived southext of Dar al-Kuti planted ettensive plantations that produced surpluses for sale to Muslim traders. Other Banda groups did 1ikewise.' While some of these productive activities seem to have been spontaneous responses by local peoples to the opportunity to trade. ¢1l· Sanusi also set up agricultural settlements along major caravan routes. To the nonh, for example, his villages supplied passing caravans 011 the route to Dar Sila (Modat, 1912: 194). To the east slave villagrf supplied parties traveling between Dar al-Kuti and the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan; this was particularly important in the first decade of the ccn·

hntia I. Cut tg [unl for hm rrudlnj hid l7l`¤'0ll¤·l lht allhont complete ,];pi·,·‘,,mm" JI Im, ust region tKumm. l°l0: l" Pin, Sugh ,,"“c_ mu vm may ghdlél'- spvrvtichius N~l=l= fiom l-on aichamaaini i., ii.: .,c.,,_ Kumm `IQIUQ [LSU}
TRADE gg TIE |$IE¤ OF AFRICAN NOTES ·_ guiymtque de recut: national hdminittraticnl. Dossier; ·-In L _ L mu. tgp-correspond¤•¤¢ ¤¢l¤¤ (I-¤'*’¢ df wm, (1;,,,:: 4.. M‘Brb)." mn 2¤¤· §' nybnaks du Tchad (ANT). W539. "D¤¢ttm¤‘ltt et dude; hguonqm lésahml mm; py Y. Merot: llabih et Senoussi au Dar Ronny? wl Fw 3 E, 0; Irgmurg raids mentioned in the written and oral scurcn N, cm gn (ms: Figure 4). _ _ _ _ _ g_ Ngtnvq nationals frangatscs. depot d outre-mer (Aut-en-Proyq-.q,_ 40,Dm. quwm du colonel Mqntrelle", Z5 July l9I0. I 6. Archives nationalcs francaisn. depot d outre·t·ner (Aut·en-Prov;-ncc)_ 4(hbml A_5_t=__ wuwon trmtembte sur la situation generate de l'Oubangut-Chan gn nm:. but tg juty nu; A(J)D|9, Euebe. "Rappon d'ent»emble. l9l2," Bangor gqohm I9|J. 1_ ztmzt, ··tupport de M.A. Bound de Meziéres". Paris. Jl -D¤nn,¤ my s, Camille Documents, "Monographi¤ dt Yalittsi." I4 (scr CordeI|_ mt. bibdogmphy. for funher details on this collection). REFERENCES The people of Dar al-Kuti supplied much of the infomation about the recent hitton of northern Microfilm copies of transcripts of interviews conducted n Dar al~Knti in W74 lnve been deposited with the Archive of Traditional Music, l¤· diana University; and the Memorial Library. University of Wisconsin·Madison. More daaibd information will be found in the bibliography of Cordell (1985). EARTH, H. (l965)Ttavels and Discoveris in Nonh and Central Afrin, 3 vols. London; Frank Cass. --}:53) "Account of ttvo umlitions in Central Africa by the Furanys." Joumi of Royal Goopaphical Society of London 23: 120-l22. B|l?7\;l€E. W.G.B. (l799) Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syt·ia from the Ynr l79Zl¤ . London: T. (hdtvell. BRISIACI-IE. P. (N94) Le centre de l'Afrique—at.ttour du Tchad. Paris: Ancient b¤¤¢' Gtrmer Balliere et Cte. :lUJ:§:};·:‘R$f.(i§7|;5(lHD Travels in Nubia. London: John Murray. _ . . "Permis•ive ecology and structural conservatism in GNF l¤¤¤y." in P. Bumham and R. F. Allen (eds.) Social and Envbsii - 1 Andetnie Preu. SQILZOU. H. (l9lZ) IJ réjon du Tcltad et du Ouadai, 2 vols. Paris: L¤0t¤· SEM; F- UNI!) Att |¤y• |'¤clavage—Moeun et coutuntes de |'Alfl¢' Gmvnlén Tb |¤ reeueilltes par Béhagle. Paris; Maisonneuve. at m_n·m; (W7) hte? Chsn·l.ac Tartan, tmtmu; t.·An·tqn¢ cemnlc lr* · "°Y¤|¢ Paris; Challamel COHEN. . ·· · · . . ' ,. A. (W7!) .Ctthu¤.| tlratepen tn the organtutton of trading diaapvfii- W 16$Z8ltnC.Metlla.soti.t(¤d)1"lteDeve|o ' at in Wa Ama ' · Pmml of Indtgenous Trade and Min . Lotion. IAI and Oxford University Preu.

Danni D. Ou¤| 101 _D. D. (INS) Dll al-Kull and lh: Lnl Yflll . Unhrtnl) D' P'c“- uf Ik Illht Xlhlflh NIV! ____,.qg_ll ··Ttl¢ uvmw ¤l N¤rlh<`¤•ll•l Alr¤_·· ..,4. ._ W ,0-,, n D nmmyum and P. M. Hmm tdl-I HND?) of (`alllnl Alma. [pq., [1,,.,',,{l•71•7) "Bl¤¤¤ P”"""•*“l’ "‘ *****7 •¤•* w$¤$|&f\1@t of mq. in Dat nl-Kull." Journal ot African Hinton Z0. I: 179-N4. ___,.(|977) ·‘Ea¤¤¤ L*¤v•· “'•¢¤i- wl ·••¢ Snnlnlnc l Tanqn an . ma, .,.,_·Journal of African History I8.l; 2l-J6. ____(,q-yy ··Tlirowing knivn in ¢Q\|i|¢`l'|ll Atrn: n ltluntulon sru,.·· 3.5,,, 5, I: 94-I04. DAIGR-E, P. (l9$0') 0\¤l'¤¤s¤i-Chari. £.NCI\1f\ CI [bil?. IE-I%. Pam: Msn provincial: del Pern du Slklll-E|M'II. DAMplEnn£, E. dc (WB!) D¤ ¢¤n¤¤¤¤. M Anhu. dn hiloiu. .r“; 5.;.;, duhmyaphie (Rechercher cubanguiennn, nn. si, DECORSE, G. 1. (NM) Du Congo au I4: Tchnd: I; UYGIH idk qu'dk ell. fl In yn; tek qll'iIs sont (Minion Chari·Ia¢ Td1ad.IQ’1-I¤I).P¤·¤:A¤:Ili¤ I-Ianni D, VALLEE (1925) "L¢ Bashirmi." Bulletin dl: la ladle nel ro.-noon mph, 7 (Z:. lc. 4c trimcstr¤): 3-76. DYBOWSKI, 1. (I89J) La route du Tchad du Loatlgo au Owl. Pam: l..lbruri¢ dc Paris, Firmin-Didol et Cie. GAUD. F. (l9Il) Les Mandja tCol·l;o-Francais). Brunch: de\'ll. gggcn lt924) "Essai sur le Dar Kouli all l¤D§| de Blllleuli 4; la qthg dn recherches congolaises 4: I9·54. HAYER. 1. E. (I972) "Thc copper of Hofrat ¤i·NaIl¤." Presented II the tai: in African history. Univcnity of wlEMiD·M$kHI\. JEWSIEWICKI. B. (l98I) nude nf WK3; wi i ini Central Africa." pp. 92-lt] ill D. CNIIIIIEY and C. C. Slam-l late.) Mona ot Production in Africa: The Precclonial Era. Bach Hilk: kg. IULIEN. E. (I925. I927, I92B. I92'9) "M0hlm.l£·CI-&El.&l et ues hhlll dz Ia sociélé des recherche: cotigolaiscs 7: I0!-ITIZB: SS-IZ1l9:0-N; I0:l$-II. KALCK, P. (I970) °°HiS(0II’I de Ia Rlpublique cmtnfrinix des uirn I not pun. 4 vnls." Thése dc doctoral d'élat. Université de Paris tiortnmc). KOGONGAR. G. J. (I97I) "Introduction a la vi: Cl i I'hiuoir: dei wpllhtiom San du Tchad." These dz JIIDTII du k cydc. Universite dc Paris (Snl·hl¤n¤I. KUMM. K. (I9I0) From Hauaiand I0 E;yp, lIuou¢ th Sndn.I.n•¢k·n:C1¤dlk. LANIER. H. (I925) "L'an¢i¢n royaume du Ihglunni." L'Afrh¤ ffllltlili ruitleignementl cololliaux 35. I0: 497474. LOVEl0Y. P. la. (lon;) rrmromunom in Slavery: A Hmm ot Sh-cn in MMLondon and New York: Cunbridge UI‘\jV|!I’IiIy Pres. MAISTRE. C. L. (I895) A lravers l'Afriqlle central: dll Coop Ill Ni•¤. lN1·lI!J. Paris: Hachelle. MODAT. M. (I9I2) "Uig lqurnézui gp Fenyt." L'AfrIp¢ #72 7 Wlbfllllll. 7.2. S: I77-Nl; 22. 6: ZII-2.37; 2.2, 7: 170-ZI9. MOHAMMADAOU. E. U975) 'IKIIN GI |'é¤ir¤ unl lk hgiilni el In loomtlhr Sokkoto." Afrika Zunani: rl.·~1l¢d'hisloin nfridnc/levirv of African Him * 67·II4. NACHTIGAL. G. (l•27l) Sahara and Sudan IV: Wai and Dl1'lI(G. B. Aha and H. J. Fisher. lnm.). L0f“G150lHN£f Hllnt.

gg TIE IORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE ..-(|%7) Sahara und Sudan: Ergebnise Sechjihrigér Reisen in Africa. J vg| G A[£¢II|IiS¢h¢ Druk-u. V¤|¤¤¤$¤'¤- i in PALLME. I. (I844) Travels in Kordofan. London: J. Madden. P|uN$' P_ (|w7) "L‘Islam et Ic musulmams dans les sultanats du Haut-Oahu _ [Afrique franeahes rensrtnemenu coloniaux I7, 6: I36-I4Z; |7_ 7. 16-_Ll7§u¤. PRIOUL, C. (I98I) Entre Ouhnngui ct Chan vers I890. Paris: Société dkthnqgml . (Rechachcs oubanguienns, no. 6). M"' TISSERANT, C. (I953) ··|_‘AgricuIture dans les savanes de I'Oubangui." guumn I'Itmitut des étuda C¢DI.I'lflQ.ilIlCS (Brazzaville) 6. nouvelle série: 209-274_ dc AI.—TUNISI. Muhammad b. Umar (Mohammed Ibn—Omar EI—Tousy) (135;) V au Ouaday (S. Perron. trans.). Paris: Duprat. °y°8' ——(I845) Voyage au Dnrfour (S. Perron, trans.). Paris: Dupra;_

WAGE LABOR IN KENYA |N THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ROBERT J. CUMMINGS Charles New, in his travels of the late 1860s in East Africa, made the following observation in his diary (l97l: 74): The day was drawing to a close, and we still had some distance to travel. There was no train, omnibus. cab. cart, truclt or wheeIbarrow_ yet we had a good many things to carry. l was to Ieam how things were done in East Africa. A gun was fired. and in a few moments some of the villagers came down to us. These and our boatmen were engaged as porters. Soon each man, with a load upon his head, was upon the road. How did this body of individuals come to be so readily available as porters for Charles New? By what process had the firing of a gun brought the "system" of caravan porterage to such an immediate response? These are among the questions that govern this chapter on wage labor in Akamba trade. New’s porters worked for wages. By the 1850s Akamba porters had come to provide essential services to the trade between the coast and the interior. By this time Swahili merchants. drawing upon the capital Author’s Note: l would lilte to thank E. J. McCready for her editorial comments on this chapter. ll!

,,, n¢•¤$dux•¤¤•¤ '@]§[Q3] L`(IfId0($-Thu; "I; ` '·‘—u¤ at {dn. tht East Aificali ¤.>nu.·x1_ f•i'·°d**‘·-‘°h°l';_*';ln mp"] which [hi Crum. ¤;¤•y¤v¢••U“*°°”Q°°¤udc§m hen ~ ch relauo Mw 4¤a¤¢u-adcr¤hr.iu¤dw1ns¤hcp¤·nodW ¤•¤_ _ °¤¤|np¤ Wah up lc.-nm 9, 1975; 271). As such, an exannnauon of hut,} ,,,,,,,..,.$ 1. 1 mm- ¤¤¤nm· or =¤·¢·¤ ww ·*·¤=- M ·¤i¤¤sdu—$.e¤uq1reneursand¢heor1esofmarke1.s. ¤y·¤¢1•agicuhur•a¤dpaswrahsm.eadaofwhict1waside:ii1f11>d ,i,,,¤g;· [guns. Gmaally, farmers were more involved mqk %dI.|&G$£¢ .F8'EH$EHM%Z.|*DlOb€hUI1l¢I’S, ,,“;y— iury an aha goods for trade. Caravan leadersnguams, I.[ 'Y pusonnd. and cooks were also drawn from agnculmurai P;sor2|ismwas1imitedwapan.icxdarenvironmemaudecoloBi¢al $.II.i0IIIdV5 bY3°‘m0f€S@Zi]-I€$€l0fSOCi0l0g1¤l rquirmats and a closer unity of instjtmional forms than mos1 ¤¤meni¢1i`c¤1odes"(Goidsehmidt. 1965: 403). The UIUC required wnakerhcuadcsaiariwandfrom disxam Lerriwries discouraged chepanicipanionofpaswrallinmgesineicherhumanponeragcormhc ednuhgagcncyoftheuadcsiuoepastoraiistswerencededmoiend Bv¤oddy¤r.Mor¤over,pastordis1sLho•.1gh1tha1Lheirlabor,in apardycwaanic 2, should haven specific return that would sus¢ai¢rin¤¤u¢rheirh¤·ds.Any1d>orod1¤*1ha¤f0rchispnuposewas p¤civ¤Iasirraioa1a1behavior(cf. Gupua, l973: 66). The pastoral ¤e¤or.asar•suh,v2sicsssuitab|efordied¢velopnea1ofAkamba m§a¤d•rad¢chanwasrh¢wi¤dturds¤¤or.N¤1wi11standing,many paaisudidpiayamajurokinrhedevdopmemofthisuadem rheIudo¢inves1me¤.Wa1nhypa¤.ora§¤swereab1ewpar1ie&pa1e isu·ad¢ind>•¤¤hbyviru•eoft:heirs¢oreofw¤k11.A¤¤ordingw TU*¢P¤¤7|¢fr0¤|ar|¢D¤0rdHn¤ges•rithwdLh¤vhower¢n01 ikmywheunnbouusedchdhcdswoddnndwmpmvlc *••l¤_idrs¤¤l•w•h¢on•¢ad•f¤¤¢he1rau¤¤dh¤¤¢.chcy *¤¢|llldhcr|¤l••r•¤n¢#¤¤¤6ofd¢I:hs[<¤·thdr•¤vin¤s.T‘his us areal the {ani: of Nyungni (c.182I-22).'

·LJ. K In Lb, gum. unuthcv unanuc. u! ¤.1.muum ;¤4,,mbm,,,. Hg Mouth me e.-nlnunem ui mum. .¤,¤m‘ mn, U, mu, Mn N umu Lmicnl ||]\O \il!I\\|'\{ ln get; u. julrl mcg cua`.am_ lan cnhstmem 1ct un rcquucc. The; iq; W, mrc ,0 cumin ~¤vv1·¢= ¤¤¤ ·¤¤v¤¤ www Tm smmnm ..1,...,,;,,,,, w me ¤¤¤~· ¤¤* “*·* *F°“’°‘ "* P*"°¤¤¢- A ¤¤¤¤¤ar> mnmmwn um ,mm¤¤dal¢¤P¤¤¤¤¤-¤¤\'°¤¤¢¤¤\¤¤¤¤l=¤b¤¤lh¤¤¢muh¤nJ¤»¤ mtpstcral seclon. A;y;u;¤30fhkfdP0flC1B&\*d0Pdl¤lIlt¤lI|.tIx¤{Ih¢\_¤·gg °{Ag,amba¤od¤p.Fis1.s0m¢Ak¤imlin¤;;¤•¤;.gi,,,.;cumumc came, onha humock and survlu {ood suppng. Thu: mcageswqeablcwcncndthurmrmagwlmlmnmmngp un§p[0vML|)g(h€|l@§Z|’)' ${G’\f&. .D¤"IlM£{E\¤l¢ mdomu disas1crs¤·¤t:darvs¤~¤ir0fn0orp¤¤pi¢»·hohadm¤- wp.p1¤n¤11LheiragricuIuua!ou1pu1asbcs1rhzy¤nnhd.Sou¤o1rh¤¢ pwp|gb%\¢P0|'\¤"$3Bd¥-h¤'$)`·‘ ¥i*)$|}· \$\}! pa1.ronagcofLheirmorcfommm¢¤¤ghbu¤1.\'¤hrc¢¤¤¢zwxh¢ Muunhmgo famine (c.l855), one infuunm ndind: "Wik than wasn0f<¤dng0fp¤opkinth0s¢&ysmg>wtt¤¤¤¤by·lh:¤•n¤ ci1cfddcrs.oncwass¤nbych¢pov¤-¤y·mhiis•:.”’fnl.¤d pururswuc poor. FrccandmsIavedA.fri¤nsv¤:thusid¤d»_ih¢zv¤l¤ variousrcasons.\\’hik1h:maj¤¤·i¤ymyh•¢h¤:nfu¤d•njai b¤mus¢ofp¤iodicfmnin:uaddro$.¢¤s¤§¤n¤h¤tad~¤ un,kn0vI¤dgc,a¤dpmsLig:thaa:¤¤qaiddr¤p·im:d u·a~·d. Moreover. poruzrag providni a vinhk anim; in imn0\lh.\.|I'3uS¤.[.IIf3¤.,U!VdhhdQ$ F’$.§ .DI¤)¤‘ Succcssful regional uadt mquird an efhaivdy crpuuzd an dq¤mdabkua¤sponsysu:¤.Asy¤¤dhr¤1u·anp¤1-¢ia$— crca1¤da¤dsuppo•·mdby·Aka¢a¤v¤ih¤¤disi1¤i¤.dé qann¤·edin:b¢K.iui-Mu¤nniar¤.b•d¤p¤ii¤q1¤oni dunand. A Caravanleadcncmployadlnalonnaasioaranivagrinqnrnu •.ouua¤andmainainLh¢p¢d¤:i¤•nd|i¤¤p¤i¤¤#*i W 'h¢ ¢lW|I&II| rqi& uuk (Cunning, ITIS: IU). d¤ipski¤sandsoda1¤oma¤sa¤q¤ai·¤dbyd:w1vu|¤1¤·•y¤h¤ fdcsash¤nn¤·sandgat¤¤·s•uvr¤i·¤d¤¢¤ddr•d¤|ll*¤** 5|¤mming1heorgani¤1io¤a|skill•¤bdmpn·¤vid¢¤1•tl¤l>·

f roducers (hunters-collector Pom to wwe fx g1u?r;l:oc: htcdg-srhecii Euantities. H and [O Obmm Lurihcers were selected in an orderly manner, wilh large In me l?05’nFE$..generaLly only men-presenting themselves {0, Eijgibi-rhseieaijcjy or the caravan ca.Ued upon the localhpriest; to assis, in raising imerat. His subord1.nateS sponsored l`¤¤St$i W I ere tt ga; made known that a leader intended t0 tf3V€l ·t0 3 partici.! ar tra ing aiu within a specified period of time. Those interested in associating ,,,1,}, him for the journey then informed hun of their decision. Kaesa Mull of the Warnunya area of Machakos recalled the following story about his grandfather from Kutui: My grandfather was one of the leaders who used to select people to make up a caravan. He would First ask the people who came from the various mclui (village-communities) at his request to attend his feast if they wanted to sell their bulls and make some profits; and if they did, then they would volunteer themselves to join him.’ The caravan leader then selected the required number of porters from among those interested. The sick, those known generally as lazy. and youths below the anake age-grade (14 years old) were usually prohibited from joining the caravan. This method of carrier recruitment remained basically the same through 1920, excluding the war period when participation was more or less forced. The chosen men were later brought together as a group by the blowing of the soo, a horn traditionally used to call together Akamba warriors to raid cattle or to make war, but which was used after 18lO to muster caravans. The firing of the gu.n noted by Charles New was an adaptation of this tradition. The group came together (a) to take their oath of unity, (b) to receive the blessings of their senior elders, and (c) to hear the predictions of, and receive the magical protective medicines from, the priest. Kitua Kithome claimed that: The seer would throw h.is nuts or stones onto tl1e ground and the leaders were (officially blessed). Then the porters were given an oath to eat so that they would be united on the journey. They said: "if ever we greet danger on the way, should l fear let this oath be upon me" (and eath was the sentence tf the oath fell upon one who had so spoken).‘

Rohan J. &I|H*@ my my oaths and medicines were a further adaptation of tradition; they ucsc out of c00P€¤’¤l¤*·‘¢ lfmutcs such as hunting bur nm mm used for caravans that 'were dominated by those with trade capital. The oath of unity was designed to promote caravan security. The German missionary, Reverend J. L. Krapf, benefitted from such Vigilance in IB49. when he was joined by a group of about If!) Altamba who were returning home to Ukambani from the coast. In his entry for 26 July. recorded in the Church Missionary Intelligencer (I860: 303-306), Krapf wrote: "Today, the leaders of the Wakamba caravans made their people swear, that in case of an attack by the Gallas or Masai, they would not run away but would defend themselves." As a result, when the two groups (the Akamba and Krapf‘s parfyl were attacked by a group of robbers, the Altamba went into their defense "to the man": The Wakamba who were further behind threw down their loads at the sight of the enemy, allowing them to come and put them (the loatk) on their shoulders, whereupon the Wakamba fired and shot three of the robbers dead; and we had one Mkamba wounded. When the ene·t·ny saw that the Waltamba made a stand and hard our firing they retreated to their hiding place, upon which ti.me my scattered \\’anika collected again, took courage, and joined the Wakarnba. who had been exposed to the greatest danger. lt was fonunate for me that the first attack had been on the Wakamba, for they defended their property, while my people cared neither for me nor for my baggage. but were anxious about their own lives alone. Akamba caravan leaders thus benefitted from this adjustment of tradi— tion; oaths bound porters and merchants together in a manner that safe-guarded the interests of the merchants. The kiloela (porter—laborer) was responsible for driving livestock and carrying ivory and other goods to the coast where a form of "silent trade" took place. A 60 to 65 pound box or bag of cowrie shells or beads, a bolster of cloth, a circle of wire, a tusk of ivory, or perhaps some copper wire comprised a typical load. The porter was also t¢SP°¤· sible for scouting wild animals along the route and for keeping the livestock fed and calm during the journey. lt is said fhll hf Wis U" only member of the trading party to see the faces of the coastal traders. The kiloela would remain behind with the livestock during the time

pg; H5 ,· K @1 G U Trader ` _ h “ nw ygnownx gwahlll |V¢‘\|'r,· trad", 3;;; iiitarcf lacltso`.: l‘7"2r 265l. evaluated the :omm,,_._a| !"°'*° li of t ade ·,k,,¤ me ncen able to tom the uslnctls t r ag j The r,“¤. when nw rms; of tri}! goods Wlfhll‘\ Lkdmha expanded a I Q"` iron Ort pong-y_ gnurds. wire. Imc. soda gqr [mono t gff; ai-row-poison, and iron implements. He often receive,-j 3 nndl ofthe trade goods as a wage: for instance, 'three cheers . ·· ·• ged or perconaj orpanekofcloth. The wage beexchan mark, foods! ffs, livestock, or, in some cmes, slaves. One inl'or·n;nt. Humbua Kivonda of Kalama Location. was told by her grandfather how. near the "fa¤nine of Mutulungo (1855). slaves still wwe being captured in Ukarnba. Such pwple were forced to carry trade goods somewhere to the coast."’ ww represmted a key motivational factor for joining a caravan. The wages were transformed into "p0wer" for certain carriers, and social prestig developed from this new economic power base. The economic potential available to the young, enterprising porter, in fact, serves to illustrate how the distributive function enhanced social mobility in vrious interior The influence of certain porters over their fellows and their experience and knowledge of the trade routes provided an opportunity to rice in the ranks, perhaps even to the position of mravan lacler. An enterprising porter, able to exploit his wage: and skills to wtablisli his personal commercial relationships, could conceivablybecomewealthyeiiougli rofmancehiaowncaravan. Many slaves welcomed the opportunity to join a trade caravan for mesunereason: tlieproniiseofsociinlmobility. While many slaves took the owomsnity to run off front the caravan once it wai feasihle, others used their wages to porchme their freedosn. Plevertllelesa, the potential for social mobility inherent in caravan zgidparron was seldom translated info reality. Although the social economic statue of a peraon wan not fixed and the structure was ma that an Mtamba wan encouraged to seek his fortune according to linlablfny, only a few mai were able to realize the potential for autumn; wealth offered by this system. Most kiioela were simply undile to overttczme the various elements that controlled their vnnlnecorionne as suehaitheinfreznreiieytvfcaravanceani ca»Mrlo0i¤n,therrtotaldependenee¤ponthegoodwi|loftheir Glvbyers. andthe rccognrud weakness of their social po¤ition——that

§&C { IL am75p°vq1y—t0 atlrxl iqauxuunnnrhq gauge ¤ mmm; ,·| y. *9.; mmry me aimnumn nuwem anna um q.-gu ,,,, Ju, Pm, were workm who. ¤¤ purely ¤¤mmnu¢m¤1m_ mm uw, wily my; me muianvcn and nshn unvnlwe m mum, ,0-hu, me r5°urc¤qflmd.ld1M. Z|ldC3D|!dY0f!}‘\¢sZ.i|'\Z1|I.l\n|\¤1fg|;q·;4|l.j ¤.,,w5_n1¤¤w¤crm fumxiomnfrhevranu. nm., qucpnnu,. -·,cm-a¤<>f¤r¤v¤·w ~¤¤¤¤¤": rh¤r¤¤¤ ··¤¤m¤¤4¤mq.·· In (ht Gi"€¤\C£ V8 IIN an nlivmul when travelling an rhzcnan munhux nfzhzcradznnvn nm only gn·iedm¢irivoryandfnndunmrh¤n,uurh¢y¤ue¤h;ngnn: ,¤ms,cnw
my me womtzns or Av¤•¢AN ""“°' · capita] 0, [rad; good; from exclusively non-molui sources A, Taztson (1972: 294-295) explained the change, . R · · no longer as binding on the individual, zbzsnger ssizdmzlfsihisscam no longer Iso thwarting of |nd|vidgm| · - ain rolitable conditions of patronage. an inuwamml Undef cm pla d l ble goods that could have prq . · - te va ua · d;:u:Iirnm?:1e;;;;;;;c?l::\lo¤l institutions and citizens of the vinag, ll thh respect these citizens could-and did—act as counterposirrg cgnters of powers standing in opposition to the corporate institutions of the villages .... The rise of individualism in Ukamba was directly related to the coin. eident subordination of Akamba trade to the international market. 'lhe organizational hierarchy of export trade consisted of financiers who remained at the coast and Afro-Arab trading personnel resident in Ultambani. A new system of trade, dominated from the coast thus came to supplant the old order. The village communities, the large hunting panics, and even the great bands of porters that had characterized the early period, were superfluous to an export trade capable of sustaining itself with coastal or non-Akamba labor from elsewhere in the interior. The takeover of interior long·distance trade by the Afro-Arabs established an alternate economy in Ukambani, as a cash-wage economy came to compete with the subsistence-oriented economy for labor. The latter economic structure, however, was able to meet the challenge at the local level since trade continued to play only a minor role in society. As a result, only a small cadre of Akamba were engaged to assist the Swahili encroachment. The Afro-Arab intrusion, then, did not significantly upset Akamba society, but it did offer stable employment to a minority of Akamba men during the two decades after l860. I The essential role that had been played by the Akamba merchants rnlorgantzrng and financing the caravans that brought together supplresrof economic goods with the people who demanded them was Meadtly eroded; agents, employing a limited number of Ak¤¤l· ba as mtermedtanes. penetrated the interior and attempted to usufv both the power and the prestige of their precursors, the Akamba mer· chants. The role of the Akamba trading community was therebt reduced from one of prrmacy—albeit on a regional scale—to one cl subordination to the international system of trade.

Nth! J. Citi; as The functions of the Altamba trading commurtlt h t Iid,,,b|y:uFor c;[t;t;:";§k¤:tit;`a intermedtmq wm a e- tes w l°“l°;lt'er to more centralzedm wuvm hbmqiw tmumn bw comm , , market centers within Ukambl |,, add,,,,,,,, the Akamba /tra/0 (caravan) were employed to ,,,,,,,0,, ,,0,, from Mukaa to Ktkutnbulia and Kihwed vim, M,,,A,,b traders resided. Prior to swahtli residence in Ukambani. the Akamba uml, ha;ubeenarespo;tstb|c1f‘or transporting ivory and qthgy Img, as far as rum errt ory. ere they had met the coastal caravans which took the tusks of ivory and the rhtrto horns into Mombasa (Cummings, l975: 22,4). Changes in the nature of Altamba commercial involvement were accompanied by a physical shift. The Akamba who participated in the new coastal·dominated trade formed a corps of petty merchants and middlemen now residing primarily in the Machakos-Ulu area. Kitui, by the 1860s, had lost its commercial predominance to Machaltos due in part to the environmental conditions of Machaltos and in pan to the shifting migration patterns of elephants. Therefore. it was the trading Machakos akamba, bolstered by their sup¤·ior ecoloiul elmotton, who now availed themselves to arriving Afro-Arab traders. Transformations such as these forced the many Ahansba who had come to depend upon trade for their livelihood tojockey for position in the new Swahili-controlled international trade. The famine of Mutulongo (IBSS) appears to have marked a bralr between the old order and the new. Thereafter individuals rose to prominence by attaching themselves, tn various capacities, to Afro-Arab traders. The cooperative spirit that had characterized trade was thus undermined as the individualizing tendencies of the new system held sway. The Akamba of Machaltos. less experienced in caravan trade management’ than their Kitui brethren. were apparently more willing to accept lower level positions under the direct control of the Swahili. Once they had gained the acceptance of their coastal employers. the Machakos Altamba tried to emulate the pre-l8$0 Aiamba traders. TM! were not successful, however, in their efforts to reapture the tvirit of that earlier period. Indeed. they achieved neither the level of °°¤v¢ration and the security of a local monomy nor the naowcefuha and expertise which had characterized their predecessors. new Akamba wage-earners, having rejected the societal mln and ethics of Tc"' f¢?l‘¢l’\·lI'lners, were thus set apart from the IIB! lV¤fY fini! mh tn local tqena md in may thaw-y·· by theh

Ng THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE _ _. _ W d cons"`-mg or goods, and the harshness of mm ::;:;,;:;d?:;—:.;d;)ioirals [ogner Akamba] .... They were a t—o,,,,_,,ud" gr0¥i5;£il;,iil(;;r;o:rt9praders' preoccupation wit: t:rnins ri prom, M} " ted in their general lack 01 concern tor lr e ea t . not to Him @8;],:.; ut,-cs of their porters. Many porters died as a result or ii»,,m` gtzlnutrition, and attacks by htghwayrnen. lngdequatle $aimK,g andl according to Kiveta hlurwetumo, the selfts ness o oi; kamba employers" were to b alme. _ _ ` ' attitudes and behavior, the predominance or ind-i3i;r.l:ll1:inI]:d;[l;2;3luS of the new mundu niue (i‘big i-non") we? regririmized by the introduction of a new rdeo ogy, unio,i,;,,_· Umanthi emphasized personal mttiattlve and encouraged lmatertal aq. quisition. The philosophy of umantrht played a key role tn preparing the Akamba for their participation in the trade oflthe second half oi the nineteenth century. Umanthi offered wage-earning caravan porters a practical orientation that helper; themhadapijgolclgngeigrmslrxitini e coast. This is not to eny e tm ura ;ll;rit1o:t]ena such as famine, localized overpopulation, soil erosion and misuse, or intrafarnilial conflict and wars with surrounding people. On the contrary, it seeks to identify the sociological motive that allowed the various sectors of Akamba society to cope effectively with their new situation. In short, beginning in the 1860s, umanthi helped individual members of the local trading communities to adapt to their role as wage-earning porters for the nascent coastal-financed trade system (Cummings, 1975: 221). Continuity accompanied change since involvement in the Swahilicontrolled trade was viewed by many as a means of social advancement and as a means of rising from porter to trader. In order to elfect this transition, many Machakos Akamba misrepresented themselves to the coastal merchants who entered Ukambani from Mombasa (Lindblom, 1920: 249-250); these misrepresentations served to advance the growth of false Akamba "ehiefs." At the local level these Akamba agents attempted to project an image of personal wealth by hiring workers in their own name, despite the fact that they had no real capital resources of their own and were being financed bl others. While they may, on occasion, have deceived their Swahili Cmploym concerning their position in society, the Akamba agents were unablt I0 ¢|'Ih3¤Ce their local prestige to any great extent. They WCW Om"

Rohn J. Cumming; gg; memcd by the i0¢ai Il>0P¤i¤li0h since they were pereclt-cd _,, umn pfeparcd ro serve lh¢ ¢¢0¤0ml¢ interests of the Swahili rr_,,tc,, 3, me expense or local int¢reSt>- increased exploitation or rm- p,tm,,ba under their employ was often lhs t¢S¤ll of the agents attendant t`rnsrrarln“_ They Often inflicted harsh treatment. which served only to reduce rm. ther the social status of the agents in the eyes of the local populace. AS a result of their low status. many or these new Mamm trading-agents came to identify with their overlords and to internalize some of their values. Not only were these former poners more familiar than nontravellers with some of the ways of their Swahili backers, an example of the interculturation function of porterage, there was also a growing awareness on their part of how the Afro—Arab traders influenced the local scene and of their possible role in these changes. These Akamba intermediaries were well aware of the fact that since the Swahili had only limited access to local Akamba society, they played a vital role in maintaining the constant flows of ivory and other commodities required to meet the demands of the international export system. The Akamba agents, however brief their tenure, were thus crucial to the development of wage—orientation in Ukambani. Workers were often recruited from the lower rungs of the social ladder: social outCasts, refugees, adventurous youths. and the rootless poor. The comntitment of such men to the wage economy was indeed limited. Southall described a parallel situation: "the labor force of most plantations [in early colonial Kenya] is very unstable, with a high percentage of bachelors, so that . . . plantation existence may constitute only an interlude, though perhaps an oft-repeated one, in lives still tirmly embedded in the fuller kinship system of rural tribal eommunities" (l96l: 64). ln spite of the differing contexts, in both cases the option of wage labor was seized as the best, if not the only, possible means of extricating oneself from an esphyxiating dependence on subsistence farming. ln short, limited opportunity dictated an increased reliance on the sale of labor (cf. Fielder, 1968-I969). The porter-laborers who enlisted with the comprader group were. in a sense, the first migrant workers of interior East Africa. Not only was their commitment to the wage economy limited, their interests were essentially local. They strove to maintain ties with kith and km while working to raise their own socioeconomic position in society by par· ticipating in the small·scale transport system that charactenzed contemporary Akamba involvement in trade. Plying upon these needs.

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zu 11-is WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE —· · the oods of a cert·‘ his $°¤· Kl'“”fy"Y and wm? ocx?-Q,?n:r;;id anirthins leash wax; M'““" [mm hm?] [9 Mbociggq but we each received 3 piece of cloth liuivggngblzi however. to use the cloth in exchange {O, for our · someuzins else-" . were hired as carriers of m ‘ Under Amw/0nh, Some Akanljbiiort Smith. Others took jobs? between Machakos, Mombasa an [ion South [mm Kib _ '”°‘°" ‘i‘? T §;TZ..’°§.?.§I.‘§Z;E‘2"§£.?.S’.§‘SI.ZE°....i...... of human ygi igrgscgntinuzd to flourish, even expand, alongside thernlew employ. ment opportunities introduced by the Europeans. e Akamba continued to sell their labor as porters, interpreters, and guides, for there was a growing demand for the muscles, knowledge, and language · le. sklgsarziazéérigsw as agents for distributing trade goods,-represent a fundamental element in the study of East African economic history. Yet the system of human porterage provided much more than simply a means of transporting trade goods. The institution of human porterage facilitated both economic redistribution and irtterculturation. The tradition of porterage offered both free man and slave an opportunity for amassing wealth and for achieving social mobility. It provided its participants with a chance to test their manliness and their skills. lt also furnished an opportunity to meet new people, and to both influence and be influenced by new ways. ln fact, caravan porters appear to have influenced considerably the interior and coastal societies of East Africa throughout the nineteenth century. Through their function within the trade system, they affected the nature of economic interaction and induced profitable results within the wider system of trade. They also impinged upon social institutions along the caravan routes, as well as those of their own societies. The most significant economic change in East Africa in the latter half of the nineteenth century was perhaps the often difficult transition from a subsistence economy, bolstered by periodic participation in a wage economy which offered payment in kind, to a cash-wage economy linked to the intemational system of capitalism. The comPfader role, in fact, became the basis of a legacy which connected Akarrtba wage-earning labor in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Still, it was the caravan porters themseIves—a.mong the first "vv¤S€’ nrners" of East Africa—who most effectively served to link the sub-

Rohm-! J. ¢utn•nb•o• my siswncc and Wagcioricnl-cd ¢€0l'|l·7•ml¢$ and also I0 bring lh; village markets togelhdf Vllllh the €xPUldm8-3-lld encroaching world economy through their dtsI.rlbUlIV€ l\·\l'IFlI0|I$ II'I UIC Syiltm of trade. Porterasg was thus an adaptive pI’0C¢S$ ID EASI AlI”lCZ, 85 porters learned to ljyc in both the subsistence ¢COI'I0fIIY of lhtlf OWII Societies and the was; economy of long-distance trade. NOTES |_ Kavisu Lua, Altamba Historical Notes (AKAHN), interview no. 97. 3/IS/7], Miwani Loution, Kitui. (A.KAHN—Lhe complete id of oral dau mllstd by this cher in the form of tape recordings, field notes and textual tnndaum . mn;. Kinyanzwii Kasiva. AKAI-{N. No. I7. I/ll/73, Muii Loation, Manheim. alm Moango Muinhya, AKAHN, no. 66, 2/Z2/73. Maltuni boutinn. Machakot. xo claimed birth during this period (l855 : I0). 3. Kaesa Muli, AKAHN, no. Sl, 3/7/73, Mining: Lotztion. Mnchakot. 4. Kitua Kithome. AKAHN. nc. Z7, 2/24/73, Kiltmgu Loudon. Madukon. S. Mumbua Kivonda, AKAHN, no. 3. I2/8/72. Kalama Lontinn. Mnchahos, 6. Muindi Tungu. AKAHN, no. 8. I2/27/72, Kalama Loution. Machakm. 7. These Machakos Akamba agents admiunily had limited uperinus in thin ma, having playcd only a secondary role primarily to thdr kinnnm of This isespeciallyscintltemseofmagic.fort.hep¤1pleofK.iutiar¢¤onsid¤edev¤tun¢il today to have been more powerful "magicians" than their Madukot munt¤·pa11.• (see Cummings, 1976: 98-l0l). 8. Kiveta Mutwetumo, AKAHN, nc. 1, I?./8/72. Kalatm lnuritm. Machnkm. 9. Umun1hiistheAkambaworldview•:ph&;iai:lihigyd1atev¤lv¢hd’ote i860. l1 stressed the concept of individual initianive (kviyu-maya mundu mvem; lor the progress of Lhe larger lotzl community. I0. Mutwetumo. AKA}-IN, no. I; cf. Kimamho. I970:85. ll.111eAkambawere¤otimpr¤¤1•tallvithti•et¤.-wni¤neyi•¤tfotth¤i ln.borandmanyweresaidtohavebt¤·i¤:|it,thrt1wnitany.o1u:ditto¤ihr;e thdr jewelry collection. I2. Ttmgu, AKAHN, no. 8. I3. Tungu, AKAHN, no. 8. CUMMINGS. R. J. (IQ76) "Tlie any devdnpnul of Alanis Ind ink ill'!. c. l'I80-I820." Katya I-linoricsl Review 4. I: US-Il0. *——(I9`75)“Asp¤sofhttn¤np¤\¤1lrihq¤£rd¤EtotneAliof Kun? WWINB nn qmngmk hi¤g·y_ Ill)-IYE." Ph.D. UCLA-., FIELDE-R- |Ll.(|96$-1997) "kgmk $-5 i pe- nd {ali N SGKY|‘I’¤¤nt¤1attheEa¤ Afri¤¤Univ¤·irySocin|S¢1¤:C¤¤{er¤t:.Ka¤;¤It

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AlI•n Iaaeman md Ella llandata gn Iicularly \h€ \Ya"cy¤ and one OI. their l_U“\:[jOl\§ WQQ (rt gc".: as .·pOmr-men" for the penetration of merchant capitalism im`; the socielgce of the ll\|€f|0T· Thfy traded for the prrtzeiroc mnt on ,am.a“ journcyg they W€l’€ Pf>|'\€T$. h\·||'\|¢f$. ilnd owauionally ratders, (`ltikund; ethnicity developed tn the context of this servile relationship between pmzcjm and Sl3\'€. ID lht? |'\l¤¤l€€|”l\h Ctnluty. hovrex·er_ the ;|'|'0"§ or the prazeiros to extract more l`rom the Chikunda resulted in a number of rebellions and escapes that established some of the Chikunda as independent operators among the Chewa of the Zambeai Valley and among the Mang'anja of the Tchiri Valley. Under these circumstances, the Chikunda were able to transform their position from that of workers to that of employers. The Kololo were initially corvee laborers in the service of the Sotho aristocracy that conquered the Lozi in the l840s. They were pressed into the service of David Livingstone as porters and eventually found themselves at Tete, in the Zambezi Valley. By the l860s these Kololo were no longer bound to the Lozi state but had become independent workers in the penetration of European interests up the Tchiri Valley to Lake Malawi. The Kololo used their access to firearms to conquer many of the small Mang’anja chieftaincies of the Valley, and they forced the subject population to work for them. The paths of the Chikunda and Kololo crossed in the l850s when a number of Kololo labored side by side with remnants of the ex-slave community in gold and coal mines around Tete and a decade later when they competed as merchants. By then the Chikunda had been in the Tchiri Valley and adjacent Chewa homelands as independent ivory hunters, merchants, and mercenaries for several decades. The following study explores the history of each of these two groups in order to examine the kinds of transformations that were possible in South Central Africa in the late eighteenth and the teenth centuries. ln both cases, emancipation consisted of a transition from servile laborer—sIave or corvee—to free laborer. The C hikunda and Kololo went further, however, using their temporary status as free laborers to accumulate capital and ultimately control the labor of others. What distinguished the Kololo from their Chikunda counterparts was their access to state power. lndeed, a comparison ofthe two cases demonstrates the critical role the state played in organrztng labor tn nineteenth~century Central Africa. The Chikunda were never. able to impose their political hegemony over the Chewa and Mang anja north

in “ ¢tdNl h““,·,,q1·.|¤¢ D¤un¤·¢¤1.xx=>:xg~;q_,,\` u‘¢r1::°:::;°:`:,_,,,,¤.,¢mm¤»k¤¤mm, Z" .··u-‘——".u`-» }_gshyp1.uInf¤¤.¢Rth;Ib¤¤|;( Hxuaw-»¤g¢.mdT¤1.¤dw¤d anon, :,,nw.¤w•p¤dd"¤¤·vu¢uu¤¤s I\( $ l*Ilf€|‘|¢ gud ‘ ·da»¤¤¤chepv¢zv¤,¤rP0n»•g•.¢,, of thv.Z.amb¤J {um lrrguyggju Ouch no T¢s¢(l¤aau¤a¤.|?'TZiN¢vl1il.1973).Thc¢sq;,;¢. ugusqnaiws} mud mei Gnkunda rename: chmugn wm. .“w_ g1,qiAirg,and¢¢f0l0¤d¢¤S}$\¢mc¤10fLIn¢pca;aq;4; sho Sudan mir lamb (Miranda, A.N.T.T.,M1\$0 60¤.q.1‘T(;0_ hwv1evs:H.Duning0¤,L.$ha¤1£c¤Ic,A.Panga¤ha.G.Tno).Au\#’Q\01$ ··GE-H')'9f2ZA}h’0 "r.bc1arges1 pan iofum Giuhdaudwnemwmmimdwmgmcrhadfmim p•¤d¤u¢andbm¤,andbo¤•uscofuhdrwpmm¤dsm¢p·hadn¢ iauéubawdtu ¢h¤¤sdv¢=asd2vcs"(Mkan¢2. A.N.T.T. M¤;»0ll. ca. 1160). images. 0r¢a¤s. socid auxcasusandthosc seek hghgdaamuaryafurcanniuingeaionsuinadrmendmmga wir {melon for sion-ws socari1y—a security roamed in a sysaeu dm¤md|dwr¢1¢¢r1ai0¤.An£•¤o¤¤t·ocm»7uavd¤ describe: i¢dd•0m¢ri¤dkao¤»nashmdci¤g•tcn»da¢(r0¤ds)b1M£¢tmanp •¤¤ad¢¢dav¢r»c¢¤n¤s0{¢h¢p¢awk<x: lvI••¤vu¢ai¤»hsiisn¤¤whre:lwat»ti.¤ze.l••t¢»·hut¢o1 E•¢a•AId¤nik¢»¤·¤ns1•o§v¢;¤r
; gn “ va, gf gm mmm Minh S¤¤~¤ ·r-·:·~¤=¢ u guuennu my- my ..\.,,,L my un ¤U¤¢ ¤\·"¤¤€ Yin'! uhm gu ....,1. um; mu hw `m“m_: l“r¤l¢c` BDU HK ?¢"; K {apt: V"'¤““ I"-m- FKIHI I¤¤||q ug gm gum 1;; gr. •.¤¤|\\aL`i•¢€ lu¤•*‘l¤\lIl- !\l¤\‘ YEHIIE uu: an v.m¤-mw mmuuup •(,»u¤mu. N5? 31*7*2. ng mq •,_;q_; (Audm mf; hn} M_ wz?. nn¤~n·~•·¤. Daum (mm;. Ctnnmnmg r_pm,mm wm;. kmyv. and Minn Pangacaum Agmuugi, mr exam ulmlbcl 0* ilhvu vru autnuumgjr, hg] lm Lu yn, mg my figures pucauncé m Pumrgxnx ¤u:¤m¤m lm) mnaugd. uumcumuwp uuxnmu tm nugm mm an Cum.; Lmmmg a wbsuumal kauuv iunx. A hadn; maasum who me. 5,,,,.,., gg 1‘59 csnnmmm vin funn an mum tim. BEAM (Muni; A_y¢_T.T.. Ma:vv6Ui. th. ITWUL Harry p¤1 uu: ug Mw"; myufrhclaanbcni uskzniaxcddncm nu¤rh·mu1ab¤»•rI.lll·FT·ui.; 1339; 3; 'h'nik1;h:su:01 :h¢(lnk¤¤¤¤.q.\uh11.n¤1:urun5p~·¤r.ev.m qmp¤:h·um•md¤ah¤n¢k¤1w¤~¤1dth¤um¤.xh¢(hianm¤¤nu a;.~unn0nm0dv01ur;am¤m¤¤thru1¢b
214 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE · . - lt beads and alcol-t . - d locally manulactured clot ,- Ol earned lmpl;);:il;nLunda kingdom of Kazembe tn Katangn and as as hr nam the Shona states of Manyika and the Muenemntapa of far wl: ea;A|pers l975‘ BCBCI1. 1979; Bhila. l982§ lS83Ct`llan_ |972; 7973* Ganiitto, 1859: 370). They purchased ivory, g0ld_ cor, per, and slaves. The ivory and gold WU; ZXP0;;1€di:1€:;:;g;a grlgsl-Uiigal; the copper and slaves were largely tra e LU argc an inércasin ulg lby the end of the eighteenth century slaves ec E Y tmt it ort overseas. I _ _ _ pmlihel sliavpe caravans traveled to specific areas of the interior selected ·.. ‘ ' h as those at Manica and Luangwa by the musambadzt either fairs suc l _ or inland villages known to have supplies of ivory. gold, copper, 0, slaves. Once the trading party left the prazo, the musambadzt enjoyed complete responsibility for the caravan’s success. He resolved. all ques— tions that affected the safety of the expedition, negotiated with chiefs to allow the caravan to pass through their territory, selected camp sites, and personally negotiated barter agreements. lndeed, the success of the venture depended on the commercial acumen of the musambadzi. As Gamitto (1960: vol. ll, 27) observed in 1831, Bargaining over ivory usually lasts two or three days; it requires unbelievable patience to acquire an elephant’s tusk, and it sometimes happens that when the sale is almost concluded the buyer or seller calls off the bargaining. And thus only natives are able to buy from natives because a European, however long he has been in the country, and however used he is to the habits and customs of these people, only rarely has the patience needed to reap any advantage. ln recognition of their critical role, the prazeiros customarily rewarded the successful caravan leaders with substantial gifts. But if the success of the venture depended upon the commercial acumen of the masambadzi, it also depended on the brawn of the poners and 'the skill of the canoemen. Because the Zambezi Valley was a tsetse-infested zone, pack animals could not be used to transport $00d.S limo. the interior (Barbosa, Ajuda S2-x-2 no. 3, "An8ly$€ eistattsttca, December 30, l82l). As a result, slaves had to carry such Tiavybcommodttles as ivory, hippo teeth, and copper great distances. gah sence of roads made their task more difficult, as did the rapids S: t e swollen rivers which the caravans had to cross in the rainy ason. Official Portuguese accounts noted the skill and daring of thc

All•n l•••ern•n and Ellie Mandela 215 canoemen who lrentained unintimidated by the large rocks inning out of the Zambezt Istver north ol` Tetc (Barbosa, Ajtttln 51 x»2 no. l "Analyse estattsttca," December 30, lll2l; Botellto. lli3$: 2K3). Aln addition to natural barriers, slaves guarded the caravans against raids in the hostile chieftaincies that they traversed. Compentors, in. cluding other prazetro--financed caravans and Yao and l-lisa merchants who began to trade tn the region during the second hall` ol` the eighteenth century, were another menace. One prazeiro lamented "that it was rare indeed when one ol` his musambadzi was not robbed or assassinated in the interior and the caravan returned safely" (Aboime. A.N.T.T., Maco 604, August 27, l779). On several occasions trade to the Manyika fair was paralyzed for a year or more as a result ot the sharp increase in the number of attacks on the Chikunda caravans (lsaacman, 1972: B4-85). in addition to transporting bulky commodities and protecting the caravans, slave squads were periodically dispatched to hunt elephants when the caravans entered regions renowned for their large herds, such as the Luangwa Valley or the Dabanyi marshes. Armed with guns and axes as well as powerful hunting medicines, the Chikunda were reputed to be the most skilled elephant hunters of South-Central Africa. Elephant meat and other game were consumed by the caravan and traded with the local population for grain. lf the caravan received permission from the local chief to hunt in his territory, the chief took the tusk closest to the ground, or an equivalent in cloth and other trade goods, and the hind quarter of the dead animal. lf no prior agreement was reached, the caravan took both tusks back to the prazo (Mendonca, A.H.U., Cx. 3, December 3. l7Sl). For the porters, the expeditions were long and arduous. Caravans were gone for upwards of a year and often traveled more than a thousand miles through rugged and hostile terrain with only short intervals for rest at hastily constructed bush villages, or misasa (Gamitto. l859: 370). Sorghum and millet, normally the basis of their diet, were sometimes in short supply. so that the slaves had to rely on forest products that they hunted and gathered. Berries. honey, tubers, roots, game. and fish often supplemented their diet. Whenever possible, they exchanged forest products for sorghum or maize at interior marlltets or with the agriculturalists whose land they crossed. During pertom lol seasonal famine or more pronounced food shortages suchropportunitles disappeared altogether. During the first quarter of the nineteenth tury, prolonged droughts and a deluge of locusts wrought havoe on

2* ni 'u¤¤`$ or AFIIZAI TRADE · 11 or deserted the c¤¤‘m’- may 0f whos: mcinbds 4;:1 if I799: Furs;) . anon lcasuo, A.H.L-. CX- · PY , auigdymgédjce 1315, fol. IB. December 20. 1828). gsonugunc ,_.,_ SLN NM *-0* *·· ·"°°“"""‘* '°'“"£’ °Z? Za "mam. of whom had died from thirst an. uns. I H lj I -- mauhgyeotudnmmnunuedwujounwy ( gyda UT |mw,,d·dthma1¤J. Pombalina no. 721. fol. 299. March 21, l79g)_ C l · .-`· tareowners qua mcfCh3.l1l Capilalists and as far atvayas india and Brain, [flied 0,, ,1,, laxf or their Chikunda intermediaries ts reflected m t Ie hand. some returns of the trading and hunting ventures. ln the mlgdlc 0; me dghutmh century, for example, profits from the tvorgcggt e were mee *·‘ ’°° "°‘“‘“ ""§.“l;; *"‘.3;...Z‘.Ii“S$.'LEE.; .......£T.ZT£..3; . a v ua e mv ,0m¢rl75l).l‘mC;mrea;i;tlveti1i:alseS0ndces of experienced masambadzi and Chg. s and hunters if they lacked the need or the capital to :1l:ti1n:i expeditions (Anonymous, B.N.L., Fundo Geral, no. 826, May 21, 1762). Profits from the slave trade, with which Chikunda caravans became increasingly involved after the turn of the century, were even higher. Captives purchased in the inltlerioltgl were solid on the between 650 and 1100 percent more t an e purc ase price ;l;S;c::ian, 1972: 89). By 1821, ivory and slaves brought almost entirely by the Chikunda caravans constituted more than 90 percent of the total value of exports from the Zambezi Valley (Barbosa, Ajuda 52-x-2 no. 3, "Analyse estatistica," December 30, 1821). Relations between Chikunda and the estateholders were ambiguous and often contradictory. As slaves, on the one hand, the Chikunda were subject to the arbitrary and capricious rule of their owners on whom they also depended for wives, cloth, guns, and at least some food. Commenting on the notorious excesses of the prazeiros, who were consumed by the notion that their slaves were "lazy" and "untrustwonhy," one eighteenth-century traveller noted "few are those who aet within the judicious limitations of propriety" (Lacerda e Almeida, 1936: 105). On the other hand, because they were well-armed. relatively autonomous, and strategically placed, the slaves posed a serious threat to any prazeiro who abused his authority or abdicated his power. Their common work experience, slave status, and permanent membership in a particular regiment combined to create a sense of collective identity that contributed to class-consciousness. Their shared experience seems to have blunted any tendencies toward in-

ann 11 1 1 kg g" Iduhnkqgthicl a|'I'I¤¤|tht slaves, annum: hunmun Ihmhhln dmanr ethnk !F9¤P¤ (I“·Nm·|¤- |972.a: "I—4|9). A, M, ham csalgioldc compllmed in |7$2. a "pru¤·¤q¤,,,R.mU·"¤,° of n,. um: rczimeet •~·¤v •t¤h¤¤¤ the mam an .,...,,,,,,,··· mm A_H_U.,C1· 1. Arm! l¤· tml Br Msenenne ui¤itma..¤.......,...§ l d“s-j_n-the-making |¤l’¢P¤td I0 ad on us own 5y_·h·"_ Indeed, the annals ef Zlmbu-ian history are repteie inn. cumuOr am r>r¤¢¤¤¤- F-¤¤¤¤>*¤¤= ¤=•¤¤•rtr ·=¤¤¤=hi¤¤·¤ or ¤¤¤¤a.._ tag} g0pp,8,s_ smuggling. thieiery. and sabotage that they attnaind m ,h, -·nnpudencc" of the slaves tPi-rreira, A.t·t.u,_ Mw., ;g_ Aww 27, l753: Cirne. A.H.U.. (`odioe Nel, June 19. IBJI; lA•:erda e Anneida, lB73: 65). During the eighteenth century desertion was the most common expression of slave dissatisfaction. The L`hilturtda‘s lack of any deep—rooted links to the land and their hunting and mmrni-r· cial forays into the interior facilitated flight. By l'l53, the prueuos faced such a grave situation that they mounted a full lledged military campaign against Martg'anja chiefs living in the Mount Morumbala region who were suspected of harboring runaway slavn tPerreira. A.l·l.U., Maco 38, August 27, l7$J). Thrt: years later prueirea attacked a number of Chewa chieftaincies north of Tete in an effort to recapture other fugitives (Perreira. A.H.U.. Cx. 5. Decunber I. l756). Despite these punitive actions, the flight of dissident Chiltumda continued to pose a serious problem for the rest of the century. In desperation, in IBOJ, the Portuguese government sent a formal delegation to Lundu, the senior Mang‘anja chief. to secure an agreement not to provide sanctuary for the fugitives (Hewitt. l97J: 201). The mis sion failed, however. ln the first decade of the nineteenth century. slave resistance became even more pronounced. ln IBO6, it was estimated that approximately half of the 20.000 slaves on the pruos had escaped (TruIo. l8ll9: 8). This estimate may be exaggerated. especially in light of the continued unrest among the Chiltunda over the next several decades. but certainly it is safe to say that resistance was on a larger scale than ever b¢f0rc and that flight continued to be a principal method of ¢}l7f¤§¤· ing discontent. Not all the runaways fled to the northern chieftain°l¢$- Some sold their services to competing prueiros who offered liifm a number of material inducements to settle on their estates (Dutta. A.H.U., Cx. 2l, March l790), while reeent captives tried to rnalte their WY back to their natal societies.

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L ru ¤·dl,¤¤¤r¤1n¢s¤;0¤ch;l1¤tm¢m;r,=__.¤¤"l‘_“Tu 1,-; 5g•m. l9"3• ‘ " ‘ m G~Z§ HK Lin mgqgrr ln: Zurgi M 1,·lqg;¢d!f®® Li¢!Hlh»!¤G\.k¢f|@:¤¤1¤-mg 1·,;);¤n¤qlf¢G=£¤l.r‘i.¤¤Ha;`¤pg(`,,1¤*¤.¤_‘t °{;kZA.llb:Dl1~¤. Thqame10fanaC\h¤»h¢·;p;" ¢r¤•d>¤¤u""°9°°-“""***F°'*¤¤¤\¤¤o¢¤•o{¤·•.;`|,-¤d¤g;ndhg1•¤h,s¤¤m•es•uhth¤l¤nh¤.¤¤1d_¤‘¤, “,g·,,ja;¤4Che•z;12ra¤¤¤¤•¤¤hnndsdh¤•unf»»e-| |¤x,_pnnal1Iyr¤¤1.s0f(H&h!at;¤&§1.;g~ ,”,-q¤|ofln¤•l|a¤1d¤¤rfs.tcnp¤r·u·pb¤;.hg;;.,;|,,E,-`°`h' {¤·#3@'¢I·Z$lh}§t€“"ih!h Ci|'$§I{|rg¥—“°d ialgwgerpopulaxkncxmigrmedahagrkhnaqannxulq m;¤¤tich¤u¤1d¤1nn¤1lr•¤¤frrnT¤:wnhel.;n\‘;|g,.¤4 l;k:Ma.Ia•i.'l`heG1ihm:h•·h0¤:1kd¤¤¤;th:@·¤1hda gpuialnanttncistinguishzkmfrumrhnauinnuhtditoand ¤eu.|¤dinrhercgi0ubenv¤¤1Z¤nb0¤ndrl:L¤g•1\'&;f¤n Ac¤0rdingw0¢:Chr•aeh:h:·. ‘l’\:(1innch¤rn:I¤:efrua&¤jh¤n:i&¤::i_ the7ambe·zi.Wharbr0¤gh¤rknm¢•¤utz¤·:if¤·is. 'l'h¤n¢¤|h¤¤.sCliknnrhi1Oiin's¤¤•¤l$.\`ek:• cfhirnb¤.·a.¤s:l¤rasgi•r<:na¤rifelry•l¢1¤lifn&)l¤:k•¢. ks¤.tlerli1Ms:k•e'sv·i[hgvkrt&•ifeivd.T\¤ne®k¤¤da vho di! this were allcd mmhom Util intent-: H&|: Mvnk. Phlri). Frmd fromthegripofrhc pruriros. the C1-Sh\BCIIIu§'IIII$ in|andagen1s0frnerdmnr¤pinalisrn.Th:irhumingstHls.kno•h¢h 0fIbeinla.ndrcgi0ns,andthene•riesl0tbelo¤lmy1hye|nnk Lhemmexploiuhe largeelephanulndsuaxhmvhm imennrinml pdccsfor ivory wereonthe rise. Slaves, wnxeuuinetdroheinga d·cmand.and¤he Chikunda helped sarisfyrhis mnrkerasvdltlsnr Mnand Rosemhal. l934). Whanever uhe fom which 1he dispersal wok. me Chikunda. urrllke 0* K0|0I0. rarely auempned no conquer the indig¤¤¤¤¤ P¤P¤|*“°"A$hU||l¤’S.|rak·5gndWn¤·5;|;gy·¤¤·3Ilyc¤¤BI¤IlihI¥(.`N*¥ |MMang'anjaandpr0vid¤dimponameeun0¤1i¢andp¤lunn:.|¤cr·

21. yp.; UORIERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . d- bellden ·“··,. >··>·= ew ’%‘"· ""‘° “"f,?.‘§Z,°{.°.'I.T`¥.Z`.${£t¤¤.°n.J ?e.Z.§1;,: ibm "wbmhcd me commu by the ew-slave chiefs (mukazamb, _ kggrug rmmru; were z0*¢|'¤¢d . · _ ~ H lm gout challenge to the prazetros both becaum [ht? Tm. pmemcd other slaves and because they had the mn,,,,._ ffered wnfll-la . _ _ _ , h · , ?¤·»¤·> ··~ ttretm °**"*‘"* °;;i;i’,.Z,`.."1.Z'l"£.ZZ',;I"§i£1t?»Z`*§f’.-§i2.i"l?i 1 · ‘ A cas, re _ _ » 1: mumun lr:dlh|:]ak:1;;afl’1S( their subservient posttton. Because the Zjizltiinilaustayed together in large sr0¤PS. lhT_Sehmig;-tkareéhe crlgam, . M 'ousness o 1 e 1 un a. e einpressron of the collective consct _ n cxccu _ |`f free from the slave master ts a · ent tnfin lc {Ollie flrgcgerioiisness of class antagonisms (Newrtt, l974: Chikunda discontent continued at la hggh levil thgoughout h lf of the nineteenth century wrt 1 e resut t at many gslfatfghiildeis were driven off their land (lsaacman, 1972: 116-117). The pernicious desire of the prazeiros to profit from the Brazilian and Cuban demand for slaves explains this discontent. The prazeiros tried to sell members of their regiments, with predictable consequences, "The inability of the prazeiros to comprehend the ramtficattons of the slave trade," noted one official, "was the principal cause of the in. surrections" (da Silva, A.H.U., Cédice 1452, May 14, .1825). The rebellions came at a time of recurring droughts and famtnes related in pa.rt to the prazeiros’ decision to export peasants from their estates. By the middle of the century, the number of functrontng prazos had declined from 82 to 13. As Livingstone noted "the slave trade to Braztl was the primary and almost sole cause of the evil" that shattered the lmt vestiges of the prazo system (Livingstone, 1857: 340). 'l'his disintegration left thousands of ex-slaves unattached. Many remained in the region to work as free laborers in the gold and coal mines nonh of Tete, where they subsequently encountered the Kololo, and others became porters, guides and elephant hunters for the diminished Portuguese and Afro-Asian merchant community (Livingstone, 1857: 635-640; Selous, 1893: 47). Other Chikunda became independent boatmen, traversing the Zambezi from Tete as far inland as Zumbo (Zambian National Archives, Feira Notebook; Deny, 1939). Still others became members of predatory bands which plundercd peasants living on the decayed prazo estates (Cirne, A.H.U., Codtcc I468, October 27, 1829). Ultimately, many of these predators were reenslaved by mestizo warlords who organized the conquest states of Massangano, Makhanga, and Matchinjiri that came to dominate the

Alm llhnnn nd El: link 31; wwe, zambezi in ¤h€ $€€0¤d hall 0I` the nineteenth .1-n(u,,-,|,M_man I972; Hewitt. l973). ' ' Many Chikunda escaped from this insecurity and turmoil bi migmjng Outside the region. Like their ancestors. these t‘ugirit¤ (*0,,,,,] sanctuary among the decentralized Mang‘anja and Chewa politics north of the Zambezi River. They came to form a Chikunda diaspora throughout this region. This diaspora took one of two forms: (l) unattached individuals. sometimes with their families, settled among it-,. Ma.ng'anja and Chewa; (2) autonomous bands of between five and ten men, probably remnants of Chikunda butaka, established. with the approval of local land chiefs, temporary bush camps adjacent to the villages of the indigenous population. Over time, the immigrants either forged a more lasting bond with the local chiefs and were integrated into the larger population or migrated along the hunting and trading routes which extended northwest from Tete to the Luangwa Valley and' Lake Malawi. The Chikunda who settled among the Chewa had a special name to distinguish them from those who wandered into and settled in the region between Zumbo and the Luangwa Valley far in the interior. According to one Chewa elder, The Chikunda came here from their original homelands which were alortg the Zambezi. What brought them here was the search for elephants, and they killed tl1e elephants with gum whidi used iron stone: for bullets. 'lhe most famous Chikunda in Chinsamba’s ara was Chilenga. We knew of him because he was given a wife by a lotzl chief named Msekwe, he settled in Msekwe's village where his wife lived. 'lhose Chikunda who did this were called machona (Joint interview: Mbalame Mwale. Belu Mailosi Phiri and Levi Phiri). Freed from the grip of the prazeiros, the ex-slaves could operate as inland agents of merchant capitalism. Their hunting skills, knowledge of the inland regions, and the new ties to the local royalty enabled them to exploit the large elephant herds at a time when intemational prices for ivory were on the rise. Slaves, too, continued to be in great demand, and the Chikunda helped satisfy this market as well (lsaacman and Rosenthal, 1984). _ Whatever the form which the dispersal took, the Chikunda. unlike the Kololo, rarely attempted to conquer the indigenous population. As hunters, traders and porters they generally coexisted with the Chewa and Mang‘anja and provided important economic and political ser-

g TIE Of ARIN! TRADE _ am,,_,,c,xy_ chen traditions contrast the armed Q. that of olhff i-¤1¤*l&{¤¤* 8¥°*-'P‘> ‘h° through md. mdandt pqe not warhke, as were the \ ao Ngom fgy me me to kill elephants and then sol t¤r¤n¢_¤1 to stay ton-,t.,~ qjgim interview: ZCPIIZNYZ Mwalt and Cliarsahra Bandar gum CW Em T5-M M- nih: Achawa llaol and [S\|ah1hl can me an large gangs to make war. Iwhtle the Chlkunda came in may youve They just ¤a.me here to lull elephants. Aluya and Adnan were the ons who tlnteargigw; Bl$h?E Cdqapuka FIDE (DC Oi-IBC!. {hc I C2-me I m gmail qlqpencled on the hospitality of the land chtefs who allowed gzlandsettle in their territory. For the Mang'anja and Chen authorities the praence of the Chikunda offered a number of attrae. tions that overcame their initial suspicions and fears and fomied uk huh for a more permanent alliance with these strangers. The refuges performed an important service as elephant hunters. Armed with , axes, poisonotm spears, traps, and special medicines, the Cltikundimwsere far more effective than either the Mang’anja or Chcwa (Joint interviews: Zlephaniya Mwale and Chatsalira Banda; Ngwezu Chikho Phiri, Daniel Chinkhupiti Nthara and Kamachenjeza Mvula). Mang'anja hunting techniques were particularly crude (Mandala, l9$3: 26-Z8). They relied exclusively on two types of traps—the mbuna holes dug ll'l the ground with a grass covering or the lchem trap made of a sharp spear suspended from a pole with a trigger. Neither method yielded much ivory during the rainy season. Both Mang'anja and Chewa traditions recount the expertise of the Chikunda, who were not only excellent marltsmen but daringly swung from the trees hacking away at the herds that passed below (Interview; Lukiya Chiwanga Phiri). After killing the elephants, the Chikunda presented the tuslt closest to the ground and the hindquarter of the dead animal to the local chief as recognition of his position as owner of the land. They made a similar offering when they killed bush buck. buffalo, and other game. They smoked the remainder of the meat and occasionally invited other members of the local population to their camps or msu. There was never a shortage of mouths when it came to eating meat. They [the Chikunclal lived on this meat while hunting in tl1e bush. Then there were the people around who were always willing to be served. But the ivory belonged to the Chikunda alone and the chief with whom they lived [Lukiya Chiwanga Phiri].

Ak 1; hi 1 1 3-; In ddjljon to their talents as hunters. the Qu . mB_m,_ Mmghnia traditions recount their iaith meat m¤¤rv*·= A¤¢=¤¤ ¤•¤•¤ mn Amin xm.,-....,,,,, Tk °" ,,im¤¤f¤rz¢d¤¤¢=¤¤·*S¤¤¤•¤*¤*··i¤¤r=v¤¤vl•;·¤a¤stri't;lti $b°,u86and¤arfare,wereingreatdmiand.Cl•e••tat¤tt;t,¤ mpbygd me ivory workers to make bneeleu thm nu., nr, of lungslup and class vtivilep tloint intervin: Nalin;Phu, Phin Nathando Phiri). Tb¤yfofmld3lQl¢¤in1\¤FY$l¤ll$*¤!¤’¥i»1lhrlyt¤fultott¤:i§;¤ commumties, which. as the century progressed. tamu enum; .. tacks. By I850. north of the Zambezi had become a mn; of mms; eompeuuon among Yao. Swahili. Ngoni, and .»,rm.c.¤.n gavers. Without the presence of these ex—slaves the small Omen and Mang'a.nja communities would have bem relatively ckfutsdess against me predators, and in some documented cases the Chikanda actually held off invaders. A group of ex-slaves residing in the Chen village of Mamba defeated the Ngoni raiders ofMsakame¤a(J0i11tn1t¤wie•: Ngwezu Chikho Phiri, Daniel Chinlthupiti Nthara and Kamachenjeza Mvula), while other Chikunda played an instrumental role in driving off the Maseko Ngoni. According to one of the attackers. wewenttoraidotherChewainthewest.\\'efonnghtagaiinstpen|n of Dzoole, Chinzu and Chinganyama. But we failed to break through the stockadcs of Chinganyama and Chinzu beau: of the Onihunda prtsmce there. We always feared their guns [Interview: benuse Chime Mwale]. Chewa elders also recalled how the Chikunda deterred the Ngoni from attacking Kanyenda’s village, and those same Chikuuda later drove off a combined Yao and Swahili raid. Although Chikunda musketeers were unable to prevent Yao slavers from terrorizing must of the Mang'anja country, they did help protect the Tengalli chief¤i¤¢¥ against the initial Yao onslaught, played a decisive mk in assisting Chibisa's community to resist the Afro—Goan warlords of Makhanga, and blunted the Gam Ngoni advances (clfkft A.H.U.. fédice 2—44·F D, fol. 84; Mandala, l977: l92·l96: Northmp. l978: 9—24). To induce the refugees to reside permanently in their Chen and Mang'anja chiefs offered the Chiltunda land. hunting nghts. most important, wives. "The chiefs wanted the Chikunda to recalled an elder, "so they gave them daughters from the royal home

s 1 ¢ lé 1 . unr1mn(jna:¤salraltuti¤t».. Tm uy 1}*.;-rg"'. Zqmmn Jain: m1¤·~·¤e~r sung; ; ig; Chl!l¤*¢· and Lntzsk human. n ¤::·niml.n -d¤,,=,¤grppn;innil!¤¤¤¤!¤1'¤N¤:n:¤£1··¤&wrru,k cxtli-d,.;••m¤¤\d¤¤·¤¤P·'¤*¤L*¤*¤‘ ¤'¤¤~tum, 1, _; gg EE nd re but chilnrul. ·n,”,“;¤·•_ in they-g¤·1¤1m¤·7¤l¤¥¤'¢¢¤T! ¤¤¤ K Im!.-1 _*¤;,¤¤‘ frm ni.-subpart mutt; ¤r‘h¤‘r ¤rn·¤:u¤-mm ;s;¤·5ndah•¢ud=¢nls¤ap¤v¤+¤1_m¤¤1mi·tu.,u.uE ,-g¤¤¤¤iM¤e`¤¤¤ F¤Y¤‘¤¤¤¤=!¤‘¢·¤9 Urivrwzym ¤.,...»·¤¤¤¤H¤¤¤==¤¤¤¤'°'* """""'*“'T°‘°* ‘“F’°¤¤¤‘ gi¤.I'h1 stls.kn¤•rhx$ecd’the!¤9¤¤m¤r.w:su her; 1tpn:¤iiptii¤¤·n¤¤L¤aid1i:skyr¤;s¤¤;¤g mm} itiiueieririhmiad Rosenthal IQSA;. hiiy, rnsptni ivuy gnsed it must incline women kr tk(H&. Iii rdaiwdy i 1b¤·s nad: it immsing Igtintozrytktntstotshecnnstreventothcadjanuxinlanr ttm. Té ht of piii puter pevenmd them from nouvug ¤kay¤¤·ne:H¤r,i¤¤1a¤totheK¢itio. totnnsponziur •¤¤.Tki@:¤¤tmp¤lain,f¤fulofu·n\~cli¤gthr.:vngt d¤v•·|anI nus¥¤Si|¤·reftr¤:ito:r¤¤eas|¤:r¤·s."T`t•: i•as•hgo¤i1t:lt|¤¤.."r¤:nIerl:vt:·al(]newadd¤·s. "E~e· tkGit¤¢hihoIiv¤1litht1slt:0k¤:lt¤·rify·it;to tm. Wedarcdnct novefromhomeforfearofbdngkilled. Thelandwas fullofbénamien and other vrfebenga [man hum¤s|" (Joint imeneivr: Josh: Gti¤etaPhiri,KazyoIikaBan¢h.Amou(]iadzaBandaandEli5·:s Banda). Others refused because they feared that they would be as ahve; after fulfilling their duties as porters. "The Chewa did me a¤¤omm1ryth¤nhemt¤etheChikundawereannedandtheCh<•2 [ard that they might be sold as slaves if they followed them. Us ¤|ik\1Dd3f0l.II\d their ovrn mam of carrying the ivory" (Join! i¤\¤· view: Nmhan Pelekamoyo Mbewe, Amazia Mawere and Keyala hlalm Mbewe). As a result, the Cltikunda, like their former prazeiro owners. cam to rely upon slave labor. They purchased porters in the interior from Nsenga and Chewa villages (Interview: Mkota Mkhoma Zakuliyal captured others during skinnishes with the Yao, Swahili and NB°“‘· They obtained additional slaves from Chewa and Mang'anja chitfw as Payment for their economic and military services or in exch¤¤!*’

1 m§u¤_¤m¤¤.:m¤rt`Mm¤¤w¤% \¤.thnr_P¤Ids•m¤¤»4~,c 2an\·¤nhn.v•qt•.M \¤¤¤¤¤r\•·¤¤ Snulahuu mtr. mt,. ;¤pm¤¤4v··¤¤¤i¤·¢•f¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤r¤.»;»...,,,,,, m¤¤s¤¤¤9°*°*°·°*P¤¤*°*¤t¤¤¤¤t¤t1nc¤¤¤¤¤.,g*g.gk`.‘, ,;.¤·ans¤d¤‘¤|i¤£v¤'¤¤f¤¤h¤mnaa¤q;,.‘,md_ ¤v¤gM¤§qwn¤•!c¤i¤·w•’;N¤¤N¤¤Np;,` n¤\‘a¤a¤d¤n.\1·dhsc¤I¤ah¤•¤hqn¤¤#h¤•¤¢n¤:wnLw• u¤,_ngg·¤a¤·¤I¤d¤h¢a§s.O¤:¤u¤Rqnux\ka»4¤•p; ¤¤\`a¤¤¤in\lcau\a‘svItqnanébr».geq¤••¢\1•¤ine•snn•t 1'€. .\@I`|f|'§\k&"Ei*§·(.\{.30§"Q|*GlH!\¥`€(“'@·I`|I m¤§:f¢iwry\iItrhc\arg¤.andhd¥ex·:qsia\aed\`•o•A$•dd .·¤·¤1,•hid•itrheaincwqt\coatot1·w•&wodvu¤r\h•ewaL•\1 !hh¤ia¤rdhomco¤al¤urq¤mak¤gthelw0¤a(k¤a1kiuiamin: ZQ*I.l.b·'l\.\'iIEIIdO8$’1B»IlOI; Liver; t9"S\. Ina¤¤d.byI85(Lthcregiouncr·t’hofth·eZanhezt\adhztxsn¤e•aonr cfittns:cuntu¤daIrivaIt1.·am<¤qrhe(\ilt•••0a.t\t\`atxt\e S•£,th:Kokn|o.thea4jac¤¤tum¤•:n~¤orkrtlxa••dh¤aa¤eni•anrs andh¤t¤soomi¤gfromc0ntuup<¤1r·3·lanrliat!
gg TIE QIIIBB OF AFIEIN TRADE I I -¤ hjgh we called gogodela. With thm lu guns, h.m;ag::pli:nu in Malirnba. Elephants were so pr¢,,,,[?,: · mm, “y,_ bur they gradually got extermmated by Qhilenga and E, fdbqers until dry 1'l¤1l 10 l10l'\h€!'¤ Nkh0l3·KOl¤. Chtleng; htmxu hmm, ,, pon-rrnl as a result of the wealth derived from me ivory um may chew; en1eruim—Msekwe and Myamb¤—took rerug, in his chemba (stockadel. But the Yao from the Machinga tribe raideq me surrounding vri.Ihg¤ for slaves but never raided the people or Msekwe and Myambo. as they were afraid of Chilenga [Interview; Lenose cnumse Mwatelnreir liberation from the cstateholders’ ties to lndian mmm, capital also enabled them to sell their ivory and slaves where they com. manded the highest prices. Rather than conainumg to send their caravans to the Zambezi towns of Tete or Sena, t ey rspatchcd trading part.ies to the coastal town of Quelimane where they often received 25 percent more for their ivory, thereby circumventing Portuguese and lndian middlemen (da Silva, A.H.U., Codice 1462, fol. 42, July IS, 1860). ln an even more adventuresome departure from past practice, Chikunda nravans went north tothe Nkhota-Kota in the Lake Malawi arm to exchange tusks with the Swahili of J umbe who, although com. mercial rivals, were nevertheless anxious to acquire the ivory and war the Chilrunda brought (Joint interview: Zephaniya Mwale and Chat· salira Banda). Although the Chikunda siphoned off some ivory northward imo t.l1e Swahili commercial sphere, contempora.ry Portuguese accounts continued to acknowledge both t.heir central role as elephant hunters and the dominance of ivory in the colonial economy of Mozambique lAl:r;i:1a;5r;éH.U.,b;4so¢;.mbique Pasta 21, August 19, 1863). Whereas ln arro o ivory were exported from Quelimane, the ¤P¤rts increased to 5259 arrobas in 1856, 6600 arrobas in 1863, and more than 70(D arrobas during the four-month period from December 1874 to March l875.' Although the export statistics are fragmentary and the upward trend may not have been as pronounced as the ligure SUQQI, Official sources in I863 are unequivocal that "iv0ry is lh' l¤0Si U'|'|P0|"l31'1l export commodity in the colony" (Almeida, A.H-Ur· Moqambrque Pasta.21, August 19, 1863). This assessment was echoed trwenty years later rn an economic report written by the governor cl eteh;Bt¤83. B.O.M., 1886, /40, p. 492, July 1886). Nevertheless. tiny t 1880s the depletion of the elephant herds and intensified clorts by the newly tnstalled British and Portuguese colonial regime

Allan tnaunm nd Etta; India as to restrict trade acros the Limbezi-Tchiri f ronti ‘ of jhe Chikunda as entrepreneurs (Selma, |B9];‘:7?l%:;Ti;:$ mm Mkhoma Zakaliya), ` ` °"’ THE KOLOL0 Unlike the Chikunda, the overwhelming majority of porters who came to be known as Kololo were never formally enslaved. Rather they were tributary laborers bound to the Sotho-Kololo aristocracy which, under Sebitwane, had conquered Bulozi around l840 (Ma; inga, 1973). Within a decade Sotho-Kololo hegemony was on the decline. Sekeletu, who ll'I l85l succeeded Sebitwane as monarch. faced a serious threat both internally from the subject population and from raiding Ndebele panics. To meet these challenges he tumed to Swahili and European traders for guns, which he used to consolidate his position, thereby increasing domestic oppression. One of Sekeletu's prospective allies was the influential Scottish missionary David Livingstone, who arrived at Linyanti, Sekeletu’s capital, in l855 on the final leg of his journey from Angola to Mozambique. Exhausted and with only meager resources, he convinced Sekeletu to provide porters and canoemen to carry his baggage and navigate the treacherous Zambezi River down to Tete. Of the ll4 men given to Livingstone all but a handful were conscripted from the diverse ethnic groups-Barotse, Batoka. Basakya, Basubia. and Mbundu—which had been forcibly incorporated into the SothoKololo state (Wallis, l9S6: l, 168; ll, 388; Foskett, 1965: I, 220-22l; ll, 398). Toward the end of l855 Livingstone and his entourage left Linyanti on their five-month journey to Tete. The ll4 men were organized into four ethnically based squads. each of which was under the direct supervision of a "h¤dman" whom Sekeletu had appointed (Livingstone, l858: 570-573). Throughout the journey, the headmen enforced the rules and prohibitions that Sekeletu had decreed before the caravans departed. also transmitted Livingstone’s orders and distributed to thetr respective units. Contact among porters belonging to different units was minimal. _ _ _ . The journey was a real l¢Sl of endurance. When the initial provisions which Sekeletu had offered ran out, Livingstone extracted tribute from vassals of the Sotho-Kololo ruler to feed the porters. Once outside Sekeletu's sphere of influence the porters adopted ICVUII

g TIE (I AREA! TRADE Ima ,0 cum fund, some took to dancing and erumammg wales., ab.! ug route: m xu supply; h&•i:b.nI|y, for they went inte uk p;¤¤1viththenew¤q5Llt)'hndwd¤0¤.tb0t!&blsirsp¤ctma¤)» qrmmvaeinvemed f¤rtheoc¤¤i¢>¤._and wuldsay. Dance {0, DL md I rm yipd wm for you" [Livingstone. 1858: 633], Thy supplemented this food with f0¢5i Pf0·d¤¤$. but lhdr lack gf gmppwder and experience in hu-DUDS l2|’S¢ Same mea-¤l Y-bil Lhey su!. {ged priodi: food sb0rtas¤S· Clothing **85 also SC2-W2. 2-llhough the more fortunate were able to sell their buds and other ornaments in enter w obtain cotton cloth (Livingstone, l858r 608). HIC majority rnchedktewithalmostnothingontheirbodraz Theywereinabadshape,poorfeIlows;fortherainswehadmenumered had made their skimclothing drop off peacemnl, and they werelook¤iup¤nwi1.bdisgustbythewell-feaiandwel1-clothed Zambezians IBSB: 635]. 'Ihere is no evidence, however, to suggest that the deprivations and the lack of compensation adversely affected Kololo relations with and auitudc toward Livingstone. No one deserted the party and many continued to rapoct the impoverished missionary after the trip. Apparently. they continued to see him as Seke|etu’s emissary, and they provided their labor as part of their tributary obligations to Sekeletu. f Shortly after Livingstone’s party arrived at Tete, Livingstone left or England. The porters remained behind as nominal guests of the governor of Tete who initially provided them with clothing, food, and lodgng and offered them land to cultivate. Farming did not, however. Prove attractive and most Kololo turned to wage labor. Some found ;¤|ili|;:>yut:1cnt as gold miners, coal diggers, and Hrewood hawkers for ey received a daily wage of two yards of unbleached American gra Bntrsh cloth (Livingstone, l858: 680). It appears that some Chikunalso were engaged rn similar wage occupations at Tete, so that it was Tait this ttrne that the paths of the Chikunda and Kololo first crossed. ose Kololo of Barotse and Basubia descent and perhaps others :vh0’had substantial experience as boatmen before joining Liv· al:$a0¤¢S entourage became canoernen. Obtaining canoemen was ys a problem for traders traveling from Tete to Quelimane. In

Ik ti 1 1 ki up ·ddijmr°ha\'llkgIh!FN|¤@§f|’$&N |&'¢a|¤t_Tq;.h¤ §md,,rl.emamp¢¤tcfczllfu¤~¤3·andsh»ed¤l¤;rr(.¤,y, Zlmwuu. Sur:htrarlersworrlrllrrrrgr|..¤g,.~,,,.’ b’G*¤m .°rneKebt1hns¤mni¢bhomn¤,u,,hi,du!nmvu\°¤r“ ,r,, goods down tc Tue tusiriestoae. tarts: tot-tut. rs., mv; .»outdr¤¤r.\•¤*¤¤·¤S\¤¤·=i¤¤¤mr>*toQrretr¤r•rre. ni-. .,,,,f,Q of was sold ¤ slaves at the coast (Fostett. l%5; I, 75-T§)_ 1-;,,, Aman, who, like the Kclolo. were •illing to underute the r@y jwmcy mgrmgd to extract substantial cuacxom from umu mddymrs (Foskert. l965: l. lll). The first Kololo crnringqrr wk d,p|0y¤dascano¤ri¤r¤>mist¤dofsine¤rm¤r•·h¤•sr;¤rrr,.jLg,.. mggrone from Tete to Sena in May l8$6. They rettmted as any |gborets¤"amP0¤i¤gS0V¤¤¤¤1lz¤¤dSin¤¢2nt¤e(U~ittgrone. tsstl; $70-573, 696-698. 708). Because of the gear dunand. canoemen eorn. mgnded relatively high wages. which they receited before starting are journey from Tete toward the coast (Fostett, l965: l. 75-"B; Li`. ingstone, IBSB: 570-573; 696-698; 708). Many Kololo found a new market for their labor after lJvir@tne returned to Tete in September l858 as an agent ofthe Britishgoverument in charge of an expedition to open Central Africa to British mpital. Livingtone had sufficimt funds to unploy many of hn ftnner servantsaswagelaborers. Therewereabouteightyliololoatthetinne. bemusethirtyhaddiedinasmallpoxqaidetnicandsixhadbeen murdered by Bonga, the ntler of Massangano. The six were the professional dancers who made a living by entertaining the residents of Tete and its neighborhood. Bortga suspected the entertainers to he witches sent by his rival Chisaka, the ruler of Mathanga (Livingstone. l865: 43, 157. 248-249; Wallis, l965: I. 42; ll, 287). Of the sunivors. some Kololo came to serve their old master as watchmcn. Uulfdilii the expedition‘s warehouse at Tete. Others still became porters and crew members on the steam boats. the Makoben (l858-l8$9l and its successor the Pioneer (l86l-l864). On the Makoberr the Kololo worked as unskilled laborers undef the direction of European officers and African sailors. known as Krumen. brought from Sierra Leone. They performed labor BS well as a number of arduous tasks of which the most ¤8¤¤"“"* was wood cutting. Because the furnace of the Makoberr consumed a ENR! deal of timber, the steamer had to stop GH! 0!h¤’ di? "‘ °'°" to permit the Kololo to go into the bush and gather firewood. 3::: ihis task took me min my me by the time the Kclclc had town they had little time to fish for their food (Livingstone. IMS.

5 nl @3 OF AMIZAI TRADE ugly; 35;; Foshett, l965: ll. 39l). Throughout their term, 0, ,¤|gy¤¤| they always resented and remained contetnptuous of [ht ··,¤m¤g ¤tltmatic," maintaining that a sailing boat *·wa_, vnu) mpqior to a steamer because no wood had to be cut-and you had mgrdy to slr still. and let the wind drive you" (Livingstone, lass; 4,9) gggides outing wood, the Kololo etrried heavy loads ffcm lh; Mamvera rapids to Lakes Chilwa and Malawi, and they gem the unmet it operation. Because the boat drew excusive amounts or at regularly went aground on sandbars, and the Kololo had to [rg`? Theshipaholnkedsolndlytllal lh¢WOfkETSh3dl0pUmp thgmginé room eight times a day. The laborers must have felt great relief when the ship sank to the bottom of the Zambezi on December 19 IS (Martelh. l9‘I0: 162). lu replacement, the Pioneer, did not leak. Bi? bans: of its larger siu: it required more firewood and grounded mm frequently. The porters who joined Livingstone on the expeditions to Lak Malawi, Lake Chilwa and the Tchiri river in l858-1861 worked und; very different conditions than they had on their previous expeditions iekeletu s hndmen had lost their control over the porters during rvm;stone's absence (Livingstone l865· 157) When the . I ' ‘ Porter agreed to work onee more for Livingstone it was not as corvee I laborers but asAit.:1dependent workers attracted by the pre; grmiliiy with his white officers. the mkers fearctiiltdleraritdkrcdiizi The Kololo had now made the full transit' l' lv' wage-arners, and this transition was ref'i:ted‘?: gone: iabmm tcrousness as workers The glowing con_ I . Kololo found them.selves in f disputes with the Krumen who considered · requcm they were m_ . · themselves superior because had l better jobs than the menial labor that the Kololo www perform. Krumen would not eat "r-native" food nor carry V b°$$°$°(L¤V¤1sttone. t86s: 84) and on sev 1 · pcm cmwn had w intervene bam . he era occasions Euro tended to side with the Krumen an? [ two group" The Omcm mud than u nn (pmkm I . · as a result the Kololo even attm;] wuz ·_ 265. I, IS}, 2l9-22l, 3l0-313; Wallis. Wm: Jmun fnctton between the Kololo, Krumen, and ldoumul Uvinuwm wamcdtvrngstone promoted Kololo conccmm Ama but he thought achieve his objective of openins UP t is could be done only by driving his

an Ilan; no 1 hn-. Z ,u|;ordin31¢5 ¤¤¤l¢r¢ilully. At one norm .i,m me M M pa,. thr0ugh.lh€'K¢b¥8b8l3 rapids. he toree.1 iiiiagggi Lg ua ctrcutlout r0ule. along Which the crags were io iiq·· lhauhcyblutered the uncovered leetoltheKototo,°,1m_ThtK I I complained bitterly. When Livitlgllbne rdutcd to reverse hi; hi mm [hcy dgglarui defrantly that "they always thought he tnn a l¤n_ but now ll'l€Y bdicllw he had IIE lim, of having gone mad" (Livingstone, 1865: 60). Despite sinh pro. mu, the working conditions of the porters continueu to aqui"., Sho,-mso; of food were increasingly common and the flour and rotten meat that Livinggtom pmygdd ,,¤c_ tuning m one of his white companions, enough to "turn the stomach of anyone not living in the bush" (Fosltett, I965: l, 21 l). Moreover, Livingstone refused to allow the Kololo to hum to supplement their diet ann challenged their right to rest on Sundays or use that time to engage in their own private commercial ventures. Tensions continued to mount. ln 1360, nearly two-thirds of the Kololo refused to obey Livingtone when he ordered thnn to return to Bulozi and their subordinate status under Sekeletu. ln 1861. during a particularly grueling journey to Lake Malawi, Livingstone trial to prevent the Kololo from hunting in the game-rich Linthipe region (Foskett, 1965: 11, 314-317). Hfteen Kololo disobeyed. Furious, Livingstone dismissed the mutineers and abandcmed th¤n in the Tchiri Valley, thinking that they would either starve to dnth or be forced to return to Bulozi (Foskett, 1965: 1, 314-3l7; Clendennen, nd. l-2). For the Kololo involved in the mutiny, the dismissal marked the end of their live-year career as wage earners. During this period wage employment broadened their conception of labor power, improved their material conditions, and helped them to develop a sense ofgroup identity. Although the men had left Bulod as members of different ethnic groups, they managed to overcome their backgrounds and adopt a common identity as Kololo or Magololo, thereby themselves from both the Chikundn ex-slaves and the fre: of Tete. By calling themselvt: Kololo the porters sought to emphasize their common experience as free aliens at Tete and their shard labor conditions under the Ponuguese and the British. · _ As wage laborers the Kololo were able to improve their economic P°¤ili0n considerably, Upon the completion of will l0l¤'l¥Y K°u° were paid in guns, powder, cloth, and other The P°¤¢r¤ sold some ofthe calico and kept the renimtlcr. particularly trousers, which symbolized their claim to being Black Englxshnwll

gp THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE -- V ‘ · later became a critical ass · mn?ermakud:}· Tt;r:;;aihm?he“lL;:cr Tchiri Valley. were inria}; [hm Fu; zgrrge and ivory. They sold their ivory at Tete and used ::::,:gceeu3; Ki obtain wives, tomaintaitt a household. and oeeagionguy [0 indulge themselves-Whwh ¤¤¤0Y€d I € ¤'¤0l’€ puritamcal Livingstone: The Kololo have learned no good from the Portuguese. . . some of these men have only added to their own vices those of the Tete slaves; others. . . have got into the improvident slave custom of. . .SD€nding their surplus earning in beer and agua ardenls [Wallis, 1956: l, 163], The Kololo viewed Tete as the land of opportunity in contrast with Bulozi, the land of bondage. More significantly, they came to challenge the Sotho-Kololo system of labor appropriation and Sekeletu’s claim to the fruits of their labor: Our own men . . . had often discussed the rights of labour during their travels; and, having always been paid by us for their work, had acquired cenain new ideas which rather jostled against this old law. They thought it unjust to be compelled to give up both tusks to the Chief...Sekeletu's law was wrong; they wish he would repeal it [Livingstone, 1865: 288]. ln a clear expression of their autonomy and increasing class consciousness, nearly two-thirds of the Kololo refused to obey Livingstone in l860 when he ordered them to return to Bulozi and their subordinate position under Sekeletu. They also internalized the idea that they had control over their own labor power and developed a relatively clear notion of what constituted appropriate conditions of employment. They insisted on receiving payment for each task they performed, and they demanded that their own time be recognized as being independent of their employer. Kirk found out how autonomous the workers could be in 1859 when he could not find a single Kololo to transport him in a canoe after the porters had received their wages for the journey to Lake Malawi (Foskett, l965: I, 266). The porters preferred to utilize their time and labor to, undertake private ventures or to arrange marriages. On long expeditions the Kololo porters, sailors, and wood cutters refused to work on Sundays except to hunt their own game and ivory. lndeed, the Kololo revolted against Livingstone precisely because he tried to alter their work schedule.

Allon Iancmy; yu E"- “m“• 231 Livingstone’s prognosis about the inevi · . auwnomous political and economic empire imposing inzafngrscd an 0,,,,, ine politically decentralized and vulnerable Man ·,, · sammy tion of the area. B ma p°p“l“‘ .,,,tnat1y, Kololo domination of the Tchiri valley depended on nm, ability to curtail the cycle of violence set in motion by the slave raidin of the Yao, Swahili, and the Chikunda who were working for thi Zambezian warlords (Mandala, l9B3: 57-70), These raids had a devastating effect: "The whole country. . . is almost wholly destitute of inhabitants, though at present the river bank is lined with Misasa (i.e., camps) of fugrtrves from the other or eastern side where the Achawa (i.e., Yao) are ravaging. We had passed and were yet to pass many more [misasa]" (Bennet and Ylvisaker, l97l: 325). The Kololo defeated the slavcrs, to the great relief of the indigenous population. As one Mang’anja chief noted: I have brave hean [sic] too, but what is the good of a brave heart: a brave heart alone is no good. Listen. The Mang'anja have brave hearts; the Ajawa came into their country; they go to light the Ajawa, but directly they see them mn away. Why? Not because they have not brave hearts; but because the Ajawa have stronger war medicine than they. Now you have a stronger war medicine than the Ajawa [Rowley, 1867: l49]. But the Kololo were not content merely to repel the attackers. Following the example of Livingstone and the Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA), the Kololo also took the offensive against the slavcrs, tracking down and ambushing caravans. The "liberated" men, women, and children, as well as the captured firearms and trade goods, were taken to the Kololo camp at Chikwawa. The most able of the freed slaves received arms and were integrated into the Kololo ranks as elephant hunters and soldiers. Others served as farm laborus working in the gardens of the Kololo. They were joined in the fields UY the ex·femalc slaves whom the Kololo married. The incorporation of a number of unattachcd Mang‘anja and Yao, who had been displaced by the famines in the middle of the century and by the wars ofthe Tchiri Highlands, swelled the ranks of the Kololo communityBy May, l862, the Kololo were reported as: revelling in all the good things that part of the country could prod¤¤¢. . . monarchs of all they surveyed. They hid 80¤l$ b3' fh' "·`°"‘

2;; THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . - finest corn and drank the best of 3;:;,iii;]l;,l:i:Iiii;irll·iii'm:;lt?ol1l;ew·ives were clothed and decorated _ ` . · d s run at once from poverty to Ieitlifliufigiainaj cifndicfiih rleliiiovgi frgm bondage to that of lord; of creation [Rowley. 1867: 277], Drought and the instability created by slave raids heightened the differentiations between clients and patrons and.between slaves and masters. The Kololo settlement survived the disastrous 1862-1863 famine (Mandala, 1983: 57-70), weakened-buthevertheless in better shape than the neighboring Mang’anja chieftamcies. Adequate sup. plies of grain and powder provided them with a modtcum of security, which, in turn, attracted additional Mang’anja dependents. The famine also forced the UMCA missionaries, who had unsuccessfully competed with the Kololo for influence over the Mang’anja, to leave the country without their newly converted Yao protégés. Most of the abandoned converts had no alternative but to join the Kololo as slave warriors. The Kololo used this fighting force to subdue the remaining Mang’anja chieftaincies. By 1870 the Kololo had set up six small states in the Tchiri Valle . Thle economic base of these states rested upon the extraction of tributary and slave labor. From the outset, Livingstone’s ex-porters rejected the concept of free labor for which they had struggled when they had been wage earners. They suppressed all tendencies toward a wage labor system in favor of tributary relations premised upon their monopoly of political power. The chiefs deployed their subjects and slaves in their fields and as the basic work force in other branches of the ec0nomy—prirnari1y ivory hunting and salt production—which they came to dominate. ln short the Kololo reinstituted a system of exploitation that was more characteristic of their native Bulozi than the type of employment they had experienced under Livingstone. Wage labor had proved to be transitional. The Kololo had begun as corvee laborers; now they employed corvee and slave labor. All the Kololo chiefs maintained large fields, known as magala. which were planted with food crops, cotton, and sesame (after 1880). Slaves and conscripted Mang’anja peasants worked the fields. Every Mang’anja headman was required to provide his respective Kololo ruler with male workers during the critical weeding and harvesting seasons. while slaves maintained the fields on a daily basis (Mandala, 19771 108-109). To meet their growing labor requirements, the Kololo ob-

All•n lineman nd Elba Hanan; m · ed additional slaves through raidin and - ,_ . Lzlgjiyes with Ngfml and Yao warlordf by exchanging uh lm The Kololo aristocracy reorganized the production of salt, which previously had b€¤¤ ¤¤d¢l’l¢·lk€¤ by Mang'anja women in small kin. Ship groups (Mandala. 19833 24·2$) but now became the work of slave; Kololo chiefs Chiputula and Maseya started centralizing salt productiori soon after taking power. They employed their slaves to manufacture salt in the Dabanyi marshes and only permitted independent producers on the condition that they handed over part of the product. The two rulers maintained their hold on salt production until the late l890s, when the introduction of foreign salt to the Ngoni and Yao arms undermined the market (Mandala, l983: 86). It was ivory, however, which constituted the staple of Kololo trade with the outside world. Before the Kololo came to power, elephant hunting had been the least developed sector of the Mang‘anja economy. The acquisition of Yao slaves and the incorporation of Yao refugees, both of whom brought considerable experience in hunting and long distance trade (Joint interviews: Chipakuza and Sadriki Zimveka; Joseph Maseya and Clement Pemba), enabled the Kololo aristocracy to exploit the region’s ivory resources. They sent squads of Yao slaves to the Dabanyi marsh and the upper Mwanza Va.l1ey where the elephant herds resided (Mandala, l983: 27-29. 87-90). Because of the proximity of elephants to the Kololo capitals, the expeditions enjoyed a relative advantage over their Chikunda competitors. Proximity to the hunting grounds also made it possible for the rulers to send porters to carry the meat to the capital, large quantities of which they distributed to their Mang’a.nja subjects. As the former Kololo chief Mlilima recalls: You speak of game? . . . no sir, this land was full of game. Meat was never a problem, never. The Magololo chiefs engaged their slaves in killing game. As I said earlier, the chiefs capital was always full of meat, dried, fresh and so forth. Villagers came to eat the meat uritil they had their full. Women from all the neighboring villages were invited to take as much meat as they could carry [interview: Mathias Chimtanda Mlilima]. While the production of ivory was a relatively uncomplicated business, its sale was not. Owing to the capacity of their Afro-Grain competitors to block the Tchiri and Zamben waterways, Ko o 0

234 THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE caravans had to travel overland to the most distant markm al Angoche, cntsanga. lbo. and Qualimana (Mandala. J977: 122.,27, Slaves were used to transport the rvory, and many of these carrieri were ultimately sold with the ivory at the coastal markets (InterviewsMathias Chimtanda Mlilima; Joseph Maseya). ` The journeys were long and required considerable expertise on the of the Yao caravan leaders and great endurance on the part · Dart ol the carriers (Johnston, 1884: 532-533; O'Nerll, 1885: 646-655; Rankin 1885: 655-667). Thf l’0l-md [nps [0 [nc northern markats rasled up in six months. The porters suffered from shortages of food and drink. ing water. There were, however, several factors that tended to stifl an si nificant worker protest. Good conduct was the best u E y B (I _ M h_ Ch. g arantee against being sold at the coast ntervrew: at ras rmtanda Mlilima) and the prevalence of lions and other marauding animals along thr route acted as a powerful disincentive against desertion at night. The whole party huddled together around a blazing fire at night to keep off the animals. Lions often preyed upon caravans to carry off anyone found on the edge of the camp (Interviews: Mathias Chimtanda Mlilima). ln addition to protecting the party with their guns, slave leaders were responsible for negotiating with local officials, some of whom werel vvjell knpwnl plunderers and extortionists. The negotiations rnvo ve most y t e payment of "passage" and canoe fees and occasionally the remuneration of guides. Passage fees were made in ivory as well as alcohol, beads, brass rods, ril`les, and powder, which were the- items the caravans brought from the coast (Interview: Mathias Ghrrntanda·Ml11tma; Joseph Maseya; Mandala, 1977: 122). Given these dlrfftéulues rn transporting the ivory to markets it is not surprising that hem ololo welcomed Scottish traders who arrived in the country in TI,. with the promise to buy the chief’s elephant tusks. On the presence of thc.Sc0tt1sh merchants increased Kololo dependence confiigfifllycgral-?e.tGhtefs like Mlrlrma and Mwita who previously hild I r un ing activities to the procurement of meat because Tssme dllflicultres rnvolved in transporting ivory, also started collcclilll dew ·T0 xxggltizom hadlfar-reachrng ramifications for Kolol0$0· · err prrvt e ed ' ' any Subordinate who killed ci hPOSlll0n the Kololo. demanded lh¤l upper Mwanza V ll [J ants ln the Dabanyr marsh and lh? 122 · {Cy hand over the "ground" tusk (Mandala, 19777 )- More significantly the im ' ‘ I . _ • portance of ivory rn the KoI00 economy highlighted the cont d` ' ' ‘ · · ‘ Yao retainer A T3 lCllO1`l Inherent in thc position oflilflr s' S hunters. (i'|€)’ C0nlinucd to enjoy greater malflnl

A|I•n Iaaaeman and Ellaa Mandala 235 benefits in comparison to both the domestic and agricultural slaves and the Mang'a¤J¤ D€¤$§¤U’Y: As 5l§V¢S. lwwever. they were rret-cr able to convert their economic privilege into political power and chieftainship. The Kololo had foreclosed this possibility when they decided to adopt a patrilineal descent system, despite the fact that the majority of the ex-porters had been raised in a matrilineal setting (Mandala, 3: 104)198/`[mr 50mC Y30 hl-|m€|’$ €XP|’€$$€d lh€ll’ dlSCOnlent by fleeing (O the Tchiri Highlands (Joint interview: Chipakuza and Sadriki Zimveka), the Kololo aristocracy adopted several strategies to keep their workers under control. On the one hand, they tried to intimidate prominent Yao hunters suspected of disloyalty by accusing them of being witches and threatening to administer the mwabvi poison ordeal (Mandala, 1983: 2, 77-78). On the other, they coopted disaffected Yao leaders by giving them village offices (Mandala, 1983: 77) vacated by Mang’anja headmen who had failed to fulfill their corvee obligations. The opening of the Tchiri Valley to "legitimate" trade provided Kololo rulers with an expanded opportunity to act as labor recruiters for merchant capitalism. As early as the 1860s the Kololo serviced international trade by renting canoes and paddlers to caravans crossing the Tchiri River. The aristocracy maintained its monopoly by prohibiting the Mang’anja from owning canoes (Interviews: Moses Ganamba; Herbert Maluwa). Later the rulers profited from the sale of Mang’anja labor as porters (amrenga—tenga}. The demand for porters increased dramatically after 1876 when Scottish missionaries, agents of the African Lakes Companies (ALC) and private traders and hunters settled in the region with the object of stimulating "legitimate" trade (Macmillan, 1970; McCraken, 1967). The Europeans required a substantial number of porters to carry their loads from Chikwana (Katunga’s), where the ALC had a warehouse, to their settlement at Blantyre in the Tchiri Highlands and to Matope on the Tchiri lktver above the rapids. Matope was linked by a regular steamer service to the Scottish stations at Livingstonia and Karonga on the western shore of Lake Malawi. All Europeans traveling to Blantyre and Lake Malawi and those going to the east coast turned to the Kololo for porters and paddlers. Aware of the dangers that an uncontrolled wage labor system cou; pose to their privileged position, Livingstone's ex—porters welcotrt their new role as middlemen and prohibited all travelers from recruiting labor on their own. Chiefs Katunga and Kasisi institutionalized the

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gg THE IORKERI OF AFRICAN TRADE mc bqrween competing exp|oiters—an assessmenr rh?. wm aytoirfsrproden right when. threatened with Portuguese rmpmamm. she British quickly mended fences with the Kololo's ruling class which, wmr a few exceptions. agreed to rewsntle England s colonial umm`. CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES IN LABOR HISTORY The Kololo, like the Chikunda before them, had transformed their pmrrron rn rne relations of prodirction lfrcm work? to enitpgoyer. 5,,,,, had begun as servile workers, etther s aves or trt utary a orers, and subsequently acquired slaves and other dependents of their own. Because of this transition, it is easy to lose sight of labor and concentrate on the successful careers of individuals who were able to uw ethnicity as a means of promoting the interests of a collective group of people. Both the Kololo and Chikunda emerged as distinct ethnic categories by bringing together people of diverse origins. Ethnicity war not given, but evolved in the context of specific historical circumstances and class relationships. From the perspective of labor history, the Kololo and the Chikun· da are interesting because of their dramatic transformation from bound to free laborers and ultimately to labor extractors. As slaves and corvee laborers respectively, the Chikunda and Kololo suffered all the in· dignities of socially oppressed workers. Once emancipated, they found employment as hunters, mercenaries, traders, porters, canoemen, and even miners. This transition marked a turning point in the history ol both groups. Not only had they severed ties of servility, but the Kololo and more successful Chikunda entrepreneurs began to gain wealth, power, and a privileged class position by expropriating the labor ol others. Work still had to be done, and it is instructive that slavery and tnbutary relations were still imposed as the means of extracting surplus labor, Despite the continuity in the forms of labor extraction, wage labor was relatively new in the nineteenth century. The Chikunda had en· gaged in portertng as slaves, not as wage earners. The Kololo began to take payment for their labor after they cut the ties of dependency with the Sotho-Kololo state, and their subjects in turn worked for wages, even though a portion of the wages had to be given as tribuis to the Kololo. Wage labor in portering, river transport, and mining was a new phenomenon that was ultimately tied to the increasing

AIl•n I autumn me llh Inu; g Pmdmljgn of merchant capitalism in Cemral Africa. wm iam, rcmmwd gubordnnnle I0 lhc flommam relation; of produqiiqm which wminued to be based on tribune and slavery. NOTE |_ srarisrics ¢¤mPll¤d l"·"'¤ ·*·H·U·. CMM NH. and Barham, A,u4._ gh; na. 3. REFERENCES ARCHIVAL SOURCES Nquiva Hiuorico Ultramarinc (A.H.U.). Moeambiqu; CL 3_ Dum, gm, 4, Mendonca, December 1. l75l. A.I·l.U., Moeambique, Cx. J, Fr. Fernando luus. April IJ, l7l2. A.H.U.. Moeambique, Cx. 5, Pedro lou Perreira. Decembu I, ITS6. A.H.U., Mogambiquz, Cx. Zl. lou Pedro da Diniz, March l790. ,a_|-LU., Moqnmbique. Cx. 38. Mello Ribeiro do Caauo, April 17, l799. A,H.U., Mocambique, Maco JH. "Proposu que ae fer aos mcradaru de Senna para darem 0 aeu votlo p. eacripto acs pomoa aeguimea." Pedro lou Peneira, Aupuu 27, l753. A.H.U., Cédice l3l5, Franciaco Henrique Fenlo, Denunber Z0. III!. A.H.U.. Cédice I452, lolo Bonifacio da Silva to Sebaarilo Xavier Boulhc. May Il, IIZS. A.H.U., Codice l462. Cuuodio loaé da Silva I0 lcaé Maria Pereira Almeida. luly I5. l860. A.H.U., Cbdice l468. Manoel loaquim Mendes de Vueonczlloa e Cirne io loaqurm Maximo Figuerido. October 27, IUZD. I A.H.U., Codice 2-44FD, Marco A. R. de Cardcnan no Anaelmo Gcmea Xavrer. lun: Z5, IB49. A.H.U.. Moeambique, Pasta 2l. lolo Taveres de Almdda to Miniairo e Secretano dm Negocioa da Marinha Ulirumar. Au|ua1 l9. IM]. I U Mquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (A.N.T.T.), Minisitno do Remo. MMD w‘· °'M¤'¤0!l¤ sobre a Cana de A{rica_" Aruonio Plntolde Mlflllql Cl. WU- 27 A.N.T.T., Minlalério do Relno. Maco 60I, Dio|o Gumeuo de Aboime. August . l779. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa (B.N.L.). Fundc (kral no. 826, Anonymous, May 2l. l762. , B.N.L.. Colleclo Pcmbalina, no. 27I. lol. 299. Franciaco lout de Lacevda e Amana '·° D- Rodrlguea da Spur; Cqurinho, March 2l. l79U- _ _ __ Jul hu. Blblioteca Pdbllca da Ajuda (Ajuda). S2-x-2 no. 3. "Analyae quuaucl. clsco Alvea Barbosa. December l0. IBZI.

M nc womens or AFRICAN ***9* DH I dt hhvmyqu (B.O.M.). IIS6 /49: v· "gzalbrio anhu M ,,u,4,1·.·ueaeter•do•¤Ann¤¤¢I¤8§. July _. ._ D¤¤ FIT- Dwi-. nn:]. Unjmmm, or Edinburgh Library (Gen. 1110;.;, PIO (NLE Icom Om;) FOZ/470: From Sharpe and Manning /$tt.|4) MP"] Archives, Fein Notebook, KSV4/I. ORAL INTERVIEWS smut yum,. Ch;,,‘,,.°_ nyu and Banda, Lameck. Chilowamatambe Aulu and Nainfomba, Austin. Chiltwawa. January I6, I980. Cavumbula. Qtiposda. Makhanga. October I6, 1968. Chipakun and Zimveka, Sadriki. Chikwawa. Febniary 4, 1976. Domingos, Mousse. Sena. August 6. 1968. Ganamba, Moses. Chikwava. January 29. 1976. Gogodo, Daucz. Caya. September 3, 1968. Malun, Herbert. Chikwasva. January 29, 1976. Maseya, J. and Pemba. C. Chikwawa. February 27, 1980. Mbeva, Bishop Chapuka. Mchinji. September 24, 1973. Mbeve. Nathan Pelehamoyo, Mawere. Amazia, and Mbewe, Keyala Maloni. Mkanda. tember 24, 1973. M1ilima?cIaathia.s Chimtanda. Chiltwawa. January 23, 1976; February 26, 1980. Mwale, Lenose Chikuse. Chiwere. April 16, 1974. Msvale, Mbalame, Phiri, Belu Mailosi and Phiri, Levi. Karonga. February 20, 1974. Mute, Zephaniya and Banda. Chatsalira. Dzoole. September 26, 1975. Nhanticole. Lol:. Chemba. August 26, 1968. Pangacha, Altace. Cherlngoma. September 4, 1968. Phiri, Iosiys Chiueka; Banda, Kazyolika; Banda, Amon Chadza; and Banda, Ellyui Kapantha. Chimutu. April 15. 1974. Phiri, Lukiya Chiwanga. Chulu. July 27, 1973. Phiri, Nsllsemphere and Phiri, Nathando. Chitseka. March 5, 1974. Phiri, Ngwezu Chikho; Nthara, Daniel Chinkhupiti and Mvula, Kamachenjen. Chikho, March 22, 1974. Renco. Oenle. Cltemba. August I3, 1968. Tito, Gimo. Sena. August 9, 1968. Zaltaliya. Mkota Nkhorna. Santhe. August 1, 1973. PRINTED MATERIAL "LPERS· E· (W7!) IWW and Slaves in East Central Africa. Berkeley: Univtfilll °l California Press. BEACH. D. (1979) The Sltona and Zimbabwe (9IX)-IIISO). London: Heinemann. BENNET. N. R. ana M. Lvtsaxnn |¢4._| (wm rh. cmimt African Juumul wl i·¤*"'“ Procter, 1860-1864. Boston: Boston Unlvernity Press.

Alon haunt an ;— gms. an MLA, H. U982) Trade and Politics in . gnu,. K,,,Nm“ _ SOTELH0, S. ¤.1l¤J51M¤norn Emuuu tom ea ¤¤n.tn•5.L::.' lmlmn . Oywnut. Lisbon: lmpmm Nacional, °°°°“"' *"'“ UCHANAN. J. (IBS5) The Shire Highlands hu C — . B Minion. London: William Blackwell. ( mm] Mmn u Cohn, lm CHADWICK. O. 0959) M•¢k¤tzi¢'¤ Qnvc. London: Hod& mi $ww,,,,,_ CLENDENNEN, G. (n.d.) l¤d-I The Shire Journal of David Livinatwne, I|6I·I|64 (unpublished) ` COQUERY-VIDROVITCH, C. (IWI) "De la tnite des enclaves a I'e1portation de I'huile de pahne et d¤ Pilmllltl au Dahomey: XIX' Sikle." Pv· I07-I1] in C Melllassoua (ed.) The Development of Indigenous Trade and Marteu in W¤i Africa. Landon: OUP. CO'l'I'ERILL. H. B. (I%B) led.] Travels and Rnnrches among the Iaku and Mountains of Eastem and Central Afri¤. London: Frank Cast. DENY, S. R. (I9J9) "Some Zambesi Boat Songs" NADA I4: 35-44. DRUMMOND. E. (IBBB). Tropical Afri¤. London: Hodder and Stoughton. FOSKETI`, R. (l96S) led.] 'l'he Zarnbesi Journal of Dr. John Kirk, IBSII-J86!. Edinburgh and London: Oliver and Boyd. ‘ GAMITTO. A.C.P. (Wa,) King Kazembe (Ian Cunnison; trans.). Lisbon: Junta de Investigacoes do Ultramar. ———(IB59) "Escravatut·a na Afria Oriental." Archivo Pittorum 2: 369-J72. 3774CD. GRAY, R. and D. BIRMINGHAM (l970) |eds.| Pre-Colonial African Trade: Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa Before lil). London: Oxford University Press. ISAACMAN, A. (I972). Moumbique: The Afriuniution ofa Europan Institution: The Zambesi Prazos. l'I50-l90Z. Madison: University of Wiaoonsin Preu. ———(I972) "The origin, formation and early history of the Chikunda of South Cuttral Africa." Journal of African History I3: 443-461. —-—and T. ROSENTHAL (l984) "War. slaves and economy: the late nineteenthcentury Chikunda expansion in South-Central Africa." Cultures et Development. JOHNSON, W. P. (IB84) "Seven years' travel in the region east of Lake Nyassa." Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (London) 6. 9: SI2-536. LACERDA E ALMEIDA. J. de (l936) Travma da Africa. Lisbon: lmprensa Nacional. ——-(IH73) The Lands of King Kazembe: I.acerda's Journey to Caaembe in IM (R. Burton, trans.). London: John Munay. LIVINGSTONE, D. (l865) Expedition to the Zambesi and its Tributaries. London: John Murray. ——-(IBS!) Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa. London: John Murray. MACDONALD, D. (IQ69) Africana or the Hean of Huthen Africa. London: lhwson of Pall Mall. _ MACMILLAN, E. W. (l970). "'I`he origins and development ofthe African Lala Company. 1878-I908." Ph.D. dissertation. University of -Edtnburgh.I I P MAINGA. M. (I973). Bulozi Under the Luyana Kings: Political Fonnation tn reColonial Zambia. London: Longman Group. _ _ _ MANDALA, E. C. (IQEJ) "Capitalism. ecology and society: the'l.ower Tchtn (zine) Valley of Malawi. 1860-l960." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Mtnneso -

32 TIE IOHE|$ OF AFRICAN TRADE _....um; ··m wwe and substanr of MAns'¤¤i¤ and Kololc oral r¤d...°m_.. gmt fMah B Journal JI. I: I-M. ..-- rt;) interlude in Southern Malawi. l86l-t89$.‘· M_A_ mesh. University of Métvi. _ _ _ MARTELLL G' (ly-yo) Liygnggungg Ryver; a History of lh! Zlmbtll Expoditjqm l858—l864. London: Chatto and Wmdus. I McKR_ACK_EN_ y_ (I957) ··Livin;1onia rnissionlandl UW evolution Of Malauj_ IB'!}-|9J9." Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge University. Ngwtrr, M. D. (1973) Portuguese Settlement on the Zzmbci. New York; Ar,-mm Punusnins C¤mv¤¤yNORTHRUP. N. (1978). "Southern Malawi, 1860-1891: a use study of frontier politics? Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. 0-N5u_L_ t-t. E. (l88Sa). "Joumal from Quelimane to Blantyre." Proceedings 0; the Royal Geographical Society (London) 7: 646-655. -—-—(|885b). "Eastern Africa, between the Zambesi and Rovuma Rivers." Pro. oeodinp of the Royal Geographical Society (London) 7: 430455. RANKIN, D. J. (I893) The Zambezi Basin and Nynaland. London: William Blaekwgu and Son. -——(l8B5) "Journey from Blantyre to Quelimane." Proceedings of the Roy;] Geographial Society 7: 655-667. ROWLEY, H. (l86T) The Story of the Universities Mission to Central Africa. London: Saunders and Otley. SELOUS, F. C. (I89J) Travels and Adventure in Africa. London: Richard Bentley. TRUAO, A. N. de B. de V. B. (IBB9) Estatisticas da Capitania dos Rios de Sena no An.no de IBO6. Lisbon: lmprensa Nacional. WA|l.°l;L5, J.P.R. (l956) [ed.] The Zambesi Expedition of David Livingstone, l858-IE6}. on: Chatto and Windus. YOUNG. E. D. (l877) Mission to Nyassa. London: John Murray.

11 POFITERS, TRADE, AND POWER The Politlcs of Labor in the Central Highlands of Angola, 1850-1914 LINDA HEYWOOD The economic integration of west central Africa with the world economy during the nineteenth century was in many ways related to the availability of porters who were able to link the interior markets to the coastal ports. ln the case of the Benguela Highlands (central Angola) the emergence of a large scale porterage system coincided with the end ofthe export slave trade about l850 and the growth of commodity exports, particularly in ivory, wax, rubber. and gum copal. Furthermore, the opportunities of porterage resulted in major social change, since many porters were able to transfer the gains from trade into the social sphere. The demise of porterage also had its social consequences. The imposition of the Portuguese colonial state (after 1890) and the subsequent construction of a road system and the building of the Benguela Railroad (l902-1928) ended the need for these porters. For a brief period, however, the organization of labor for transport purposes affected the structure of highland society. The fact that the highlands were thickly populated and strategicalIY Placed between the producers ofthe major export commodities and the coast contributed to the prominence of the Ovimbundu-the inhabitants of the highlands—in the transport system ofthe area. The geography of the Benguela Highlands made human porterage the most feasible means of transport for bulky commodities. ln the first case. 243

“ I <> —~\ gas U; = \ { ,_ fE / §/ ` _.; ` I x \ = ‘`‘‘ ¥ l ‘ Z fs Ys - 2*-* “ A ` · E I V-, ' ` ., %~\:j ~ .)¤ j x "·--·· ‘ J; E ¤ E t gg , 1 my 244

u'* H•1•¤¤t1 QQ me highlands lacked navigable rivers which nr to be ¤$¤d l°' "““P°'”‘l“8 S°°d$- Fiflller rivers provided Some riverine transport for thong "_·gg°m_ bu, mn Hm only available for relatively limited stretches and left much of the pro. ducing region untouched (Heywood, l984: 81-83). Animal transport either as pad animals or to draw wag°m_ was also M, [cum: the disease environment prevented the breeding of draught despite attempts on the part of Europeans to introduce livestock. Boer ox wagon, which had proven successful elsewhere in southem Africa, was able to function somewhat, but evert it proved commercially uncompetitive (Heywood, 1934: B4-85). Before 1850 the Benguela ltighlands had long engaged in external trade, especially the slave trade which began in the late sixteenth century (Heywood, 1984: Ch. 3). However, the slave trade generated relatively few demands for transport, as the slaves could walk to the ports on their own. Some members of these caravans were clearly slave raiders, but poners were required to mrry goods to those regions where slaves were bought (Heywood, l984). lt was not until bulky commodities began to be exported, however, that the need for porters grunly increased. The emergence of the Ovimbundu as renowned porters was primarily due to the nature of human porterage itself, and not to any special attributes. Humans, for irtstance, could uavcl tmder all conditions in the highlands, and thus porterage was faster than alternate means, such as the Boer ox wagon. Poners, who could carry as much as 35 kilograms each, could travel along any route in the highlands, while oxen had to pass through areas with sufficient grazing land and water supplies. ln addition, wagons could only make the 550-kilometer trip in two months, travelling live hours a day (Malheiro. l973: 97).* Porters could cover more than I9 kilometers per day and thus make the same tt·ip in about 25 days, or less than half the time (Heywood, 1984: 86-87). Besides this, ox wagons were more susceptible to natural disasters than human carriers. For example, hnvy rams might destroy the road and bridge system necessary for the wagons, but humans cottld bypass such impediments (Brasio, l970: Vol. 3: 533. Lecomte to Rooney, l Novnnber, 1899). Moreover, the oxen still vulnerable to disease, as the rinderpest epidemic of l896, which virtually eliminated the use of oxen for some years, made clear. { Porters were, on the whole, a chmper and less lvm! lggnl; UKHSPOTI than ox wagons, even when they funClt0l‘l¢d- lll l [ me S€0lllSh explorer Cameron considered the p0l’l€l’88€·$¤’Vl¢:h*; cas! Ovimbundu cheap when compared to what one paid on

pc DE QGIERS OF AFRDCAN TRADE wa,. of Arrsea lcameron. W5!. Were wv- virtually no in,»,,,_ m,;,;_ hu me eapital outlay for wagons was quite ;ub‘;,,,,m_ For instance. in the IBWS the cost of hiring an ox wagon for a trip from Benguela, the coastal pon. to Viye. a major interior ;m,t_ ,;,;;_ ,;;,;,;1 at $5w.m for a wagon load of 300 pounds 4136,; kilogratns) a shipping rate of $0.37 per kilogram} Porters, each carrying a load of 60 pounds, could be hired for a rate of $3.50 each a gapping rate of $0.12 per kilogramf ‘|Ttus. porters were the mos; reliable. lust. and cheapest form of transport for goods on the long. diganee trade routes that linked the heart of central Africa with me Atlantic ports of the Angolan coast. flrhicie whge lligown ascgapable |;;ort:s even during the em o s ve tr iv t mm g or ortuguese mercha who vbited the slave mans of the land beyond the highlands. had even rnched Lunda (in modem Zaire) by l8('X) (Vellut, l972· 6l-léd). During the period of the slave trade, the organization of com. meree was dominated by large, well-mpitalized Ponuguese merchants (who had established a commercial base in Viye around l770) and members of the Ovimbundu nobility (Heywood, 1984: 60-65). The invdvement of the Ovtmbundu upper class was substantial. so much so that a senous uphwval shook the capital of Viye in l843 when the Portuguese community was recalled to Luanda by their trading factors on the coast.- Dom Antomo Alerncastro Riambulla, the reigning ;2ba (ruler) of Viye, defended those of his subjects who looted the dlortuguese establishments and even killed and enslaved Portuguese dtzens by saying: These Ibad treatments were a result of the lack tmdcuak 80005,, lézzendaj which these lands have suffered after the slave I a · 051 I acc, l090: 397). This outburst of fnistration puncme _ Pvghmtn t history of the highlands. It marked the end ol mmpcl md"°d hn P¤l';l¢;Ipca:ton in the slavhzrade required large invest_ era w en ot commodities gained predoigtnamie :nd pgrrters would be needed on a massive scale. powerless in msgxizzlitges orddependents who were relatively . l n an received little of the l' l [rad] . , _ I [JTO ll.S 0 did Therrltrrvolvement in Ovimbundu long-distance trad¢ mm" · bm *0 fact expanded signilicantl f ' of the external slave trade C0 . y a ter the ending umu] Pm of Bin Ia · mmercial contacts began to inelude the da- While more anguf, as ww “.lh° l°",$'d‘Y°l°P¢d lrade with Luantradey - . me p°'m° '“ U" *¤l¤'|0r Tell into the gi-bit ol S based but ll'! domiixtig: h?hland" Nm only did [hc $€0D¢ of trade widen, ° lh': "¤d¢ P¤¤l¢d progressively from the hands

‘-"'* •••1¤¤a an OHM pnnnguese to that of the Ovimbundu. and rnoreovu the rote of ponqs became more important and evensugliy ,0,,,,, ém um to a dominant position in the conduct of trade. pn;-ing the puiod of the Atlantic slave trade, few conunodntes other than slaves were ¤P¤ri¢d by Ovimbsmdu. However, conditions changed when the central highlands beam: the main route for tl: mmpon or other goods from central Africa to the Atlantic conn, -I-he opening up of this new route was linked to the requirement tor transporting the products which had replaced the slave trade. Ivory, wu, honey. and. later. rulvberandsurnuvpallndtobecurieu, unlike slaves who could walk and required only a light. armed escort (Heywood, l984: 7l). In addition, the Ovimbundu themselves began to export agricultural products such as maize and maize flour I/ubc} to markeu in the coastal cities of Banguela and Catumbella (Heywood. |984: I7l). The expansion in trade brought about a resuucturing of Ovimbundu society which was not evident in the period before the middle of the nineteenth century. Umil then, the Ovimbundu states were characterized by strong central power exercised by the king (mba or soma} and various of his relatives. This power included the right of the suse over the labor of subjects and the direct power of masters over their own slaves. The ruling class possessed, in other rights whth mme to them through kinship and through voluntary citizenship (Heywood, l984: I!)-243). Sobasand thdr high-ranking relativu were supplemented on the local level by officials tsekulu or village hxsi who had similar but l¤s far-reaching rights. At the base of the society were the freeman and slaves who provided most of the labor for the dominant group (Heywood, IQB4; i90-241). The end of the external slave trade and the rise of commodity production gave individuals in Ovimbundu society the opportunity to enhance their social position and to incrnse their political standing. In the period immediately following the official end ofthe Atlantic slave trade, these opportunities were limited to the members of the dominant group who were able to exploit the labor of their clients. and slaves. ln addition, these individuals were also in a most lavorcd position to obtain credit from Portuguese fa¤0¤ Ori lh! For example, in l857 a Viye noble. later to become sobs of Viye. established trading links with a local Portuguese company on the ln the course of their thirty·yenr relationship, credit was a future': lhc lmnactinns (I-|gywgqd_ l984; Ch, B). Most car¤Vll’l! (¤\lf~'J¤" longed to high-ranking Ovimbundu officials or to Portuguese tr V

gg TI-! INNER! OF AFRICAN TRADE u [hh, cy;i.·a,ns were usually ltinsmcn, slain ,T:*,ap::il:llnwllh(;mi:ndficepof the head of the caravan (Magyar_ lim-. 27-JO). Antonio Francisco da SiIva·Porto, a long time Portuguese rm. dent in the Ovimbundu state of Viye, gave several examples of such chrfly caravans lmded by sons, nephews or brothers of the sobas. The pond, ,,,¤, iiai.»¢s_ clients or pawns (Silva Porto. 1884-1885; VOL ii_ ii_r_)_ Portuguese caravans had a similar composition, as did ihc famous trading caravans of Lazlo Magyar, a Hungarian adventurer who made his home in Viye from 1849-1857 (Kun, 1960-1964; 6g2_ quoting Magyar; Magyar, 1857: 215, 216). Silva Porto maintained a sumptuous residence in Belmonte, near the capital ofc:/iye, which was urrounded b villages of his slaves, from whom he rew the porters for his caravalls (Silva Pono, 1884-1885: Vol. 11, n.f.). These caravan; ranged far and wide over central Africa. Livingstone met several in Lozi country in the 1850s (Livingstone, 1963: 24; Livingstone, 1960, L12; Livingstone, 1957: 262), while in 1875 Cameron met others belonging to the Ovimbundu Soba. He also met another caravan of fifty or sixty persons hmded by one of Silva Port0's slaves in Cokwe country (Cameron, 1875: September 13, 21; Cameron, 1877: 141, 191). Some of these porters were sufficiently well traveled to know Kiswahili, and they had even visited the Katanga (Shaba) kingdom of Garenganze. Even during this period, some free men joined these caravans. When Magyar traveled to Lunda in 1850, he was accompa.nied by his wife (a daughter of the soba of Viye), his numerous slaves, 250 elephant hunters and free inhabitants of Viye who served as porters or traveled as independent traders (Kun, 1960-1964: 632; Magyar, 1857: 448). The distinction between porters and traders among members of such caravans was not particularly noticmble since both groups contributed labor for the transport of commodities. The organization of this labor was an elaborate affair, for mobilization of labor depended on the person organizing the caravan and the nature of the goods that had to acquired. For instance, in the case of caravans being organized for ivory expeditions, reemiting was done openly among the free population. 'llie prospective recruiters first paid a tax to the local village head (sekulu) in whose jurisdiction he wished to recruit. Such recruiting involved a contractual arrangement between the organizer of the grzlglnmizis lhcdprospective porters who agreed verbally to the terms Magyar l857d¤44£-llgocondtttons of worlt (Silva. Florto, 1840-1887i they MA no csmml 0 ). Tllte sekulu provided the initial contacts but. nom the kkulu or I e terms of these contracts. On many occa· a sent free men to act as porters, especially

Lina Hnrwaan gg M ,,,-"ai-isit caravans. and the men. after coueeiing their ummm ldmnct payment, carried the goods what mq Qyjsidcrw a fm dismnch For example. -l0¤ql-lim Rlldrlglts Graca, a Portugugg or. ficial on his way to Lunda in 1843, was unable to secure the intenm. ,,0,, of me local Soba in Settling a dispute with Atl) my pong.-, ,,.,0 refused to go beyond a certain distance without receiving addition] wages. Graca was forced to recruit a new set of porters (Graca, IBN): 382). From the 1850s the recntitment of porters was arranged through , |Ot;al magnzue tocwrbu/0) who agreed to supply mum rc, ¤m,,m,_ ln such cases, the ocimbalo brought along his kinsmen and friends as workers, in addition to any slaves that he or the others might possess (Silva Porto, 1840-1887: ll, B8-89, Magyar 1957: 446-450). Fmally. free people simply joined a caravan or approached its leader as independent, small merchants canying only a few goock of their own. Caravans that went from Mbailundu to the coast usually included small-scale operators transporting their own agricultural products for sale on the coast. Cameron (1877) encountered one such caravan during his descent from the highlands to Benguela in 1875. By the 1880; ponus could be secured through any of time methods, but increasingly porters were hired or people carried their own txoducts. I.n one month in l885 alone a total of fourteen caravans entered tt: city of Catumhdla, seven of which brought agricultural products (Silva Porto, 1840-1887; ll, passim). Most of these came from Mbailundu, which was nmrest to the coast; those that came from Viye, farther mst, generally brought wax, ivory, or ntbber (Silva Porto, 1840-l887: 5). From the 1870s the types of porters and other people participating in the trade changed in rmponse to the range of new products that were being exported, but the trade was still dominated by the Ovimbundu upper class and Portuguese tradas. First of all the internal slave trade still required a huge outlay of capital which the ordinary freeman did not have. lvory and wax could also only be obtained if one had trade goods. As early as mid-century caravans organized by members of the nobility were fitted out twice annually, comprising as many as 5000 men. Poners in these caravans had little scope for mdependent entrepreneurial activities as their stay at the coast was strictly controlled by the caravan head (Magyar, 1857: 27-30; Silva Porto, 1.942: 96). On the other hand, the control that the upper classes mamtatned suv; the porters of caravans going into the interior was not subject to f strict control. As a result, porters could engage in a fair amouungi on entrepreneurial activity on their own account, and had no comp 0

gp THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE [0 report lt, or their profits. to the caravan leaders. Wages MW Im) creasingly c0m.€n,_.d {nw eqrnmerctal profit, as sgme porters Camcd trade goods in addition to thetr contracted loads. ameron noted [hal their tow pay was supplemented by raiding and ptllage (Camer0n_ ms; gcptember 8, 13), the spoils of which were turned into trade goodx including slaves. Silva Porto. tn a dtary entry for 1885, noted mal porters took various goods from one regtort and sold then-i elsewhm at a profit. The result of this petty trade could result tn a fatrly substan. tial gain over the course of a long trtp. Thus the control that the upper classes maintained over laborers in the caravans was becoming more and more ineffective as the caravan trade came to dominate the live; of people who were formerly bound to the land agricultural workers. 'litese shifts in the status of labor became increasingly noticeable during the period between 1870 and 1900 as Ovimbundu freemen came to dominate the trade between the producing areas of central Africa and the coast. The rise of rubber as the main export was in large measure responsible for this development. Even though at the beginning of this period some Ovimbundu porters had been able to acquire a few commodities, especially slaves and ivory, with the payments they received for their services as porters or from raiding while on a caravan, these activities could not be sustained. Indeed, by the 1880s when world demand for rubber increased, the Ovimbundu began to tap the wild rubber reserves that were found in the areas just west and south ol the Benguela Highlands. The exchange of this rubber was on a small scale—a widely scattered population processed small amounts of rubber under the most rudimentary conditions. This situation favored the porters who could strike bargains with small groups of producers.‘ Rubber then joined slaves as the most important items of trade. The slave trade dominated the internal market, while rubber came to represent the main commodity in the trade between the Ovimbundu and the Portuguese traders on the coast. Both the rubber and slave trade involved the majority of Ovimbundu men, though a large number of the female and youth population participated as well. ln 1898, an exceptional year, a missionary noted that the demand for rubber and the desire for slaves "led to the greatest rush to the Gangelas [rubber producing areas] in the dry season that we have yet seen _in the country. Every man with any energy left was eager to go, while old men no longer able to travel were spurring on the younger men, boys and even girls."’ ln l907, 200,000 porters were counted as they passed along the principal trade route from the rubber dtstrtct (BRC, Relatorio, 1908: 20). Population estimates for

und. HVYVUIM Q5] r ion this route served suggest that there were a · SEI ;$ whom l40..O0O WCW able—bodied males. Ever?;Ti0igE;?i:;é margin gf err0l’ ll'|'lh€ POP!-\i3ii0¤ estimates, il can be seen that a substantial PTOPOYUOU of li'|€ PODUi3\i0l'l did indeed engage in trade (Di,,i$_ i929: 158; Heywood. l984: 287-290).· The rmi that wgmcn mostly provided the resources and children participated as attendant; further demonstrate. the extent to which the trade dominated all asmts of Ovimbundu society. The impact that this involvement had on society was felt by all social groups, ln C0l’1'lm€l’lli|il8 fm DT€P&f3¥i0fl$ lhal WSIB made in one village for the trade, the missionary W. Currie observed. "the men were feeding themselves fat for the joumey, the women were pounding meal for fathers, husbands, brothers. Animals were butchered and the meat retailed for beads [to sell in the interior] . . . the women barter awaithe beads from their hair and necks. These all went to increase the smelt for trade."” In addition, he n0l¤1 that "many young people were not willing to go when the day approached," and that several fled to the woods to escape. Others, however, were "tied to the loads and forced to go."' The coercive measures used to mobilize labor demonstrate that not everyone willingly engaged in trade. Family pressure had to be brought to bear on younger people because youths were less likely to benefit directly from the trade. Kinship is often seen as a means of achieving cooperative labor, but the Ovimbundu case also demonstrates that kinship as a mechanism of control was not effective and that measures such as physical threats were often resorted to. Such participation in the rubber trade by the ordinary Ovimbundu perhaps had as many consequences for the individual as it had for the society. Some observers felt that the physical demands of the work did not have commensurate rewards. Such was the view of Currie, who wrote, "about 500 people have just left this district for the far interior, in about a year, worn by fatigue and privations of the journey they will turn their faces homewards."° The work was indeed exacting. Porters carried a load which might exceed thir1y kilograms for a fivehour walk, when they had to stop, prepare a camp (which involved construction work), gather water and wood, before resting. All this was done on relatively limited rations (Johnson, 1969: 39).'° Short journeys from the agricultural lands to the coast were even more demanding. People carried little or no supplies, and many alt ¤0li'l|¤8 during the journey, obtaining their sustenance from drink (Johnson. I969: 39; Cameron, l877: 25l)." Since the coast had a different environment, many found it unhealthy, in addition to the risks inherent

E 82 114: IORKERS OF AFRICAN TRAD . - cd me or the coastal cities. Sorne obt¤,,,,,\ *° °""‘°""“ [M wild` umxad was more like a graveyard. littered Wh '°““'k°d mm the mum dbd on the way back h¤m¢ (Silva Pom, me bodies 'j’{§h°;; 7:29 135) Eyewitnesses never failed to memo'; 887; 0 ns · ‘_ ' . . , I tlhlgfilie bodies were of Ovimbundu traders since ttems of their trade [ten tert on the hastily due sraves-_ walsho Ovimbundu expanded their trade mland to the area of the C las the Luenas, the Lozi Kingdom, the ·Lunda limptre, and Ngangc [,35 Luba and Garanganzc. The m0Sl innovative aspect of “ fi" as . · ket demand for slaves and other this expansion was the extension of mar U _ commodities among people who had previously been only marginally involved in the regional network. ln lB53,· Livingstone met several caravans from Viye in the Lozi Kingdom buying and 1ratdtng for slaves. . . . the onga He cited an incident where they went among ed h , nd having purchased some of the 'people near gjszeltlzclln Logciouantryl they had induced those others living further east to sell both ivory and children. Even though they dtd not want to sell the children for mere clothing and beads,·the iron Ihoes prim' deer the normal labor of agriculture, since peop e were t en Zjztgowoodgtschoes, and so they sold the children for the hoes [Ltvingstone, 1847: 525; 1960: 137, 178). Cameron, writing some twenty years later, saw the process advance further as the Ovimbundu were then obtaining slaves from Katanga, where Msiri, in exchange for a payment, "allows game oc: his followers to accompany slave trading caravans on their rat s, an on returning to his headquarters the slaves are divided between the traders and himself in proponion to the number of guns furnished by his people (Cameron, 1877: 141). Only a small number of these slaves wcnt to the coast as the external slave trade was over (Cameron, 1877: 142. The majority (especially women) were taken down to the Lozt to tra ¢ for ivory, while still others were traded with people to the south ol the Ovimbundu, especially the Humbe, in exchange for livestock. By the late nineteenth century the trade had expanded into a complex pattern of local exchange along with the trade oriented to the coast. Cloth, beads, salt, and guns were sold to the Cokwe for ivory and wax, while slaves, ivory, and wax came from Luba. Viye traders then took these back to the highlands and traded them to the Mbatlun· du who carried those goods and agricultural produce to the coast. Vtye traders in turn took slaves onto the Lozi, who sold them for cattle.

u““ ”•Y|¢•d Q3 which were! sent to the coast through Portuguese traders tCameron $77: 9l).‘ ' 1 The quest for commodities and slaves, especially during the rubber boom, gave the Ovimbundu porters a widespread reputation or beans stave raiders. ln 1886 the missionary Arnot wrote in consternation that even though he had given his porters beads and cloth for purchasing goods and promised each one a tusk of ivory if they refrained from buying slaves, "l saw them, without exception, selling all they hadgm-t stripping themselves and putting on sack cloth—to lind the wherewithal to buy slaves" (NASA, Amot Diary, 1888: 4-S). The investment in slaves was crucial because slaves could be put to use as workers on their owners' behalf. This demand for slaves eat. plains why their acquisition might offset the consequences of almost any other loss. Currie related the story of a man from near his mission station at Chisamba who, after having been chased away from two villages, managed to enter a third and "secured slaves artd fought his way back through the natives who tried to prevent his path. True, he lost most of his goods, but he brought out slaves by whose help he has hopes of soon making up his loss."" As a consequence porters gained the reputation of being competitive traders, as they combined porterage services with trading activities. During the period of the rubber boom their caravans, often comprising over 1000 people, entered the rubber producing areas and split up. so that porters bartered on a one to one basis with the individual produoers right on the banks of rivers where the rubber was gathered and proeessed." A similar arrangement worked in the wax trade as well. individual deals often being completed at the hive (Cameron, 1875. July ll, August 18; Serpa Pinto, 1881: 282). On the coast also Ovimbundu porters came to dominate the trade in the 1880s. The high level of competition for the go0ds—especialIy rubber—brought in by Ovtmbundu caravans gave rise to the institution of cambulaedo, whereby large firms out bid each other by offering gifts of variods sorts to the caravan leaders in the hope of persuading them to trade with thts or that linn. lf the caravan was small, the price paid to the Afncan traders sometimes rose far above the nomtal market value, but the wholesalers knew that the possibility of inducing more caravans to sell their products with their firm was inc1·eased.'° ln any event. such trading techniques tended to expand the market to include even the lowest porter who exhibited more of a preference for transporting and maria}! his own products than for working on behalf of someone el:. I; observers noted that because of the high pnees the ovtmbtmiiit

gg DI Q M12! TIAX ¤{u•¢·re"q•ieaitt¤net¤e¤to•·hIttotra.;tg__ uq undmggemd to settledon for any length of t¤m_··· are never I: . I I Dur; the rirber boom the ras sehiorn an mal: uh; asn¤tp¤1teip¤t¢intbetrad¢,eitnerasaporterorasaporterrt;¤,,,,: ,,¤yu¤ser•t•ohop¤dto¤¤k¢bisfonm:from ntbber. nlmu yum vicbrubbcrfetctredonthetocalmarket inconuast toahotsq todwmnoditinatthetrihtoftliembbercrranegttarantcedareaqy return for anyone itrvcting the time in ntbber. Beuuse or theabsenceofprqaernnthotbofprodnction andustorageon thecoase anyone bringing in rubber was sure to receive a good bargain (rkyvood, I9B4: I0}-Il0: Portugal em Afrit: I, IU94: 192). This pm. tern continued until the end of the century. ln 1899 the r¤bberuadeincr¤es,itapp¤rsbercastseofthegood|>r·iceot1u·i; l¤¤|n¤rkeu...wasuadelmd¤:reas¤1bes·.a11¤etltenativeot1lythn1ks of rubber as it is more profitable, skirts because of t.he extinction of livestock owing to the rinderpat, ivory because of the extinction of the animal, not vay ntnnerous and pursued by humers they have now lh'3(l"g®¢I.0III&‘d3IlZG'l¢l.-[1I¢IQI3I&`I'Il£[·£II'\.l'D] trade actually decrmes, but is easy for it to pick back up and even increase substantially (BO 5, 4 February IS99: 76·77). Wham caravans were organized either by the Ovimbundu upper class or Portugune traders before the l880s, thereafter the status of porters began to shift. Some who made the outward bound trip on behalf of a Portuguese trader, a member of the Ovimbundu dominant group or any group of foreigners, would invariably, on the retum trip, transport a few kilograms of rubber bought with the cloth they received as wages. This rubber was then sold at the coast and more cloth purchased to stan their own petty trading. The ease of access to commerce. both on the coast and in the interior, provided the op portunity for anyone to try his luck at trading. Even though the matortty of these men remained porters, there were always a few who put to use the strategies which made successful entrepreneurs. Anme l·ay outlined these strategies as she saw them operating in l889. The chief occupation of the men is trading, and in this they manifest a great deal of shrewdness. A man will start off with two pieces of cloth of l6 yards each with which he buys a load of rubber of twenty pounds after a rest. he trades this rubber for more cloth at the coast'. and after one or two more trips in the interior, he has enough capital to buy a horn of ivory and a slave to carry it to the

*¤•••¤r•••• na . V He ti males die :-Inn \¤¢vI-f¤rf¤¤:.fq'h·.~**" O°°"*"° F“;kf¤l.¥'¤G·lk!hlh2@I;gg)l_r-ki ,.t¤·a¤=¤=¤v¤¤¤¤¤g1.¢=t¤¤i¤im¤¤¤¤•¤¤¤¤¤..,,_,,,£ _d,“¤gtosumcz¤al0fh¤o•¤. ltwouubetoosyoyioul,. ¤'eyg·_I.hlI@'\¤’$'¤'$U'lDIfG‘}§lk\l§9¤·——·`_FJ |y¤§@NF¥`|¤$€(llUD\@l¤&@·;¤·`_e,¤l '1°' Ig; traded on their ovu aocoum. hanyevem t.ht¤¤le¤cy0fmany()•·i¤ibunthipipi;.·, ku-: vmyu-;4¤-swasadevdopn¤utl¤thad¤¤im¤¤¤¤eq¤;l:‘i’;forth¢ ,,-gm groups who relid on p·0ners—t.he Ovinbumn uw; chg, md d‘Pq1ugu¤elI3d¤S.lIIdDdlDgI.h¢¤¢inlhhigh.la.ndsandutthg cmg, Wherms in the l8S0s ordinary Oirimbttnclu normally went out qt someone else’s behalf, by the l88Ik it was increasingly difficult to iniucepcopletotrarkorcarryforanytniebtn thurtxlwes. Silu Porto ¤perienc¤dthisgradualdevelopmemdttringtlnefot1yyearsthathe ;¤idedind1ehighlands:"Bihanos[peopkofViye|u1dBatTt¤¤h¤•n trading independently and it is with difficulty that om an obtain porters in either country for the coas of Gangt:hs"(SnTv1 Porto. l840-l887: XII, 62). The smrcity of porters was especially difficult forthenewPonuguese t.raders, govennnentofftchlsandntissioturis, one of whom commented in IB!) that "por1ers mnnot be found, the chiefs monopolize all of them for their own businss, the rut of the Africans trade independently, they are not prepared to be beasts of burden for whites" (Brasio, l9'7lk 4, $44). This change spared no one as there were even "successful Afrian traders who cannot get cnrtiers for their goods, so numbers of loads are storui up at on the coast." The most significant effect of this devclopmmt was to weaken the links of dependency that bound the lower classes to the upper clan. The ordinary porter was, in the words of a contemporary witness, able l0°°€XCl`lZDgCl1.lS§D8lll’CI'l`l\lIld'3El0l1l.llI1l1¢[email protected]@ fromportenge from the serranejo [Portuguese interior trader] and then he cases to be 6 porter, occupying the position of pombebu |carav¤n.l¤¢l¤l. magnate in court or seculo, chief of a village."" In this both members of the nobility and Ponuguese traders foundit difficult to use the coercive power of the state and the labor of lunsmen to acquire wealth and transport services (Heywood. l984: 66-tw). The nobility tried to slow the transition; sometimes a trader‘s goods were confiscated through accusations and legal proceedings Imucanorl.

25; THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE Despite the possibility of being fined unjustlygtipwlzgd mobiiiiy was noi unusual for porters. The SIQPS outlined blt 1 Vid Otto concerning ing pombeiro of an earlier period can be used to escribc iiie wm which carrie the way of the lowly porters. when they are pombeiros . . . they gain many advantages, they have the lower class for the nobility, they can have a great number of wive;_ ransom kinsmen and followers, and by paying the soba a sum in the value of one slave, they can obtain an honorary-title [such as macota, sergeant or quinduras] being enabled to establish new villages, they become indebted to the sertanejos because, dnven by ambition, they credit fazendas, remaining always in debt to those they serve [Silva Porto, 1942: 175]. Even though some Ovimbundu were ruined by the very nature ofthe trade, for others, however, the end result of this independent tradingif one were skillful and lucky, and there were surely many who were not-was the accumulation of durable and reproducing wealth, often in the form of slaves. Fay described the path such a career might take in a letter to her friends in 1889: lf he has been successful in trading he has laid by four or Eve bales of cloth worth about $150 (U.S.). He may also have slaves whom he may send to trade for him that he may add to his wealth." Success at this level was relatively rare, for Fay went on to say that even though "there are a few men in Bie worth from $1,200 to $1,500 the greater part ofthe people live from hand to mouth."" Within a few decades the opportunities offered by trade and the consequent weakening of the lines of dependency within Ovimbundu society resulted in some marked changes in class relations. Members of the lower class were able to compete openly with the upper class in their ability to obtain the traditional symbols of wealth—conspicuous consumption, ownership of slaves or the support of other dependents. the ability to obtain political office and the like. Fay explained the precise manner in which some of this wealth obtained through trade was used: Occasionally, at feast days {a man] kills an ox, pig or sheep and has a great feast for his friends and relatives. But he is always careful to keep in reserve his fattened pig, the largest ox and the greatest part of his cloth for his funeral. The richer he is, the more ceremonies and

Linda H•y•¤¤d 251 time spent over his body. A great deal of power is needed to fire otl the guns which keep away the evil spirits. A great deal ol cloth to wrap his body and food to entertain for a week? These developments threatened not only the power of the Ovimbundu dominant class but also the Portuguese resident in the state as well as traders on the coast. Silva Porto commented on the status of the new Ovimbundu traders: "when buying cloth they do not haggle they buy everything, no matter what the price . . . and the luxury of being carried tn a hammock, of having more than one wife . . . so that we [i.e. the Portuguese traders] are reduced to misery by the indigenous merchants" (Silva Porto, 1840-IBB7: ll, 54). Later he noted that "Ba1lundos and Btenos are presently made merchants and consequently trade for themselves, so that they have no interest in sertanejos to whom they owe this position . . . and among the Bihanos are some who were formerly our porters, and now we see them dressed [in European clothes] wearing hats with pants and being carried in hammocks like any European" (Silva Porto, l8B5a: 18). Commercial expansion also affected the position of women and other dependents in the economy. Women were called upon to produce not only subsistence but also for the growing market. Observers were particularly impressed with the increasing numbers of Ovimbundu caravans that brought locally grown and produced foodstuffs such as maize, ground maize, beans, tobacco, and the like for sale in Benguela as well as in the interior. Most of these goods were produced by women—some of whom were developing into a group of independent producers. ln addition, some of the women, and children too, went on caravan trips; many sold their goods along the caravan route, while still others earned their cloth by selling their labor. Moreover, women and children often provided the labor needed bl ambitious Ovimbundu porters who wanted to become independent traders. In one caravan bound for the interior in 1890, nine of its 97 members were pombeiros who carried no load, 50 were porters, and the remaining 36 were youths, many of them slaves who had to carry their masters’ loads. Some were no older than nine or ten years (Johnson, 1969: BB). Often they provided other support services, such as searching for items to make relish when the caravan halted (lohnson, I969: 88). Johnson, who observed the l89O caravan, described the custom whereby men let their wives pound grain for the caravans. The women received a half a yard of calico each. relieved the man of his obligation to provide his wnfe with his ·

g 11E IORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . - larus of women and orlm [mm auolmim Ol cfr(;·l‘gel;g:&;nll.; zlthough the wil`e of a man dopendenw d**':d‘;°;n°"ade might well improve her l¤¤· »_ _ Q who. becmxrsrcy the upper class could not prevent the egoszln pl ll-rel, U m°m ' some lower class in ivi ua s wm P°“'°‘ _by [§d;;;:;c:?si}a:1i$ff the Portuguese €0¤€l¤-ICSI. of the hbgholmapdlnsg erreerively transformed the nature of these chan/ge; rrr ()v,m_ - _ This conquest began with an attack on lye ln. l890_ bundu wclcly. b‘l‘ ofthe Ovimbundu to resist. By and €l¤$$ *°""°" Sapped [hc? my O ' bundu were · he first decade of the twentieth century the Vlmau b I lr I LO,-,_ guemd and me power of the Ovimbundu upper class · u e trn1nared_ . . vernment tried to redirect OvimbunA! lh|S·p?ml’ [hl;-rirgixlgiilhilsihicxonomy as a whole to the new rulers_ du'lql1a;uP:bpr*iti;)tilese conquest highlighted the fundamental prof;-lem lhlat had plagued the former rulers-how best to exatit surp us ri: V; e people. The Portuguese soon realized that the on y way 0 ih as through the control of Ovimbundu labor, that ts porters. e new economic prosperity which the rubber room had brought had resulted in a dramatic increase in the numbers of Portuguese traders in the highlands; now government officials, both mllltary and civilian came too. 'lilis new Portuguese community soon realized that the. success of govemment activities depended on the willingness of Africans to provide transport services. The competition for porters intensified at a time when the Ovimbundu no longer wanted or needed to do such service for others. This problem was of particular csncein tohtherztg; Portu uese traders, many of whom were bent on ma lng l rlc qUl and rgturning to Portugal. A report of l903 noted that many of t-he Portuguese were "skilled craftsmen who came to Africa to practice their profession and in a short time exchanged their tools for the key of aguardente (with more or less water) . . . rubber is their cry, a lol of rubber is traded: its profit is fabulous—such was their idea." The government had to adopt measures to satisfy the appetites of these colonialists. Portuguese officials and merchants tried to control Ovimbundu labor through force by obliging the conquered upper class t0 supply them with porters. Before long it was recognized that these leaders had lost the power to exact services from their people. ln addition the competition for porters was intense. Merchants competed with each other and with the government and missionaries to obtain adequate numbers of porters for their goods, but still the demand was grcatcr than the supply. Those Ovimbundu who were forced by their superiors

¤•¢••••·r••na 2s• to ,,0.-g for Portttst-teSe oflicials often fled as soon as they wu, du, of lh, immediate area of Portuguese authority tPimemet, 190339-40).°’ Thus the complaints mounted. many arguing that porters were unavailable and when they were quite costly. Under such conditions the colonial government had to intervene more directly in the control of the transport system and plan its transformation altogether. The lirst step was to bypass porters by building roads for ox wagons and by studying the feasibility of using some of the rivers for transport. Since building roads also depended on the control and availability of laborers in the short run, these measures were unsuccessful because the government had not yet established the state apparatus to enforce corvée labor. ln addition, it was soon realized that ox-wagons, even when proper roads were available, were unable to compete with poners for speed and cost. a point that has already been noted. The fact that the climate and the geography of the highlands were more favorable to human labor made it even more important to control porters while at the same time continuing the efforts to lind alternate means of transport. Ox wagons still presented major problems without a proper road system. There were some merchants who experimented with the transport of rubber by ox wagon between l9ll-l9l4, but the expenment was costly and proved a time consuming lesson. ln l9l4 a total of 70 wagons arrived in Huambo after a three-year trip from Humpara in the south to Lunda—thus bypassing the central highlands. During this journey the organizers lost l5(D oxen and 22 wagons. Bridges had to be built along the way. Only 2tDO kilograms of rubber were transported, and the venture was deemed a total lailure." Since the 1880s, the potential for prolits from the control ol transport had led several local Ponuguese merchant houses. corrtP¤¤l¤· and private speculators to apply fomtally to the government for tn concession to build a railway from the coast to the highlands." UW? even sought a concession from the coast to Lozi country in modem Zambia. The group hoped to obtain the essential capital from-an ¤|¢ohol tax and duties on imported cloth and export products. ¢•Fl'¤|l· ly rubber. They calculated that such a railway could bring tn a monthIY l|'|C0l‘I‘le of IJO coma; of rrir." None of lh¢5¢ P|’0}¢¢`l$ VS" apPl’0V¢d Since the Portuguese government was not concurred Wllh staking out its own claims. _ . . ln l902 the government gave the British capitalist Robert William: ¤ concession to build the Benguell R·lll¤’08d lh'°“$h 'h° ml'; hilhllllds to the eqpper producing area of Shabi (KIIIDII) W

an nf UORKERS 0F AFRICAN TRNDE · · utc followed b trad Zambgazaire b0'd"'· alms lhchlrsdauyhidrgrflway authoriliez 1001;; (Katzenellbogen. 1973). EV€¤ l :*0% copper as their main muon for w UW Pmms hor? me uanspor aware that they could displace (hc buildin! "‘° ml l'”°’ they Yrlqoz and 1914 witnessed the mos, porters. The penod bei:-ncii-me porters as a means of mmspon as ""°”lmj° aucmplzgidcfrom the coast to Viye. 520 kilometers irttarra me mlway was que tractors concluded that no other inter-modmc In mx "hcrmjway con 1-1 ailroad as the heart of the Ovimbm-,_ region was if lirnhlgngallitg ioetap the labor as well as the extensive gzdclggmifiwork that had developed i.t1·lh¢;l;1°t€;ng? ;‘£;gg;1l;ltm$ process they hoped to replace all tradiuon orlrln h ar ucd did e area of the railroad. ¢Sp¢¢i1llY P<:'•1”f§1’¤8€·_ wglc [ wth govimb ngl contribute to the formation 0f"€lV1l1Z€d life _§m0¤B ii th I Oun u (BRC, 1912a: 9). In addition, railway authorities. argui ad vimbundu labor could be redircctetidfrom p01}t1;t;;g:c:;:zt/<;ih; |£1;§n;cl;1(;):·1 · , is wou 1n tu.m · ?1l-g2;insecul;:1;1a1zEn0d)d1i1ati·cl1nal economy. The authorities encot;-agtgd government officials in the hope that·the redirection of Ovim un u labor to agriculture would bring about increased revenues by the surety of collection of taxes (BRC, 1912a: 9; 1912b: 7), which all depended on as the most important source of colonial revenues. · The prospects of diverting Ovimbundudlaborbwas ipellgdeouvxglg rt of 1907 that noted, "in Bic a goo num er o na l . Lcgiflt on the railway in the dry season when it reaches that d1str1ct. but probably a smaller proportion of the i.nhabitants than lower down, as in Bihe a number of natives trade on their own accounts."’“ The general view was that "the local native is a good carrier but has little inclination for manual labor . . . all cultivation is done by women. lt was genuinely believed that by the time the railway reached the highlands (1911), the men would have to find alternate means of employment—preferably in agriculture since "their profitable C31’l'y' ing business will be at an end. Ox teams will haul all freight to the sides. The railway [will haul] aU through traffic and the rubber tradmg will be done on the ground where it is produced. The principal sources of revenue will be agriculture and stock rearing."" The pressure on Ovimbundu trade and carrying services not only came from the railway but most directly from the colonial government. As early as 1895 the competition for porters had so inflated a porter s wages that the government instituted wage scales that established maximum wages for various stages of the journey from the coast to the

Llnth Heywood zu las, government Post 81 Moxico. near the border with Zambia. In it;95 E pong, making the 20 day trip from Viye ro Moxieq fxdycd www $$00 I-gis and 99000 rets return. or between 350 and 450 reis per day ·· By lgto the wage was Set at 400 reis per day (BO 17, April 23, mh200) Given the fact of inflation and the decrmeql °pp,·,nu,,m,$ ,6 bargain for higher wages in 1910 as compared to 1895, a salary of 400 {cis wr l’CpI'CSCTI[¢d 3 real dxT%$ Working as xl-tus gn behalf of Portuguese traders did not significantly increase the ral wages gf a porter, since for a thrce month journey the porter received 120 yards of cloth worth 8000 reis, a smaller amount than what he might obtain on his own account." Essentially the government’s intervention led to a decrease in the wages received by porters. Government measures to control Ovimbundu labor and thus to increase profits also took other fomts. After 1902 caravans were required to receive travel permits at the various government posts along the route." ln 1906 the government introduced a hut tax which initially had to be paid in rubber or other local produce (BO 42, October 20, 1906; A Defesa de Angola December 12, 1907). When the railway officials began pushing Africans to grow so-called "poor products"— maize, beans, manioc, potatoes—as opposed to export products like ivory, wax, and rubber, official policy was quick to adapt to what seemed to be the only alternative for redirecting and controlling Ovimbundu labor. Regulations were soon adopted that required all African adults to cultivate these "poor products," and village authorities were required to distribute land and seeds (BO 46, November 14, 1906:1019; BO 43, October 24, 1914:941). The prospects for selling their products at a competitive price induced many Ovimbundu to grow more of these crops to trade on their own. Railway statistics show that the export of maize from Benguela increased from 490 kilograms in 1909 to 1355 metric tons in l913—most of this was produced by the Ovimbundu (BRC, 1915: 52). Exports of maize flour also grew from a low ligure to a total of 2244 tons in 1914 (BRC, 1915: 52). The government, intent on pushing settler agriculture in the hopes that this would increase their control over Ovimbundu labor, acted to reverse this trend through several measures. The increase in agricultural production was followed by- laws that were aimed at reducing independent Ovimbundu participation tn the production and marketing of these and other crops. For example, laws already outlawed the use of slavery and other fomts of dependent labor (such as pawns) by Africans intent on increasing productton." Another law made it illegal for African households to cultivate more than two

g nl G Jil IK .'.,-vnugpgrmtmtnn. “T\¤O~~.1¤.z·u¤.;,;(,.c7 :.2, mg-,-gt mk thee ser: fuer ;m,, »_2, :1 It nl ,¢-in gg;. sue nulabk ¤r¤\‘J¤¤h png; eine r¤u¤.¤¤•¤. h¤·•e~er. may O•¤l:u¤!.¤ nancy Q, lotus,-g,,,g·¤•i¤1=r1dr¤¢¤¤¢v¤'¥¤!¢kY¤r¤ .;.1, ;_,d·_,d,h;sp1|¢l0(;1I¢i5!h·l1f\.!$¥£\ilIl‘!0!i'¤¢F;rs;\,,.u ny A rqrort of IQ nxedthai for umn: pam of Hu.-ng., --,; .2 yynpieareuxupindtnrnbbettrarkandahoasrtnrters ¤·a;;.y mm .inthe•¤¤0¤•h¢¤¤h¤d¤¤¤U¤‘<¤§‘l¤¤*¢\>¤m¤:.t;. gg mutate Lkllhlhfl K0 r¤¤¤¢ in of ltseumg $,,,,,4 ,,3 atm m¤t that during this penod ¤ vsntfrant ¤u.·ut¤ otnnum um t.ra@ The rwvrds for Ytye stm Q., mag to um both uadzand pcrtcraec rema;htr¤:ul;‘;T~’tmbun¤u ew. gtgnuydpgpqrssnndwmasam caravatnunog tl:L¢i¤1bnofO•mtbtm¢ttg¤ly¤on¤t¤dbodtUnesizeatndnmntq;y of those under Etnopean Europeans organized a doten {tr soaravanswithabout lfllarrierspermonth. •ltikOv1mbundu ueclnded anywhere from l0 to 40 aravans with as many as NID total arrien. Since the Ovimbundu traders were likdy to evade gosernment restrictions more than Ettropnns, it is dar that government interven· tion promoted Europnn control of transport, even though 0virnbun· du was aiu very signif'icant." The caravans were also as varied as they were before the Portuguese conquest. Monthly reports for Mbailundu for l90B showed that a total of 2407 Ovimbundu requested permission to trade. Of these the majority (IBJS) were men over l4 years of age. Women over 14 (6`Jl and children (235) were still an important pan of caravans." Of the total, 19m people went to the Gangeulas, 360 to Benguela and l·l’ to Catumbe|a." Reports for the period also show that many caravans frequented the Lozi markets." Competition for the products brought in by the Ovimbundu was still intense. ln l908 when there were on|>‘ two wholesale merchant houses in Mbailundu, there were a total of ll8 "shops to barter with the natives.'"' As was noted before railual authorities estimated that the number involved in porterage in that trade as late as l908 amounted to nearly 200,000 (BRC, l908: 20). But gradual decline set in, as fewer and fewer caravans were making the trip to the coast. ln l908 a local Benguela newspaper noted the gradual disappearance of the caravans which "do not comc down hzrelatgt 1;; freqttency of happier times" (A voz de Angola, February

“'·'_1 _ n¢.hs¤v¢¤a.1ort¤¤I—a;~ia•_•l •a.•._`_ M um- puns awrq u be xxi; aq- — L,. mana ra- wana • t•tt_ qt`. ,.., ,_°'°_; "'__":_ ¤..g;••allra:•i•n—i:;l•v••a¤*¤v¤f\d°’!¤¤L•\¤¤¤¤dsP!ta-•¤,•,,`*N,— Jgbypartuxpeanaly hvnuuultrensnedlrvntarrinal. f`I'$I‘1EIUE¤I1IY‘\ \\?€H’!’)" \V—~* jC;¢hdalBII(`. IQIZ It. The watts oalnanvlnllav was . tot}-l9I4l‘¤1h¤ lllhnnedtkiuhdnnuqr-lll; t.—, ga, |9t4: 65). Fran a braa cl $2*5 vn kilogram as tw•_ ts. ,.,,1 ¤(nl1b¤·felIto$'?p¤li•:;ran¤ lllllagllq tuts¤.,,,h yu v¤ The union ofthe railway authvrrrres also untrsbuml to the qual 4¤¤¤otpnrt¤sar¤d¤rad¤rsa¤vr¤l¤¤a¤a¤lsr¤¤r·•n·>•ath¤t>·•» tatndu. Railway authorities aere quacl to see the ads auger Ina the rubber bust. ln I9l2 the uxnpany had "mltaml by 9)% the lanll for rubber delivered for rransrurt at the termuun lllunabol nahua " Theyfunh¤notedtharthereduct•onat~ulrl¤:ahba·3$pe-ru·atta the me of cortsrpurruru delnend "at an uuamnaar starawr "· wah the rubber crisis of l9l3-l9l4. the railroad anmuraed platn to rvatinue the ad valorem llflll for ruhher "tvn¤e the rarlaat readted the Cassai [Kasai| river and the border ol the pnraupal rtrblurt pwdurm; arna."" The reasoning of the company nas that "tl•e pnultarr auuld be betier paid and therefore would dewte more IIIIK to rubber pnduction as there would be an abundance of name labor ttbtamahlton account of the thousands of carriers ahtch aould be thwart vdk with the advent of our line in this dtslnct."" The ploltls Itum rubber in l9I3 constituted a total of IB pcm-nt ul the prutttt of the tatlwat ¤¤mn¤ny-" Ratlway authorities hoped that the anus would help elrrmnate www transport also and thereby Ieaaen the eompetttron that they ntsll tawd from Boer wagons in the areas served by the railway. A report ut WH noted that once the line reached Viye the company tmuld tntruduw Special rates that "will also influence the Boer wagons to carry lrelaht from the terminus of the line to the interior. Even now there wagon; which come downto Huarnho will disappear altogether within the nut YN months."" By the beginning of the World War l. the ern of protpertty vhlch had witnessed the rise of the Ovlmbundu as porters and their

g 11 ¢ '.[ sn; d|¢¤:•d7ad¤LT\¢¤r•¤a •¤,,,_h= ·--“- ¤LD$`i`*CiZ¤*'¥.ll)fg`}¤_; •v***""'°"' at ¤-um';. ,_¤.q•g¤nd"1ks!¤q11 qtll gn ’,¤·yy—¤•1tp•_d!kuL@ys"‘r)¤m at- ¤.,,4y¤¤¤•hhla1h¢C¤_ba;i;,¤¤¤;,_l.' ’ •·»gut•¤t¤•fl|¤l¤-lll¢I¤1Lv¤¤;,,', nik,-,—ia¢Iw¤du¤¤.\'¤¤¢ik¤•uh¤u¤¤;h,-hl mn ··z¤0(¤r¢¤•·a••¤y¤hdsh»mugy,¤¤t IQI4. Heard chaiulmbha anrarashamynxafculgnm am, ,,.,gu¤pu¢ku»""Th¢dr¤v¤r1i>‘:Lt¤A!wyc¤,¤¤g¤¤n¤.,, vg ¢1.••h¤ov¤|ych¤¤| ¤¤¤¤-¤d¤.m¤¤ Ik- dl, An·¤¤¤¤d¤•H¤¤¤i¤n¤¤¤arn¢¤:m¤f¤¤b;,,, |h•I9l41y nwihmccmd ,qi¤sj¤¤¤¢•y¤s¤§¤mv¤g•h=Ih¤:IL_ an uw, alp¤n¤1¢.tk¤¤0fsn:¤|m¤bil1y’ innghti bumblcnan ;·g¢s¤ai¤rdT:hIandvk¢mlcrmh¤§f¢¤m¢•·as0v¤,Th; ¤hid¢nd¤%¢h•·nd•uMd1¤•d:Ounh¤1d¤mndnI¤¢h· dzyuhachqhndknnurn. ETES Lu¢••|·inM:n\.hr1ri¤(I¤¤¤¤Al·IlJ)A•¤¤|¤·2'I¢v¤¤¤s=¤» Cékf d¢Il¤¢."f:·i{¤." 2, kia•:1:r¢bv¤ofZa¤b¤(h¤d'¤¤NAZ),HMI2/1/2. Dhrydlaiz F&,1d,)§·9,HM1¢iIHI. ),C1i¤[email protected]$|I§¤¤·ySmiyArdiv¤(l¤¤h¤CCF\|$1 Y¤a·hCah¢olUi•¤1iydTcr¤¤o.An|¤hMii¤¤,C¢¤:r1|Cav1¤v¤¤d:¤. hunt-•!p.Cu1i¢wF.E.1dIry, ISU. 4, K1: Is. l$C»6,9nPan¤, "Apmannns," ud. IHII7). in L¤h;A·|·N Ci|.:I2,Dmno,D."N&¤A9·k¤h¤l&h¤$&,And1u¤h•¢.l.&·' nw|oInG1c•••d¤, IN7: Mandi). $.CGM$.An|¤h|3o¤.C¢¤¤·a|C¤rr¤p¤n¢ka¤.Fd:m.9.l:p¤rlfmIH byWaiaC•n·i¢,p.l6. 6,Olcr¤ld¢B¤¢•ch,2JAn|1n¤I9I|,p.J. 7. Cf.TM$.Aq¤|¤I|§¤¤,G¤•craI Carupnndmcz. Brno. 3. Ill!-ISU, CIN |ol•a.Hl|.Ca¤nb¤.Bi¢,Ang¤I7IlI9,pp.II-I2. |.lbiI.,p,IJ. 9,II·M.,p.I4, I0, NA1. HMI/Plz/1/I, Dhry at Mn. Fat:. I1. Ibm. I2.IG..Mh.|¤•,|·6),lfT7.l0|.J¤\dII7lfvI.l.Hcr¤¤11dI1odc&·i|¤C3F-U ndlahmlvau. 13. thu. ’;;.CCPM|.A¤uhMId¤¤ryC0n¤wnd¤¤.Hkm.9,CurbI¢vw\d||W

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t nl W {AI TIAN lz nn; Ln II, no I. uhlurw do (uio, IDIZ " °°"°‘ H m' U lm ii.•l•¤¤s mm, hh wu u. AIG!. wl *9- D°" bu s. nl?. ¤¤v¤¤ W · 2 uv. Enum rw- Ahn ¤¢v¤¤ ¤'M~— lln=¤¤ of umu Man,. ll ma-dw ION. Pr I4* tid I mi sqm ol lll) 3. ly! of Gencval Ma¤|¤. lf Deuuiru I9I4. an u¤u.·u.1•.¤x.¤•s.··¤ewn vfI:c;nI:la Simon`; fun; |¤11n_ W M gg_|y4_v¤f.l9,D¤¢.¤f|| · · ‘ _' ss nn., CCFHS Aqeh cmupnann. Fu ¤¤.1¢.T••=i¤¤¤ D¤¤· 26/ M WM. ¥n•n¤¤¤¤.A Vo: de Angoh A Provnch de Angola Defenn dc Angola O//wml pndtdiou: ` I I Imgnda Railway Coin. Iulaibno e Lomas. lll)!-Jlk cried as fBR(.; Pon$l cn Afria, IIN-l9I0. Bolnin Official da Provlncla dc Angola, ISIO-W30: dtd as (BO) Archnnl nbbrrruliorus ABLTM—Amencan Board Conference of Foreign Missions. Bonton Universiny AHM -Arq¤vo Hnlbrko Milllar. Lisbon AHL -Arq¤r~o Hislbrico Ullramarinc. Lisbon LCHLQ-Camdian (IIIf¢|IIl0lIZl Foreign Missionary Socieuy. Toronto. Univerw ry of Toronto CDIH —(;emro de Doeumeruao e lnveuigado Hislbrico. Luanda NASA —-lhuonal Archiver of South Africa NAZ —h¤iona1 Archive of Zambia, Lusaka PID —Pnbli: Record Office. london TANKS —Tan|a¤yika Concnaions Holding (London) AIINOT. F. (INI) Diary of Fred Arnol (National Archiveu of South Africa). EKASIO. A. (f97¢» ld.] Angoh. Spiiana Monumema Hi¤6rica.Pi111tr¤r;l1:Duqiie•rn¢ Umvcnuy Press. CAMERON, V. HI77). Across Africa. New York: Harper. ——j(ll7S; Dnry of Vernon Cameron fNaliona| Library of Scotland). Cannaho de Faro d¢·Ben|uela ll9l2a) Rzlaforlo doi Saviem de (Zaminho de Ferro de Bengals. Lim; Carninho dc Ferro de Bengnela. —·—ll9fby lelaibrin ¢ Comas. Lishoaz Carninho de Ferro de Benguela. DINIS, 1. dc O. F, (IDI) lclalorro dc llervleoi de Negbclm lndlgzrms. Luanda: lmWllll Mdonal.

Lhhihyuuaq gp (;|.A(A·’.'I1’[¥"‘-"¢¥*°*'•P|t'latl;“ an on gn $11: (.:¤¤·\¤ Lirnxnn u::4—;(.:;.:·? l@I€ l§y¤¤ ••l.•n.n•n"hi1 g\¤&* , 4. umm ae Lau., o _ " ("""'•'•· buy |,ndD B|lM|?•(»HAM¢I!’|h|¤d¤|Pve(¤|¤•.• Al y :;,5; n (nun! ani buns Alnu hduu Ill! Lnmpmt;.-uy;-:'.,"-Luv; Hgyy/(x)D. L. {lll!} "Pv¤du¤¤¤•. ui and anna an psig; qu.-, ug Angola I|i>|9l0." PID. Dnncnnnn. (ni; Un-qq, d C. LUWD R1) V¤•¤l¤•1•S¤nn(¢¤:i Alma nj; I-rj KATZENELLENKKQEN. S. 097}) Iai••y1 ani uh: Cong Mun of [gg; lard: Clarendon Pins. 0.. g1,N.N.d¢l|960|960"Ia vt ¤ uma: dn lanlnhm Mqyu dan r-mn. 4. Coqzcn Il50·S2." Buliun du anus dz Meh wyak du Scnnu Juan: mu. . LIVINGSTONE. D. 0%]) Lrvinpmain Alrxan hind tl $ctapzn. ¤1.v. 2 mh london: (Juana and Wmdm. .--0960) Livinpnnh Pnva: lcnrnah IISI-51 tl. Sdn:-n. dp Imam (run and Windus. .--—(lIi7) Missionary Travels and lnnrch an ixuuh Alnu lmdnn lah Hun; HAGYAI. L. (I974) Ildzn in Sd-A1ri¤ lll!-IIF (T. Hubby, u_.|. Pu- lit: and Swlp. MALHEIIIO. M. (IWZ) Indice Hi¤h·¤»—Curcp·a|'¤ dz Aqnh. L1;. IICA. PIMENTEL, F. (IW!) h1v¤i.pé¤Ca¤x¤i n Pmvicndz Aqi Im). Pun SERPA PIN"|'O, A. A. eh R. (I&8l)(,o\mu¤¤1zvt•¤•aAIr¤d0A|k¤¤a¤M¤ Indian. Viagcm dc Bcngndh a Comm-Can (ll'/7-77). 2 wh. Unbac iid:. SILVA POIITO, A. F. da (I!40Ill7) Apvnim dz ¤ Funnix a Ahn (S0cEad¢ dc Gcuyafra dc Li•b€¤). vals. I-IJ. lunmbhhdh ---0942) Viagnn c Amrrlamnla dc um Pcrunnccm Alru. Euzrpum Ao ‘Lh¤·¤' dc Ambnio Francisco da Silva P¤rw.1¤•¢ dc Mnanda ad Annan ltnclado. ds. Lisbon: Agmcia Ccral das Columns. —-—(|!8S¤) "Ncvas lumadm ds Silva Pano no Szndu Alnnnm." Bnkun t Scd¤daded¢G¤¤|1aphia¢d¤Hbabv¤d:L¤b5•5. _ —-—(I||5b) "Ulxima Ving¢m." Bolcum da Snudndt da (gnvnphi ¢ rh Hnmna de Lbbca 5. __ VELLUT. J. L- (W72). "Nuu.1 sur lc Lanh cn Ia [runner: L•nv.»AInun¢¢l"|DIllh. Etude d'Hi•mi1¢ Alriainc J: 6I-IH.

12 T|ESTA`I'E'SB$ l $.LllIJ.SAIH_ .hd—pi¤ftl:&1dAh·i¤i1t:_ q¤n¤ufdaem¤uh¤:n¤·y, mI1h¤¤ry& mu¤mp¤¤mCugis»¤qp:¤dmcqn¤1-—s&sd Idgia¢:¤\¤p·k.¤ndfcrdnr@:n&*¤kv ¤¤sp·$ mn¤:i0us|yandvQu¤n¤|y.T\:i¢in¤:yafth·mnh;ith: Fmq|$0fd:C0¤§0(n0•/Z.ni·:|lliv¤·hiis;¤¤1113rcd m¤¤g·a|ti¤IIyin:hei¤m¤¤n¤:n:v¤i¤sr¤:m@•i¢h¤t:h¤k~¤i hcmvtazhncbgyofphmug-qiy1Th:vimr;i:mb•mw ¤fp·¤t¤··sa1r¤1.,s¤:•rihd¤il¤•ls¤·iI¢nth·h¤dsnn$¤• |l¤•’carryingwasd¤ne);wtksik,ins¤m¢tiadcfuifc¤·m.¤1nds ammvihsdf-¤msci¤usm£n¤.rifkushm1H¤. hIh•r'|N&:Fiu|¤nIsnq»¤nf¤rthischq¤¤¤¤¤h1n¤h¤L*u¤¤iy ¢_Tur¤m(lm¤u:bnISn¤li:Pr¤¢¤¤¤=¤drh:H¤nib•iS¤$ $¤n¤¤R:¤¤rd¤Cn¤nd1(U.S.A.\.andnh:S¤¤hIS¤in¤¤•ndH¤•_u¤ U£rchC0udlofCandn.lnngrn:f1a|¤u¢•|p·mnh¤:¤rj¤¤:•r *¤l1¤0wl.P.Abb¢MichdCo•m:.h:nd¢•fr1•:At·¤nyeS1.A•ht.f¤ ¤¤xsuok;|ibm-y,mdwR.P.A|¤¤n¢h·¤
, " __r<<1*$i". l L_-al ~: §(N0'**c,t»' _ cm { /’ . ri yl ' 2 -—·4 l A _L:°£‘° .... Q¤¤y=· j9¤·2·"° 0,5/me, pw ; ° \ x' ' -— Q t.eop¤¤¤v·¤te l i \ 1/ 0 I 1 l ‘ ,/ ,,~—° t tuwonqok Munyungo (4 \ · \ Lutete I _ \ Lukungu // , ·_ agqnqtlu // 2x/ ; Kobmdd} // ___ Lund routes usps 3 · Vlvl oghald ’/ hy European | Bomu •» i Mulndt 0 so mm . B°"°"° _ ·= ‘“ | r—’ U 50 Krlanuvu l C¤v1'·¤*•' {Q I.! 5a¤¤··· Mn 12.1: Th cam to S¤nl•y Poet in the Ntnnanth Century This present study crops the soldier from the picture and enlarges that of the porters. Yet, as in a cinematic documentary, there will be flashbacks to the soldier, because we cannot fully understand why the Bakongos were porters without understanding why Bangalas were soldiers. The names of these peoples, it should be understood from the outset, are labels of convenience. The Europeans participating in colonial events used the name Bangala as an ethnic one, but it applied in only 3 Seneral way to the riverine populations between, say, the mouths ofthe Kwa and Mongalla Rivers on the Zaire (see Map l2.l). Some of them would have been what Europeans later came to identify as Bobangis. but many others—all possibly speaking closely related dialects—were included. Convenience does not, of course, fully exPlatn the way Europeans perceived the indigenous populations. They were all more or less engaged in ad hoc ethnography; and like all ethnography tt had its intellectual if not ideological presuppositions. ln other words, the social, political. and economic structures that Euro-

Wlltnn J. Bunn-ut 271 ans "saw" in Africa were based in part on w ~ . F; qcld but also in part in what they brought ltiiiinosszrsid ui (hmm gntguectual) baggage. Therefore the "tribes" they itlenttnea tg? to some degree or other of their own making. This topic is discussed in gnat detail with respect to the so-called Bondjo (Samann 19344) lt is to be expected that ethnicity (that is, the historical reality ofa people) would in some cases be problematic. It is so with the Bangala even though the Zairean historian, Mumbanza mwa Bawele, for example, argues (l97l, I974) for the existence of an authentic peopleorganized beyond low-level kin a.nd clan units and self—conscious of their identity. There is more justilication for the use of Baltongo as an ethnic designation. (Since the lirst syllable of Bakongo is only a plural pref tx, l prefer to use Kongo as the ethnic designation). That is to say, it has a much older history. ln any case, regardless of the amount of integration of their societies in political units, such as that of the Kongo kingdom with which the Portuguese lirst came in contact, they spoke more-or-less closely related dialects, some of which, however, were not immediately mutually intelligible. This is not to say that nineteenthcentury Europeans always recognized a vast Bakongo ethnolinguistic entity. Indeed, it is a fact of some significance that at the time when they were all talking about the so—called Bangalas, they were not equally categorical about Bakongos. The latter were generally referred to as the natives of the Lower Congo, or more explicitly Loangos, Kabindas, and other such ad hoc names. The exploitation of the Kongo peoples had already had a history of almost four hundred years when King Leopold ll of Belgium sent the Committee for the Study of the Upper Congo (replaced in 1883 by thc International African Association) up the Congo River. They had been involved in trade, mining, and most of all in selling each other (and others) into slavery (Broadhead, l97l; Martin, l970. l9l2). The introduction of colonialism only altered the nature of interaction between Europeans and Kongos. THE RECORD OF PORTERING The Kongo peoples were indispensable for thelestabltshment of Leopold’s African empire (Liebrechts, n.d.: 20l. published around I? or 1909). Transportation figures alone demonstrate the truth of tl: assertion. Calculate the number of kilograms of goods that had atom) transported from the start of the cataracts to Stanley (now M e

212 DE RRE OF AFMCAN TRADE Pool. assigning 30 kilograms (65 pounds) per person, and one win an ida of the number of human beings i.nvolved.· Bur this wouid haw be the because every caravan requned ·—SunpOn perm 91*]) people to cook for the poners (many of whom must have befn n ns ` and others to carry the personal belongings of the porter; (soomem whom might have engaged in a little trade of their Own); and Chg: of E.Z'§..IJi‘?,`3T‘.‘§; m ‘°’‘ 1** ‘" d"~~¤· ¤ap.Ci.{§." V ¢0l'¤·l¤s into an going out of th ‘ - ‘ idea in the nnutnlber of human beings involved in ;0:§;’:g§gEls?l:e rep; ro y·t e minimum volume of trade, being off ‘ i, ) :11; Congo Free. State. ln early yu,-S_ before the Bclgigglzoljgs-1*; of ¢$fZbl1Sb€d H5 bureaucratic hold on me [cn-g[0ry_ much would hull aajinned, Sings much would have been transported, withoni T); representatives. (V Eur;p£.ndrt·:c11uunent of local porters began between 1879 and igg an C, I932). These yea;-S _ 3 m$l;¤;}';;`trst two trips up the Congo |;il?rleie;hi;lhcir::iSc?(; 171; gy. stauon t th - un . ..........e.. ofBan;a1ascitI:i;>u;;1;(;rw;‘:kLE;1p0naI]§ ‘°‘ me *··‘*S·=¤¤¤¤· . _ _ Orce, this . was concemed with establtshmg the claims . E period he . . _ f Kin Le . WUUOD w1th the Fi-enc)-)_ Speed - , °_ B _ 0p01d in commosl important {new; Nnncthlil advancing mm '-he mierior was the VM - _ eess, he had S0 tons of sh' . headed for Leopoldvtlle in 1880 (Stanley 1885 lpmcm al he ‘cd Banu- ‘ ; :1,159,w (Stalne; at. m D°°°mb€l’ l88l. he had 600 t ) hen v {885- 468); ng; al] of this wem to bcc _ Ons of gogds staypdnigbtswnljnscdiate stations. Stanley h. 3°:;1-`l;l;i;eF?5tse-snme ut ' recmir f· . 1 em ordas were hired at the c¢;:si°th|;d;1g€:i0uS personnel: only that Kahn-l` March 1880 he had a work E0 fc ad 206 workers at Vivi, that in his personnel nxdw 400 pm-1;; 0 110 not counting natives, and that 153. 196. 216, 221). Gisanny · S 0,-.n°° Pc? day (Stanley, 1885: 31, Lcnpoldvmc in 1883 _ 3 S estimate of Sta.rtley's shipments 10 .wha*¤V€r we mi8htlSm5:k;0n1§S°r 1839 loads (Gisanura, 1971: 87)· lT'°b'°°h“ is ¤¤plieit in sayi oth mmey S account °f ‘h°’° {US! years. ¤b¤l`i$ the "i-enron inccnaizg, at Stanley had in addition to 150 Zan. PM! and that wi, in nm °f ‘°"‘° Kabindas to take ove. gmk,'°‘*’°¤**'>il*¤v or mm., if T" °’ 80 Zmibaris had me im.i.... abseneecy Knnéo pon . H ° P°°l(L1¢bfechts, n.d_; zz 45) The r°P°"¤d that in 1333.);; Slconnrmcq bt wamcrs (lB90a: i21) rwhv my nqudques · · e lntemattonal African Ass . , ’ d yn nm l’¤1'¤ auynnaj,·¤·· mon lh 0¢1a¤0n foun ¤¤¤¤s had been we 1,, im (E; ° L°`"°' °°"“° "°°"'°" ¤¤s0 lllustré, 1892: 19) and

LJ. is pg in 1882 through 1884 Leopoldville was bet . . {om- wgeks by goods from the coast with a crigevlliilpilocd nm Ihr? I0 ¤_d.: 237, published in 1889). poncmlcuml By 1884-1885 stationshadbeeriestablishedasf Sflnlcy for the of Belgian claims in the lot? p¤:¤.ra¤0ntherewasagr¤m¤importa1jqnofgoods;attdmthisp¤iod Belgian agents assumed more responsibility for the emuitiorr of the King's plans. Captain Alphonse Van Gele recruited 1S(D porters on 3 single occasion in 1884. posibly at Lulrungu (Lukunga or latktrngp) or Manyanga (MCC 1896: 210). The total number of loads taken to mcPoolm 1885 wastentimesw1:tatirhadbeenrw¤y¤rse¤r5¤;(qr_ |B92: 19). The following yar Coquilhat recmited Iwo, including the 800 engaged in one day at Lutete (Coquilhat, 1886: 2, 34, 3637). ln 1887 the volume rmched 50,01) loads (Cl, 1892: 19). By 1889. several thousand young men of 18-25 years of age were used every month as porters. They were recruited at Lukungu. Lutete, and Man'yarrga, where "toute la jeunesse . . . se fait pon.eurs" (Watuers, 1890n; 221). Lopasik's figure (1971: 66) of 18.0ll) for the year 1888 (if it appliestothewholeymr)istoolowwhenoompa1·¤1towhatw¤tton in 1887. Lamotte (n.d.: 58, possibly published in 1894) said that on the left bank of the Congo alone and only during the latter eight months of the year, portas numbaed 60411). This was a busy year indeed,given the lZ(I)loacLsfortheEminPashaexpeditionandthe shipment of 60(D loack of the dismantled stmmers "Vil1e de Bntxelles" and "Roi da Belges" (Wauters, 1890a: ZH-223). The construction of the railroad to Leopoldville, staned in 1889. introduced another tremendous demand for porters, which continued until the first locomotive arrived at the terminus on March 16. 1898. When ships were unloading their cargos in 1892. it required lCl'1.(IX1 porters (Masui, 1894: 27) to transport the loads from a single steamer to the Pool (Belgique Coloniale, 1896: 231). For this year rt was al'l_1¤'l'l¢d "without any exaggeration" that 40,(XD men were ¤'l$8$¤‘l ln transpon. Where a dozen years earlier (i.e.. 1880) one could not gel even one porter now on a single day a person could see more than one thousand on march ("0n initiating Negroes to European U C1, 1892: 19). lt was also estimated that there were 4-5.0w identity Grds for Itupims (i.e., caravan bosses) in eirculanon (1892: 179). Thhg: were not that many caravans at any given ume. of course. but were more than the "hundreds" of state caravans reported by (l9$0Z7). The word kapira is generally undcrSl00d K0 in origin. Whatever its earliest meaning may have been, rn t

114 TIE x•KE\$ OF AFRICAN TRADE . - Lb: taping Prjujajy responsiblljly 935 I0 3S$ure tht am,-a1d;~€;.—h End at its destination in good condition. He probabh 11,0 direeted the personnel in other matters. and we can suppose lim with the intensification of tra.nsportauon his role assumed more tm. p0m_me_ H, ,,a$_ however, not the sole representative of the Euro. pan because soldiers frequently accompanied the caravans. ln any me, the kapitas represented a special category of the Europeany amt r men in an emergent "middle rnanaeen·tent" postuon. Kapilas w‘:r;c;¤ necessarily Kougo men, although it can be assumed that those who spoke Kiltongo were more useful to Europeans. ln 1896 P. de Deken (MCC, 1896: 210) reported that 90,0(X) loads were qrried annually. This figure may be too high. given Len-raire, ggtimate (1895: 74) of 25,280 poners and ancillary personnel for 1s93; 11,230 for the state, 9tXD for the Belgian trading company, and 50m for the missions and others. By the time the railroad was completed the number had grown to 100,0tD per year (Aaron Sims, Annual Report, BMM, 1898: 443; Liebrechts, n.d.: 201). bemaire (1894: 180) also estimated the total number of poners at 100,000, and he was only judging from the necessary labor required to transport the dismantled parts of the 43 stmmers that were at that time plying the waters of the Upper Congo. The total, he says, equalled the size of the Belgian army! Contrary to what one might suppose, the railroad did not put an end to caravans. The caravan from Loango at least was still being used as late as 1908 (Deschamps, 1907: 14). ln the construction of the railroad the Kongos provided labor only for portering and other tasks requiring no special skills. Skilled manPvwer needs were satisfied by irnponed workers and, of course, by European management. The workers in Trouet's history of the construction (1898)-at which time he was its technical director—are idenufied as comingeither from Senegal or the Gold Coast. The examination of the ttse of poners has been restricted entirely to travel toward Stanley 18001, a bias that refiects the sources. EuroP¢3|l$ their aclguevemcnts not merely in terms of their SUCtn tenns o the hardships they endured and th b t les had to overcome. Getting their goods beyond the catn:a(;t§, ger lmzutlhiffgzn and tn debilitating climate, was indeed a challenge that cx Hm t of men. But among all their dif1icu1ties—they madv edPafmTlW¤?S the mobilization of manpower. Coquilhat was app|a¤d· wxh. alilcrrg dllcscrtbed the way he recruited a thousand men in IWO - I1 Without d1fficulty,” he said, “Besides, one doesnl

* L Qi m F Wl\h0|.|I d.l".K\|h) .... M [na-. or . [0, me; it was the first time that they were •;t\i1:` d:.“m.¤ . white" tl886: 2, 34). l M "[ What was there-to tell about going to the coast. espmalh atm; {N most narrators tt meant retttming to Europe? Haq tm., from a long tour of duty and usually seriously ill. Porters were just asneeessary foruansportingloadstoMaudifromthePool.but¤e haveto goclscwbere fordatatostimatetlnesiaseofthelabea ftree The volume of exports provides our dotanriver as in; ygtments provided data for the upriver Exports rose from 4076 (presumably metric) tons in 1887 to 872; in 1898 tEnevt¤peai. du Congo Beige 3: 385) The volume of rubber e i i l. rporu front the Pool rose from pracucally nil in 1883 to 30 tons in 18117; from that year to 1891 they went to 131 tons (Vansina. 1973: 427). In March of 1889 Europeans bought only S tons of ivory at the Pool. whereas 3 tons went to the coast by African aravans: the figure rose to 27 tons by 1895 (Gartn and Duignan. 1979: 118. 12.3, citing Btichler. 1912). The enormiry of the cost in human effort. each man carrying about 30kilogramsonhish¤d, isrepresentedinthetotalqtaantiryofea— ports over the twelve-year period: 2,730,533 man loads! And this, we must repeat, was only for the dow·nrivertra1Ttc.This phaorcnic 1'mtre does not. of course. represmt individually named human beitm. Scme worked for longer periods of time, others for shorter. he figure ` comparable in mage, nonetheless, to the longastablished me of power hours." Kongo labor was used for portering because the Kongo lived in the very territory through which the Europeans had to travel. But loca· tion does not explain the whole story: it does not explain the fact that the Kongo people were virtually excluded from other forms of labor. particularly skilled work, but also specific projects like railway and telegraph construction. If there was no clear policy of exclusion. thae certainly was one of preference for other groups of workers. Account— ing for these differences must now be undertaken. l 1f Lemaire could say of 1893 that 245 "Bas-Congos"_tthat ts. Lower Kongos) were serving in the district of Cataracts in positions formerly 1'tlled by foreign workers. he must have been refernng to who had already had experience working with Europeans. not I green recruits." Since emphasizing indigenous labor encouraged the anu;-st; ment of capital in the Congolese enterprise, Lematre and otitis pr td ably Supprcsscd information about foreign reerutlmtttl. Whlf an important role for quite some time. For example, in 1894 t

2-;; THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . meron wrote: "At Sierra Leone we took on board Z$·?Y¥ S;-Yéigdc-iftcans °°""“* ‘° Ci’,"F° ";§’$§?!$’L°£? SL'3?§EI°" in ms 5€*"*°° °f ‘“° g°"°""l°°m` They c Ong -· (MH 1894- zoo) im tribes, speaking as many different languages , . _ D. · onnel reveal the importance of these coastal wo,-km_ venwncs of pliserate young men-f0reigners—c0u1d be found al me For cxgflmp iiajn tasks, but launderers and tailors came frorn among com or Cgjon o people (Donny, 1897: 37). One would have thought i:;tlsi,r:;rthe rgilway went through their territory, the Kongos would have been involved in more than a trivial way in that project. lt would appear that rhey were not. Indeed, males;. of tlllgvzggncggn-I :0:11:;;; xzrc · 4 the onl ear or w ic we , re Stlgcgolngblegsigatl work aiiicfng 3000 (that is, 14 percent), the total Black work force being 2000 in 1890 and 7000 in 1897 (Cornet, 1947: 248, - 898: 246 . l7%lol`r!i}ll(b:tgo workbrs also predominated in other projects. The Boma-Kwamouth telegraph line was built during 1895-1898 "especial1y by the Banga1as" (Musée, 1903: 122). They took part as well in the mounting of 40 steamers at Leopoldville—they in addition to other Upper Congo people, but without Lower Congo ones (Lemaire, 1894: 177). In a later publication (1895: 56), but possibly for the year 1894, he quotes Liebrechts as saying although "Manyangas"—that is Kongos-as well as Bangalas were involved in remounting the boats (Lemaire, 1895: 56). ln 1894 "Banga1as, Kassais [and] Weles are drivers, mechanics, litters, on the boats, on the routes of the State, [and] in the workshops on the railway" (P. de Deken, MCC, 1896: 212). Besides Kongos, liberated slaves from the Kasai River and people from as far away as the Wele River were trained workmen. These "We1es" were probably Yakoma-speaking people (Samarin 1982a, 1982b). This difference in (if not discrimination against) the employment of Kongo peoples must be explained. Since some of the work required travel up the Congo River beyond the Pool, the Kongo people may have feared encountering others whose bad reputations they feared, or, unlike the upper populations, they were unaccustomed to traveling about on the Congo. Without further information such considerations are only speculative. Portering was hardly an employment with enduring inducements. The journey was long, over hilly terrain protected by little shade. By foot. one covered 368 to 400 kilometers from Matadi to Leopoldvillc in fifteen to twenty days (Denis, 1950: 7; Bailey, 1894: 137).* ln

Wllllam J. Stmarln gr] N90 there were five barges {alleges} with eight teams of m (Lemme, 1895: 51. 52) incessantly occupied with transport bu cn mcse ports. The loading of goods in the earliest years had been Sem by Zanzibarts; in other words, Kongos were not trusted or were (fine available for this work. Guinness's description (1890: 57) of tl? northern route,. for example, characterizes it as unfortunate because 5; was "very dtfftcult, rocky ground in a gorge naturally poor and barren, and not very populous." Before the completion of the Belgian railroad, the Loango journey took "at least 35 days" (Dias-Briand 1982: 59). Although longer, the Loango route had fewer streams thati the Matadi route, along which one could be delayed for long periods of time when these were swollen after rains. At one point, the route rose 250 meters/ 820 feet in 20 kilometers/ 12.4 miles (Deschamps, 1911: 19; also see Foa, 1900: 274; Masui, 1894: 29; and Vandrunen, 1900: 250). These routes had been used by caravans for a long time, probably centuries (MacGaffey, 1977; Martin, 1970: 144). Portering was a task that tested the mettle of the strongest of men (de Deken, 1902: 72-73), many of whom died on the path, leaving by 1898 "thousands of skeletons" along the way (de Mandat-Graneey, 1900: 176). (See also Michaux, 1907: 68-69.) Not all of these were men either—as we generally understand the temt: They were in large numbers young adolescents (de Deken, 1902: 72-73) and by 1892 even children of 7 to 9, carrying loads of 10 kilograms (Lopasik, 1971: 71). Coquilhat’s account, cited above, may have been intentionally untruthful or in the earliest years more mature men may have been available. PAYMENT OF PORTERS Since carriers entered service in different ways, it is not easy to characterize the way they were remunerated—if at all. But an attempt must be made, because they took part, willingly or not, in the emergence of a laboring "class" in central Africa. lt is clear from the records that free individuals were recruited for portering, but tt ts also clear that slaves were common. Although many volun-tartly sought employment, force was also used on the Kongos. M. Juhltn-Qannfeldt, a Swedish army officer who had served twice as a District Commissioner for the Congo Free State between 1883-1891, noted tn 1891 (as quoted in Lagergren, 1970: 110) that "9€|'Ullmen1 of labour to these caravans was carried Oul by $$15*:* peditions consisting of a white officer and a number of soldiers. c

zyj Tri IORKERS OF AFNCAN TRADE _ equtred to place a certain number mz:. ot the »anous ~iua;t;s"::;rra`anS’ and- if me Camus HR nm Or uyrters at the d¤5P<¤6]_ _ be f _ V ppomted the soldiers took a num r o prisoners, atmhbk Q1 'h° "mc a -` · ·‘|| These were lt . 0,,,,,, ann children, in the r¢fr¤¤0l’> *1 .38*:- epi, :;:,n,),,,d,,' harsh and humiliagrgg concgégzns. until they were CXChangtd fmlhcmgnwhocouldbtu 35 · · have the authority to impress Other Europeans dtd not, of course, k _ pwd, · ‘ , They had their own agents-labor bro ers we I-mgm can thgiiiiixc undoubtedly working for their ovtgrgirogg-as well. went about the country in S¢¤f¤i'* 01 P°"*°"$ (CL I · · Mw-“· 1894: 26). These were therefore independent entrepreneurs and must not be confused with the kapitas, who were employees of- the Europeans. P yment in money for portering was an mnovauon, introduced by Eurogeans, but the use of slaves was not; Europeans exploited a system that had existed for centuries. Nonetheless the Kongo responded to European needs for labor, although they usually wanted to be paid in kind. They may hlavijeen temporary employment in their own temtory as a means to ut up capital for enriching themselves in trade—art activity they understood and valued (Wauters, 1890b: 176). As late as May 16, 124, [Thomas Adams of the Livingstone Inland Mission wrote: " p ere [at Leopoldvillel we cannot buy food or hire boys for money [;] it must be anicles of rea] value such as clothing etc." (ABHS, 82). In 1885 the mission employed 32 or 33 "Loangos" at Leopoldville, at the Equator station and also on the mission’s steamboat, the "Henry Rwd," all of whom had to go south to Palabala (Mpalabala) to be paid their monthly salary of ten lengths of cloth (Aaron Sims to J. Clark, Leopoldville, March 11, 1885, AHBS). Cloth was also used in the early days (around 1882) as payment for Kongo porters (P. de Deken, M12: 72), because it was a currency that could be used in trade. According to Liotard (ANPM, Joumal, writing on August 28, 1891), the State paid 36 francs to a Portuguese entrepreneur, who made a profit of fifteen francs for each recruit. lt is not clear how much each received. As late as 1888 or 1889, Probert-—missionary of the Livingstone lnland Mission—wrote (1889: 135), "Carriers takf cloth or handkerchtefs. They also get beads or knives to purchase food while traveling .[to the PooI]," The statement suggests that th€$€ Workers were ‘upped·" rather than remunerated in a systematic WYL§l’l workers were paid just one mitako (brass-rod currency) p¢l’ d3Y ( ansma, 1973: 303). Whatever this was worth (and Vansina provides

M J. my In a comparison of the various currencies). this was ‘ food for one day (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1969: 462). ;,b:y bought only three eggs at Wangata. which was on the Uppq CL: 2 whgfg prices were somewhat higher WIRAC. Lemaire. Mami rug 1891). ln 1885 Coquilhat (1888: 353) recruited nine "young guards; {0; a period of ten months at 45 mitako (11.50 francs) yy monlh in addition to their rations and clothing. (ln this case we see not much the monetary inflation of the Upper Congo but the value that was placed on Bangala military labor.) According to W. H. Bentley (MH 1887: 440), at about two pounds per year the Bangalas were "far cheaper than any other labour avai1able." He was obviously oompa.-ing the hiring of natives to foreign workers, since he mentions the Kroo in this context. Laborers did not actually get all the pay that French and Belgian officials wrote about. Clerc (1911: $(1}-301), who was at Bangui (on the Ubangi River) in 1910, had the following to say of the porters that military personnel were entitled to (eighteen for a captain, twelve to fourteen for a sergmnt-major, eight to ten for a sergeant) and who were "relayed" every two days. Ils doivent aocomplir 25 a 30 lrilornetres chaque jour moyennam I fr. 10 par etape .... Souvent leur salaire ne leur est pas donné en mains, de suite, mais simplement défalqué de I'imp6t d0 mr leur village. 11 n'obéissent donc que sous la menace et la eonuainte a des que les postes operent dans un rayon étendu. The Casimir Maistre expedition to the Upper Ubangi (i.e., from Bangui northward into what is now Chad) paid soldiers who were recruited on the west coast of Africa 35 francs per month (Comité de l‘Afrique Francaise, 1892); rations consisted of one coffee-spoonful of bayaka beads every flve days-—and thae cost only 75 centimes the kilogram (Chapiseau, 1900: 192). With this ration the men were able to obtain provisions, the help of natives to cany their own loads,.a.nd even "the favors of women." Four years later, 100 percent inflation apparently having set in, canoemen on the Ubangi were paid two spoonsful of beads (or two copper bars of 60 grams [2 ounoesl) every five days (Bruel, ASOM, October 10, IB96). But for the year l897, and in connection with the Marchand expedition to the Nile, a eanoeman received the value of twenty centimas (i.e., one-fifth of a franc) tn two coff|ee~ Spoonsful of beads for each day’s work: one for work and one or food (Dyé, 1899: 446), although Bobichon. the administrator tn Bangui, paid only one spoonful per day (Baratier, n.d.. 24).

2;; THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE SLAVES AS PORTERS SM me tm $*3** “i°'t.?‘*’ 1Z‘I.`L‘i§§$ Z?.'E?;.E§’,E§3i?}’2i· l ft Francevr e in — when islndehgrsggd lhat his "men" were former slaves (Bruhschwig_ fgglltairhose mlled Kabindas, always referred to as liberat¢d_ ggmc Ir uehtly For example, nineteen of them were part of the gap WGS! req I ‘l| ‘ 1882 and in 1884 two of them were pan 0; nson of Leopoldvr e in _ C uilhat’s force in the Upper Congo (Coquilhat, 1888: 55, 228). That wg before the French put a stop to the emigration of workers from their territory. Therefore, when we read of liberated slaves’rnne and ten years later, we can assume that they were "Kabindas. The French obtained some of their men from one with the Portuguese name of Carvalho, who is described as a "formcr merchant of slaves" and as an "agent libe7‘aleur" (with quotation marks and italics in the original source). ln 1892 he was even operating in the Kasai River area, where he got a premium of 100 francs for each "liberated" slave (Cureau, ANPM). ln the previous year he had fur· nished the Casimir Dybowski expedition with 33 men, whose provenience and ethnicity are not mentioned (Dol.isie, ANPM). Many other instances of the use by Europeans of slaves or "liberated" slaves can be cited. The Tio (Teke), who were the upcountry traders the Kongo had to deal with depended on slave porters. At the Pool, the Tio were devoted exclusively to long-distance trade: upriver with the Bobangis and downriver with the Kongos. Caravans came to them from downriver peoples or they sent their own, always respecting ethnic territorial rights (Vansina, 1973). The Tio do not seem to have gone to the coast itself. Because of Tio demand for slave labor, there was an active slave market at the Pool. Slaves were still being bought at the Pool in 1883, according to T,]. Cromber, an English missionary, who observed that there was "a sprinkling of Bakongo from Congo, Zombo, Makuta. etc.-chiefly slaves brought up and sold to . . . Nga-Liema, for ivory" (MH 1883: 79). Ngaliema was a Tio notable. Europuns came to learn that the Tio, while hiring out some of their slaves to work, did not themselves deign to "work" at all, other than engage tnltrade. For the period we are examining, it would have been as impossible for a Tio trader to hire out a son or nephew as it would have been for Jacob Meyer (1792-1868), whose Rothschildian fortune rnade possible the creation of the railway system in France, to have hired out his son to work along with the urban proletariat in the gangs

mh J. SIIIUM nj constructing the railroad! This is why there was no gxplojlablc labor [Orca at the Pool when the Europeans began to establish themselves there. The Tio also refused to work for missionaries at the Pool and were reluctant to have their youths taught by them. The Tio did not ··work" because they did not have to. By contrast people further in the interior worked more willingly. At Bopoto, far up the Congo east of the Bangala area, also in 1894, for example, "There is a great demand for workmen and workboys in these parts, and high wages tempt the elder boys to leave their towns, and to go to work at factories {trading centers] or on steamers" (F.R. Orarn, MH, 1894: 220). Reticence to let their sons become mission pupils could be expected of people who had had little contact with Europeans, but the problem was more than the usual one of culture contact. Missionaries in this period engaged school children in various kinds of work (that others would have been hired to do) to pay for their schooling. The aversion to manual labor consequently reinforced other attitudes among the Tio toward the European presence. Only those Tio located away from the Pool were willing to work for wages. In 1880, for example, de Braun was able to use Tio porters (Brunschwig, 1966: 253), but they came from the high plains, whose economy was not based on trade as was that of the Tio of the Pool. But even this exception must be treated with caution, because ethnic designations by Europeans were often confused. For example, Vansina (1973: 303, citing a report made by Pradier in 1886, as reported in Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1969) states that currency could not hire labor in the Tio economy, but that the Kongo Lari worked for one mitako per day. lt is therefore important for the study of labor recruitment to identify these Kongo Lari. Coquery-Vidrovitch did not call them Kongo Lari but Lali (1969: 462,276), and she identified them with the Teke, not the Kongo. Fehderau on the other hand (1962) identifies the Lari (also known as Ladi, Laadi, Lali, and Bwende) asione of the Kongo groups. Moreover, Coquery-Vidrov·itch (1969: 97, ciung Sautter in Brunschwig, 1966: 174) states that the Lali, a "Teke group," located on the Niari River about a twenty-day joumey from the Teke at the Pool, were "commercia.l intermediaries" between the Loango coast and the interior} ln any case there seems to have been Isome kind of Lalis working on the Catholic mission’s steamboat Leon XIII in December 1892 (Sallaz, 1893: 73). lt is reasonable to suppose thatdthxy were "common laborers"— deck hands, choppers of wood, an t e like.

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uq THE WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE . ` SEECF) was established for the explicit pur. ;;);;?§g?;i1;Idij§t; the interior from Loango (de MaJ.ieres_ mg]; mg)- turning to the Kongos for porters the_French added [O me numbers, already nearly unbel1evable,·of carriers these people were pm,-idj_ng_ Although Kongos were used in some ofthe expeditions mm the Ubangi basin (Samarin, l928a, ms.), for example, they were assigned lowly tasks (except, of course, for those from the coast who were literate). Indeed, much of the indigenous manpower 1n the French possession of the Upper Ubanii appears 10 hagigieggecgggeg tn- the tate. For examp e, 1n IS expe 1 1 astmir l$1‘;:si·)ellit:detl§irty liberated slaves from the Upper Kasai (Maistre, 1895: 40; Samarin, 1928a, ms.) Indeed official decrees did not always have the effect they were meant to have; the recruitment of labor was determined as often by immediate circumstances as by govemmental policy, and slaves—liberated or 0therwise—continued to figure significantly a1·1·1ong the workers of the Europeans. WORKER CONSCIOUSNESS In the light of the foregoing history we can assume that the Kongos would have seen themselves as exploited and oppressed, especially in comparison to other indigenous peoples. Indeed the great Kongo strike of 1887-one of several collective actions on the part of porters against their exploitation—demonstrates that such consciousness in fact existed. The strike is extensively described by Lieutenant Franqui, one of those responsible for recruitment at that time (and quoted in Wauters, 1890a: 222ff). He does not call it a strike; that would have been inappropriate where the pervading metaphor was conquest. He explains that there was "a momentary halt" i.r1 recruitment at the beginning of 1887 because of a few "intestine wars" and especially the unhappiness of the natives who feared competition following the establishment of several trading posts at Leopoldville. The event is mentioned by Lamotte (n.d.: 58) but without explanation. It is ironic that in the propagandist literature, such as the Congo Illustrei it was reported (CI, 1892: 179)—with obvious allusion to labor trouble in Belgium and for the purpose of assuring capitalist investors—that the porters were not civilized enough to strike! Moreover, this was about two years after the first organized march of workers on May Day that took. place in Vienna. In connection with these 1887 conflicts. Ngaltema, the wealthy Tio trader at Stanley Pool, appears to have organized his own ivory caravans to the coast, although the rulers at

Wk J in g Ma.-iyenga tried to stop them and even robbed me: ..,i.s.i.. ·· - . 428; citing DLlp0l’ll, lB89Z 213. 263). lf this umm·::.·;e i; ¤·_·_·qi,,_·i rhen the work stoppage of the Kongos was dtrectec apart: ¤ tr t and African merchants alike. Although Belgians interpreter resistance to recruitment in terms that were favorable ZL L.: warm ii. vestment, tt ts not yet clear how we are to interpret ir na-· u.·.•-· information is needed to explain the grievances of the 3}:; at laborers and to delineate the incipient consciousness of themiet-.q H workers, and other such matters. There must have been other interruptions in the transport of goods from the coast, about which we have still much to learn. ln arly March 1885, for example, the missionary Aaron Sims reported from Leopoldville that native transport had ceased "for a month or two while they, the natives are engaged in trade with the coast" (ABHS). Normally, however, the period of trade from the Pool to the coast took place in the dry season during the months from April to September, not in early March (Vansina, 1973: 257-258). ln August of that same year Vittu de Kerraoul had dif iiculty getting poners between Franceville and Diélé, not only because of interethnic strife but also because of dissatisfaction over pay (letter cited in CoqueryVidrovitch, 1969: 291). Finally in 1892, there were further caravan troubles, perhaps indicating another strike (de Mazieres, 1982: 71). What then did the writer mean in the Congo lllustre (1892: 107), in an article devoted to "Initiating Negroes to European Work," when he said: "Generally, the laborer regenerated by work, considers himself as a kind of aristocrat in his tribe"? The answer is revealing; he wu not writing of the Lower Congo peoples—who were porters—but the Bangalas—who were soldiers. By l892 all those who held privileged positions in European service considered themselves better—and better off—than others. They were not restricted to carrying loads. like slaves. Besides, they were equipped with the symbols of authority: ¢l0thing and arms. Europeans recognized the power of such symbols. This was the period, one must remember, when civil a11d mtlttary ;ervice in Europe was expressed in an explicit language of dress, lwben ll'! Vl€l’ll'l3, for example, even the Dienslmartn (‘jpubltC [i0l'l€|’ 1-:; all‘l`0L|l`ld neighborhood servant), had his own ptttful |.||'lll.0|’l:·cSScd membcr of the Belgian Force Publique was generally btllcff fla., C ¤nd had better perquisites. He was, moreover, one member 0 tml $0 Mw social unit, visible in its solidarity on frequent occastongnhms $P€8l< of the ritual ones at the military camp. And Illzboliml of uniformed for other kinds of work also accepted the sy — this new social structure.

In 114; WORKERS OF AFRICAN TRADE LABOR AND LANGUAGE d effect in the novel and sustained Language was both effector an . _ h lmeyaerions between Europeans and Almansldurtng e years of gx ‘ trade and colonization. This relationship ts vshy a socio. Eizrggggberspective in African history is revealing. lt reveals a Slgong l tion between the nature of work among different populations cofirilie place of these peoples in the new colonial state, and it is isvgaled in the histories of the origins of Sango, Lit;gala,;nd-Kjguba . - - -·· languages," all more or ess pt gtntze Igf (ptdgtntzed Kongo) -new· _ tam to the C I C and Ubartgt basins; all now very impor en ral ;:l?ric;:g1;epub1ic, the Republic of Zaire, and the Popular Republic of the Congo (Samarin, 1971, 1980a, 1980b, 1982a, 1982b, 1984b). The analysis of labor-mobilization reveals. the historical process of linguistic development as no purely linguistic study has been able t do. lt can be shown, furthermore, that Fehderau (1962, 1966) is wjrong when he concludes that pidginized Kongo was a trade language at the end of the nineteenth century, on the grounds that tnterethntc trade leads to such a language. A reading of the primary sources demonstrates that there is no evidence for this assumption. The earliest reference to an explicitly simple forlrn of;(ongo; tl]:/e antecedent of contemporary Kituba, is that by t e wt ow o . Holman Bentley. She (1907: 285) used the terms "State Congo" and "dog-Congo." This pejorative designation for the pidgin has been misunderstood by Gann and Duignan, who claim (1975: 135) that because missionaries "at times referred to the official tongue of the Congo as ‘the State jargon,’ " they were hostile, as British citizens. to the Free State. At that time the Kongo language was hardly "olEcial"! Moreover, the study of missionary literature reveals clearly that the Protestants lagged behind other Europeans, even Catholic missionaries, in the use of the emerging lingua francas (Kituba and Lingala) because they valued the ethnic (so-called tribal) languages as authentic carriers of culture and appreciated their richness in grammar and vocabulary. lt was their appreciation for the indigenous African languages, not a presumed antipathy toward those who were not British, that explains the linguistic policies of these missionaries. lnstead, it can be concluded that there was a close relationship between labor and language. The Belgian edict of 1889 regulated the recruitment of labor and helped promote a pidginized Kongo. The new form of lfongo (Kituba) that emerged out of thc Babel of tongues that characterized the building of the colonial edifice was a product ol the connection between language history and labor history. The present

'*-J ••—•. ,,, argument is not sufhcient for the linguistic demonwr ·r· ~ come only from a thorough analysis of the earliest tingdlztl l [IM f It this is nonetheless a necessary argument. In the pqewzrlm am knowledge, therefore, it is more credible to claim that Kit ism ll in me context of the interaction between Kongo spqkm sf mv when the former were employed by the hundreds of above all, porters than tt is to say that it arose out of earlier Ifldé between Europeans and Blacks or between various Congolese peoples Kituba seems to have arisen precisely where the most intense recruitment of labor by Europeans took place. lt is related most closely to the central Kongo dialects and languages, closest indeed to the t`orm at Manyartga (Fehderau, 1966: 76). The southern caravan route was especially important tn the era before French and Belgian colonization, but that was not where Kituba seems to have developed. And although the Vili north of the Congo River were very much involved in the coastal trade earlier than the period discussed here, their language had even less effect, according to Fehderau, on vehicular Kongo. Whatever jargon may have developed in the nineteenth century, it was subsequently influenced more by Manyanga than by other dialects. From this perspective, vehicular Kongo is not and never was primarily a "trade language." lt served as the language of labor. The relationship between labor and language has not yet become the focus of examination in the same way that the languages of politics, law, and religion have. These varieties (to which one attt·ibutes the name "language") concern the sociolinguist, who seeks to identify the linguistic nature of all varieties of a given language and explain their function or role in the relevant social group. Some such languages emerge simply by semantic developments, or by the creation of new words, or by borrowing words from other languages (all three processes being illustrated in certain argots), or even by adopting an entirely different language. lt is reasonable to suppose, for example, that in a large industry management and labor would use different "languages" for the same domains of experience. But languages do not merely indicate different social groups; they also serve as symbolic or real boundaries between them. European languageslrepresented P0Wer and authority. This fact can be illustrated in the history ofthe construction of the Belgian railroad to the Pool. Trouet explicitly states (1893: 93) that all the [African] bosses, clerks, and craftsmen—wh; were the only ones in rapport with Europeans and spoke eithertirencn 9F Ertglish—transmitted orders to the workers in "the national t t•2;`l'l:i“ lll the context, this would mean the various native languages gr cm foreign workers and not one of the vehicular languages (em g

ill _ 11 ¢ iu; separid ¤.an$me¤t from hiv nd-“ L·I_;’·¤4 me two indi of hbot kwnbted tr; mn •¤¤*"‘ . ¤_,,,,4s;q;¤•¤u¤h¤¢\¤e<¤¥tm qiqer. In I3 ai !¢I`\ R r é .. IK (¤an·,g[_;¤¢la)t hlltllsgvartne F°"‘“” this auction •¤ ¤ it ~ or ruled tahur tshanns — -—'y::¤,“¤tr»¤theeastm¤.mtuindigmm¤uhq.“ U; I -.d - gjgv use to hilt elhtliti llld lIb0f d.lll¤e·nq·t_ *' ,-|. have cuIU'lblIt¢ I0 I C0|'IS00\\$Dtss qs! mf-uu-d,¤¤ °r•qrtr:rs in the minds of both foregners and nam`-, Th¤adyof&ff¤¤nnrietit:*»oflanguage("eodes" in ageuem gy; com-iran to the qplananon of social change l also he san as a its of Fabmgrttlzzitro; _ squad the wd! ms"' "“°° . . ° Fri hgh Swahili (Zaire) to auunpt to account for this rntsm; of hngsragu by worl¤1 as a positive RITITIDBUOD of their own identi. ry And my own wort on Afrimn lingua franns reveals how these new hmg|€ esnupai in new social relationships established by- the indigessous peoples with the foreign non-European workers. For this ara of study we lnve, of course. practially no linguistic data whatsoever; our against has to proceed with different kinds of non· dma. From this paspective, vehicular Kongo is not and num nsprimarilya'1:adelanguage.”ltserved asthelanguageoflabor. NOTES Lltisnotyetdnrbowandwhenthisarlvitraryuidstandardirssdloadwsi ndrlihnt. ln African unvans load sizes varied. But even in those for Europeans uecarmot he sure wht anually was carried. Suse: caravan bosses had the real wwviiort of tlne uravam the must certainly have bun yar variation in what war i|soado¤atz1·i·;lrhIltcould|¤awaywnh must haveb¢nmore¤m¤ratned— anis he vu able to rumsi his own assistant. 2. The irtnmedide didannes are the following: Vivi-lsangila (93 kilometers SI mils). Manyanga-lnopoldville (ISZ kilometers/95 rnilr,-s). The distanue betwtam Iaanstlt and Masryanp (I2! kilometers/80 miles) could be covered by water. 3. Vanskra (W7): II, IZJ. fn3l; I4], fnl0; M6. fn2l; 300 confuses the identifies tion by tis; diflaent qsdlinp: uri (Kongo); Lali. who call tlsemselva Furnu; Kongti laari; lari, "e.i. formerly the Fumu." The Loango inhabitants have also had a eunow history. Alhough they are today recognized as Vili (eg. Martin. l970» |·¤ U! ¤||l¤|¢¤I|.h rellasry they were almont always referred to as "lnangus". MIT"' usa this name in the form M.aloangc—svith the plural prefix (ma) that is ap ’"»nT‘ tl; ZENIIB IIN l¤V¢\ and not for people! Mun-over, she also uses th` name or ' (orhmgjofthat area. ‘; BN-|¢1‘• dluvlions nad cortftrrnaumr from other souaes, npaeially his •:|¤·¤ um W ul! of Qt Bpljat miaaiqnary wart "sve had Kruo bovs Ilrum WF

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g TTI IGKEVS OF AFRICAN TRAX · .. *;,6 (wi the Congo mast: l`\\l$`t\_·· BRO*DHE"D` Sl H. uq U True ni Islgntiersiiy Mvaofilm no. `1—lo. Ax") F¤~D» -’°""“"°"‘ °°°'°° Lnntri" W.- rogtone iswisw ·BllLN$CH“'C‘- H" ° AL `lcw) min] cuqgn npnk Francaise Pans Dusunents pour senir 5 l`htstome dc l ·\ll'*~l\**‘ liu ‘ ` ‘ ‘· ‘ Haw: Holton et Ge. _ aucritstt. st. (wm new kongosuat L=$·t¤**$dU- Z“:'}*;c www Nm u cttxrsrx. A. (naw Le Congo: l~¤¤<~¤¤~t=· R· · · ‘° ° etx»n·.»¤·tiqu:. humuutaire et colonial. Bntxelles. Lha og; d YM CHAPISEAL`. F. (1*11)) Au pays de l`c$la\aac: mceurs et coutumes e , `llqm. mnnk d·,‘.,.gs des notes reeueillws par Ferdinand de aenqtt-. Pans _1 cL::C_ m (Eli) ~·Dn Congo au Tchad: olmenrationi eztigocumelnts ngcualllis my ongq Ir — 1910. extraits par Mlonsicur rousrt." u ettns ct ldflanslniete d`Anthropologie de Paris. oe serie. 2. J 4: 29*-S0!. Comite de I'Afrique Francaise (1892) "Mision Maistre. Etat de rensetgnements du personnel noir emmene par la mission." Brazmville. April 15. 1892. (ANN. Archives Nationale:. Section Outre-Mer. Aix-en—Provence. France. file 2010) CKXJUERY-\'1DRO\'lTCH. C. (1%9) Bran: et la prise de pomsion du Congo. Paris. La Haye: Mouton et Cie. P J L bes C T. C. 1888 Sur le Haut—Cortgo. aris: . e ue et te. ?lj(ll%;"l`Confer;xc:s)stir le Congo. Fascicule 1: January 20 and 27. 1886; Fascienlq 2: Febniary 17 and 24. March 10 and 17. 1886. Bruxelles: Société beige des Ingénieurs et les lndustriels; Librairie Universelle de Veluxel J. Rozu. CORNET. R. J. (1947) La bataille du rail: la construction du chemin de fer de Matadi au Stanley-Pool. Bruxelles: Editions L. Cuypers. DE DEKEN. (R. P.)C. (1902) Deux ans au Congo. Anvers: Clement Thibaut. DE MANDAT-GRANCY, (Baron) E. (19l'D) Au Congo (1898): impressions d‘un touriste. Paris: PIon—Nourrit et Cie. DE MAZIERES, A. C. (1982) La marche au Nil de Victor Liotard. Aix·en-Provence: Universite de Provence (lnstitut d'Histoire des Pays d‘Outre—Mer). DENIS, J. (1950) "De 1879 a 1908, 1514 Belges ont oflert leur vie pour le Congo: deeouverte et penetration? Grand Lacs/Namur 65. 12 (New Series. 134): 5-1 1. DBCHAMPS. (E.) (1911) De Bordeaux au Tchad par Brauaville. Paris: Société Francaise d‘lmprimerie et de Librairie. DIAS-BRIAND. M.-C. (1982) "Les archives de Joseph Briand. medecin A Bangui 1898-1900." Memoire de maitrise. Universite de Provence, France. DONNY. A. (1897) (ed.) L'Art mllitalre au Congo (Redigé sous la dlrection du colonel Donny. par Ie eapitaine commandant Avaert et al.). Bruxelles: O. Muquardt. DUEONJ`, E.d(18:9) Lettres sur le Congo: recit d‘un voyage scientlflque entre I`eniouc ure u euve et le confluent du Kassai. Paris: Reinwald. DYE, A. H. (1889). "Les pagayeurs du Haut-Oubangui." Bullelln du Cotnlte de 1’A1`rique Francaise 9, 12: 444-447. Elzffsédjc dlt;8Congo Beige (1951. t9$J) Vols. t-J. Bruxelles: Editions Bielcveld. b°"°;viI{ (in scgalchtngllhe surface: observations on the poetlcs ol` Iexlctll FEHDERAJ H wu ¤ walttlt. Anthropological Linguistics 24: 14-50. I . . . (I966) The origin and development of Kituba (lingua lrancn Knkongo)." Ph.D. dissertation. Cornell Unlvenity. grammar ol' the Kltuba Language: A Dialeclnl S\1l‘V\'¥ of Mmmm. I ¢ ll¤l'l)- Leopoldvllle: Amerlean Mennonite Brethren llunnl

L; in aq I·\\A. l·. tlflli la traiwsn de l` At .,,,N”. . md"` A |.‘\“n Numan '\::i*"‘:;`7"m“ nu t`o••t~ ruraart .••ir\x~••r ;;,tr·rr~r. t tt. mr tr txtrtrux ‘r·a—·•r ry.; ¤,,,,_:,`;_ Pnwattwt. N I Pttlkitttlt irtttvrsrtt Perq In um" l¤‘"‘* Lil$ANL‘RA. F. tl9`li "l a mrrtnhnmt 1 hm,. mem de l`hrar lndqrnntanr du (argv " lwx qt { B :7*,,,,,* al. *w`“' ek uaerwre ea Ptrtkwnpmr et lnrm. Grtwn ttrn.~•:t.“` N M nk Gu|NNESS. tNrs.\ H. G. IF. E. Htraerakll rlN\t We Ne•.tt¤u“::~* MM" ut the Frm (`hmnan Nmmn an the t`m•;r~. t.mm¤'Tt~¤n¤`h¤:t GUIRAL. L. tn.
TRADE g TIE IORKERS OF AFRICAN · (;¤¢mses` . Cane 12. 1: 3.0(D.®). (Paris: A;. PELET, P. (IB?) Atlas dcs colomes r Ba mand €•>¤¤·> . - _ pirtaaet ma: American prigr PROBERT. H. (I889). Life and scenes in Congo I P P¤'*l*¤'*°° Sndayl .. · 1-mm · bg¤g_h' a bord du ‘Lé0n Xlll' (Lettrg SALLAZ- (R-P) (Inn [M . A:;•°sto1iquc·s. 8(30)¤ 6*75du R·P‘ Sana au R. G?wmmd,),n¤: .,5 D gy 15 eau; et lcs mots oubanguiens," s"M‘AmN' w' J. (lxhx a gd ) Rcelmelies eentrafricaines: problémes et perspeq. PP· "°'Z39 in L I" Mlm-( . dxu mu No 18). Aix—en·Provence; (iy§ de la rtcherchc dc¤sl’.;ay$.d‘OlJ!rc'Mcr)' U“l'°"i'é dt grzlgcs uggzwby Ubuggan ware; and word." $Pf¤¤h¤ und ---(1984b) " o _ _ · · Af ‘k [UniV¤"¤lY °f K°I“] 6' , . ,. - Gccmcmc Eine {linguistic world of field colonialism. Language ut Society 13, ""_u”4c) - · · d l nial imagination" Canadian Journal or -—-(|984d) "Bond)o ethnicity an co 0 na- D udlx : 5-365. M lgyi; ··$¤;i;p::gramn-ted linguistics: Commentary of ‘The language hy-potehsis’ by Derek Biekerton." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7; ,, · - · ‘ ‘ ‘ he Ubangt River. Journal of -.(|98b) Colomzauon and ptdgmizatton on t · d L' 't`es 4: 1-42. _ Mr;m2::'{%Gu;8a: a:o1es,m::ds language skills in colonizing central equatonal Af` Artthropologiml Linguistics Z4: 4l0?t2Z. -—("fa98£h) Colonization and Central African Lmguae Francae: A Research Report. blished) ,, -;|f¥fI980b) "Sta.ndardimtion and instrumentalization of creole languages, pp. 21]-236 in A. Valdman and A. Highfield (eds.) Theoretical Orientations tn Creole Studies. New York: Academic Press. _ _ -——(l971) "Sa1ient and substantive pidginization," pp. 117-1-t0 in D.. Hyrnes (ed.) Pidginmtion and creolization of languages. Cambridge: Chmbndgellntverstty Press. —·—(t¤s.) "Congo cohons and copula sharing in Ptdgtn Sango. STANLEY, H. M. (1885, 1970) The Congo and the Founding o1' tts Free State: Story of Work and Exploration, 2 vols. New York: Harper and Brothers; Detroit. Negro History Press. _ _ _ _ _ _ TRIYIER, E. (1891) Mon voyage au continent noir. Pans: Ftrmtn-Dtdot et Cie., Bord ux: G. Gounouilhou. _ TROUET. L. (1898) Le chemin de fer du Congo. Bmxelles: J. Goernaerg; lgalr -FtlS. (Extract from the 4th 1'ascicule of the Annales des Travaux Publtcs e e gtque, August 1898). _ VANDRUNEN, J. (1900) Heures africaines: Algérie, Sahara, Congo, Iles de l Atlantique. Bruxelles: Georges Balat. I _ VAN SCHENDEL, T. (1932) Au Congo avec Stanley en 1897: croquis anecdottques. Bmxellesz Alben Dewit. VANSINA, J. (1973) The Tio Kingdom of the Middle Congo 1880-1892. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute. VINCENT. F. (1895) Actual Africa, or The Coming Continent: A Tour of Exploration. New York: D. Appleton. . WAUTERS, A.-J. (1890a) Stanley au secours d'Emin-Pacha. Bruxelles: Institut National de Géographie. ———(1890b) Stnn1ey's Emin Pasha Expedition. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott.

Index iglliahbgan Fodio. 146. 150 :,,,,_ p|_ ns. IM Abwkull SB, NI 67 An*anas>;\c;1)t~:l.:rr1ur»:. 103, 107 Abiouun. 64 MMD ‘K__.;m ·J4**-- **4. n` Abomcy. 56, ss, 59_ 60 Am Riker w . Accra. 29. Jl. 44, 51. 61 Artisans is 16 27 Acnawa 23I ‘ ‘ · · 2*- 22* Au¤.1¤i`14;1 A“m°' N6' "w· '”- *2**- *57 ‘ Asomba. 204 Agamaw-::·}‘I38, 140. 149 Asui. 199 A ams, , . 2.... .....°T1.‘$ $2 .0. S? _ · · - - · . Atakora Mountains 64 Afncan lakes Company (ALC), 7.35, 2.36, Ati, 187 I 227 Athiémé, 63 Afro-Arabs, 200. 201, 203, 204 Atlantic coast, 246, yy Afro-Asians, 218 Atlantic slave trade. 13, 247 A*`*’°·G9¤*'*$· 22*- 233 Awlad Allouch, 105 l,:ga1aw1,4;61 Awlad Bella, 104, 109 8€B€· Awlad Boradda, 104, 105 Agoué, 53, 60, 64, 67, 69 Awlad Daoud. 104 Agricultural production, 18, 43, 56, 57. Awlad Ibiri, 106, 107 59, 66, 125, 169, 172, 173, 174, 189, Awlad Nacer, 104 194, 195, 252, 260, 261 Axim, 26. 44 Aluibou, 86 Auwacl, 105, 107 Aguardcntc, 254, 258 Ahl Kabla, 111 Badagri, 60, 64. 69 Ahl Masna, 104 Badair:. 148 Ahl Tcncgam, 104 Bagirrni, 140, 175, 176, 178, 180. 184. 186 Ahl Wadan, 104 Bahr, cs—Salamat. 176 Ainsworth, John, 205, 206 Baillaud. E., 102. I03 Aja, 64, 65, 67 Bailundas, 255. 257 Ajawa, 231 Baltongo, 269, 270, 272. 274. 280. 288 Akamba, 194, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, Barnako. 84, 86. 90. 91. 1w, 102. 130-134 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206 Bambara, 82 Akounga, 177 Banambn, 102. III, 112 Alcohol, 214, 234, 259 Banda, 171. 173. 177,-179. 181. 182, 188 Alcdjo, 54 Bandcro, 186 Algeria, 112 Bandits, 102 285 Bl—S31'l\.1Sl, Muhammad, 171, iwiso Banzala. 269272- 276·27°-2**·m- al-Tunisi, M., 173, 174 288 Al—Wasi1, 115 Bangui. 279. 282 ¤l—Zubayr, 179-180 Bankers, 22, 139 Amcrsal, 101 Banyan. 226 Amselle, J.-L., 83, 84. 9l Bariba. 64. 1491 Anamabu, Fort, 31, 32, 37. 44 B¤'°‘$'· 22’· 2*6 Anccho, 67, 68 Barter. Eclward. 31:4 lu In Ang10—Egyp1i¤n Sudan. 188 B“"h· H°'nn°h` l` ` ` Angoche. 233 Basa1cya,(225 Angola, 64, 225, 246 ::;;:;s.5.J Anomabu, 20 293

g 1II G A11 TIIQ mi m Daum. 155. 156 nr-. a. .4.. Il] zcguum ann ¤ ` ·-=~— ··= ,.. 'L...'“““....»."“'“°‘.; " ""** °"°” ’ ams:. as, sv. aa. ms. zns --_ ,3 it pg_ 135, nu, 197. B6. Brazzaville, 281 ‘ m_ pn; sian. 65. 157. 1621. D4. 226, 227, m_ 214 zm D4. 2:1-2:1. zu .¤,_;&»,¤’*.2111 2:17.2:18. 259-E, .*-5- my, m.z·r1, ITV. 179. 28. Brokers. 137. 119. 14:1 my Browns. W-. I77 I I lv wl lwmachc, 189 jah. 141. 241*. M9. 257. 261-Us mtram. 220 Buguni.1211, 111 ns. uno. aa ¤·•¤¤*·M7-:2 Ufbnz gy, I. Hana, 179. 186 Dunham, P., 172 havin. 114. 115. 117. 118 Brand:. Z8! lyrics, 215 22 10 ~._ yg Cabccnws, , Bsyh. 75. rr.79, s1-as. B9, 9. 91 94 hue, 114, 106, 111 gh gg Calnbanhs. 58. 59 5,, 54, gg Calico, Z29, 7.17 las. 157 Canals, 9, 10, 99·l08, II)-118, 139, 144, liildhsin, 51, 51. 59. 62. 6467, 71, 150, 151, 154, 159, 1711 72 Canaan, V., 245, ZAR-250, B2 Bind. Gawain. JJ Cnstcraou, 1116, m in B5-B7 Cancun, I2, 15, I6, 1&·Z), 2.1-42, M, Ii:. 20 45, 51, 59-61, 65, 66, 214, 215, $,154 Z3-Z27,Z3‘8,Z1%ass|¤w¤,ZB-30,36. iw. L. G., 111, 121, 1I! 18; as nadum, 4042 ln;. Ida, 148 Canoes, 59-62, 72, I19 in, 2I5, ZZJ C4: Rau:. lll hah; 211 Cap: Coun, 10-11, 16-19, 44 kn. 235, ZI6 Qgiuhn, 11, 12, I4, 19, 2I-ZJ, 14, 42. |¤¤¤•. M4!. 7I. T2, 193. III, M 41, 199, 116, 211, 216, 219, 215, 238. Io¤1¤•¤•,I19 C1av 9, 10, 11, I5, 17, 20, 21, 69. Iahnnia hun, I4 75, 77, 711, $0, 8145, B7-94, 1m-1172. han raps, 2.41, 145, 261 104, I0$|G, 111, 115, 129, 117. lah. ID 141-141. 14&150, 154, IS6-IU, 162. Ban, B2 1¤6, II7, 118, 19.1, I95-N1, D1, 206. 1s;:·viw•). 27, 10, J!. 19 211, 211-216, 227,225, 211, 231-235. |•¤01¤. 1. 245. 247-250, 251, 254, 257, M1, 261. ¤¤¤¤.217 . mnsmmmmusm; MM. 70-ll. H1. $4. D 1;..1 ¤m¤¤, w, mm 1¤¤1¤¤ of .°’°°°· D! earn, 75, 80, IIS, 117. 141, 142. :=¤•. M I47, 115, 1116.m, I94-IN, 205. 2116. I-- M9 ZI4, m, D11. 211, ut. D9, 250. 252. ‘°'”°· ""· '•°· 141. 144. 158. 176. ITI, 251, zss. 257, 262, 261. m II). I|'2. II6. II7 Canbun. 67 loud, Q Carina. ol 1. Ill

"'••· a Casmi Rwer, 261 , Cad: gmvch m' M ;‘.·1n¤ru.u:1un nmrk, 151, L" camraus, 271-272, 274_ 3*5 Caulz. 1ss, 1117, 1·y;_ m_ 2,; ‘ jj- **1- il 1*:. 1-] ,·, Ncmmwm, 247. Lv), ISS. 2112, 263 mq-..¤~ -;•;,;m` N Cébm lm ( r- 1 _0V|\sLh. <., LII) Ccnrral Afrian Rgpuuac ((_AR,_ FL *2;- {H'? Z". ;·~1_;m 24a' H6 Cmnnnu. S6, Elm Ccmral Sudan, 11, 1us, 1117 can In _· ·"'- '*" chan, 171, ms, 11;-1, 219 Cn ‘ "*· ‘“· N'- I" Chuan!. A., 2112 "[°;?‘|;'L"· ’°· “'· *5*7 M11. 1:11 cumuu, A., 171, 1110, uu CW, `,,,, ’°‘ M ZM cm 21 , , ’ Chim; Z-gl 217 219-221 Cr‘a;:¤¤1, 11, 14, Z". 1*1, 11111, 1r_ m 1-21111 Chi|£1:d;.33ZWé;1l, 215-224, 225, 27.9, Crombu, T, 1,, my · · Cub 218 Chikwawa, BI, 235 cmzmh In my Inu M E _ Children. as workers, I4, 15 211· 6 l ` im"' _ — · |.*}.|4.l’7. l0I.»1|v¤ Ch1l¤•g=,Z19.713 ¢¤i1m.65:Ma1-1¤Th¤¤¤u¤n¤¤¤ a· C*‘*"¢‘“'Y°"“· 7-2* Currie. W., 251, Lu ` ` Chinsamha, 219 cumin, P. 0., I5 Chinzn, 221 Chipumh, B1, 237 Dum; K., u Ch¤¤¤11a.D7 ¤¤1¤¤y1M¤¤n.z1s,u1m.¤• Chimmnu, B3 Ehgtm. 67 Chinua. 233 Ehhmmry, 5]. il, 67. 670 Civil dismrtnnccs, Z9, I0 Ihkva. 174 Clnppcrtcu, H., 19, 156. ISLIS7 d’A.1buqn:n;n¢. Mfum, U Chascmucinunnnu, I1, 1A,21,D.23, d’A.1n¤h.65 J5, 41, 216 aa Maz. Pub. U Clemson., John, 38 Limzn, 24. ZZ’ Clue. 279 Dann. B CE¢·1I.1and¢E$¤|t.N.ZZ.l7|.lTL Danh¤mé.$.0.¤..64.6J.6".d 17E, IUI, 183, 189. 231. N7, 2411 hr :1-[mi. 11. 17l. 1*1. I'!-ID. Chu, 18, AS. tzs, 17617I. IU. 185. 186. IE5-IU 100. 194. 191-199, ns, Jm, 214, 115, Du Fm-. 1"L_1’1. 1*9. lv. lu zzz, zzs, zz»,z1s, mm, zs1, m. ¤¤r ;:¢T'j1iJ"- "’·' · 279, za: ¤¤ 1· _ _ Coal 211 zzs d'A.¤m•m¤. ¤=|¤~ J ‘ ' . . 2:1. :1 Consul gnu, ID * B"“’· cum, za, D2 ·*= °'*“· ;_‘ :5 cam, sa map, ss *_‘*"°'*u“ sz, 1s, 1s.m,¤.. mms. 5•¤·¤;i m DA. Ul, 243, BLU), 261. U. - _· · H. 259-Z7I.Il1. ns. m °' ·*"”] °“,.3°""”L c°“”’· 92* m ··-I!-1'.3>1."L.ll'l. :.1; nn. C¤¤p.N1,Z76. 2l1,2S3,2¤ Bt:-_¤| Coq¤Fr¤S¢¤¢.Z72.I77,ZI3,¤4.ZI$ émlmmkhu Ca•p|tiv¤,269.171,I77.I76.2I|- .,. ZII. D5, H7 U-Q I N__ 2, Candy, J¤¤. 45 Dan In Cannrucunn naerih. 29. J2. J7 ‘

Q TIE IGI-1 OF AFRICAN TRADE “ French. Z3. 53. 62. 63. 67-70. 79, 83. 99, DY”°‘ 1w, 115. 174. ISSIU9. 272. 279, 2m, mah. I6. I1 1 51 S3. 56. 58. 63. 65. 66 283. 234. 237. 288 ::’°", in ma. nu. nu. 126, IB nunm. 10, vs, m. uz. sa. us. n. 91. Fuhm- 158 1412. 103. 126. 131. 1)2.1]9.1$. I47. Ga. 6, 153, ISS-I57', 17'I, 179. 187 (hh ,9., Dwi- 1*0 canams. 1. s., so mich. M. Z8. 33-37. 40, 43 Camus; ,57 DY0°'*n- 1-- *7* ummm, 66, 65. 67, ss; mcmd, 6-1, Dyu, 5]. 58. 79 68 Gambia. 129 Eggs, 176. 181 Gamizm, A.C.P., 214 Eldm. 15. 30. I74. 195, 196, N4. 205. Gambia. 150, 187 219, Z21, 222 Gan Ngoui. 221 Ekpnm, 176. 177. 201. 214. 215. 218. Gbzya, 171, 172 219. ZN, 223, Z24, 2.11, B3, 234 Gem w_ 5|_ 5;_ 67 Elnina, 26. 30. 35. 4|. 43. 44 &`I'Il'12.1'lS, 63, 69, 139, 146-148, 188; merEl-Wain. 110 CIIIDIS, 66 Emin Pasha. 273 Ghadamis, 154 Endand. 226, us Girouard, comm, 147, 151 Endiih. 280, 288 Glassware, 186 E¤¤’cpr¢nc1.1.rs, 11, 17, 18, 21, 194, 224. Goa, 213 D8, 2.49. 254, Z78 Goazs, 194, 199 Elhniriy, Z), Z2, 174, UD, 210, ZI6, 217, Godomqu 60_ 6I 229- 222- 270- 27*- 290242- 226- 228 Gold, 13, 1s, 26, 27, 29, 43, 114, 126, E¤7¤v¤¤¤- ¤¤· 20- 24- 27- 20- 22- 22- 26- 128, 129-131, 211, 214, 226 42, 44, W, 9*2, 99, 147, IE6-IBB, 205, Gold (bash I2. ls, m' DI 2B' y' M_ 274 H5, 211, 214, 215, Z27, 228, B5, D6, G°nja__ I5] 245, 2.57, 262, Z70-272, 274, 275, 278, Gown-Is_ `yahu-_ M8 B0-258; Eumyn merchants, 61, 63, G°wids_ Igg 6202 Graga. Joaquim Rodrigues, 249 Grain, 99, 144, 162, 185, 215 Facwrs, 27, 29, 33, 247 Grand Papo, 51, 53, 56, 60. 61, 63, 64. Fam, .I. A., 26 66. 67, 79, 70 F4!. Annie, 254, 256 Guards (watchman), 194, 227 F¢¤Y¥- 173 Gum ccpal, 243, 247 Hrumu. 32, 169 Gunpowder, 225 Fish, 59, 215, 227 Guukind, P.C.W., 12 Fishermen, 25. 60 Gwandu, 146 Flngel, E. R., 141 Fcodnuffs, 51, 11,:6, ss, 60, 64, 65, ms, "*“‘““*“· C“°“i"· *6 193, gg Haratinc, 107-110 Fun-Apchambaulh |“_ my Hassani, 103, 104, 109, 113, 115 For1·C1-a11·1p¢|, 1g6_ my Hausa, 53, 54, 84, 140, 142, 144, 146-149. Fon-Lamy, 135 151, 152, 155. 157 F0r1·Sibut. 187 Hippo teeth, 214 Fon Smith, 206 Hodh, 105, 110 Fouu-Djalcn, 79, 90 Hoes, 221, 252 Fnnqui, Lieutenant. 284 Hofrm al-Nuhu, 172, 173 Honey. 215, 247

1 gy Honcs. 126. 128-130, 131. 14I, mhwci **··¤¤¤ 4m.sn•¤¤L1s "' · · up. *s nm Hula. 60-6.2. 66 [ I2" Hamm; uml h¤¤¤s.13.15.16.169.17•_ [lm no In |T1, I!). I83. 184. 194-197. 199. Kd —y_¤ zll-213. 215-221. 221-225. 129-215. Kan, Sl an gg N 237. B8. 248. 254 Kan.-`“`“ Kuna. S!. 11..:. 2.5164 nlm-F"` m Ucéu 60 67 K§¢1¤¤¤; 0. zu · · K¤¤1‘m.` 11. 1.1, 7 [ju_ Im, 101. IO3. 105. 107-113 161. 169. 177. u` [mmigams, 175, 178. 183. 219-221 ELB2.247 2Q,M9 151. mlm, 271 " `¤°` 205 Kimamn. 157 lndia, 194, 213, 214, 216 Kirk. J., LI) Indians. 224 89 lmerlopers, 29, 40 Kim. 91 lmernadonzl African Asociarion. 271, Knives, m 272 Kugudugu, 133 lron, 13, 26, 172-175, 185, 198, 252 Koh, 15-17. 21. 58. 59, 77-79. 81-84, Ivory. 13, 15, 17, 27. 43, 81, 144, 149, 87-94. 11. 127. 130. 131. 133. 134. 169, 175, 176, 178, 180, 182, 184, 18*7, 144. 145. 147. ll. 152. 153.156.1F7. 188, 194, 197, 199,111, N3, 205, 211. 187 214, 216, 219-224, 226, 229. 230, Kuldo. E9. 211, 212. 218. 219, 72.2. 22). 232-234, 243, 247-250, 252-254. 261. 224. 226-B8 275, 280, 284-285 Komenda, 32. 41 Kona, 126. 127 Jallaba, 173, 178, 185, 186 K¤¤5¤. 271. 272. 274-27U. ZN-N Jars. 58. 59 Kunian. 78. 82. 83 Johnson, M., 67 Kcornko. 82. 83. 84. 123. 125-I34 Jewelry, 186 Kordofan, 172 Jewsiewicki, B., 182 Kormmun. 35 Jula, 78, 79, 89, 102, 103, 125. 128. 129, Koumusn. 82. 94 130. 134 Kpelle. 78. BU. 89 Julien, Emile, 188 TPL .161-;17;’“ mus:. . .. ham Knimen. 227. 223 zbes ’J1;(l:1' 333 Kuknwa. 139. 144. 154 Kubinda, 271, 272, 280 1:;-lm- H0. HHH Kambnrin, Beriberi, 161 K .. In Kambolé, 53, 56, 69 Wl RIN; us Kwnml IUVEI`. Kanarn. 186 D Knnknn, 82, 86. 88. 90. 92. 1 . K¤n0.51,139, 14·4,146·148.150.1$*·1$6- '·“°'· "'U I, ,, ,.,_ .·,._ .14, m. 177 uw" lgs i·r•'zv{ z¤2·zs•.zs¤;¤» Kupita, 273. 274, 278 mls; bound, ?J8:b¤>¥¤';· Kasai River, 263. 276. 280 NF mndmmm q_ 1547, zo. isKasisi, 235 I In L10, 133: ¢¤¤1"“ ‘ ' Kgungm 214, 248, 252. 259-260 mnud of. l$_ B0; wm:. 211. Knslna, 154 m_ m_ 131. 235. 7-111- 1-79: d°mm' Kanungn. 235. 235. 2-77

1 DC g T T I.1l.13.15.§. |'L1°3,Z13, Last. D? _·;g_ gg;. 1I91 IR L¤q•1. -14 .11.I\1.$; LQU'I`Ik).:15.:1, __ H_ |z_ 14,,; :,|. Z'4. 1; Lah. 252 3 - li.11.1Z,I,,I14,1`,. Lit- Z` 10. 211. 213. ZT. JI. ik. is Landa. 214. 146. Ld. 209. 251. 259 .1]. 1*I. ni. 14. 16. B. Z!. Ha1hak¤•AL1¤.1%.D1.!1Z.3(·5. gint!. Z1: nt. 13 3* L»upr¤¤c¢.11.19.D,21.35.16.39. Hair; Ill DLE, @-1. D4. Z3". D4·2I5 Main. C. L.. 174. IIB ui: 11;:1::. 13. 15. 18. *7. 235. Mix, 59. 215. 247. 257. B1 ZC. W. 274, 275. Bl. Mi;. 21l. Z2I. Z2], Z27 H3-H7 Midas Pod., 271-272 11 nanny. ll. 31, 14. 55-39. 217. Miki, IB Us Maafuja. 211, 212, 2I7. 219-Z22. 1144 11.13. 17.Z1,€Z.“.I»4. 21}-D7 K. 193, I!. 19, E, N1-N7, Lic, 261 22$7J0. D2. D5-238, W, 257, Manta. 84, 126. 130, 134 EBI, 27I. 279. H1. H5 Mankcsh. 11I L§.11|.1I5.117 Marry, Paul., 67, 1(D, 112 1.4:. 34. 5I. O-62, 64, 65, 676, 146, Manu, 158 147, 153 M11., Karl., 43, 44, 45, 134 Ll.: Ali. HJ khan;. M, 2l3 ut: @11. 5I. 171 Masangm, 218, ZZ7 1ai¢CH•a,ZZ7.Z¤ Matzli,275. 276, 277, B3 LAB: lhhri, 211. 219. ZH, 224, 227, Mann: (Moors), 18, W. 91. 103. 104. 1-Ill. Us 110-112, 118, 131 [A: Nin:. 59, 60 Mauri1z.nh,103,105,110.115,1I8 1.z1béd•,:1, 137, 141, 143, 175 Mbomu Riva, 172, 186, 187 1;:, ,I. ., N5 Mbundu, 225 1,¤.h¤10rtm. IU6 Medicines, 196, 197 Leila, Camp C., Z)5 Médine, 75, N, 91, 102 [N 1-¢¤P¤1¤111.Z71,Z7`7.Z73 Mniitzrranan, 13, 181 . 272. 273, 276, 278, B), B2, Mercenaries, 211, 7.38 · Merchants, 10-13, 15, 17, 20-Z2 30 44 78. 79. 129 61 66 67 77 99 104 110 139.140. L1II#h. 286 142-146. 148, 152, 154, 157, 158, Ll-:*°'· 26. 29. J1. 32, 53, H), 61, 67 160-162, 171, 174. 186-189, 197, 199. ¤¤*·. 21. JZ. 58. 59, 80, 82, 102, 103, 202. 211, 213, 215, 216, 218, 219, IB, 105. I07. 111, 112, 141,144, 145,146, 224, 226 2.34 238 246 257 758 2.59 E? 155-157. 161. 194, 195. 197, 198, 263, 285.; larée-sélc, 58, 61., 111 uv, . 254, 262 Mcstiw, 218, 223 rgzuanc. D., 19. 218, 225-229, 211, Metal goods, 162 I . 235. 248. 252. I Mzual workers, 221 L1-N1¤Mn¤l¤n; 1r;|;1d Munn, 278 Meyer. Jacob. 280-281 L°m·°I¤¤¤z". 274 277 zu 2 M1dd1{ton, George, 35 . » 7 . . 1.2-83.234 MIUIIIUD, 11, 172, 173, 175-177 180. Locusu, 216 mj M9 ' Lon];. 147 l$0 .. I . ' Mnlnmrum, 12, 221, 285 1-vvnvy. P. so wz Lad zu is in 2 M1111uy supplies, 32, 36, 37, 39. 53, 58. ' ' ' ' ,9- 262 59, 128, I29, 132

hl.n¤1.l]x_;\§_ ;·| `T-»· .. __ ___ _, :1* _` _“ l1n¤¤1.149.E.3; BS EL ;n pw". ` — hk ..5. Bi. :*4. :‘·s.;·` ;1_ an 3" V `f»:" :¤5. ms ` " """I,· ‘ `* R •· 1; Mantua. D1. IIE. IIS. L PI ‘ "` nga. c.. 1a. 10. 1s•. use ml 'f· "- 1**. 115 Muah Iuvu, 170 I, · ` " ;_·* un-in ll P IA-? K 1** xm-mn 11. :11; m_ m GI ,_ ;j··j’»=`— 51.51 my .1 xunm I,. ‘··· —"~¤•&¤.r••_ M-at-ml In I-. 1s•. un. 1c-155. 15*.1;; |~,_ Mill ms .1} 11111. 1•y1••. n1.r_ py II I DI »l!—ZIC. :1•. :1•_ may " Mus. xs. m;<1 ¤ ` ` nu-¤q.1ss ,,1,., · —-—w.¤•. bibs, Is. HH"` IKM., ~_;.;5.;”‘-x.S`x•.x5. :r. . •:H1·1¤.5¢ All II wu ` rh¤h¤s=LG.. 17+17*9 h,LI&It.. I,. ` "“ Naxrun, S8. 59. 141, 146 ~ _u‘ "· Z nqunn 11. 11; l$_ lud’d°‘ vc. ll. lit nl. Z1. :2 Ndfk, .17:1, l8l-IK], l85—lB9 Pau-gun 61.c. *1. *5. ‘*. W. n1. Nd;am¤1a.lE6 ¤.¤¤.¤2.9&1•s151.1s;1r.1g @nka, 171, 175. 176. 178, ISI 193495. ms-117. 241. 24. zss. In. N¤:kla¤.186 Nev, Chart, I93, IIS Pano-NM:. G1. 61. bt. KVI Ngalnna. ZE'!. B4-BS Pcrngzz. 21; ls. 43. 110. ZIIQIC. Ngannden, I47, 148, ISD 2l6·2I8. ::4. uv. L¤?.xs.1•:¤. Nguni. 220221. BZ, B3 53-:5. 25'LEL :71. :1. Pl. an Nigu Riva. 51, 51, 75. 78. 85. Q, 10.1. Penny. IW 103, 149 PI'l§'® 210:19. 121. 223 Nil: Riva, ISI. 279 Pnms. II. 212415. ll". ll! Niom, W, 9l, 102, I12 Prins. Pin. IF Nm-uncou, H. P., 157 Pmlis. 1J. 14. 17. D. 19.1 110. 1511. N`Tcru, 100, 107, 126 bo. 58—z&1. m. N! N"I'cntu, 127, 118 Nupc, I49, ISO Qadiriyyn. 105 Ny;mwd_ 15; Qndhnme. 124. Db. IJ! guémé RIy¤._ 6g_ 6|_ 64_ 70 R|17ih b. F|dl;AEIn!1. INQISI. II). I5 01u¢1¤11.w. 6|,63·6S.67.70 R~·¤1¤$ 211- -1-- W; U Ovimbundu, 243, 245-164 Rebdbon. 11. 230. lm D) Oxcn. IOZ, 101. 111. l32. 1111,15:. ISS. R=f¤•¤=· 1*-*-In";) Ii W ·_I __ II . 259. R¤nun¤·•uo¤ ..... · · - - gg m' m` w` w` m` N 111.41. 59. 6l.62. ss. ws. ms. · f¤nc¤n¤\.27.28.)|. Ow. 64 150. 254.0 _ mm ge., 17. ss. 41: ·¤ M- _; . 278; fAf1i¤n‘·hunt•¤7'»Palm pr°dum' u` 64’ 65` “` 67 as- ¤111m•n1r•11•e¤s.z7;1¤ Pnnen, Leopold, I08. I09. 111, 115 S2 · s· mj in sou II , , , I47, 148, 149. 1 . · ‘ ` ' P°i;Q’°‘ S' m No anim mms. NI Rice. 272 Patrons, Z3! . ly 1=•w¤s. ao. sc. 248. 261. 283 “'"‘""°°"

1 TIE N AKAI TRADE niszru. I., 84. II Sharia. 104, IN ny;-al Alma: Conway. Z8. 13. 31 Sidi al-Mukhtar a1·Kunt1, 105. 113 Ian. i c°—¤,,_ 141 Sina Lconc. 92. 126, 128. 129, 2'_ ;·6 libel. 92, 9l. I!7. 243. M'. 249. 250. I) 251, MJ, 254, 258. 259-264. 275 Silva Porto. Antonio Frzmlxo q_·,_ yl hn. 254 50. 255, 256. 257 Hman any. 198. 211.212, 217. D4. Stnsani. IG) 235. Z37, U1 Skins, 18’7, 254 [uppers, 18. 204. 205 Shvc hdcrs, 212, D4 Shvc masters. 17. 218,231. 237. 247, 25-: Sahara. 9-12. 15. 17. 77. W. 99. 1(D. Slave protests. 211. 217, 218 102-115, IU, 110, 112, 116-118. IZ7. Slave 11, 16, Z3 144, 154. 159, 172, IN, 186 Shvc squads. 212. 215 Said. 9, 11. 15. 17, 22, 77, 81, 99-102. Slave warriors. 232 l0|,I07-1®,1I1,IIS-118.1}.5.127. Slav¤,13,15. 17, 18, 22,175, 178, |3z_ lu, 172, 173, I75, 177, 181.182. 184. 195, 198, 213, 219, 223, 227, 229, BL 189 B2, B4. 238, 246-248, 253, 156, 277, Sahp. 5I 285; agricultural, 214; Chikunda, 2l0_ Sahmat, 179 211, 212, 213, 216-218; as hunters, Sli. 13. I5. 17. 21. 5l. 53. 56, 64-67. 69. 7.23, 233; liberated, 276, 280, 284; 35 71. T7. 78. 80. 81. 83. 89. W. 91. YZ. soldiers, 180, 182; as workers, 13, 99, ld), 102-118. 175-128. 130-133. 15-16,18, 108-111, IL5, 139, 141, 143, 141,147, 154, 162, 172. 173. 175, |85. 145, 146, 150-153, 159, 160, 162, 163, 198. B] ss W B 169, 171, 172, 181-183, 185, 188, 189, . . . . . . . . 1 . 198, 215, 211, 222, 223, 232, 233, 247, 129-132 249, 253, 278, 280 $¤¤$0. U6 53 Slaves (trade), I3, 15, 16, 18, 20, 27, 29, s““m*'Ma“8°• 30. 41, 64-66, 72, 99, 109, 110, 127, $111171.188 128, 130, 132, 158, 159, 169, 171, Sam- 67 177-183, 185, 186, 189, 198, 214, 2l6, :"=1°¤· ”· $6· 65- 67 218, 220, 222-224, 226, 232-234, 243, "°¤f“- '°· '2· 1$· 176 245-247, 249-254, 256, 257, 271, 280 ;;?"*::- ”°*b¢¤· 5% 61 suv:-mum;. 12, 169, 171. 177-185. 189. °'_ 223, 230-231, 232, 245, 253 mill. ZZ;/*234. 235. 245 Slavcrs, 221, 231 Squ"’3· H2· 3; Slavery. 11. 12. 14, 19, 15. 62, 65, 84, Su; 90 · · · '?·° wss, 92, 1119, 212, 221,224, us, 246. ' 261 Sckclztu, 225 226 228-230 Smiths 17 . ' ' . 3, 174 Sekcn1¥i433izg5, 37 Soap, 185 ' ' Soba 246-249 256 yd; I,::m_90;0gw' 274 Société d‘E1udcs ct Exploitation du Congo smmzja 25; 256 257 Francois (SEECF), 283-284 Shah, ual 259-266 Soda ash, 198 shui Rivcr Us . $011010 Caltphalc, 11, 58, 137, 140, 141. Sh bmmfnuu lu 144-146, 148, 150, 155, 156, 163 ’ Soldiers 15 709 231 269 270 274 276 ghxpl H6, 256 7 . . . . . . · shingml IH H2 H, 277. 279, 280. 285 sho"' IH hn ‘ Songhay, 1l4 snm, 214 7:;:2 , Sh 1, W' ' "m· °* illwrn. 35 some. 211

ht; Q1 S¤l!•0—K0bl0. 224, ;7_5_ ;_\0_ D; . swuun. A., zm < sumey. H. M., zvz. zsz T__“°‘;u ·· "·· ‘“ Sunky Falls. 273. 282 Tab; 1-** 1;.) Sunky P001. 271-276, 278. 180. 281. · _— 281-285 287 . ‘ Lb-; 11..,- · . swan. Charles. 101, mn, nm B- mg; I2 "‘· '°'*'“·¥’°— $u·ik¤. 19. 20. 11. 17. 284, 285 gd, `I.7 $1.dan (SCIIED). I1. 75. 78. KS. $9. 91-99. Ukud¤_ 1.93.])] ICI)-102. 1(H-113, 111. 117. 119. 140. Unmbug nw Ml M4 _ N _. 199, 201-201. E5 , , 146, 152. 157, IS8,161,162. Umveman M ` mm no Central uri;. 172, 171, 178. 179. 181, 188 (UMCA) H1 BZ Sudan Interior Mission, 149 Uthman, Fddio 146 S1-¤8¤1’. 185 ' Swahiu, 152, HD-205, 231-225, D0. 288 Vansina, 1., 278-279. 281 Sweds. 29, 277 VH1, 287 VM. 2.45-249. E2. 55. 58. 260. . Tajakam, 104, 108. 111. 112. 115 \'o11a River, 51 ml Im Takcradi, B Talamidh. 106. 107. 110. 111 Wadai. 111-174. 176. 178-181, 184. 187. Tanore, 82 mg Tawdenni, 111), 103-108, 111, 113—115 Wadan. 116 Tchckna, 186 Wagadugu, 148 Tchiri 1-lighlmds. 211. 215, L17 \\'a1ma, 1(D Tchi.r1 River, 228, B5. 237 Wasolon. 121. 125-110. 112. 111 Td1ir1 vaney, 211, 229. 210. DZ. 215. uv wasum. so Tea, 185 Wu, 224, 241. 247. 249. bz-254. 261 Teamsters, 9, 11, 15-19, 21, 22. 139, Wele River. 276 142-145, 151, 155-157, 160-161, 177, Wesr Indies. 27, 16 178 Wiuiams. Ruben. 259260 Teke, 280, 281 Winnebah, 11 Tekna, 104, 112 Wire, 197, 198 Tengani, 221 Women. asworkcs. 14. 15. 16. 14.7.. 141. Tete, 211, 212, 215, 217-219, 224-227. 229, 149. 2.12. 257. 260. 272 210 woomdvsu. 126. 111 Teuiles, 11, 51, 58. 59. 67. 77. 79. 81. 90, 99. 102. 151 Yao, 215. 220-22.1. 210-D5 Timbuktu, 99. 100, 112-115. 117 Yola, 147. 148. 158 65 ISO Tin. 186 Yoruba. 56. 60. 64. . T10. 280, 281, 282, 284-285 46- 260 ns Tishix, 91. 100. 101, 104, 108-111, 115 Zaire, 2 . Tobacco, 29, 11. 51, 257 Zmnbui, 211. 217. 219. 2.21. it TOHn. S9. 60 Zarrglzbgzi Riwr. ZI2. 215. 218. .1 . .... Togo. 60-62. 68, 69 _ __ _ Tokarawa. 161 gmrn .14. 216 Tonga. 252 m-m.· . -- · Trade goods, 26-28. J6. 44. 45. 78. 80. Zarrubnns. 277. 282 sz, ss Zf"°·J::· fil Trade regulations and eomrol. 27 Zxmba A8- H9 226 Trade routes, 11, 11. 51, 53. 56. 57. 81. Z\l¤\b¤· ~ · · ‘ 89, 90, 92, 171. 177. 181. 186. 198. 219. 246. 247. 250-251. 261

About the Contributors JEAN-LOUP AMSELLE, an anthropologist at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris, has published Les négociants de Ia savane (1977), Les migrations Africaines (1976), and Evaluation de la Filiere Arachide au Mali (1962) (with P. D. Baris and V. Papazian). CATHERINE COQUERY-VIDROVITCH, Professor, Université Paris 7, and Director of the Laboratoire "Tiers-Monde, Afrique" of the Centre national de la recherche scientifique, has published several books on the colonization of Equatorial Africa and the Congo. Her latest book is Afrique noire: permanences et rupture: (1985). DENNIS D. CORDELL, Associate Professor of History, Southern Methodist University, has published numerous articles. His The Final Years of the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade: The Rise and Fall of Dar al-Kuti appeared in 1985. He is also co-editor (with Joel Gregory) of African Historical Demography: A Multidisciplinary Bibliography (1984). ROBERT J. CUMMINGS is a Director of Graduate Studies, African Studies and Research Program, Howard University, and President of the African Studies Association (U.S.A.). His research on the Kamba of Kenya has resulted in the publication of several articles. M. B. DUFFILL, formerly of Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria, has translated and published a number of Hausa poems and has annotated E. R. Flegel‘s biography of the Hausa caravan leader, Madugu Mohamman Mai Gashin Baki. 302

About \h• Contrlbuton ag; 9-tl2t|_E GOER9, Agrégée of the Université Paris and associate or the ters-Monde, Universite Parts 7, is a specialist on the histort I. Gutnée. ·Her thesis on the history of commerce in Guinee at the)eh)d of the nineteenth century ts in press. PETER. C.W. GUTKlND is Professor of Anthropology, McGill University, and author of many articles and books, including Townsmen in the Making (with A. W. Southall, 1956); The Royal Capital of Buganda: A Study of Internal Conj7ict and Erternal Arnbiguity (1963); Anthropologists in the Field (edited with D. G. J ongmans, 1967); Urban Anthropology: Perspectives on "Third World" Urbanisation and Urbanism (1974). He has also co·edited two books in this Sage series. He is Past President of the African Studies Association (U.S.A.) and has taught in Jamaica, the United States, and Nigeria, as well as in Canada. LINDA HEYWOOD is Assistant Professor of History, Howard University. She completed her Ph.D. thesis on the Ovimbundu at Columbia University in 1984. ALLEN ISAACMAN is Professor of History, University of Minnesota, and author of Mozambique: The Africanization of a Eurapean Institution; The Zambeti Prazos, 1750-1902 (1972), which received the Melville J. Herskovitz award; and The Tradition of Resistance m Mozambique: Anti-Colonial Stmggle in the Zambesi Valley, I8I0-l92I (1976). PAUL E. LOVEJOY is Professor and Chairman of History, York University, and author of Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade. 1700-l900 (1981); Transformations in Slavery: A Htstaqv of Slayer: in Africa (1983); Salt ofthe Desert Sun.- A·Ht.stocv ofSaI;_7¢;g;4;I;¢;y and Trade in the Central Sudan (1985). He is the editor of e of Slavery in Africa (in this Sage series, 1981).