The Highlands of Canaan: agricultural life in the early Iron Age

THE SOCIAL WORLD OF BIBLICAL ANTIQUITY SERIES, 3 General Editor: James W. Flanagan (Missoula, MT) Editorial Advisory Board: 7';"; ,; ........•.•.. Frank S. Frick·(AIbion,MIkr~0l"IIlanK. (;ottwald (New York, NY), David M. Gunn (Decatur, G:A}, Howat'd Harrod (Nashville, TN), Be.~~ard~.~Il~(~~der~?rn, :BRD), garo~~. ~~ye~. .(l)urhll;tn,.~C), Eric<¥. Meye~ (I>ur~~, ~C), John)V. Ro~on(Sheffiel!;l,U.K.), Thomas~. Overh()lt (~tevensPoint, WI), RobereR. Wilson (New Haven, CT), Keith W. Whitelam (Sth-ling, U.K.)

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data:

7:-

Hopkins, David C.,195 The Highlan~sofC~~~an. (The Soci~bJ:"o~ld..~f biblic~ ahti~~~ty.series, ISSN 0265-1408; 3) 'Originally submitted as a dissertation to the Vanderbilt University Graduate Department of Religion in December of 1983"--Pref. Bibliography: p. Includes indexes. 1. Agriculture--Palestine--History. 2. Iron age-vPalest.ine. 3. Agriculture in the Bible. 4. Palestine--Rural conditions. I. Title. II. Series S4~5.JI6!1!}85. 630'.933 85-19179 ISBN 0-907459-38-2 ISBN 0-907459-39-0 (pbk.)

Copyright .. © 1985 JSOT Press ALMOND is an imprint of JSOT PRESS Departmenl'l)f Biblical Studies T~'U;ive'rslt£of Sheffield ,Slieffie1d,.81O:2TN,'England ! r _:,,/:,,:_:'~sJ}'~ ?Ji'" " . \ .Origination & Editorial: THE ALMOND PRESS C6~umbia..The6IogicalSeminary P.O-. Box·52.0. Decatur, GA 30031, U.S.A.

t:

This book is published in association with THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH

Printed in Great Britain by Dotesios (Printers) Ltd., Bradford-on-Avon, Wiltshire

CONTENTS Preface

9

Chapter One INTRODUCTION

J3

A. The Study of Agriculture in Ancient Israel B. Agriculture and the Emergence of Israel

15 21

Chapter Two THE PARAMETERS OF AGRICULTURAL SYSTEtv;S

25

A. Classifications of Agriculture B. The Parameters of Agriculture 1. Environment 2. Agricultural Technology 3. Population C. Summary Chapter Three GEOMORPHOLOGY OF HIGHLAND CANf\AN A. Introduction B. The Regions 1. The Negev Highlands 2. The Judean Highlands 3. The Sarnarian highlands 4-. The Galilean Highlands C. The Consequences of Geomorphological Diversity Chapter Four CLIMATE AND CLIMATIC CHANGE A. Climate 1. Introduction 2. Seasonality 3. Air Temperature and Insolation 4. Precipitation 5. Water Availability B. Climatic Change 5

27 32 32 36 4-2 50 53 55 56 56 58 63 67 72 77 79 79 79 81 84 91 99

Chapter Five NATURAL VEGETATION AND SOILS Introduction Nature of the Climax Vegetation Causes of Deforestation Age of Deforestation Consequences of Deforestation Soil Landscape 1. Soil Distribution and Properties 2. Soils and Agriculture G. Natural Vegetation and Soils: Consequeoces for~ignIand Settlement

A. B. C. D. E. F.

Chapter Six POPlJLATIOl'l A. Introduction B. Settlement Pattern.: 1• . Community Layout 2. Individual Structures and Installations 3. Zonal Pattern of Settlement C. Population Landscape and Agriculture Chapter Seven AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: WATER CONSERVATION AND CONTROL A. B. C. D.

Introduction Terrace Systems Irrigation Field Techniques

109 111 111 115 117 120 123 123 130 132 135 137 138 139 142 157

167

171 173 173 186 187

Chapter Eight AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: SOIL CONSERVA TION AI\D FERTILITY J\;;AINTENANCE A. Introduction B. Fallowing and Land-Use Intensity I. Green Fallow 2. Crop Rotation 3. Sabbatical-Year Law C. Fertilization D. Terrace Systems E. The Soil Base in Highland Agriculture

189 191 192 195 197 200

202 208 209

Chapter Nine AGRIC ULTURAL OBJEC TIVES A i\ D S1 RA TEGIES: RISK SPREADING Al\D THE OPTI~IIZATION OF LABOR 211 A. Introduction B. Work in the Fields 1. Plowing and Planting 2. harvesting 3. Vine and Tree Crops 4-. The Structure of \vork in the Fields C. Land Use 1. Types of Land Use 2. Land-Use Pattern 3. Crop Mix and Yielding Characteristics 4. Agriculture and Livestock husbandry 5. Land-Use Pattern: Summary D. Social Structure and Institutions Chapter Ten CONCLUSION: SUBSISTENCE CHALLENGES AND THE EMERGENCE OF ISRAEL Notes Abbreviations Bibliography Indexes Maps

213

213 214-

223 227 232 235 235

237

24-1 24-5 250 251

263 279

286 287 314324LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Table 1. Figure 1. 2. 3.

29

Land-Use Classifications

Land Quality Variation Water Balance - Jerusalem Possible Rotational Pattern A 4-. Possible Rotational Pattern B 5. Sabbatical Year in Biennial Rotation

...I

3493 198 198 201

To my wife, Denise Dombkowski Hopkins, fellow teacher, scholar, and parent.

PREFACE This volume presents my study of agriculture in the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan which was originally submitted as a dissertation to the Vanderbilt University Graduate Department of Religion in December of 1983. The manuscript has not been rewritten, though some revisions, mostly matters of presentation, have been made. For the acceptance of the work for the Social World of Biblical Antiquity Series and for the expeditious handling of the publication process, I am deeply grateful to Jim Flanagan, editor of the series, and David Gunn, its publisher. It is a privilege to be a part of the work of the Almond Press. I am grateful also to Eric M. Meyers for the co-sponsorship of ASOR. This study began as an investigation of a fairly circumscribed biblical legal tradition. The attempt to discern how the sabbatical year, "shernitta," and the jubilee year fit into ancient Israelite agrarian society soon met with the realization that no adequate portrait of agricultural life in biblical times existed. Thus the present work took shape. The original focus now provides but an ambiguous piece of evidence along the way. I am very happy to acknowledge two experts on ancient Israelite agriculture whose assistance stands out among all that I have received. Oded Borowski graciously shared his research on Iron Age agriculture with me almost before the ink had dried on his dissertation. Lawrence E. Stager generously supplied me with some bibliographic references at the beginning of my research and also made available to me a rough form of his study of early Israelite Highland villages. The impact of Stager's work especially with respect to Highland demography is duly noted in the text. My debt to my teachers at Vanderbilt can hardly be acknowledged. Any success that my work has achieved is owed to Douglas A. Knight, Walter Harrelson, Lou H. Silberman, and James L. Crenshaw - to their learning and teaching and to their example. I also add a word of thanks to anthropologist Ronald Spores, also of Vanderbilt, whose advice at the initial and final stages of my project proved to be of great worth. Summer, 1984

David C. Hopkins Lancaster 9

I I

I !

I I l'

II I

!

I Woodcuts are taken from John Kitto's Palestine: The Physical Geography and Natural History of the Holy Land (London, 1841) and (p. 211 only) his Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature (New York, 1857), vol. 1.

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

M"OWltaiDli

orGalilee and Samaria..

13

Chapter One INTRODUCTION A. The Study of Agriculture in Ancient Israel HE astonishing thing about the study of the agricultural world of ancient Israel lies not so much in how little is known as in how little energy has been expended in trying to know. This 0..;;;;;;====.1 deficiency appears all the more pronounced against the conspicuous fact that along with the largest slice of the world before the Industrial Revolution and, indeed, even today, ancient Israel was an agrarian society. The explanation for this neglect has been set forth often enough: the preference for the ideological rather than the material in the study of ancient Israel (see Gottwald 1979b: 592-607; Netting 1977: 57). The present work aims to help remedy this situation by beginning to compose a portrait of the fundamental material basis for the existence of ancient Israel: its agricultural systems. "Records of agricultural development before the Hellenistic and Roman periods are so scattered and meagre that they provide but little basis for the sustained narrative" (Reifenberg 1955: 79). These words of A. Reifenberg display the prevalent view that data on the early history of eastern Mediterranean agriculture are unremediably deficient. Method,consequently, must occupy a preeminent place in any investigation of ancient farming systems which hopes to be less pessimistic. While this work is not a methodological treatise, questions about how one is able to reconstruct the economies of the ancient world surface again and again as the description and. analysis of agriculture in earliest Israel proceeds. Thus an orientation to this study can be gained through a brief consideration of the kinds of data upon which it draws and, to use Reifenberg's words, the nature of the "sustained narrative" that it presents. To be fair to Reifenberg, who was writing at the midpoint of this century,one major source of evidence of the 15

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan agricultural systems of ancient Israel had not in his day become the massive mine of data on material life that it presently comprises, namely the results of archaeological excavations and surveys. A recent dissertation by Oded Borowski (1979) has collected much of this invaluable information in a catalogue of .the. components of Israelite agriculture. Despite its essential contribution, the value of archaeology for reconstructing the agricultural economy of ancient Israel has scarely begun to be tapped. Few in number have been archaeological research strategies designed with the collection of agriculturally relevant data at the forefront of their intentions. As Dever has \vdtten: Attention has been. duly pai~tbexcavatif'lgtowl1 defenses, •monumental str\lctures such- as. pala;cesand temples, and other evidences 0f)nstitutionaI o~ public life. But the private sector (or "dailyIife)nansient times") so readily illuminated. by archaeology has been inadequately dealt with. Palestine has produced a wealth of material for the Iron Age, yet oneh.a.s only to reflect on how little.we yet know of IsraeIiterl1aterial .• culture apart. from . a bare catal?g .of. typical artifacts (forthcoming; see also de Geus 1975: 65). This situation is changing, happily, and the signs of the change are recognizable not only in the intentional pursuit of data on ancient farming (especially Edelstein and Kislev 1981), but in the growth of specialized pursuits with great implications for the . advancement of .relevant knowledge. Here. the most lraportan; developments in this regard can be listed. Paleosteclogical iov,estigations are adding to knowledge of ancient demography,· through the analysis of human bones and cemetery popuiations(Angel 1972), as well as agricultural and pastoral pursuits and their interrelation, through the recovery, analysis, and interpretarion: of bones from the animal portion of the ancient diet. (La Bianca 1978, 1979a, 1979b). A few palynological investigations have been attempted, and while conditions for the preservation of pollen are not ideal in· the land of ancient Israel, future discoveries may help solve important questions about the , vegetational history of the region (Horowitz 1971, 1974, 1978). Examination of vegetational remains recovered in excavations (paleoethnebotenyl-.ts becoming more. common, adding not only to the record of vegetationaL.change, but to the inventory of crops known to have .been cultivated in ancient times (HelbaekI958, 1960; Lipshitz and Waisel 1973a, 16

Chapter One - Introduction 1973b, 1976, 1980; Renfrew 1973). More and more valuable data:a.re,bei,ng,\assembled -, as sophisticated analytical techniques pro~excavated artifacts that used to appear in archaeological reports merely as line drawings with notations about color, ',condition, and decoration. The description of ceramic finds can be amplified through spectrographic analysis along with other techniques that provide information about the origin and manufacturing process of pottery (Glock 1975). Significant new data about the beginnings of the use of iron have been achieved from iron artifacts through a spectrum of means of metallurgic analysis. Concrete evidence can now supplement and correct previous impressions about the introduction of iron which had been based primarily on literary sources (Stech-Wheeler et ale L981). Computer-aided statistical analysis of finds and find-spots opens the possibility of testing a variety of hypotheses with respect to the functions of various buildings or site activity loci and perhaps even sociological organization (McClellan 1977). In truth it must be noted that the evidence created by the application of these new research methods is not presently available in sufficient quantity to be determinative. The contributions of these branches of archaeological science lie still beyond the horizon, though suggestive clouds have begun to appear. One senses a frustration with the previous narrow conception of archaeological investigation not unlike that felt by stratigraphic excavators about digs before the davs of Wheeler-Kenyon. It would be incautious not to add here, however, that there are real limits to what archaeology is able to testify concerning the conduct of agricultural systems, especially in the long-occupied land and multi-layered sites of this region. Numerous agriculturally related practices ordinarily leave no trace in the soil. One item,' which has .the potential of overcoming this inherent limitation has not been recovered archaeologically to any helpful extent. Epigraphic materials, deriving usually from commerce and government, can testify much about agricultural operations, but these are few and far between in the archaeological record. Most outstanding have been the Nessana papyri, records in a technical sense of the economic life of this Negeb settlement. But these records stem from the 6th and 7th centuries C.E. (Mayerson 1960: 14--21). The Samaria Ostracaand the ostraca from Arad present limited information about the administration of foodstuffs, but permit only the most tentative kind of inferences about the 17

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan conduct of agriculture> in Iron Ag~II(lstaeLMuseum 1973: }q-38, 48~3). Only ,the Gezer Calendar offers any help for reconstructing 'the cOUrse
Chapter One - Introduction atal1: the many helpful indicators of the conduct in Roman times, but is intended neither )to bea practical handbook nor a more-or-less systematic treatises» Herman Vogelstein's treatment (1894; more recently Sperber 1978) of agriculture of the mishnalc period gathers the talmudic evidence into systematic form, but the evidence remains applicable to earlier Israel only in the form of analogy. The fragmented data on agriculture in ancient Israel supplied by archaeology and biblical study cannot be meaningfully interpreted without reference to the agricultural systems of living societies. Ethnography has been increasingly called upon in biblical studies to contribute to the reconstruction of ancient Israelite society (Wilson 1979: 178), and copious, though circumspect use of its testimony has been made in this study. Two ways in which.>~.~i~i~~p:£~~.~ii~ d':!~')ig~~.~i been used can be distinguished. First~1i~"'~~fiie tilll_;fave been called upon to illuminate the constraints ~(.. and possibilities of agricultural subsistence in ancient Israel. ~ , Here "the ethnographic data perform a heuristic function by '-Y suggesting some of the possibilities" for interpreting data E!~., about the structuring of agricultural life (Aschenbrenner 1976: 160). Analogies have been drawn from communities of the same social scale, possessing parallel technological assemblages, and populating similar physical environments. There exist a few ethnographic accounts of communities which presently inhabit the same regions as the Israelite settlers did three thousand years ago. Turkowski (I 969) in particular has presented a fairly detailed picture of the operations of the agricultural year in the Judean Highlands before the advent of the state of Israel. Access to similar data is also available through the multi-volume work of Gustav Dalman (1932-1935), though neither of these studies constitutes a holistic description of Palestinian agricultural society. Closer in this respect is the study by Richard Antoun (I972) of the Transjordanian village Kufr al-Ma. Antoun's study focuses primarily on the social structure of this village, however, and has devoted little energy to the elucidation of ecological relationships. The helpfulness of these ethnographic studies and compendia of data is great but limited by their small number and also by their lack of systemic perspectives. Increasing the number of communities studied would raise the. level of confidence in the analogies discovered. Analogies have also been drawn from the studies of villages throughout the eastern Mediterranean, especially 19

Hopkins. - The Highlands of Canaan tt)osE:.lnhighland . regions (e.g~"i¥cDOOfo\ldand Rapp :1972; Marfoe •. 19&0;.' Lew isI 9531.WhHe geographical pr~xll'pltyiebbs ..away,.the.continuityof .• the dv\editetranean Gllmate.·•.withitssharp •. seasonality iespeciaHy recommends these communities. . . •The process • ' of selecting tandsempleylng analogies from ethnographic literature requries .a good deal of sensitivity which can hardly be described empirically. Alongside of the factors of economy and distance in terms of time, space, and form, Ascher adds to his picture of a systematic approach to choosing analogies lithe closeness of fit of the relationships between forms in the archaeological situation with relationships between forms in the hypothesized analogous situation", (1 961: 323). This is a matter entirely in the hands of '.. the . interpreter. Thus in this study, the ethnography of AndeanviIlages supplies, perhaps surprisingly, some very helpfuL suggestions regarding the possibilities of structuring agricultural -Iife r.in a diverse highland region (e.g., Brush 1977). Here the heuristic function of the analogies is clear: they .don't add measurably to the probability that certain social. Jormsor technical strategies existed among the communities of the Israelite Highlands, but they do whet the acuity of the one struggling to comprehend the nature of the adaptation to this diverse and fragmented region. Binford has argued that the fit of any analogy is not determined by the criteria of its selection, but is "a problem to be solved by the formulation of hypotheses testable by archaeological data" (I968: 270). This has not been attempted in this study. The description of many facets of the agricultural systems of ancient Israel remains at the level of suggestion, to be raised to the level of probable fact only by future testing in carefully designed programs of research. A second use of ethnographic data serves to construct a general picture of the nature of agricultural systems and to illuminate the dynamic relation of environment, population, and technology in determining their shape. Ethnographic observations have contributed to a model of how agriculture works, and it is this functional model that has provided the framework for analyzing available data and employing it in the description of the particular agricultural systems of ancient Israel. Ethnographic studies and anthropological theorizing that are associated with the desire to understand the systemic interrelationship of the environment, the needs of subsistence, and the structure of human communities have played the greatest part in formulating this framework (e.g.,

·F()r:!>~.s .;I~Z 6;

20

Chapter One - Introduction Netting 1968, 1977: 57-&2; Waddell 1972: Wolf 1966). Some of the particular emphases of the agricultural model stem from this conceptualworld'fndstrategy of research, namely: the notion that environment does not interact with community in a staticway,theconviction thatcnange in population size relative to available ., resources constitutes an important mechanism of systemic change, and a very broad definition of technology as comprising more than just the tool inventory of the society (see Heider 1972; Orlove 1980; Vayda and Rappaport 1968). Whether or not one agrees with the mode of conceiving of human society that underlies this model, its presence in this work marks a departure from previous studies of Israelite agriculture which fail to provide any interpretive model of agricultural systems. Intentional concern with such models is essential not only as a statement of interpretive perspective within a larger scholarly context, but as an aid in the recovery of data that may be obscured by a too narrow concentration on one aspect of an agricultural system. It is in this concern for agriculture as a system that fresh meaning can be found for Reifenberg's words "sustained narrative." In essence, what this study seeks is not a time line or an agricultural· history but an understanding of agriculture's complex, multi-d imensional body and a charting of its dynamics in ancient Israel. It is through an understanding of the interrelationship of the various determinants which shape agricultural systems that a "sustained narrative" can be composed. B. Agriculture and the Emergence of Israel Borowski's dissertation on agriculture in Iron Age Israel sets out to describe the "state of agriculture" and warns that as a result of the limitation of evidence, the picture developed "is a still picture rather than a moving picture showing progress and development" (1979: 2, 4). But the lack of sufficient scenes to create a motion picture does not justify creating a collage of stills to represent the whole. Limitations on data do hamper efforts to describe the development of Israelite agriculture thoughout the Iron Age, but this does not mean that there were no crucial changes in the determinants of the conduct of agriculture during this lengthy period. In fact, the changes throughout this period in the social, economic, demographic, and even environmental determinants of agricultural systems are sufficiently great that no single, comprehensive picture can be accurate. 21

Hopkins .. The Highlands of Canaan Though

ther~.

Is .historical COfltinuity . in the people, metho-

dologicaJ~y~!->is,u!1SQ{jnc:iito.jointogethet"iJevidence .spanning theIt:Qfl.~geintoa~ingle portrait.

It is essential, therefore, that. a. f~us on a particulaJ;" period of the Iron Age be chosen in order to ,limit the extent to which incompatible details of the agricultural systems are forced together. The period chosen for this study is the.period of Israel's emergence in the Canaanite Highlands before the united resistance to the Philistines and others under the leadership of Saul (ca. .J250..J 050B.C.E.). Archaeologically, this is the period of the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age, in particular the early Iron Age or Iron Age I (Aharoni 1982: 153-157;deVaux 1978: 679-(80). At the end of this period, ,the formation of the monarchy represents the decislve break in the conduct of agriculture that necessitates !henarrow ,.focus •if " a clear. picture of the conduct of agriculture is to be sketched (Hopkins 1983). This focus also offers the benefit of setting the geographical boundaries of ~he study within the Highlands' regions, the heart of all ISraelite history, but the exclusive locus of settlement and control during Iron Age I. The territorial expansion of the early-monarchy into the plains' regions constitutes another slgniflcant division between the two periods which is of fundamental importance in characterizing their agricultural systems. Although there are good reasons for their inclusion, the Transjordanian Highlands are not encompassed by this pescription of the agricultural systems of the period of ISraelite emergence. Practical concerns, especially the ]imited access to information on the environment and the slower pace of 'archaeological research, were the weightiest factors in shaping their exclusion (see Sauer 1982; Sawyer and ~lines 1983). The fact that there exists no scholarly consensus as to the nature of the process involved in the emergence of Israel in ~he early Iron Age, indeed the debate is more vigorous, more complex, and more voluminous today than it was just ten years ago, contributes both to the difficulty and to the potential of the study of agriculture during this period (Miller 1!977; Gottwald 1979b: 191-227, 489-587; Weippert 1971). The difficulties are obvious and consist in a lack of resolution ccncerrung the time frame, origin and previous social and economic state of the settlers, and the size of the population ipvolved in the process.' The potential can be Illustrated e:asily. Descriptions of the process of Israelite emergence in the Highlands of Canaan often place a good deal of weight 22

Chapter One - Introduction upon a single technological innovation or constellation of innovations that radically altered the ability of the Highland region to support habitation, that is, transformed the conduct q~« of its agricultural systems /1/. Thus, Albright adduced the CMsCV~k role of the discovery -ofva waterproof lining for cisterns at ~~! ([1960) 1971: 113; also Borowski 1979: 10; Gottwald I979b: 656; ~~l Thompson 1979: 66). Gottwald views the introduction of iron as the decisive material basis for the expansion of settlement in the Highlands, where it had a "great and immediate impact" in Israelite "techno-economics" (I979b: 655; also Borowski: 1979: 10; de Geus 1976: 168; Miller 1977: 255, 257). More recently, a similar role has been envisioned for the art of terrace construction which is viewed as a necessity for the conduct of agriculture in the rugged Highland topography (Stager forthcoming; Thompson 1979: 66). The task before a study of agriculture in this period of the emergence of Israel is to determine not only the extent to which such technological "innovations" as these were incorporated into agricultural practice, but more importantly, precisely how they were integrated into the larger agricultural system and the extent to which they - by themselves or in conjunction with other developments transformed the conduct of agriculture. Did these "innovations" actually facilitate the expansion of settlement in the early Iron Age Highlands and were they antonomous spurs to the formation of Israel? To anticipate the results of this inquiry: the technological component of agricultural systems (understood as tools or techniques) has been grossly overplayed. When this single-minded focus on technology is broadened to encompass the other determinants of agricultural subsistence in the early Iron Age Highlands, its significance recedes. Developments in farming technology do not suffice to characterize the agricultural systems of this period or to chart such changes as occurred. In fact, it is quite doubtful from the standpoint of agricultural operations that any of the aforementioned technological developments exercised a determining influence on the emergence of Israel. The systemic description of agriculture in the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan offered by this study sheds light on the process of the emergence of Israel, but it does not eventuate in a reconstruction of the history of this period. The illumination emanates primarily from the ability of a functional model to describe the relations among elements of a system and to be able on that basis to assess the consequences of changes in any of its parts (see Gottwald 23

Hopkins ,.1he Highlands of Canaan 1979b: 608-61 n.On -the basis of the understanding of the ,TTi' dynamics of agriculture -set ',forth here, the chaIJenges and~; possibilities confronting a:given population, in itsstrugg1e foe; subsistence intheeariy Iron (\ge Highlands of Canaan can be , stated. This leads to abetter" appreciation of the process ofi the formation of Israel in the Highlands, but does not cast '; direct light on the existence of a proto-Israel in the;" Highlands of the Late Bronze Age or outside the Highlands altogether.

24

CHAPTER TWO THE PARAMETERS OF AGRICULTURAL SYSTEMS

Terrace Cultivation.

25

Chapter Two THE PARAMETERS OF AGRICULTURAL S\ STUv',S

/\. Classifications of ,A.griculture GRIC ULTLJRAL systems exist around the world in astonishing variety. western, ethnocentric perspectives have often obscured the great range of the world's agricultural activity as well as its ~~~~~ subtle adjustment to its many and varied physical and cultural environments (Netting 1977: 58). ,A. fair appreciation of the variety of the world's agriculture can be gained from the ongoing study of the location of agriculture on the part of agricultural geographers. A recent study of the world's agricultural regions by David Grigg wrestles with the difficulties involved in the construction of typologies of agriculture and settles on a list of nine major types: (I) shifting agriculture, (2) wet-rice cultivation in Asia, (3) pastoral nomadism, (4) Mediterranean agriculture, (5) mixed farming in Western Europe and North Arner ica, (6) dairying, (7) the plarrtat ion system, l8) ranching, anc large-scale grain production (1974: 3; see also Spencer and Stewart 1973: 529). Among the factors upon which typologies such as this one are based are the type of crop rotation, the intensity of the rotation, the water supply, the cropping pattern and animal activities, the implements used for cultivation, and the degree of commercialization (Ruthenberg 1976: 14-17). By employing these criteria, farms displaying similar characteristics may be grouped together in a world-wide system of agricultural regions. Despite outward appearances, most classifications such as Grigg's are in no way attempts to explain the occurrences of different agricultural systems in simplistic, geographicalenvironmental terms. Grigg himself is inclined to emphasize the role of the history of a region's agriculture in attempting to understand its existence (1974: 1). Rather they are merely expressive of the appropriateness of the geographical approach to the analysis of agriculture. The world's agricultural regions may be mapped. 27

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan For our purposes the major limitation of this geographical approach is that it is synchronic and describes agriculture as it exists in a given region at a given time. The parameters of the shape of a particular agriculture naturally come into consideration. But such typologies ', of agriculture tell only part of the story since they fail to communicate the range of agricultural possibility within a region and through time. A number of attempts to provide a classification of agriculture which would serve this function have been made. These attempts focus not on the agricultural regions of the world, but on a denominator common to all agrieulture, that of land. use. Land use may be defined as the degree to whieh
28

Chapter Two - Agricultural Systems Table 1 Land-Use Classifications Type

A. Allan Uncultivatable or waste Partial cultivation land Shifting cultivation land Recurrent cultivation land Semi-permanent land Permanent cultivation B.Wolf Long-term fallowing systems Sectorial fallowing systems Short-term fallowing Permanent cultivation Permanent cultivation of favored plots (infieldoutfield system) /2/ C. Von ThQnen Pasture-stock farming Three field system Alternate crop-fallow Fodder-legume rotation Forestry /3/ Dairying-horticulture D. BOserup Forest-fallow cultivation Bush-fallow cultivation /4/ Short-fallow cultivation Annual cropping Multi-cropping

Crop-Fallow Ratio (in years)

Available for other purposes Variable cultivation of sites 1 : more than 10 1-4: 1-10 1-2: 1-3 1-0 : 1-2

1-4: 1-10 2-3: 3--4 1-2 : I 1: 0

Combined land uses

Extensive pasture - no cropping 1: 2

I:1 1:0 Extensive use 1 : 0 no rotation

1-2: 20-25 1-8: 6-10 [1-2] : 1-2

1 : 0 Seasonal fallow 1 : 0 Successive crops without fallow

29

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan graphical features of Grigg's since it intends to relate the various agricultural systems, which have characterized peasant economies . throughout .tl}eworld-. These he labels ~ ecotypesI5/. Outside of the chief criterion of land-use Intensity, other critical factors employed by Wolf in distinguishing these ecotYf>es are amount of land used, Iabor requirement, implements, and length of growing season. Thus he notes that the dominant tool in sectorial farming systems is the hoe or digging stick, but that short-term fallowing systems are dominated by the plow. Permanent cultivation is associated with techniques for assuring a permanent water supply. Wolf's detailed discussion of these paleotechnic peasant ecotypes deals predominantly with the regional specificity of land-use types (so short-term fallowing is labeled "Eurasian Grain Farming" and subdivided into major variant ecotypes, the Mediterranean and Transalpine). However, he recognizes as well the possibility of progression from one ecotype to another in the same locality, under certain circumstances (so swidden systems may be transformed by technical innovation into short-term agriculture characterized by the use of the draft plow). Wolf's attention to peasant agriculture produces a strong regional orientation in his classification, but his primary objective is to show how a number of factors combine to shape agricultural systems (1966: 20-21, 29-34). The seminal study of the location of agricultural production by J. von ThGnenprovides yet another system, but one quite different than the others ([1826] 1921; see Hall 1966 and for general discussion of the model: Bradford and Kent 1977: 28-41; Chisholm 1962: 21-35). It includes the additional systems of stockfarming and dairying in a description of the location of various but. all highly intensive (except forestry) land uses around a single, central city. Von ThGnen based his scale on a consideration of all the costs of crop production and their variation with distance from the market place. His ideal model assumed a uniform environment in terms of soil fertility, climate, topography, and market in order to observe the operation of the factor of transportation costs. For a given crop, von Thiinen argued, intensity of cultivation will . diminish with distance from the market since higher transportation cost means more rapidly diminishing returns from the costs of intensification of production. One would expect grain to be grown ina more intensive fashion nearer the market than farther away. For a farm cultivating a number of different crops the location theory (what crop

30

Chapter Two - Agricultural Systems where and in what intensity) is not so simple, but the . crop output, costs, and transportability will determine the location and intensity of its various crops. Von Thunen's agricultural intensity classification presents a pictureoi a single system in a given uniform locus drawn with static-state explanations phrased in economic terms. Von Thiinen held environment uniform in order to observe the functioning of other variables and paid little attention to historical development in determining agricultural intensity. Economist Ester Boserup almost completely dismisses the environmental factor, but correspondingly plays up historical factors in her land-use classification (I965: 15-16). Boserup's five basic types of land use are arranged on her scale exclusively by the degree of intensity of cultivation: from one crop in ten or more years to more than one crop in a single year. In a later publication she expands her list to six items by including a pre-agricultural type: "Gathering of food - no cultivation, all land 'fallow Iand'" (I 976: 25). 1 his classification claims more than just general applicability. Boserup believes her classification to be a sequential scale of agricultural practice in a given setting, movement along which is caused by changes in population pressure. The appearance of anyone of these intensities of land use is explained by Boserup in terms of population pressure and labor efficiency. The point of comparing these four land use classifications and relating them to geographical typologies of agriculture is two-fold. First of all, these attempts to bring order to the agricultural systems of the world themselves clearly display the immense variety of those systems. Moving beyond a mere catalog of types, however, the four land use classifications also represent attempts to explain the appearance of certain agricultural systems in certain environments. But they are radically different attempts and this despite the fact that they all organize on the basis of land-use intensity. The question of the differences between the explanatory variables in the land-use classifications of von Thiinen, Allan, Wolf, and Boserup may be answered in terms of perspective and purpose. Von Thunen focusea narrowly upon an ideal city and its environs in the early nineteenth century, Wolf on the peasants' world and their struggle for sustenance, while Allan explored exclusively African agriculture with the vital concern of elucidating ways to increase native agricultural production in areas of colonial administration. Boserup has comparativ~interrelationship.0£

31

Hopkins.,. The Highiandsol Canaan the gretitpopulationboornofthelast twoc:;:~nturies in nil as shere~ches'for athe~ry. ~Ohel~fhart~g~icultural. gro in •.•.•. :the '··<1~y~.loping ""\J.{()rt(j.~?(~tJ.dif;fer~nc:~;.:.go . e,.':r~llt¢
the .' WorJd'stigripultqre.itstHf ,"i!l. variety:whi.9llis'.detennl

bya'complic:;:ated.smbcof;parameters./A1r~ady·;inthe·bri analysis, above several parameters have come into vi~W:

IertiIity, )'cllrnate, Aocationahnfaetors, technology, population pressure. And the list does not by any meanse with these few. In order 'to understand and explain the grea{ variety-of agricultural systems the most essential question if tbls:What parameters determine the shape 'of-a communitY'$ agricultural s y s t e m ? l

The parameters which determine the shape of agricultur systems may be conveniently . grouped under three rubric Population, Technology, and Environment. Since environrnentrjs is the parameter most often cast in the decisive role, we treat it first. 1. Environment

The' word\'environment" may be used in many ways, but will be used below to refer exclusively to environment. The factors of the cultural environment will come only briefly into consideration. The basic elements the environment which relate to agriculture are (temperature, precipitation, and seasonality), soil, tation, and topography (Ferdon 1951: 1). Two ",ltprt,"'1"hi••·,'/' views of the importance of these environmental in the formation of an agricultural system dominate sc!10]lar""'."f ship past and present (Tatham 1957). The most view sees environment as a limiting· factor setting the of agricultural possibility. The natural world may set tar1gilble limits on agricultural production and also chart the history agriculture, especially the precocity of population any one area. The most intensive agricultural regimes be ruled out without the avallabilltyof abundant "UI'IJ','"'' water and a long growing season. Thus permanent cultivatioa (annual or mulri-cropping) diminishes as a possibility as environment becomes 'less optimal. On the other end of spectrum, long" growing' seasons, humid climates, and forest regeneration patterns are the essential prerequisites 32

Chapter

1\\0 - i~V'"''''

~y

sterns

the ..least intensive systems. Environments without such characteristics clearly limit the application of the techniques of;shiftingOong..fallow) cultivat ion. tAmongthose who understand environment as a limiting factor is H. C. Brookfield. Brookfield helpfully treats environmental conditions "as : a series of constraints that have the effect of providing 'threshold levels' of intensity below which no continued cultivation is feasible." Based on the observation that "many environments require special treatment if they are to be made productive," Brookfield's theorem postulates that the environment's limiting capacity is muted by the ability of a given community to apply "special treatments" 0972: 41-42; see also Tarrant 1974: 11-12). In theory, then, no environment absolutely limits agriculture. In practical terms, however, technologically simpler communities face real environmental challenges. Their ability to meet these challenges and practice a stable agriculture depends on other parameters of the system such as technology and economic feasibility. Ferdon provides a dear statement of the relationship between environment, technological system, and economy: it is not so much the natural environment as related to agriculture that controls the limits to which a culture might achieve, but rather the cultural environment. The presence or absence of agricultural techniques, and the cultural desire or the eccnon.lc need to use such techniques to improve the natural environment, appear to loom large in the agricultural development of a given environmental situation (1959: 14).

IJl y I~ C-.j'h~

iZ~~d

To reject the absolute limitation of agriculture by environment and to acknowledge the function of other parameters in agricultural formation are implicitly to dismiss a second extreme view that sees agriculture as determined solely by environmental factors. But environmental determinism takes a number of more subtle and carefully nuanced forms which must also be dealt with. \\. Allan's classification of agricultural types, for instance, approximates a deterministic view since it makes agricultural intensity soil specific (above, § A). Economist Esther Boserup has attacked this idea which she associates with the "fathers of traditional economic theory" who considered the environment as an "immutable natural condition" (1965: 13).Boserup joins a growing number of natural scientists and anthropologists who stress humanity's role in altering the 33

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan natural landscape, •. acIaim that. is . supported most con..; vincinglybypalynological'records >of radical vegetation < shifts which ac~ompaniedth7'erJ1e~genceof pastoralists arivie ' agricultural .. systems-Hess.vas•. • merefunctions.·.··of '.the··, e vironment and more as phases .•. in "economic' .development. related to population pressllre.Inherperspective, "soiF fertility, instead of being treated as' an exogenous or unchangeable 'initial condition' of the analysis, takes its as a variable, closely associated with changes in pOipUJ.RLLon density and related changes in agricultural . (1965: 13). Thus we are urged by Boserup to consider environment has itself been shaped by the agricultural systems which deal with it. While Boserup'semphasis plainly supplies a corrective to the traditional picture of agriculture as primarily determined by geography and the environment, she has gone too far in almost completely discounting the physical "constrairrts : within which agricultural systems evolve," and she has been consistently and soundly criticized for this failing (Brookfield 1972: 34; Datoo 1978: 141; Grigg 1979: 77; Waddell 1972: 219). Examples where the environment has obviously had less significance in determining the shape of agriculture cannot cause us to dismiss its general significance. Rather, we must seek to determine the scope or environmental limitation or determination of agricultural systems: when are environmental factors most influential, and when can environment be discounted and other parameters elevated in importance? From Turner, Hanham, and Portararo's in-depth study of the interrelationship of agriculture, environment (including

crop type), and population density of a sample of twenty-nine tropical subsistence cultivators we may adapt a simple graphic representation of environmental conditions. The environment may be viewed in this way in terms of a "continuum of agricultural feasibility" (1977: 392).

....] 1 <:

·a....... §e co = 0

.... - =' o>t;::

<: <: _<: IU.•_

marginal

....._ -

.~

Fig. 1. Land quality variation. 34

optimal

Chapter 1\\'0 - i\gricultural

"",,~.~rn~

Turner and his co-workers \1977: 392) list the following qualities as characteristic of marginal and optimal lands: marginal land inundated seasonally inundated steep slopes poor native fertility long dry season erratic precipitation

optimal land well-drained gentle slopes high native fertility short dry season stable precipitation

The interpretation of this relationship is simple: environmental influences are at their weakest at the center of the spectrum where moderate conditions prevail. In such situations the influences of other determinants of the shape of agricultural systems will possess greater importance, and the focus on environment as an explanatory agent need not be as intense. While Turner and his collaborators were unable to rest the effect of environmental influences on technology and its role, one would expect, given Brookfield's hypothesis of threshold levels, the importance of technology to parallel the increasing marginality of the environment (Turner, Hanham, and Portararo 1977: 395). According to Ferdon the influence of the environment on agricultural productivity can be viewed as "controlling in inverse ratio to the quality of the agricultural technology possessed by the occupying culture" (1959:1S). More marginal environments demand more sophisticated and costly technology ana therefore limit the feasibility of agriculture among technologically unadvanced cultivators. Optimum areas demand no such technological level. Care must be exercised, however, in envisioning a too-strict relationship between the demands of the environment and the satisfaction of those demands by an agricultural community. In particular, the farmer's ability to alter the environment should not be forgotten nor should the fact that this alternation may be and has often been deleterious. The degradation of the environment caused by agricultural misapplication stands out as a feature of the landscape throughout the world today. The assumption that agriculture and environment are usually finely tuned can only be labeled "ideal." Overly optimistic also is the assumption that cultivators farm their environment with the consideration of "continued," "viable," and "stable" agriculture prominent in their motivations. Short-term rather than 35

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan long-term. considerations may Rromote' the formation a.. operation of agricultural systems not completely in balan with their natural settings /6/. If environment functions not as an absoluteCJeterrninef agricultural systems,but sets minimum levels of "spe<:i treatment" which "are required in order to create a "viabl agricultural system, then we must turn our attention to the . factors which determine the ability of a given community occupying a given environment to meet its challenges. What are the conditions under which a community is able to achieve a necessary minimum intensity of agriculture with its technological and economic demands? 2. Agricultural Technology

.,'1e~

The technological side of agriculture has captured center of attention in anthropological investigations since their inception. This is not the place to review the history of the technological parameter either in histories of civilization or evolutionary typologies of agricultural practice. Key concepts such as diffusion and innovation remain of vital importance. Rather the questions which pertain most directly to our inquiry into the role of technology in determining the shape of agricultural systems are: What is meant by agricultural technology; and to what extent may available technology be considered a simple determinant of agricultural systems? a. Defining agricultural technology "Agricultural technology" has been understood in both broad and narrow terms. Robert Merrill defines technology generally in the plural as "the cultural traditions developed in human communities for dealing with the physical and biological environment, including the human biological organism" (I968: 577). He contrasts this definition with those that more narrowly focus on craft and manufacturing or on "material culture." The inadequacy of this narrow limitation of agricultural technology to tools and techniques is apparent from the many vital aspects of agricultural production that it obscures. "Too narrow a definition of technology," Harris has warned, "would blind one to some crucial aspects of how the agricultural system as a whole works" (1972: 1&7). Among these aspects one would surely number the social organization whose vital roles are exemplified by those of determination of land access and regulation of sowing and

36

Chapter Two - Agricultural Systems harvest time. The list could be greatly extended. Robert McC. Adams has phrased this understanding of technology in a way which well evokes its :breadth: ''the acquisition, processing, storage, distribution, and employment of raw materials needed by a. society." He points out as well that this definition reaches beyond the artifactual inventory associated with the above-mentioned activities to "include the planning and regulating techniques required for each activity and for maintaining an ordered pattern of interrelation between them" (cited by Spooner 1972: xxii; see also Trigger 1968: 61). Environmental knowledge must also be explicitly included within the confines of technology, especially the ability to make judgments regarding site selection and the innate or restored fertility of a plot of ground. Such knowledge has proven to be "amazingly wide, accurate and practical" even among primitive cultivators (Netting 1977: 60). "The technical sector of the total culture," remarks Netting (1968: 16), "embraces not only tools and their use but also knowledge of soil potential, plant characteristics, and construction techniques that are important in satisfying physiological needs." It is worth noting that in dealing with the agricultural technology of a past society, the archaeological record will be silent about these constituents since they leave no readily discernible traces (Brookfield 1972: 32). The absence of this testimony should not leave any less pronounced the fact that agricultural technology, both past and present, is not confined to the mere implements of cultivation, but encompasses other skills, both social and "scientific" which affect a community's subsistence activities. One final point remains to be made in definition of agricultural technology. R. Merrill has called attention to the "tendency to think of technologies as fixed sequences of standardized acts yielding standardized results" (1968: 585). Such a picture leads to an unrealistic assessment of the productivity and technical competence of primitive knowhow. Because it freezes technique in static patterns of activities with automatic results, this mold restricts not only technological creativity but also the role of conscious c~~c, experimentation both of which have appeared as essential elements of pre-industrial agriculture (see Harris 1972: 188). 0"-~\; Merrill's preferred definition of technology may serve to conclude this section: "A more adequate concept to technology is that it is a flexible repertoire of skills, knowledge, and methods for attaining desired results and 37

k~lA0l~ -;- ~~a-\ '\l:1l~!k~(:rv0teJ,~

Hopkins -The Highlands of Canaan av()idingfailures"ljndervarying circumstances" (196&: 5&5) ,b~&llt0I10rn911S

teCl1n9!ggy: A determinant.of 9griculture?,,;i

Towh~t·'exteI1F~ay~vCl.ilablefEkhnologybe, consider autonomous parameter agricultural systems, ,if at all addressing this question of Cintonomous "technology we do intend to enter the" contemporary discussion of runa technology, technology-cut-of-control, or the percei problem of keeping social-structural pace with rap advancing technology (see Winner 1977). Rather the quest at hand, simply stated,' is whether there is a simple depend relation between available technology and agricultu systems. As we have already seen, some technologies may, viewed as the minimum, requirement for cultivation in so environments, and the 'importance of technological fact increases with increasing ..environmental marginality. however, does not reveal whether technology is the determinant of agriculture above this minimum level intensity. Consideration of" the" relationship agriculture frequently involves the added factor population. While we will discuss this question in or,,,;:,'~pf / detail below, an essential assumption of this technology-agriculture triad merits attention at juncture. The contributions of anthropologists and archaeologists to the early history of civilization have often been concerned to relate the growth of population increases in food production brought about by technological innovation. V. Gordon Childe's writings on the origins agriculture and urbanization (the Neolithic and revolutions) are the classical expression of this idea. Childe's view the transition from hunting and gathering agriculture "gave man control over his-own food supply" thus removed thelirriits on population of the food gathering community which had been "restricted in size by the supplies available." Now food supply could be increased at will, and, further, food production itself provided "an opportunity and a motive for the accumulation of a surplus," which paved the way to the second or urban revolution (1951: 66-69, 82-83, 122-123). One cannot fail to note in Childe's work a narrow focus on tool technology which excludes from consideration how, for example, advances in social skills may have contributed to the urban revolution (compare the similar critique by Halligan 1975: 36-39). Instead, one finds that the

of

38

Chapter Two - i\gricuitural Systems

revolution was heralded by the invention of the plow, a technological breakthrough of the first order whose many translated . into "larger crops, more food, and expanding population." Increasing leisure for the productlon of .cultural goods accompanied the whole course of the emergence of agricultural subsistence. For Childe the importance of advancing agricultural technology lay not merely in its ability to produce more food, but to produce it with fewer hands, and thereby' free an increasingly large portion of the population for non-agricultural pursuits. One of the several assumptions underly ing this sketch is that the advancing technology, especially tool technology and methods, is more efficient and demands less labor than that production system it succeeds. One need only think of the assertions made regarding the increased productivity permitted by the plow to see this assumption in operation (Chi lde 1951: 122; Wolf 1966: 30). The adoption of the plow is seen to proceed as a matter of course wherever it becomes known since it can produce more with less labor. Yet however sensible this claim for the plow may appear on the surface, there is now substantial reason for questioning its general accuracy, and this applies as well to similar claims made about other advances in pre-industrial agricultural technology. In general terms the question which must be raised is this: Does labor efficiency (i.e., output per work hour) decline or rise with advancing agricultural technology? In opposition to the prevailing view among historians of civilization and the classical economists, Esther Boserup has argued an attractive case for the decline of labor efficiency with increasing agricultural intensification (I965: 28-34, 4. 1). She claims that agricultural output per work hour is more likely to decrease than to increase when a given population in a given territory changes its tools and methods in a process of intensifying its agricultural system. The power of her argument rests in her careful description of the tasks required by each of the five types of agriculture in her land-use classification. Forest fallow maintains the greatest labor productivity: land clearing is a summary operation with fire doing most of the work; soil preparation is unnecessary and weeding negligible. The transition to bush-fallow involves less time spent in clearing the bush, but the additional inputs for howing and weeding add more to the total labor than is saved by easier clearing. In the switch to short-fallow, even before the inception of plow cultivation, more time is spent in careful clearing of the plot, and soil preparation, 39

Hopkins .. The Highlands of Canaan rpal'luring,atldwe.eding',al1 :addto,the'labor:requirement.'1h to tat. labor required by. the; traction .plow system grows st' higher;,;;jm;luding; nqt;onlyth~;afduous'Operationof the itseU,bu'tiyear-roUflchcare for the draft animal s, Thee to .•.. the.mosti.intensive;·.typesi.ofi.Jand .iiuse,. annual.La multi-eropping, involvesincreasing ..inputs '.' for • •. f ertilizati and espedaHy.land improvelueotsJe.g., irrigation syste which.eventuateinJong hours of regular daily work. Boserup's much' more detailed and nuanced descriptions the Iabor.. .. requirements. of each land-use type clea demonstrate that the cumulative effect of intensification agricultural methods/is an increase in labor input. But this increased labor input rewarded by at least proportionate increase in yields? No, argues Boserup,the ne effect of .agricultural intensification isa downturn in labo productivity or.efficiency, a decrease in output per w hour. As· intensification proceeds, demanded, for example, the need for greater total food production, land is cropp more frequently and fallow reduced with the result that soi fertility is impaired. Yields decline, and the increased output is threatened. In order to maintain the yields required for th~i increased output, soil fertility must be protected, and this i~ accomplished by. increased inputs of labor for new practices of weeding and fertilization and for other elements of the intensive agricultural system. In Boserup's perspective the additional labor input which accompanies agricultural intensification is not viewed "as a means to raise crop yields in order to produce additional food for the growing population," but "as a means to prevent a decline of yields despite the shortening of fallow" (I 965: '+ 1, ,+3). increase in total output created by the intensification of agricultural system is purchased at the cost of output perwork hour and, thus, longer days in the fields. Apart from this eltogether sound and fairly convincinz descriptive and analytical argurnent,Boserup also her claim with a statistical comparison of the irrigated agricultural regimes of India and China which shows that the average labor days per field unit involved in growing different crops may be twice as high for intensive irrigated agriculture as for dry (I 965: 39-lf;0). But this statistical comparison is greatly limited and refers only to the transition from dry to irrigated agriculture. Critics have rightly perceived this weakness and have countered Boserup with more extensive figures covering a wider range of agricultural types including both cross-cultural and single-society samples '+0

Chapter Two - l\gricultural Systems (e.g., Bhatia 1968: 431; Sheffer 1971: 378; I..Jrigg 1979: 72). Boserup's assertion that labor efficiency always declines with increasingargicultural intensity cannot be supported from these data which are at best inconclusive. The most detailed analysis • to date reaches a parallel conclusion. Bronson supplies a welter of data from a wide spectrum of cultures and epochs which shows just the opposite of boserup's contention: "shifting cultivation is not always, and perhaps not usually, easier work than permanent field farming" (J 972: 191). He goes on, however, to question the worth of cross-cultural comparisons and then turns his eye towarc a measurement of the productivity of different agricultural systems found among a single people. Data on maize farming in highland Guatemala offer mixed signals with respect to Boserup's claim. "Long and bush fallowing seerr. to be equally productive, while short fallowing is inferior to the other two. But none of the shifting regimes are a match for annual cropping from the standpoint of labor efficiency" (bronson 1972: 194). Bronson will not dismiss Boserup's claim completely, however, but argues only for the inappropriateness of generalizing about relative labor productivity in agricultural regimes of varying intensities. On the basis of this discussion, it is clear that neither the inclusive claim that the advancing technology associated with intensive agricultural production consumes proportionately more labor than it delivers output nor blind assertions about productive bonanzas provided by technological innovation can be fashioned into hard and fast rules. Thus neither provides the key to illustrate fully the relationship between technology and agricultural systems. The availability of more advanced agricultural technology cannot be said with confidence to constitute a "pull" towards its use in intensified agriculture. If the employment of an advanced technology in an intensive agricultural regime represented a more easy method of production, requiring fewer hours of labor, then the choice of one such technological system from among others would be readily understandable. If such a system were actually more arduous and produced less per work hour than one of lower intensity employing less advanced technology, and this must be held out as a clear possibility in many cases, then its acceptance would only be explained by the pressure of other, highly persuasive forces. Claims for the simple dependence of agriculture on technology fall to the ground with this conclusion. We must consider briefly one further point involved in our 41

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan conception of agricultural technology. Often "high" technology as the major parameter of agricultural also treat}t as anautonomousparameter~one (h~vE~lopeCil independently of the system into which it is then ;nT'por",,-t_fii The mechanism for the introduction of given fanning community is that of-diffusion, and importance is attributed to the cultural environment. conceptual world is well described by Philip E. L Smith: Most archaeologists have tended, implicitly or otherwise, to assume that agricultural systems were rather stable and fixed, the reflections of variables like soils, '-U,llla "::::, topography and cultural preferences. Thus we usually accepted that shifting cultivators would remain shifting cultivators until they were impinged upon groups practising more intensive methods, when the advantages of new technological aids would become apparent and quickly adopted (I972a: 13). Joining Smith in attacking this idea, Netting has argued comparative ethnographic evidence now suggests agricultural techniques "need not be diffused from a few centers of cultural innovation but may be developed to meet localized needs" (I977: 67; compare the clear example of the development of mounding practices in New Guinea described by Waddell 1972: 291). Thus while there are clear cases where the diffusion of crops and innovations in tool technology and the rapid transformation of agriculture are correlated, we cannot conclude that this is a functional correlation in which an autonomous technology has been the chief agent. We must conclude with Netting that "the processes of agricultural change cannot be referred solely to technological innovation" (1974: 24). 3. Population a. Dependent or determinant? Population has been viewed both as a completely dependent variable and a completely independent parameter of agricultural systems. The former view has been the most prevalent. We have already noted the widespread tendency to relate population growth to increases in food production brought about by technological innovation. Along these lines, Philip E. L. Smith remarks that among most branches of anthropology "an increase in population is nearly always seen axiomatically as a consequence of enlarged food resources or 42

Chapter Two - Agricultural Sv:,tprns of new means of extraction" (1972b: 410). Underlying this approach are the two assumptions that population growth can be stimulated only by a surplus of food and that the availability of such a surplus depends upon technological innovation. Stated in reverse, population growth is limited by available food resources which are limited by the productivity of available technology. The classical expression of this view of the limitation of population by agricultural productivity is associated with the name of Mal thus, Published in 1798, Mal thus' Essay on the Principle of Population argued that population, when unchecked, would increase at a geometrical rate, compared to possible arithmetic subsistence increases. Since humanity's absolute dependence upon food cannot be abrogated, the effect of these differing rates of growth "implies a strong and constantly operating check on population from the difficulty of subsistence" (Appleman 1976: 20). In other words, population growth is governed by the relative inelasticity of food production. The dominance of the 1vlalthusian picture of the dependence of population growth on increased agricultural production has receded in recent years before the growing awareness of the importance of demographic influences on societal change. Thus in an important article, Dumond argues that while anthropologists often treat population size as a mere dependent of culture "population growth is not a simple effect of cultural change but is both a cause and effect of that change" (1965: 302). Similarly, agricultural economist Colin Clark presents a highly positive view of population growth as the "cause" of cultural change, specifically agricultural change. Starting from the standpoint of Malthus that population will increase up to the limits of food resources, Clark suggests that it is population growth that stimulates agricultural intensification: The time comes, of course, when population growth does threaten to overtake the "means of subsistence," as they are understood in that time and place; and then the consequence is that population growth itself provides the necessary stimulus, inducing the community to change its existing methods of producing or obtaining food for more productive methods, which will enable it to support a larger population (1967: 60). A further step along this line is taken by Ester Boserup who elevates the status of population from dependent variable to

43

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan autonomous parameter of agricultural systems. At the center of the .subtle and complex .arguments that Boserup employs to "supPOrtherthesis>,that', "the growth;of population is a major'determinantohtecnno10gica1. change in agriCulture?' standsher,generaHzedc1aimthat labor productivity ,. declines with Increasingagrlcultural .intensification' (I 965: 56).' Since intensive agriculture is more arduous and produces less per work hour, then intensification would only take place when increased production is demanded by increased population which in turn satlsfies.ithe need for an enlarged labor pool /7/•. We, have already seen, however,. that Boserup's generalization about declining labor productivity with increasing agricultural intensification is not supported by the available data. Yet this does not spell the end to Boserup's picture of the population parameter /8/. Regardless of how the studies of this set of problems deal with Boserup's thesis of declining labor productivity, rarely do they dispute the assertion that more intensive systems require absolutely more labor input than do less intensive systems (Grigg 1979: 71). Bracketing, then, the question of the efficiency of agricultural labor, Boserup's clear discussion of the labor requirements of different agricultural systems has persuaded many (above, § B~ z.s). Thus Netting refers to Boserup when he writess., "Terrace building and elaborate ridging, maintaining domestic animals for manure, careful hoeing and weeding, transplanting, multicropping, water control and conservation all involve more working hours than slash-and-burn field preparation" (1969: 106). Even Bronson who is otherwise critical of Boserup, subscribes to this correlation of high labor input and intensive agriculture (1972: 216). Consideration of this factor of the total labor requirement of a farming system also supports the conclusion that the possibility of intensive agriculture does not in itself lead to the intensification of agriculture. The issue of the availability of 1abor,that is, population, must first be addressed. Thus while it cannot be maintained that all intensive agricultural systems are less labor efficient than their extensive counterparts, the fact that they demand absolutely more labor input would discourage their adoption unless an increase in total production was demanded by the farming community which could supply an increased amount of labor. Agricultural systems cannot be abstracted from the communities in which they must realistically function. We . can approach this problem .frorn another direction. Boserup's emphasis on population parameter has been lj.lj.

Chapter Two - Agr icuitutal

sterns

accepted by some in the form of its basic premise. This premise can be stated as follows: "subsistence farmers are labor efficient and will choose the intensity of cultivation that will satisfy their agricultural needs with the least amount of work" (Turner, Hanham, and Porrararo 1977: 384). Despite the unfortunate choice of words, we are no longer concerned with the efficiency of labor in this restatement, but rather with an attitude concerning labor: the desire to hold it at a minimum. In the terms of this reformulation, "agricultural need satisfaction with minimum work," the question of relative labor efficiency moves into the background as the question of total labor input is highlighted. If we may assume in general that cultivators will seek to satisfy their agricultural community's needs with a relatively smaller rather than a relatively larger input of labor, then this formulation can go some distance in explaining the behavior of agriculturists and in directing our attention to the importance of population in determining agricultural systems. Implicit in this argument is the so called "law of least effort." Care must be taken to specify precisely what is and is not meant by this idea and to define the boundaries of its applicability. The law of least effort as it is used here does not intend to claim that agricultural communities structure r. their labor inputs to maintain the "minimum subsistence level o-.Ji compatible with maximizing leisure" (debunked by Grigg R)>>!~ 1979: 77). Nothing is asserted about the farmer's view of agricultural labor, and no claim about indolence is made "'C~"'*\ \ (contrast Boserup 1965: 54 who makes such an assertion). !'iL< "-', Rather we are supporting the assertion that the behavior of Al"(....." agriculturalists is economic in the sense that it recognizes the facts of return to total labor. As Ruthenberg has observed, "from a farmer's point of view, labor productivity and work rationalization are considerations of great importance, not only because labour is a major input, but because its use is the subject of acute personal experience" (1976: 26). Other things being equal, an agricultural community will choose a system of agriculture that conserves labor rather than one which wastes or multiplies labor while it satisfies the agricultural needs of the community. An unlimited application of this idea as the primary factor in the choice of an agricultural system would be misguided. Bennet Bronson has produced a two-fold critique of the "law of least effort" that calls for caution in this regard. First, Bronson points out that work has no cross-culturally accepted meaning and, thus, that the application of the idea of "least 45

I I

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan effort" encounters defin.~tional.• problems.O 912: .199). considered work in onesosiety(timedevotea t?a. task physical. expenditure?f labo~,.sush~fact?rs~~ar~frequeri measured and reportedby.~thn?grapners).m~Y' be of.· consequence in another. second,B~onson ~rgues in ~? concrete terms that other- motives for agricultural behavi may be active and as strongi~ not stronger than the tenden towards work minimization. Bronson discusses severalCl these other motives among which are: (I) security factor "farmers are more interested in minimizing risk minimizing work," (2) economic factors: the regional econonl'ji:.:@&~·• ··1 may dictate the kind of crop planted, (3) cultural people may have rigid food preferences and also nr."f~·rp·nrp" for a particular type of agricultural system economic costs (1972: 200-201). Bronson concludes of these considerations are not only influential in subsistence" decisions but quite capable of overriding the natural desire minimize work" (1972: 202). Thus in addition to considering the choice of any agricultural system from the standpoint of returns to total labor, we must also include these other motives of agricultural behavior in our estimate ofa community's struggle to . meet its agricultural needs. more explicit these other motives can be made, the more we will be able to understand any lessening in the importance of the basic consideration of total labor requirement. b. Population densi ty and agricultural intensity Whether supported by an unwarranted claim about relative labor efficiency or by a more realistic consideration of the importance of total labor requirement in determining agricultural intensity, emphasis on the population parameter of agriculture leads to the hypothesis of a correlation between population density and agricultural intensity. Because of the increased labor demanded by intensive agriculture, Boserup maintains that tithe .cultlvator would find it profitable to shift to a more intensive system of land use only when a certain density of population has been reached" (I965: 41). Because of higher labor demand, intensification of agriculture is sufficiently discouraged until the food demanded by increasing population can no longer be supplied by the traditional system of land use. At some critical level of population density the switch to more intensive agriculture escapes the diminishing returns to labor associated with the older system, and more hands may become profitably engaged in producing the necessary output. 46

Chapter Two - f\gncultural Systems A number of studies has attempted to demonstrate the worth of Boserup's correlation of population density and agricultural intensity (see Barlett 1980: )53 for a substantial bibliography). Among the studies which offer support for the correlation is Hanks' comparison of population density among twelve rice-growing regions in Southeast Asia. Hanks found that communities practicing shifting cultivation averaged 31 persons per square mile while the population densities associated with the more intensive broadcasting and most intensive transplanting regimes were an average of 255 and 988 persons per square mile respectively (I972: 57). Hanks' comparison of population density, yields, labor requirements, and input/output ratios for various intensities of cultivation places him squarely in Boserup's camp in respect to this matter: "Each mode of cultivation is appropriate to a scene of varying population with differing economic command and varying availability of land" (I 972: 68). Most thorough and convincing is the study of Turner, Hanham, and Portararo (977) which statistically analyzes and compares twenty-nine groups of tropical subsistence cultivators. This study employs advanced mathematical techniques to concentrate on the relation between population density and agricultural intensity and also factors in the variable qualities of subsistence base of each group and of the environment (e.g., crop type and climate). The findings manifest: "a strong positive relationship exists between population density and agricultural intensity" among the study group (I977: 395). The statistical correlation is enhanced when additional subsistence base and environmental factors are added to the mathematical mix. This correlation has not been universally upheld, however. While both Grigg (I979: 72-77) and Netting (I977: 71) report lists of studies which support the "gross correlation," both sound the same cautionary note concerning its unequivocal acceptance. Grigg raises important questions concerning the measurement of population density and areal extent of agriculture and the calculation of land-use intensity, noting that a complex mix of intensities often prevails (I979: 73). Thus this Boserupian correlation is not without problems. Grigg (I 979: 73) concludes that attempts to demonstrate it. have been unsuccessful, while Netting leaves the door open a crack by allowing that "the lines of causation and the role of other factors are still unclear" (1977: 71). The presence and significance of "other factors" frustrates a simplistic correlation between population density and agricultural intensity. An agricultural community's needs are

47

~ ~('~

I"

Hopkins ... The Highlands of Canaan seldom, if ever,.exc1usive:ly:sllPsis'tencenee
Chapter Two - Agricultural Systems

~J:~. immediately

unavailable goods (Brookfield ! 972; 38). The growth of such-exchange is often associated with the growth iiiofurban . demandr but is dearly a widespread phenomenon ~X(Grigg 1979: 75). To the extent that all these elements of social and trade e, production are:keptat a minimum (as perhaps in some .. egalitarian, self-sufficient societies), the relationship between subsistence needs and population may be strong. In principle, however, it is the total needs of the community and not just its subsistence needs which determine production. As a substitute for the term of population density in Boserup's correlation with agricultural intensity, Brookfield has suggested the "total pressure of needs on resources" (I 972: 44). B. Datoo has followed Brookfield to the same conclusion: "Clearly, the determinants of different purposes of production - for instance, population density in the case of subsistence production and societal stratification in that of social production - are all potential parameters of the system" (1978: 140). The presence of any of these additional determinants of different purposes of production in a given community will force an increase in the scale of production and may account for an intensification of production beyond what subsistence alone would appear to warrant. Given the presence of persuasive forces the demand for greater non-subsistence production may be met by an intensive agriculture operated uneconomically by a less dense population than one would expect. From another perspective, the consideration of a given people's ability to operate an agricultural system must take seriously the presence of production requirements above those of mere subsistence: input and output must be balanced in an overall picture of a community's agricultural needs. We have been addressing the synchronic aspect of the correlation between population density and agricultural intensity; that is, can this correlation predicted by attention to the labor requirements of intensive agriculture be substantiated by observable practice? There remains yet the diachronic aspect of this question to consider. If a population reaches a certain critical level of density or pressure of needs on resources, will it turn automatically to an intensification of its agricultural system? If we control all the other parameters of an agricultural system while allowing its population to increase and pressure on resources to build, can we be certain that environmentally possible intensification would result? The answer to this

[iii;

tr

49

f

I ~

!

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan question, both historically and theoretically, must be ! Other consequences of population growth, other responsestq its challenge exist. The most obvious response to increasing population pressure is emigration, "both.' Hterallya' figuratively .a 'wayout'ofthe problem (Smith and You 1972: 17). Among other possible alternatives to agriculture] intensification under the pressure of population growth may be population control itself, an assertion which seems-rathee strange in a world where advanced means of birth control seem barely adequate to the task. Primitive population control and its techniques (e.g., infanticide and delayed marriage) are coming under increasing study, however (see the literature cited by Baker and Sanders 1972: 166-167; Grigg 1979: 76). The development of rural industries which are able to absorb the extra supply of labor in productive employment would represent another non-agricultural response to population pressure (Grigg 1979: 76), as would arrneds expansionist conflicts with neighboring communities (Smith and Young 1972: 17). Whatever the response, it may be inadequate and over-population may result, the effects of which are felt both the environment and the community. may lead to over-exploitation of the environment. For example, overgrazing and the destruction of coupled with destructive soil erosion are a regular feature the past and all too common in the present as well. (See below, Ch. 5, §C). Overpopulation brings with it undernourishment and starvation as well as massive social turbulence, landlessness, and unemployment. Rising mortality, as measured by paleodemographers for example, may have the inadequate response of a past community to burgeoning population as one of its root causes (compare Angel 1972: 99). This list of. possible responses to population growthemigration, population control, the development of rural industries, military expansion, and inadequate measures leading to overpopulation and its concomitants malnutrition, social turbulence, and environmental damage - supplies additional avenues which must be explored in order to understand fully the relationship between population and agricultural system in any community. C. Summary This review of the three basic parameters of agricultural systems reveals the complex nature of agricultural systems

50

Chapter Two - .A.griculturai Systems and demonstrates that they cannot be viewed as s irnply determined by any single factor. The operation of certain agricultural . systems is limited by certain environmental constraints, but this limitation is muted by the presence of certain. technologies. Yet technologies cannot be understood as "dei ex'machina" and depend in turn on economic feasibility which in the pre-industrial world is mostly a matter of labor supply. The relation of available labor supply to population is clear, but not straight-forward. The existence of factors which influence the acceptance of greater per capita labor burdens adds a significant modifier to this relation as well. Robert Netting introduces his description of agricultural practice with these words: "Type of food production vary tremendously, and the complex interaction of climate,land, technology, population, settlement pattern, work group composition, food consumption, and rights to the means of production is little understood" (1977: 57).

The complexity of food production aside, several key learnings of direct importance to the characterization of early Iron Age Highland agriculture deserve to be high-lighted. The view of the environment as a relative quantity alongside other parameters of agriculture stands out. The tendency of previous studies has been to paint the demands of the Highland environment in absolute terms, ones which dictated the shape of agricultural systems. A whole series of possibilities was thereby obscured, not the least of which was an exploitation of the environment based primarily on short-term considerations. It may well be that the settlers of the early Iron Age did not create agricultural systems that were at equilibrium with their Highlands environments, The broader definition of technology also deserves mention here. If our task of describing and analyzing early Iron Age agriculture were to focus merely upon tools and techniques, far less than a full picture could be sketched. In particular it will emerge that social institutions and skills played a decisive role in agricultural subsistence. Finally and most consequentially stands the role of population in shaping agricultural systems. The serious neglect of demography in biblical studies impels us to give special consideration to the impact of population growth in moulding the agricultural life of the settlers of the early Iron Age. A proper understanding of the place of labor supply in pre-industrial farming systems demands it. Certain agricultural strategies may have been beyond the reach of 51

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan Highlands settlers given;;their •demographic- situation. Other strategies mayhilYe been all the more attractive for. the same-reasons, Wbat~s. paramount is an examination of .just wl1a.t that sitllaliQQ .was. Nostudyof farming in the early Iron ~e Highlands t~tfa.Hs.,Je..reckcn .with the jransformatlen.ef the,populatic)I) landscape-that.took place at this . time cal) hope to present an .accurate picture of agricultural subsistence. The consideration of the general nature of agricultural systems and their parameters has defined the channels in which .thefollowing examination of agriculture in the early Iron Age Highlands must flow. \\Ie will begin with a description of the physical environment, climate, vegetation, and soils of this region. Next the population landscape of the early Iron Age will .be drawn and characterized with respect to its significance .for an assessment of the intensity -of agricultural systems. and . their operation. From a consideration of its physical and demographic landscapes, the basic challenges confronting the farming communities of the Highlands and their technological responses to them will then be described. The discussion of Highland agricultural technology will thus be organized on the basis of agricultural objectives and the strategies adopted to achieve them,

52

CHAPTER THREE THE GEOMORPHOLOGY OF HIGHLAND CANAAN

Slountains of Scie.

53

Chapter Three THE GEOMORPHOLOGY OF HIGHLAND CAl'.AAN A. Introduction HE Highlands of Canaan are formed by a low mountain range which runs spine-like down the center of Palestine. The mountains represent a somewhat stunted "continuation of the ArnanusLebanon range that begins at the Northeast corner of the Mediterranean Sea ••• [and] ends in the Sinaitic Peninsula" (McCown 1962: 630). The Highlands took their basic shape in a warping movement of the Lower Miocene which ended the hegemony of the Tethys Sea which had deposited the bulk of the sedimentary rocks now exposed on the surface (e.g., Eocene and Senonian chalks and Turonian and Cenomanian limestones). The Miocene uplifting of the granitic platform was accompanied by folding of the softer sedimentary rocks on its back and also some faulting. The folded structures are best preserved in the arid Negev where five folds running in a southwest-northwest direction are discernable, The Highlands of Judea are laid out around a broad arch which provides sites for Hebron, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, and Bethel. Three parallel folds, again angled to the northeast, dominate the Samarian center of the Highlands: Jebel Kebir which runs well east of Shechem and forms part of the Gilead region from which it is separated by the Jordon rift, Umm el-Fahrn (the Iron Hills) slicing between the valley of Dothan and Megiddo, and Mt Carmel, standing as an isolated block overlooking the sea. North of the expansive Jezreel valley, the folding structure of Galilee has been nearly effaced by intensive faulting, though a primary upfold reigning over parallel secondary folds and running north-south is recognizable (Orni and Efrat 1973: 53). A final significant tectonic movement of the Upper Pliocene was responsible for a great intensification of faulting begun earlier. Numerous grabens, created by subsidence of fault-fissured blocks, and horsts, created by the 55

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan tilting or lifting of blocks, appeared. "The last great uplift the Upper Pliocene landscaped most of the country's regio (Orni and Efrat 1973: 11, 53; and Baly 1957: 31-32). The landscape artistry of this tectonic movement render an exceedingly complex canvas. The larger region Was through not only by a . deepened rift valley and paral north-south faults, but by many transversal faults as we "Faulting features become more prominent from south north, until they constitute the dominant landscape eleme in Galilee" (Orni and Efrat 1973: g). baly (1957: 27-29) divided Palestine into three latitudinal zones from north south: the Zone of Greater Complexity, the Zone of Relat Simplicity, and the Zone of Reversed Tendencies. The are Judea is the least fractured topographically of the (iighl major divisions, yet even it is dissected by crosscut faults, especially west of Jerusalem, and the down fa . valley of Ajalon marks the northern boundary of there Samaria is scarred by a large, number of transversal fa and downfaulted basins. Its faults run in three directi from north to south, from west to east, and from northw to southeast. The three Samarian upfolds are clipped by great faults of the valleys of Zebulon, Jezreel, and Harod that "all that remains today is a huge wedge of higher la@ pointing toward the northwest and reaching the sea at Carmel" (Baly 1957: 28, 37). Galilean fault-formes' topography is the most complex. Along with Samaria, it bears faults running in three different directions, though a significantly greater number so that its folds "are more less obliterated by the predominance of faulting" 1971: 220).

B. The Regions In conjunction with non-tectonic forces, this folding and faulting of Highland Canaan have created a mosaic of fairly well geographically defined regions and subregions. Each of these subregions, of course, contains any number of niches (e.g., basins, wadi beds, hilltop plateaus, etc.), often quite diverse and distinct, which constitute the loci of settlement and exploitation. The larger picture is one aptly described by the term "variegated." (See Map 1 [p.324].) 1. The Negev Highlands The southernmost reach of the mountain massif of Canaan is the Negev Highlands. The deep canyon of the Nahal Zin

56

Chapter Three - Geomorphology region into two subregions: the Northern Negev Centralp.jegev Hills. The northern border of the Northern-Neaev Hills
57

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan the: Central Negev'Hlllsis'aige<)logical. str?cture cornple~i~y.'··T\Vo.·••. bro~d . par~Jf~Isfolds,}':the.·.Arif and •· Ramon,;whi,cn·.~r~divided}br.'a ;~arrowsyn<~Hnat trough.· diss~cted~ynumerousfaults;;onstitute its core. The Ra fold extends all the way from Kade~hBarneato·the heig overlooking the Arabah (7Okm) and dominates the Iandscal with some peaks exceedinglOOOmand many ascending' more than 900m. It is incised well over half of its lengthb the Makhtesh Ramon, an erosional cirque larger (40 x IOkrn) and more complex than the similar craters in the Northern Negev Hills, North of the northern rim of the Makhtesh Ramon, th mountains begin their descent. On the west of Mizpe Rarnq which sitsat the center of the rim, the hills descend in fit~ series of high altitude. scarps and cuestas), eventually slop down to the lower plateau of Kadesh.Barnea and the basin Nizzana, North of Mizpe Ramon, the descent·, less-towering hills is more steady and gentle to the wide a level plains between Nahal Nizzana and Nahal Zin, T superficial rock of this plateau of approximately 2000 sq mostly Eocene limestone and chalks. T is Cenomanian-Turonian limestones are exposed on the Ram anticlines. 2. The Judean Highlands

The Highlands of Judea are divided into three quite rlic,1-ir,r1subregions: the central anticline of the Judean Hills and synclinal structures to its west and east: the Shephelah the Judean Desert. The longitudinal borders between regions are a product of both tectonic and nOln-1:ec:tolnA~:.y.}. forces. On the east the Judean Desert is constituted steep drop of the hills to the Rift Valley and the Dead the north the desert's border appears intermittently as a of Cenomanian limestone, but is known throughout its entire length by the increase in aridity caused by the rain-shadow effects of the rapid decline in altitude the Rift Valley. On the west the border between the .JUCJCCU' Hills and the Shephalah (literally, foothills) is indicated the appearance of a narrow strip of Senonian ~~,-..., .'. accompanied usually by a line of fairly steep Each of these subregions also presents a variegated terrain.

( (

il C

b

n sl C

a. The Judean H1l1s

In contrast to the Negev Highlands, the morphology of 58

A

Chapter Three -Geomorphology

1~"

Judean Hills has been quite strongly shaped by non-tectonic forces, ,~speciallytheerosionalforcesof its more abundant share;0:1·precipitatiQn. .N> .' . a result, one of the main topographic features is.l'the many interfluves (i.e., ridge-like mountail}'lllS"spursseparated .by deeply incised valleys) extending mainly westward" (Schattner 1971: 139). Despite the pervasive effect of this steam erosion at their margins, the Judean Highlands are a compact mountain range, containing few isolated mountain blocks with intervening valleys. The range extends from its southern border with the Negev Highlands some 80km. Its rounded crest varies in width between 15 and 25km while maintaining an elevation of 705m. Its peaks exceed 1000m, the loftiest being Mt Halhul near Hebron (1020m); at l016m, Baal Hazer near Bethel is also prominent. The northern border between the Highlands of Judea and Samaria is not sharply defined geologically. McGown suggests the border is marked by "a gradual increase of barrenness and rocky terrain" toward JUdah (1962: 631), but this is hardly a secure notion. More secure is Yehuda Karmon's view that the boundary between these two physiographically distinct regions lies "in that area where the typical feature of Samaria - the interior basins - occurs farthest south, i.e., in the valley of Shilo (Turrnus Aiyi)" (1971: 317-318). The course of Nahal Shilo fixes the border between these regions to the west, and the El Fasayil wadi performs a similar function to the east. Above this point the axes of the Samarian anticlines turn perceptively from the almost north-south trend of the Judean fold to a southwest-northeast trend. Viewed in terms of altitude the Judean Hills present a tripartite structure. The Hebron Hills in the south and the Bethel Hills in the north are both higher by lOO-200m than the central Jerusalem Hills which form a saddle between them. Other features, especially the erosional topography, combine to distinguish these three subregions. The Hebron Hills. By far the greatest in areal extent, covering more ground than the other two subregions combined, the Hebron Hills are divided in their lower reach into the Adoraim and Eshtaemoa ranges by the broad valley of the Nahal Hebron (which drains them into the Beersheba basin to the southwest). From just south of Hebron where they constitute a single crest, these two ranges take the shape of elongated spurs which slip down to the south and constitute a transition zone to the basins of Beersheba and Arad, In contrast, the western margin of the Hills consists of 59

Hopkins ',.. The Highlands of Canaan a

mono<:::linal1escarpment'with,>asteep

vertical

sometim~s?:greater;than,400m.Because Of, this declivitY;i!Qe. ~treamswl1ich"drain., the Hebroo'Hills

west \hav~,,'Cut deeply::incised, . v-sha.pedvalleys. with spurs "be~\Veen'. thenr'(Karmol1·· '.·1971: .329). .The crest forms ..abroad plateau :.' which ···is·· .pocketed . by ····se depressions of karsticorlgtn of which the largest is the Berakh, north of' Hebron. The Jerusalem Saddle. Traveling north from Hebro southern boundary' of the Jerusalem Saddle- is met Valley of Arras, location of the Pools of Solomon. The originating in this valley flows just south of Herodium t its outlet in the Dead Sea (Karrnon 1971: 329). North 0 border,the plateau-like core of the Judean Highlan distinguished by a drop in elevation and by an accornpan conspicuous widening of the crest to. the east and," notably, to the west. Far from topgraphically smo however, the Jerusalem Saddle is strongly dissected. Drai to the east, the Nahal Qidron issues from the heart Jerusalem •. itself; above it the Har HaZofim-Har E interfluviaLridgetowers over the city and forms unmistakable border with the .Judean Desert. The tributa of the Waddi Mukollek and the Wadi Qelt form narrow val and even canyons as they drop from the eastern flank of t Saddle parallel to and north of its center city. Nahal Sof and Nahal Ayalon, the main drainage routes to the west,a fed by a score of tributaries (N. Refa'irn and N. Kesalon are the main branches of the Soreq whose upper reach flo beneath Ein Kerem; N. Nahshon is the main branch of Ayalon which itself stretches through the valley of the sa name which cut through the plateau up to the rim of t anticline in a battery of deep valleys of varying widths.' distinct from the erosive streams of the Hebron and Be Hills, however, those of the Jerusalem Saddle do generally converge in the hills, but in the narrow strip" Senonian chalk that separates the mountain region fromt Shephalah, For this reason, the intervening interfluves a longer, more gently sloped, and "form continuous spurs whl enable a fairly easy ascent from the coastal plain to mountain" (Karman 1971: 327). The valleys of the strea themselves are predominantly v-shaped with no acco panying flood plain, except at the heads of the valle in the mountains which open up considerably. (Note .e pecially the upper reaches of the Soreq below Ein Kere The interfluves of these valleys are topped with flat or

60

Chapter Three - Geomorphology backs. Amidst the fractured landscape produced by se ~rosive. streams, •there is only one large expanse of vel laridinthe saddl~ r~ion:the· plain of Gibeori (eJ;..Jib), me 8km north of Jerusalem. Thestiperfidalrocksof. the Jerusalem Saddle are mestones and dolomites of the. Cenomanian-Turonian, as ~'i expected. An exception occurs in the southeastern sector of . the subregion around Bethelehem and Bet Sahur where the Senonian chalk characteristic of the Judean Desert appears. The Bethel Iiills. North of the plain of Gibeon, the i contours of the Bethel Hills begin their rise. Rarnallah, the ~> present central place, sits at close to 900m while the Hills . reach their highest altitude at Baal Hazor (I 016m) near the ~. border with the Samarian Highlands. Along with their greater height, . the Bethel Hills enjoy a broader width than their ~isouthern neighbors. In the west, the Shephelah comes to an if end in the Ayalon Valley, and above this the Bethel Hills ~.•. spread some 15km closer to the sea. Their width is also augmented in the east where the anticlinal crest broadens, narrowing the northward extension of the Judean Desert. The . influence of this broadening has been felt particularly in the erosional pattern of the subregion's streams which have carved its topography. The lateral expansion of the mountain watershed has meant a less gradual descent of its drainage routes to the coastal plain and Rift Valley at its margins. In line with their stronger erosive power, the rivers have etched their way into the mountain crest, slicing almost completely through it. (Note especially the upper reaches of N. Shilloh which run all the way to Silwad.) Consequently, travel northward along the greatly dissected crest is made more arduous, and the central highway must cross a number of valleys. The long and gently sloped interfluves which enable easy access to the Jerusalem Saddle disappear in the Bethel Hills except on the very southern border where the ascent of Beth-heron has long provided strategic access. "Thus the Mountains of Bet-El show a difficult topography, are entirely lacking level areas and possess no natural routes" (Karrnon 1971: 327). The superficial rocks are again of the CenomanianTuronian with the exception of an area north and west of Ramallah where the deep incision of the anticline has exposed rocks of the Lower Cretaceous. b. The Shephelah Depending upon where one draws its northern border, the 61

Hopkins. 7 Theljighlands ofC
~~dej.~l.Il;l9+l)g.~~'twe~rl .tl)~;co~~t~plail'l . .~c:f.. !tQe.Jude
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Eocerye.C;J1alk platea~~..tchealll.l'{ial land of..the coastal (IOOm)•.That the western border is muted by inroadso plain's cilluvial~oils illtothe hiIIyShephelah further .:t es to the transitional .characterofthis subregign. Greatly distinguishing the Shephelah .from its ea neighbo~ are the wide valleys and round, rolflng hills w~ characted=?e i tst()p9graphy. E~peciallyprominent va.lllifysof the N.Guvrim,HaEla, Soreq, andAjalonw leav~ their characteristic v-shapes behind in the hills., adopt broad, open. forms .in the Shephelah•. This topogra vades somewhat .within the twa longitudinal zones whicl1 clearly differentiated on either side of a border which divi the region into two almost equal halves: a higher zone rang above/fOam. in the east .and a lower zone descending J.r 300m in the west. . c. The Judean Desert Flanking nearly the entire length of the eastern edge of.!. Judean Hills, the Judean Desert presents a classic example'dl the "lee-side" desert. The Desert descends sharply from the. Judean Hills a total of 1200m over a horizontal dista between 20 and 30km in a series of escarpment steps wh show the heavy influence of faulting parallel to the g' Rift Valley. Because the Senonian chalk and marl which p this steep declivity are both relatively impervious to and highly susceptible to erosion, the greatest portion of limited precipitation which reaches the desert runs off devastating eroslve vforce; The result is a highly div landscape of plateaus, rounded and flat-topped hills, gar and deep canyons, "a 'mountain wilderness,' an apparen chaotic landscape of innumerable valleys of all kirr (Schattner 1971: 141). .l The Desert's step-like descent to the Rift Valley help diversify, but also to order, the subregion. The steps ex' distinctive charatters:the highest lies at an altitude approximately 650m and forms a semi-arid terrace whic home for such sites as Herodium in the south and Mukhmas the north; Next the area known in the Hebrew Bible; 62

is

1;' ~

Chapter Three - Geomorphology ~midba( yehuda" occupies two. steps at different heights in various parts of the Desert down to about 300m. Pastoralists <:antak~advantage of the fluctuating heights by shifting their.flocks to greener .• pastures as the .season wears on. A final, barren • terrace leads ; to the steepest and most continuous escarpment which runs uninterruptedly for 65km and drops anywhere from 100 to 400m to the shore of the Dead Sea.

3. The Samarian Highlands

North of their boundary with the Bethel Hills (marked by the appearance of the downfaulted Emeq Shilo) lie the complex and highly discontinuous Samarian Highlands. The Highlands consist of three parallel, but broken folds. On the east the East Samarian Anticline rises above the Rift Valley. A narrow band of Senonian rocks marks its western border with the now-uplifted Nablus Syncline which itself gives way to the anticline of the Iron Hills. Between the Iron Hills and the Carmel Anticline on the coast lies the low, synclinal Menashe Plateau. The coastal plain, which thins to a narrow strip along the foot of Mt Carmel, marks the western border of the Highlands. In the north the great valleys of the Qishon and the Harod rivers set the limits of the Samarian Highlands. The Samarian Highlands rise to an overall lesser elevation than their southern neighbors. Despite its lower altitude the smaller Samarian territory presents a topographical jumble of mountain blocks and intermontane basins that gives the area the feel of more mountainous terrain. Although the fold structure remains more or less intact, pervasive tectonic crossfaulting suggests that the Samarian Highlands be viewed as "a transitional link between the massive Judean Mountains, which are influenced little by faulting, and those of the where faulting has all but obliterated the other tectonic elements" (Shattner 1971: 142). a. East Samarian Hills The most crossfaulted and mountainous subregion of the Sarnarian Highlands begins its rise east of the Senonian trough that divorces it from the Nablus Syncline. Although the East Sarnarian Hills do not attain the heights of the Nablus region, they are the highest of the three Samarian anticlines and the only direct continuation of the Judean fold. Unlike its relative, however, it is not a compact mountain mass, but shows the influence of its northeastward turn closer to the Rift Valley. 63

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan

\

I,,

In" the' south the' Hills ·()fCel'l()rrianfuri;"Tur6rti~u'r't() broken. into •. sequenceSofste~litnitedbY>~~~lf esca frequently •.• of •..• great .,'heights;LlV!osf; ofithe"es<;:arp ncrthwesc-southeest; 'an' exception.'·beingttte·escaf the> Loban>vaHey' whlch ••··tunssouthwest~ortheas western . half. of this southern '., section actuaHy';drains Medlterranearu-tlrr-part along thisvalley~ In the ea ., descent to the Rift Valley is uneven, first taking thesha," a gentle slope, then a steep drop. The Eocene rocks of Sartaba represent a renewed rise which dropsoffsharpl: the floor of the Rift Valley. The most characteristic feature of the East Sarnarlari is its dissection by branch valleys of the great Rift. The outstanding of these is the Wadi Fari'a which dominate northern section of the Hills. At its head deep in the Iii! constitutes a v-shaped valley only' 5001 wide. Soon it bro to a flat-bottom valley with very steep slopes. "It strongly depressed that its floor lies at sea level at a diS of 20km from its exit into the Jordan Graben, whereas' flanking mountains reach heights of 75001 above sea lev a .horizontal distance of 2.5km from the' valley bot (Karmon 1971: 321). While the heights on either side 0 Fari'a are predominantly Cenomanian-Turonian, L Cretaceous rocks occupy large areas at their centers volcanic rocks also make an •appearance. North of the Fari'a its smaller and much shallower cousin, the Valley o Buqeia also penetrates the Hills. El Buqeia is a basin Cenomanian-Turonian rock encircled by a line of s Eocene-Senonian hills in the east and north. Its nor extension is drained to the edge of the Bet Shean VaU'. Wadi Maleh, The Bet Shean Valley marks the northern Ii of the east Samarian Hills. b. The Nablus Syncline The central and dominant mass of the Samarian Highla is the Nablus Syncline. Although a synclinal structure, strongly dissected block has been pushed up by a teet... uplift so that it possesses the highest elevations Of,; region. Erosion, too, in attacking the anticlinal strucn that surround it, has played a part in creating this pre example of inverted relief. The subregion may be divided: four parts. The core of the Nablus Syncline..is an elevated Eocene chalk that juts sharply out of its <:. ,,"rnllntii especially in the east where it rises from the Senonian 64

Chapter Three - Geomorphology

ough that separates it from the East Sarnarian fold. The sliced into" two by the narrow Nablus valley above ,jdtto~eE ". Mt "ER~Jto.the, north (940m) and its somewhat aJI~i:,partner. MtG~dziW (88, 1w).' The Nablus valley opens /~h7'7ast into the broil(ier , Sokher . valley, one of the umerous significant basins, which surround and penetrate the ntral core. To the east the Sokher valley flows into the Valley of Belt Dajan, In the south it intersects with Emeq MikhmetaJ which runs from well south in the Senonian trough. ;~;if'JOrth of these intersecting valleys, the central core is tilted ~{'jsharply downward till it reaches the major Sahur Basin. Just ~iiJorth' of Sahur another basin (Zababida) penetrates the fffurthest extension of the Nablus Syncline whence it reaches ~Jlike a hand cupped toward the sea into the Jezreel Valley as 1~"the .Gilboa range. Though' often treated as if part of the region of Lower GaIilee,the Gilboa range prolongs the Eocene rock of the ijl central core and belongs geologically to its synclinal structure even though the connection has nearly been severed • . .• by the gorge of Nahal Bezeq. The Gilboa range consists of a 0tZcrescent-shaped ridge whose highest elevation is only 533m. ~'/ This ridge, however, reigns over the Bet Shean Valley sitting iii at about 200m below sea level on the edge of the steep slope i'e:; of Gilboa's exterior radius. There is a more gradual descent by steps to the inside of the crescent where a round basin, an . extension of the Jezreel Valley, occupies its center. To the west of the central core of the Nablus Syncline, two distinct areas emerge, grounded upon the preservation of different strata of rock. In the southern half of the Nablus Syncline, the Eocene rock of the core disappears as one away from the center, and first Senonian followed by Cenomanian and Turonian rocks constitute the surface at an average elevation of 400-500m. Drained to the Mediterranean the Yargon, this area reaches out to the Sharon plain with numerous narrow but lengthy spurs rising over streams which have deeply incised the hard limestone. In the northern half, west of the central core, Eocene deposits are preserved all the way to the Sharon. These are accompanied by a large area of Senonian limestone but only smaller areas of Cenomanian-Turonian. In consequence the topography is one of broad valleys and rounded hills, especially beyond the small escarpment which runs from the eastern tip of Dotan basin in a thin arch southward the length of the region. locki~.

p

65

Hopkins

~

The Highlands of Canaan

c. Iron:HHls".

~e~()~~thE:.'Bot~b~sin(af1(;f.t~e\v~ditt1a.t ·•:·?ra.i~sift M~itert~~eafl': '.lII..' fff cfe r.a)tt1; .• "fntidinal.:tructure.,

Iron Hills occupIes a r()ugt11y restfngulararea. bordered 0 east by .iheJezre;l Valley, on tt1e.westby the coastal and in the north by the .Wadi Iron which separates It fro' Menashe region, Within these boundaries, 'this : hill Initiates the singular southeast-northwest bearing of Carmel range. The. Iron Hills are an uplifted horst w reaches. a height of. 518m and consists of Cenomanian Turonian rocks with .a patch of volcanic rock at its cen, Drainage of the Iron HHlsruns in two directions. In southwest the drainage takes the route of . the. norj tributarIes of the Hadera which follow the gradual descen the hills to .the coastal plain. The. northeast half of the descends to the Jezreel Valley where its streams merge the N. Qishon, d. Menashe Plateau The Carmel range continues north of N. Iron in Intervening synclinal structure of the Menashe Plates] Running through a trough of Senonian chalk, N. Yoqne'a forms the northern border of this quadrangle of low hills the edge of the Carmel anticline. Typical of structures of the Sarnarian Highlands, the superficial almost exclusively Eocene, with some patches of Senonian chalk and a few nubs of basalt. The area of western drain forms a tilted plateau at about 200m which is carved by upper reaches of N. Daliyya and Tanninirn into a series open valleys. To the east of the rim which divides watershed, the slope to the Jezreel is steep and the drain into the. Qishon must pass through a fault scarp w . effectively demarcates the Jezreel and the Menashe region.

r

c n

s

1. c d

C

u

e. Mt Carmel

Sl

The anticlinal heights of the Mt Carmel region Carmel range with an uplifted block presenting Cenomanian-Turonian face dotted with pockets of volca rock. Mt Carmel forms a coat hanger-shaped triangle with•.!, medium-high escarpment running for 32km along the coastCl,S its base. The northeast side drops precipitously at a fa scarp of sometimes more than 400m to the Jezreel Valley a ranges to its intersection with the southwest side of triangle, the Yoqne'am valley, The ridge at the top of 66

v.

Chapter Three - Geomorphology jliescarpment.contains the highest elevations: Rom haCarmel

;'i:~J.?46m). at . itsc~nteF and I<.eren haCarmel . (482m). A second,

il\vgiSl:ontilluous.ri(.!g~.<~Jound to. the southwest plain, thus

~v(:reating a dePf~se(.! .~reaat the center of the mountain i~i",;~rainedinpartbythe,NahalOren.South of Nahal Oren the

," western escarpment becomes less severe, and the mountain descends to the coastal plain in the form of a dissected plateau. in which sits the small Emeq Maharal. Along this western border of the Carmel range the coastal plain occupies but a sliver of land a thin 2km in width. 4. The Galilean Highlands The. boundaries of this region of the Highlands of Canaan are distinct. The coastal plain and the Rift Valley mark its western and eastern bounds. In the south the Highlands rise abruptly from the Harod and Jezreel valleys. The gorge of the Litani River north of Tyre (Sur) sets its northern limits. Delimited by these boundaries, the subregions of the Galilean Highlands "form the most contrasted and variegated mountain province (excluding the Eilat Mountains) of the Cisjordan" (Schattner 1971: 151). . The tumbled topography of the Galilean Highlands has resulted from a high incidence of faulting and uplifting of the fault-fissured blocks. Whereas in the Judean and Sarnari an Highlands the fold structure shapes the relief, in Galilee multi-directional faulting is the dominant determinant. One Can still detect a narrow, central anticlinal ridge running north-south flanked by synclinal depressions in the southern section of the Highlands, but these folds have been sliced latitudinally, giving the landscape an east-west trend greatly contrasting with the other Highland regions. Lithologically, deep layers of basalt outpourings from Neocene and Quaternary volcanoes· blanket large areas, further obliterating the tectonic folding and diversifying the landscape. Lithology and relief combine to define clearly five subregions of the Galilean Highlands. The most obvious boundary severs Upper from Lower Galilee: the Bet Kerem valley runs a relatively straight course through the Highlands at the latitude of Acco, The steep scarp at its northern edge presents peaks above 1000m to the 300m valley floor. This great altitude differential is in fact the most prominent characteristic distinguishing the two subregions. Ail of the Lower Galilee stays below 600m while the tops of the 67

Hopkins -The Highlands of Canaan

rnelevationrn

mountains of Upper Galilee break the 1200 . The higher no rthernsubregion deserves it s descriptiCJ, "Upper."Within Upper Galilee easter~a~?\Vesternsubre are .distinguished. The.easternthirdo<;cuRiesas trough that continues -the Nablus: Syncline and Jcarr! superficial Eocene. rock far northwafd.'AcrosstheN. A from. the Zefat mountain block (dominated by Mt Kenata the region's southern boundary lies the larger and hi western subregion of Cenomanian and Turonian rocks. Lower Ga1ileepresents three subregions. A sequence of Upper Cretaceous limestone mountains top . greatly faulted anticlinal ridge. At its eastern flank, marK off by a somewhat unbroken line of hills beginning with, Tabor and running due north through Eliabun, a blanket basalt covers the lower extension of the Nablus Syncline. the west,the AHonim Hills form an extension of the Mena: Plateau and are distinguished from their central neighbor" their lower elevation and predominantly Eocene surface ro<:: a. Central Lower Galilee The anticlinal fold of Central Lower Galilee has been s repeatedly by faults running east-west so that it form~ ladder-like sequence of mountain ridges and wider basins' valleys. The southern face of the Nazareth ridge presents,..,. steep scarp to the northern finger of the Jezreel Valley al1t descends in gentler slopes northward to the Tir'an basin. Oil the opposite side of the Tir'an basin, a sharp monocllnal escarpment marks the rise of Mt Tir'an which drops off at an equally sharp fault scarp to the large, undrained Bet NetOfa' valley, This valley spreads toward a steep escarpment whiCtl rises to the 450-550m peaks of the Yodefat hills, The Yodefa~. hills characteristically descend more gradually to the nort~i.' to the Sakhlnin Valley which gives way, in turn, to the Shezar' ridge beyond which rests the Bet Kerem valley. The Shezar ridge has been broken by transverse faults into three isolated mountains: H. Hazen, H. Kammon, and H. Gilon, A similar effect is shared by all the interbasin ridges of Central Lower Galilee which have been carved by erosion into isolated hills separated by saddles which carry the drainage streams. Th~ southern outlier of the subregion, Mt Tabor, owes its isolation to a complex pattern of faulting that encircles i t . ' The surface rocks of Central Lower Galilee are pre: dominantly Cenomanian and Turonian with Senonian in south and along the western flank. A few patches of Cretaceous sediments appear in the north along the wi th Eastern Lower Galilee. 68

Chapter Three b. Eastern Lower Galilee Eastern Lower Galilee consists of a series of slightly tilted plateaus which decrease in size from south to north. largest plateau;« RamotYissakhar, is delimited in the by Givat ha-More, an isolated height of 515m, and by Zeva'im range which rises very gradually from the Harod valley • The plateau is slightly depressed at its center whence it drains into the Rift Valley and whence it rises gradually toward the north where the crusader castle of Belvoir sits overlooking the Rift Valley from its perch atop an escarpment of over I aaOm. Ramot Yissakhar is separated from the next plateau, Ramot Tabor, by the Nahal Tabor which dissects it with about a dozen tributat ies which form "badlands" in the Neocene lake sediments exposed beneath the basalts. Beyond the Yavne'el ridge sits the crescent-shaped Yavne'el valley which like all the plateaus in this series is bounded on the Rift Valley side by a steep escarpment, here the Poriyya ridge. Still farther north the small Biq'at Arbel sits at the foot of Qarne Hirtim, the most famous of the region's few extinct volcanic cones. Numerous faults dissect the area beyond the ArbeI into a row of small but steeply tilted blocks bordering the Sea of Galilee and the Biq'at Ginnosar which lend the area a more mountainous ambience. 1\<. Zalman runs deeply beneath steep walls, and the other main drain, N. Ammun, cuts a canyon through the region as it rushes to the Sea of Galilee from the steep heights to the north. c. Western Lower Galilee - Allonim Hills A subtle shift in surface rocks marks the transrnon from the central anticline of Central Lower Galilee to the Eocene syncline of the Allonirn Hills to the west. These characteristically rounded hills slope from their border with the Nazareth hills (JOOm) to the west where they present a sharp face to the coastal plain (200m). Nahal Zippori with its v-shaped valley drains this northern section while the southern section, whose protrusion into the Jezreel Valley (spur of Tiv'on) COmes very near to closing its western door, drains primarily into the Qishon, Much of the Allonim chalk Hills is covered with a thick crust of nari (limestone concretion) which, for example, forms a "roof" for the catacombs of Bet Shearirn,

69

I

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan d. Western Upper Galilee Like\tll~}ptp7C~ll,bregi(}n. of .upper .Galilee~ . toe . Wie cQfJ)pl~x.tQpographr·thandtss .: 9

sho\1(~ .:~.' rTjUf.;Q

m[e

neighbors.;!Nurp$r9us ;.taults ..· running. east-weSt, '.' soytrr. northeast, .. al1d./soytheas..k ·nqrtll.westabove the. Bet. Valley haveelevat.~alargenumber of horsts but left f Lower.Galilee's broad basins at their feet. Instead, "a of valleys, gorges, basins, ridges,. and isolated peaks created" (ami and Efrat 1973: 76). Dominating this maze in Western Upper Galilee mountainous block\1(hif.;h caps the imposing fault scarp of Bet Kerern, The. entire subregion rises to this rna southeastern corner and its peaks: Har Meron, at 1 Highland Canaan's loftiest peak; Har . hillel (1071 m); Ha'ari.0047m); Har Peqi'in (886m), and .Har Addir 00 These . rourded peaks roughly form an oval encircling. dominant uplifted block. The center of this block is hea dissected into a collection of isolated ridges by the up tributaries of N. Keziv which courses northwest from head in the mountains towards the Mediterranean. Immediately to the west of this Cenomanian-Turon! mountain block,. Senonian chalk has been preserved in a.f small valleys with the Emeq Peqi'in being the largest. Beyo this loose belt of basins, the mountains are sliced by fa and drainage steams into a parallel sequence of nan' interfluvial ridges which run due west toward the Sea. crests of these ridges shelve small areas of level land become plateau-like after breaking through the I escarpment that marks at 400m the bounds of the mounta and descend gradually to the coastal plain. The m predominant and broadest of these interfluvial ridges r right. through the coastal plain and protrudes into the sea Rosh ha Niqra, This ridge, called Hanita, rises steeplyf the coastal plain and stretches eastward where it broa' considerably, North of the Hanita Ridge, the interfluvial ridges and steams which flow in between them abandon their eastwe .... /r.. .,.:It trend and take uP. southeast-northwest directions. 1" . extensive O. 'Ain Aazziye empties into the Mediterrane' about 15km up the coast from Rosh haNiqra, but itsf network of tributaries extends all the way back southward drain the farthest reach of the Hanita ridge. It drains as the less complicated tableland north of the central mClUnitaJili ..; , massif. Beyond o. 'Aln Aazziye to the north, the low Aamel range follows a long transverse fault running to 70

Chapter Three -

\"3<:;'on')()['pri,ol()gy

The Cenomanian-Turonian rocks of the western of Jebel Aamel give way to rounded hills of Senonian then Eocene chalk which descend gradually to the coastal that reappears beyond the hiatus caused by the Hanita Through this triangular slice of hills, whose northern is the deep gorge of the Litani River, the different directions of the wadis and interfluvial ridges rotate from west to due north like engraved lines on a sundial.

Itff'ff"llC"'"

e. Eastern Upper Galilee This subregion presents a face which is a jumble of Eocene, Senonian, Upper and Lower Cretaceous and basalt rocks. The greatest uniformity is found north of the Iatituoe of the Hanita ridge in an area which also boasts of a minimum of crossfaulting. The western part of this area consists of a broad trough of Eocene chalk running north-south and out on either side of the W. Hajein (a tributary of and its extension the W. Doubbe, Very thin bands of Senonian chalk define the boundary with 'Western Upper Galilee and mark off the Eocene side of the Hills from a narrow ridge of high Cenomanian-Turonian mountains ranging above the Huleh valley on the east. This Naphtali range (hare Rarnin) begins its run north of the N. Dalton where two basaltic plateaus, Dalton and Alma, are found between dissecting streams. Around the latitude of these plateaus the descent to the Rift Valley floor is frequently stretched out over a fairly sizeable horizontal distance. To their north, the southwest flank of the Naphtali range presents a small basin, Biq'at Qadesh, constituted by a rare polje or coalescence of several sinkholes. North of this polje the Hare Rarnin stretch northward to the end of the Huleh basin and present to the valley floor an unbroken steep face up to 800m high. The Naphtali range slopes gradually to the west into flat and only shallowly dissected Eocene hills. In the north of this band, the W. Hajein cuts more deeply as it descends to the deeply incised Litani. At the southern end of the Naphtali range, across the N. Dalton, lies the Safed mountain block. Topped by Har Kena'an at 955m, this Eocene block (Nit Kena'an's peak and all the western flank of this block are Seononian chalk) does not reach the heights of the Meron mountains. It is separated from Mt Meron by the deep gorge cut by the N. Ammud through an otherwise relatively flat, triangular plateau resting between two blocks and extending northward to encompass the basaltic plateaus in the Naphtali range. The 71

Hopkins -The Highlands of Canaan goz;ge,ofthe Ammad. \Vhichdeepens intermittently to proportionsIeavesme-Sated block with pre<:ipitous $1 tl} e .\vl;s~ ~.~d' soutb. 'PtJ•• 1Oeeas~ afaul tes<;~rl'mer~t 200..lfOOm·highdrops /off ,to ;a"fairlyleveI<~salti (400-300m } that dedinesslowly toward the vicini Jordan.Which occupies only av-shaped valley. at this poi Co The Conse uence of Geomor holo leal Diversit

This gross geomorphological catalog of Highland C yields a preliminary indication of its variegated .ICi'}dS No two of the seventeen subregions isolated in .this present the same possibilities for or challeng agricultural settlement. Some continua on which to these geomorphological. conditions have . . emerge orographic continuum ranges from broad basins and through hills, plateaus, and mountains differentfated In of both absolute and relative altitudes. The flood pIa rivers and wadis occasionally form deep canyons, most v-shaped valleys, but frequently flat valleys with steep as well a~ broad openvaHeys. Interfluvial ridges ~ange in terms of both breadth and length: short spurs contras elongated fingers and narrow :ridges with rounded shel ~ing areas of level land. Mountain masses bear degrees of dissection by faults and erosional streams••.... horsts may tower over depressed basins, or an area rna more compact with few isolated peaks and interve valleys. Slopes vary from gentle and gradual to steep precipitous. Lithological composition ranges from unifor highly composite wi thin subregions. Throughout, the themselves alternate between various types of marl lacustrine sediments and volcanic rocks.· The boun between regions and subregions vary from dramatiC,' wall-like to nearly imperceptible. Thus the subregions di~ differing degrees of openness or seclusion. .,. The consequences of this diverse geomorphology become more perceptible as other environmental fac which impinge on agricultural systems are consid~ Several preliminary comments on these effects are, howe, appropriate at this time. Methodological issues's paramount. On the basis of this gross landscape cat itself, it should be clear that it will be exceeding diffi even impossible, to speak of the agricultural environment Highland Canaan. In fact there are multiple environITI~+ The kinds of agricultural adaptations which prove success 72

Chapter Three - Geomorphology '{orane community in a given locus may be inappropriate for

llsecond at another locus. A similar note is registered by T. mpson,who, in the introduction to his survey of the ttlement of Palestine in the Bronze Age, sees as decisive econsideration of the "regions of very limited contiguity and • enormous climate variation" in which settlements appeared (1979: 1+). "The extreme diversity of the geographical factors of the region of Palestine," he writes, "enforces a caution in viewing any general patterns [of relevant to the whole of Palestine in the periods the Bronze Age" (1979: 63). From the outset of this investigation we must bear a similar caution in mind as concerns general pictures of agricultural regimes. \\ e must lose sight of the thorough-going adaptation of agricultural systems to their immediate environments even if means we must sacrifice the ability to make all-inclusive, statements about the nature of that interaction in Highland Canaan. The diversity of the Highland Canaan environment raises serious questions about a claim of applicability of any inflexible model of its agricultural systems. This does not mean that no general rubric will suit the f;u-rniino of Highland Canaan, but only that such rubrics must cautiously and in consciousness of the variability of the local situation. One can speak of Mediterranean agriculture and its characteristics in reference to Highland Canaan. The extent to which this general rubric is ultimately helpful in determining the challenges and possibilities of agriculture which directly shaped the life of the various communities remains in question. Thus, for example, the

suggestion of Baly (I963: 67-77) that Israelite agriculture was characterized more or less by the Mediterranean triad grain, wine and oil - (or was determined by the ability of its environment to be made to produce the Mediterranean triad) does not yield an adequate grasp on the dynamics of that agriculture on the local scene. Baly's employ of the geographical concept of natural region, "pays," recommends itself, but he conceives of Israelite agriculture in static terms, as an immutable tied to the three-fold system of domesticates dominated by the olive. A specific set of crops may contribute to the overall character of an agricultural system, but it hardly is the sole determinant. The variegation of the landscape may itself elicit a characteristic structuring of agricultural settlement in Highland Canaan, about which one can speak in general

73

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan terms. The diversity of the environment may be rnirrc,r"rl a diversity of subsistence strategies. Two examples serve introduce the relevant concept here, termed .• ,I'vertlcalI The term',. ''verticality'' . is encountered ,. In.' anthropclog literature on the Andes of South.America where it "descr the ability .of, a single group (vi11age.or ethnic group) exploit numerous ecological zones" (Brush 1977: 8). The And constitute a parade example of verticality since some their small valleys harbor as' many asa dozen or climatologically and vegetationally defined ecological fashioned by dIfferences in terrain and altitude. objective of the communities which inhabit these "to control the maximum number of ecological 'floors' effort to achieve self-sufficiency" (Brush 1977: 8). The Andean environment is far removed from that Highland Canaan, Closer to home, lies the Biga' valley Lebanon where Marfoe has summed up the environmen contrasts and diversity in the word "fragmentation" U 980: The Biga' displays "a vast mosaic of small, diverse, a localized mlcroenvironrnents, where wide variations coexi (I980: 3). The model of verticality fits the Biqa' even thou the patterns of subsistence are oriented horizontally as W i ' as vertically. The limitation of irrigatable land and gre<:i!' insecurity of subsistence farming have encouraged (1 diversification of subsistence strategies by which singlf communities take advantage of the environmental diversityj "strategies combined into myriad diverse patterns by a single population group." "In other words," Marfoe writes, "the lack of unifying ecological features resulted in a wide spectrum complementary and supplementary subsistence niche~:; involving numerous permutations or synchronized seasonal. and spatial patterns of exploitation" (1980: 5). In this: environment verticality proved an adaptive advantage. ...• While both the Andean and the Lebanese environments present a greater range of diversity and possible exploitation patterns than that of Highland Canaan, its diversity within short compass (either within subregions or at their borders) is no less real and significant for subsistence. Diversity of, agricultural environment permits Highlands' communities t() pursue a variously proportioned mix of crops and livestock, lowering the risk of subsistence failure due to any single cause. In addition, it facilitates the spreading of limited agricultural energies across the annual calendar. Overall, the variegation of the environment promotes self-sufficiency on the part of Highlands' communities, a condition to which the

at:';

74

Chapter Three - Geornorpl101ogy relative isolation and seclusion of much of the highlands contributes. On the other hand, the prominent inter-regional diversity suggests that there is not a little to be gained by .. the forging of social ties beyond the local setting. Thus the fragmented landscape points to the possible importance of regional exchange. Fuller exploration of such possible implications will appear all the more essential after other variables of the environment - climate, calendar, soil, and vegetation are included in the equation and their multiplying effect on geomorphological diversity is gauged.

75

CHAPTER FOUR CLIMATE AND CLltv',ATIC ChANGE

The Deed Sea.

77

, I ,

Chapter Four CLIMATE AND CLIMATIC CHANGE A. Climate 1. Introduction

UR aim in the initial part of this chapter is to describe the three primary features of the climate of Highland Canaan and to draw some basic conclusions regarding their effects on the conduct of agriculture. We shall consider the basic meteorology and the patterns of temperature and precipitation it produces. The picture will be one of the current climatic regime in the Highlands, drawn with data collected over the past century and a quarter (on the climate in general see: Ashbel 1951, 1971; Atlas of Israel; Baly 1957: 4-1-87; Karman 1971: 20-29; Orni and Efrat 1973: 135-163). 2. Seasonality Situated on the margins of both sea and desert, highland Canaan has been characterized as "a climatic battlefield where opposing forces of sea and desert meet head on" (Baly 1957: 41). The N:editerranean climate of Highland Canaan, as well as the remainder of the Levant, does display as its prime characteristic the sharply seasonal contrast between dry, warm summers and wet, cool winters. This sharp seasonality is, however, less a product of conflict between the desiccated and humid energies of desert and sea as it is the outcome of more extensive meteorological forces. Lying in the northern latitudes of the subtropical zone, Highland Canaan is subject to the hegemony of a vast low pressure gradient stretching from the Atlantic to the Persian Gulf in the summer, but is invaded by the cyclones of the temperate zone which shifts southward in the winter. It is this alteration between subtropical and temperate atmospheric patterns which generates Highland Canaan's two dramatically divergent seasons. 79

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan Lasting from mid-tolay until September the summer presents a dry core of three to four completely rai months. The atmospheric conditions which bring about situation are dominated by a gradient of low pres stretching from the Monsoonal low of Asia through Cypress low to East Africa. This low pressure syst produces northwesterly and westerly winds which arrive Highland Canaan cooled and moistened by their path over Mediterranean. These fairly regular daytime breezes bring rain, however, but temperature moderation and dew. R cloud formation is inhibited. by the presence of upp atmospheric high pressure which causes air to subside a creates a thermic inversion over the east Mediterrane basin. As air settles and is compressed, its temp~r? increases while· its relative humidity declines:ra' forestalled. Declining evening temperatures permit formation. This thermic inversion lends the summers its characteristic constancy: clear skies, regular sea brei¥ and minimal temperature fluctuations. The contrast between the summer and winter seasons terms of constancy and stability is dramatic. During winter the eastern Mediterranean is buffeted repeatedly cyclonic storms which travel across the Sea through a fo pressure corridor between the vast Central Asian hi pressure center in the northeast and the subtropical hig pressure center over the Sahara. These changed atmospheric conditions are caused by a shift of the path of the jet stream which displaces the temperate zone and its colder air to th south in this season. Some storms flow through the 10 pressure trough from the Atlantic, but most develop over Mediterranean where warm tropical air from North Afr meets cold, polar air from the European continent. C yclo and trailing anticyclones reach Highland Canaan in a fai regular cycle. The cyclones bring rain-bearing winds from southwest and west and are followed by anti-cyclon generating winds out of the northeast and east that bring clear skies. Thus winter experiences a regular change • ~~. winds and skies quite dissimilar to the stable summer scene. :: The two short, irregular transitional periods that mark toe succession of summer and winter do not deserve full designation as seasons. Not without significance for tn~ country's agricultural regimes, these transitional periods last but a few weeks and are characterized by sporadicaltt occurring phenomena known collectively as "Sharav; Included in this set of transitional period phenomena 80

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change strong thermal . . inversions created by both durable and precocious high pressure ridges which compress, heat, and desiccate trapped stagnant air, and strong dust-carrying east winds {the true Hamsin) blowing across the Highlands from the Arabian desert whence they are· attracted bya low pressure center over Libya or Egypt (Karmon 1971: 24.). The former is more frequent than the latter while both can raise temperatures by 15°C and cause the relative humidity to plummet by 4.0 percent (Orni and Efrat 1973: 14.1. See also Ezek 12.10 and 19.12 which depict the withering effects of the east wind).

3. Air Temperature and Insolation The strong seasonality of the climate of Highland Canaan is displayed prominently in the changes in temperature that it features. For example, the mean temperature in Jerusalem during January, the coldest month, drops to 9.7° (4.9.5°F) but climbs to 25°C (7rF) during the hottest month, August (Orni and Efrat 1973: 138). Within Highland Canaan's seasons mean temperature differences and diurnal variations are functions of topography (elevation) and proximity to the sea. Geographical position is also a determinant, and a general southward rise in temperature is perceptible (Karrnon 1971: 25; Orni and Efrat 1973: 136). The warm temperature of the summer months is owed to the stagnant conditions caused by the high pressure of the upper atmosphere and consequent subsidence of air. The stability of these conditions finds expression in the fact that the mean temperatures from June through September vary but 2° and in that the average daily temperatures represent actual daily temperatures. These temperatures are moderated by the sea breeze blowing from the west and north-west which is intensified by the differential heating rates of the land and sea. The sea breeze is especially potent in the coastal plain where it begins in mid-morning and significantly dampens the natural rise in daily temperature. By mid-afternoon the sea breeze has reached the crest of Highland Canaan, too late to diminish the natural temperature maximum, but still a welcomed cooling effect and an aid in the winnowing of harvested grain. In consequence of this sea breeze and in spite of its higher elevation, Highland Canaan reaches or surpasses the summer temperature maximum achieved by the coast. The general rule that mean annual temperature decreases 81

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan with an-Increase in altitude is borne out more truly in winter when the influence of the Highlands' proximlty to sea declines with .the • cessationofthe. westerlywi~ds.'· first rain of winter signals the arrival of the polar air mas the temperate zone which results immediately in 10 temperatures; During the winter the sea doesprovid moderating effect on temperature but this' is felt onlyby't coastal plain. Thus while the Highlands do hot rexperiert long periods of subzero (OC) weather, temperaturesfrequeri dip below freezing and frost occurs an average of 2.5 da during Jerusalem's January (Scott 1962: 623). The coast' plain is almost always spared this frost. The interior basins 0 the Highlands are, in line with their lower altitude, generall warmer than the surrounding hills, However, at night the bear the effects of temperature inversion which cools the to the level of the hills (Karrnon 1971: 27; Orni and Efr 1973: 136).

In contrast to the constancy of the summer temperat winter temperatures vacillate with the cyclonic cyle so th average temperatures do not reflect actual temperature~ (Karmon 1971: 27 emphasizes this). As a cyclonic depressi()~ heads toward the eastern Mediterranean coast, warm, dry ali" is drawn out of the southeast. Suddenly, a cold front approaches, temperatures drop, and strong winds bring ral~ from the west. The passage of a cyclone brings with it clear~" cold polar air from the Balkans. Reflecting this alteration of the influence of different air masses, the average absolute minimum for Jerusalem in January is -3.5°C while average absolute maximum reaches 22.3°C. Mention should also be made of the seasonal variation insolation values in Highland Canaan, which is actually than one might expect given the nature of the two se(3.SCms~:0C The amount of the sun's energy (of solar radiation) by the surface of the earth depends upon the degree of cover and the angle of incidence of the sun's rays. In summer only one-fourth of the days are partly cloudy, the rest are completely clear. Cloud cover in winter is less than total because of the character of the cvclonic cycle. Consequently in the summer the ground receives sun's rays close to 98 percent of the possible hours, while the winter this figure is reduced to about 50 percent \/"\"'".,'''' 1971: 184). Because of its position close to the Trr,n;r'" angle formed by the sun's rays and the ground reaches as as 80°. Since this measure of the height of the sun's d:s<~t::ln over the horizon is achieved during the nearly 82

Chapter Four - Climate &: Cl irr at ic Change summer, the amount of energy reaching the surface is among the highest in the world and results in high evaporation and transpiration rates. Theinsdlationand the air temperature regimes of Highland Canaan both promote and limit agricultural possibilities, though other environmental factors represent stronger determinants. The high rates of evaporation and transpiration affect both the availability of water and the requirement of water for agriculture by lessening the former and heightening the latter. Even during the rainy season, the only partial cloud cover Spells significant hours of direct sun and appreciable loss of rainfall to its radiation, estimated at between 50 and 60 percent by Orni and Efrat (1973: 148). On the whole temperatures are "propitious for farming," since they do not create a cold, winter dead season as do those of the temperate regions (Orni and Efrat 1973: 138). It is the availability of water rather than the range of temperatures that limits the length of the agricultural season. The fluctuations of temperature create other beneficial conditions. During the regular winter cold and the few nights of freezing temperatures "deciduous fruit and vines on the Hills receive in most winters the moderate 'cold ration' needed to enter dormancy" (Orni and Efrat 1973: 138). The thermic inversions of the transitional period at the end of the growing season further the ripening of crops (Dalman 1932, 2: 1+) and acts in a manner comparable to the killing frost of temperate regions by causing the rapid desiccation of weeds and destruction of other pests (Orni and Efrat 1973: 138). This withering of vegetation during the transition to the summer also encompasses pastures, however, where its effects are pernicious. Finally, the variation of temperature occasioned by topographical diversity of Highland Canaan produces the possibility of a continuum of staggered harvest times throughout its regions. The variations between the Highlands and the coastal plain and Rift Valley are the most extreme, and advantage is taken of them in the contemporary situation in order to bring crops to the most advantageous market (Amiran 1962: 109; Barrois 1939, 1: 313; Turkowski 1969: 101). however, such diversity of harvest times is also found in the Highland regions within shorter compass, especially in those regions pocketed by warmer intermontane valleys and basins. It is also true that certain crops produce more prodigiously in preferred temperate zones. 83

nopkms - The Highlands of Canaan 4. Precipitation As 'an' indicator of the seasonality or Highland Cana cliVJat~~ t~mper"tureva.dation)s. no.. matchf.9t"
march of the rainfalL. pattern. rgainfall >i~ ..the ': de" clim.atic factor in the physical.e)(istence of population for plant life and agriculture"(Karmon 1971: 27).lhe map the .•. . mean annual. rainfall is "the most importantclima logical map" (Atlas of Israel, s.v, ''Climatology''). Here t contrast between winter and summer is wet and dry. The rainy winter season lasts from mid-October to , beginning of May. The shift in atmospheric conditions wbi brings the rain has already been described. Under this ne meteorological regime during an average year, about 25 10 pressure cyclones approach the eastern Mediterranean bCi~i About half of these track. well north of the Highland deflected by the Cypress low. The remainder dump their ra on Highland Canaan as they pass over its northern and centr sectors, leaving clear skies and cool, southeasterly breezes.' their wake. Only a small number tracks across the southern portion (see the map of tracks of Mediterranean depressio~~ in Beaumont, Blake, and Wagstaff 1976: 52). The location o~ Highland Canaan, then, relative to the normal track .t.,o! depressions across the eastern Mediterranean is of decisivc;>t' importance for both the distribution and regularity ofit.~ rainfall. It produces a "northern-direction factor" which is .a; major principle of the spatial distribution of rain in High.. land Canaan (Karmon 1971: 24; Orni and Efrat 1973: 142). Geographical position relative to the southward-shifted temperate zone further cements this rule: rainfall from south to north. Distance from the normal track depressions also determines rainfall variability since closer the distance the more likely an area is to receive from at least a portion of a passing storm. Thus regulari ty also increases from south to north. Orographic variation is a second major principle the spatial distribution of rainfall. While in the general terms of rainfall physics a decrease in rainfall with increasing distance from the coast is expected, the increase in the altitude of Highland Canaan over the coastal plain reverses this expectation (which is observable in the Negev plains and in the Zebulon-Jezreel-Harod valley system, for example>. Stormy, rnoisture-Iadened winds rise over the hills after they cross the Mediterranean coast, cool, and increased pre.. cipltation results. The increase in rainfall experienced by

84

Chapter Four - Climate &- Climatic the Highlands keeps pace with increasing altitude. The steepness of altitudinal increases also produces an effect: the steeper the slope, thesmaller. the area over which rain will fall from the cooled air. Xhedistribution of rain over the central . Judean and. <Sa marian Highlands provides a .good example.ofthe fUJ1ct~ol1ingof. both the altitudinal and the northern-direction factor. The more southerly position of the Judean Highlands is compensated for by its higher altitude so that differences in average annual precipitation between these two regions are minimal. However, because of its greater relative distance from the normal track of depressions,Judea does experience a less regular rainfall pattern than its northern neighbor (Karrnon 1971: 317). Also a significant factor affecting the spatial distribution of rainfall is the direction which a slope faces. Slopes which are exposed to the winds coming off of the Mediterranean (facing west or southwest) will show a true orographic increase in precipitation. Slopes which face in the opposite direction (east, southeast or northeast), however, possess no exposure to the rainbearing winds and will show more than a simple orographic decrease in precipitation. Above these slopes air will warm in its descent away from the sea, and precipitation will diminish more rapidly than if altitude alone determined. This process produces the rain-shadow effect so conspicuous in the Judean Hills where sites at the same latitude and altitude on either side of the crest will show dramatically different precipitation totals. The combination of these principles of rainfall distribution over Highland Canaan adequately accounts for the observed pattern as displayed in the map of mean annual rainfall. The accumulation of precipitation in the Highlands is significantly higher on the average than the coastal plain or Jezreel Valley. Some areas in the Highlands lie beyond the 300mm isohyet which sets the limit for all but the most extensive dry farming regimes, namely: the Negev Highlands; the greater, eastern section of the Judean desert; the area surrounding the Emeq Far'ia in the East Samarian Hills. In large sections of Upper Galilee rainfall exceeds IOOOmm. (See Map 2 [p.325].) Because of the tremendous topographic variation of the Highlands, the isohyets of the map of mean annual rainfall can be taken only as general guides. The rapid succession of basins and mountain blocks, the different exposures of rounded hills, and the varying angles of slopes produce pronounced local adaptations of the regional isohyets. Thus, "because of the variety of topographical relief, the rainfall

85

Hopkins .... The Highlands of Canaan map of'c'the 'aills' lacks homogeneity" (Orniand 155);" )';'~,Z'1'r!;E.&"", "c ,'CiCC" C ;L.,I:qual'iinLirnP()rtancetothebeginning of May, precipitation is riOt evenly distributed throughout•. Rainfall increases steadily from the' beginning of the season and peaks during three central. months after which·time it steadily declines. The first appreciable amounts" of precipitation arrive in November but a· full 70 percent of all,' rain falls during December, January,and February. At the boundaries of the season come the former and -Iatter rains ("malqos" and "yoreh" [morehJ) so accentuated in the Hebrew Bible b~ caus~ of their agriculturally vital role of opening the plowing season and providing a last shot of moisture' to enhance the matufationOigrains (Baly "1957: 52). During the winter the number of days on which rain does falFissmallerthanthenumber on which it does not. The mean annual number of rain days accumulating at least one millimeter of rain does not exceed 70in the Highlands. Here the contrast between Mediterranean and temperate climates is great, as London's 550mmis distributed over 300 (Orni and Efrat 1973: 146). The average number of rain for the temperate zone is 180 while Jerusalem's is confined to only 50 (Ashbel 1971: 186). Varying quantities of rain faU on the three days of the average storm with the first delivering the heaviest and most continuous showers, 'th(~IH,'n even on these days "rain is concentrated within a few with sunny intervals between one period of rain and another" (Karmon 1971: 28; Baly 1957: 4.7). The net result of these features is high intensity rainfall for Highland Canaan, more intense than in temperate regions': The intensity of rain, (measured as the relation between the duration and amount of rainfall) is of prime importance in determining both the availability of water and the extent of rainfall erosion. High-intensity rains result in increased runoff and, consequently, more frequent floods. The extent of possible .soil erosion also increases with an increasing Intensity of rain both because of the runoff produced and 86

Chapter Four - Climate &: Climatic Change because of the more powerful impact of faster falling raindrops (Anthony et al, 1979: 120). For;the goal of subsistence, the regular distribution of the rain through the. season, taking the shape of a normal curve peaking>inthe middle three months, is as essential as an adequate amount of rain. According to D. Ashbel (I971: 185), however, the normal distribution pattern is only one of five types of annual dist rlbutions of rainfall experienced in Highland Canaan and occurs just 33 percent of the time. Twenty percent of the time, the distribution curve is skewed toward the first part of the winter, resulting in a wet early, but dry late season. Less frequently, only 13 percent of the time, the pattern reverses so that the Highlands experience a dry initial part of the season followed by a rainy second half. Perceptible, but rare, appearing only 2 to 3 percent of the time, is a compressed pattern in which a core of very heavy rains is bordered on either side by relatively dry periods. Occurring 35 percent of the time, a few percentage points more frequently than the normal distribution, is the twin and sometimes multiple-peaked season, in which distinct periods of rain are followed throughout the winter by intervals of dry weather /9/. This catalog .of distribution types and their frequencies paints a picture of a highly variable annual rainfall. The normal curve and the multi-peaked curve which result in a more or less even coverage of the rainy season may be expected to occur six or seven years out of ten. This leaves, however, three or four years in which half of the season will see little or no rain. The consequences of this for Highland Canaan's agricultural regime may be severe. The failure of the rains of the first half of the season, on which plowing and sowing are dependent, wiU delay planting and result in the inability of crops to achieve complete maturation (so also Borowski 1979: 79-80). Should the rains cease too early and the second half of the season be dry, the growth of the crops will be stunted and they will wither before maturation. Even the distribution of rain in the multi-peaked year may be interrupted for too great a period of time with the same result. The susceptibility of agricultural vegetation to dry spells is especially great in climates marked by a strong wet-dry seasonality. After the dry summer, no water reserves remain in the soil to initiate or nourish plant growth as in the case in temperate climates where the dead season (winter in the northern hemisphere) is wet. Thus in Highland Canaan, the ''former rains" must come to inaugurate the agricultural 87

,>

Hopkins - The Highla.nds of Canaan

sE:i!son.But,With nowaterrE:~t'Ves .t~ fallbac~. on esp~I~Uy> youn~ . • c~?PS \Vithp()()rIY~eV;loe~root>srst~c are ivtilnerabt~Tt()l 0rt drYse;lls·(Anth0~yr:et,c.~l~•. 1}9 -120)..·;,'filus,""evenif the ·.annual.·t()tiil:'~tt~rns •the avera a' region ;lTlay'~suffer from'agriculturaltfrought"' ..(Orniali~ EfratI973:l4g)~ ..•••.•• . . : : / . ' : : ." . ..,;; But the. attainment of the averageiinnualtotal of rain,~ matter what distribution, is hardly a foregone conclusion. The i nterannual precipitation is also greatlyyariable.Because th~ same basic patterns of 'distribution .ofannualrainfaU ho19 also for years ofextremerainfaH, these two factors ofte.n operate in conjunction and multiply their individual effec!.~ nYearsofdroughtand .famine . run . like a scarlet'.' thr~aa through the ancient history of Palestine" (Aharoni 1979: 14). . Substantial decreases in the amount of rainfall received Highland Canaan. result primarily from the blockage of path 'of cyclonic depressions over the eastern Mediterrane" Such blockage occurs when the high pressure center over Central Asia extends its extremities· down through thE: Balkans . andover the Greek" Peninsula . . . into the Med;; iterraneariiaridmerges with the. high pressure system~! the Sahara. In this way the passage of low pressure cyclones over the Mediterranean is barricaded and Highland Canaan's primary source of rain shutoff. Precipitation extremes, both positive and negative, are also created by the meanderings'OI the jet stream which can bring more or less of the Highland under the' influence of the temperate zone depending upon the extent of its swing (Karmon 1971: 23; Scott 196~ 624-625). Should the' jet stream swing less to the south th~~ expected, a northward deflection ·of the normal cyclonic track results.Drought caused by.thisatmospheric variatibl'! will be felt . more severely in the southern portions oft~~ Highlands than In the north,' in line with the functioningo~ the northern-directionfactor:In general,"however, drought:f anyone year does not necessarily affect the entire Highlanm> but may attack one region rather than another in a fair~r; unpredictable fashion (Orni and Efrat 1973: 149). The fac:~ that atmospheric conditions over Highland Canaan are' no.t dictated by any single, dominant force multiplies irregularitt and means that "different air masses may lie simultaneously over different parts of the country" (Karmon 1971:2~~ furthernuancing its environmental diversity in a given year. il Causes of substantial deviatlons': -cf interannual pr~~ <:ipit~tionaside, two parameters of this .deviation must "'f.Sf: brought into view: the frequency of extreme precipitation arid

1?

stl

88

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change the extent of the deviation from the mean. Working with 106 yearsof data from Jerusalem, Neumann has found that the frequency distribution of rain amounts approximates the normal curve (unimodal, symmetrical, rnesokurtic-bellshaped) (Neuman 1956: 58-63). The curve is a function of the mean annual precipitation and the standard deviation which for Jerusalem amount to 560mm and 142mm respectively. According to the properties of the normal curve, rain will fall outside the range of the standard deviation both above and below the mean just over 31 percent of the time. Rainfall wlll deviate from the mean by a value of one-half the standard deviation over 60 percent of the time. For Jerusalem this means that three years out of ten will experience accumulations of rainfall about 16 percent less than the mean and that one or two of these years will experience more than 25 percent less. Thus rainfall of less than 489mm would be expected three years out of ten with half of these accumulating less than 41 Smrn, The relationship between the two parameters which determine the rainfall distribution curve throughout the Highlands produces a clear indication of the range of interannual variation and the overall dependability of rainfall. Katsnelson has calculated the coefficient of variation, the ratio between the standard deviation and the mean, for various locations throughout the Highlands, as well as the coastal plain and the Rift Valley based upon thirty-year-period data from 1921-1950. The Highland data have a mean coefficient of variation of 30 percent which means that on the average the standard deviation reaches close to one-third of the mean precipitation. Lowest on the list of Highlands' stations is Kefar Gil'adi in the eastern northern Galilean Ramot Naphtal i, Latrun at 200m in the Shephelah achieved the highest of 33.6 percent, while Jerusalem's coefficient of variation works out to 27.6 percent (I964: 164, 168-169). Katsnelson proposes another measure of the interannual variability of rainfall in the Highlands of Canaan, called the "relative interannual variability," which permits the consideration of "whether the changes of precipitation from year to year are rather smooth or very abrupt" (1964: 169). Defined as the ratio of the average of absolute differences between successive years and the mean, the relative interannual variability differs from the coefficient of variation by virtue of a numerator based on differences between rainfall amounts in neighboring years rather than 89

Hopkins-iTh~

fligh1ands of Canaan

diff.<:r:~nq;s'fr:oman'~~'(fet"a~~\Year.~he i SOrn#:'Yha~:'hi Pfar¢~~tFge~i;PF8du~ed.;in;1;rn~ fllan';1er,.l"anging.a~81.l?d.·a oft.32'p~~c~rr"fapP~ii1;0;Bi<:ltCate.·i.that di:ff~Fences. f~(1N1

to:;Y~<¥r;:; ~(Ju{en1;!i:ll.di:Ue~~nc~~~ . .e;trc:;moFesignifi£aflt diff<:rel)C~.··fromJhe",··mfaan,;~In'Jcmy'case,.: thevaJues{of relative: interannual· . variability . indicate ra ther: .abr variations i rtrainfal1from year.rc, year. Both thercoefflclerrtiof variation and the Values Of relative interannualvariabilityc are considerably higher Highland . Canaan '. than. those'. computed '. for iIocati0rts similar . . amounts of» rainfall in . more temperate; eli (Katsnelson 1964: 169). Deviations of more thanlOperc from the annual mean precipitation in Western Europe exceptional (Orniand~frat 1973:148). In general, variability of annual rainfall increases with decreasing ann precipitation, though without uniformity (Foster 19q;8: 13 This is borne out in the Highlands where the operation of northern-direction factor is 'observable. The effect distance from .the sea on variability of rainfall is als6 apparent, especially in the Zebulon-Yizreel-Harod val1~l chain,. as is the. relative dissection of the mountain face~< exposed to the sea. The combination of all these factors carl be seen in the fact that the lowest variability is found in th.e Mt Carmel region (a compact mountain in dose proximity to. the sea), while the highest variability is encountered in the Central Negev Hills. The general rule that variability increases with decreasinz annual precipitation has especially serious consequences those areas which lie on the border of aridity, agricultural possibility is limited by low annual pn"cipitafionif0:';ft The' average precipitation figures for these regions frequent dips below the amount of rainfall for farming. Whatever. figure of" minimum average pn~cipitatjlol;l is accepted as setting the limits of agriculture; marks must not be conceived as a thin line, but a wide of precariousness. Heaping further difficulties upon the arid regions as well as the rest of the Highlands is the that years which do not achieve the mean may bunch creating dry periods. Series of rainfall-deficient years; as the one Semple notes in Athens where a decade held seven, markedly subnormal years (1931: 92), are all too frequent even far from the border of aridity. In Jerusalem most of the years between lS69 and 1873 and between 1924 and 1936 were. significantly deficient in rainfall (see the data in Ashbel 1951: 97). Writes Amiran: ! i

90

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change Israel, like all other semi-arid countries, is distinguished by prolonged series of sub-normal rainfall years. These do not HalwCiYs repeat the. grim biblical story of seven lean years,'butthree consecutive lean years, each with a negative deviation of 30 percent or more from average values, are unfortunately part of the experience of every farmer. (I 962: 104). 5. Water Availability a. Rainfall If the annual precipitation in Highland Canaan approximates the normal distribution curve, then the number of years of low rainfall will be balanced by the number of years in which rainfall surpasses the mean. Unfortunately, this balance does not signify compensation, and any extra water available for subsistence in one year does not directly carry over into the next year's ledger. The question of water availability, especially for agricultural crops, is not solely determined by the amount of rainfall as measured at a meteorological station. A consideration of the other factors which affect the ''bottom line" of the rainfall ledger produces numerous insights about the adaptation of agriculture to the Highland Canaan environment. Rainfall, the major source of water in Highland Canaan, passes through a number of stages on its way to becoming available for agricultural purposes (Evenari, Shanan and Tadmor 1971: 135). A certain quantity of the rain that first descends from the clouds is required to wet the vegetation and does not reach the ground. Once this so-called interception storage is filled, rain begins to penetrate the ground in a second stage, called infiltration. Infiltration is determined by the kind of soil, its state, and the velocity of the precipitation. The high-velocity rainfall of Highland Canaan has a tendency to seal pores in the surface of the soil and, thus, reduce infiltration, especially at the beginning of the rainy season when the surface layer of soil is completely desiccated and nonfloculated. The rate of infiltration varies from soil to soil, with some of the heavy soils of the basins, for example, showing greatly impeded infiltration rates. Once the soil is saturated or whenever the rate of precipitation exceeds the rate of infiltration, as is most often the case in Highland Canaan, small depressions on the surface begin to fill with the excess rain water, The water which fills these

91

Hopkins ,.. The Highlands of Canaan depressions will eventually. intiltrate,butoncectheir capadt is reached, water then flowsoverland\\iithgra vityait becomes sUrface •runoff•.• Because: of "th!~rrn!~bl!; .~? which lies below the soil of Highland Gal1aa~,wtheamount: rain lost torunoff has beenestimatedatb!tWeenonly;5' 15 percent (Ornl and Efrat 1973:J48;KaftflOn"1971: 120kI worth noting that once rain enters the it ceases to be available for agriculture until it percolates up in springsirf low-lying areas. The relative amounts of infiltration and its opposite. runoff, vary also according to relief and vegetative' cover; . The high and varied relief of Highland. Canaan naturally increases runoff as it decreases the areal Iextent of flat surfaces: depression storage is at a minimum. The absence o~ extensive and multi-layered vegeta.tivecover presentl¥ exacerbates what it. once ameliorated; Surface runoff is longer decreased by .Iarge quantities of. interception storage~ and the high-velocity fall of the raindrops is no longer brokeq by vegetative cover. The root systems of only a limited expanse of trees, shrubs, and grasses serve any longer to back the water. Below we shall have the opportunity consider the antiquity of the denudation of the Highlands the effects of this process on soil cover. Suffice it to say a state of high relief and limited vegetational cover coupled with high intensity rainfall severely diminishes effectiveness of the Highlands' precipitation. The effectiveness of precipitation is also limited by the high rate of insolation and, consequently, evapotranspirati09 (signifying the combined evaporation from the soil surface and transpiration from vegetation; see Thornthwaite 1948: 55), which draws off tremendous amounts of moisture from the Highlands. Even though the greatest rates of insolation are achieved during the dry summer, evaporation still claims 50-60 percent of the Highlands' rainwater immediately (Orni and Efrat 1973: 14&). The relationship between evapotranspiration and precipitation in general is the major de:" terminant of water availability for agricultural plants. The seasonal pattern of this relation in Highland Canaan's Mediterranean climate is reversed from that of temperate climates. In temperate climates the dead season is wet and water accumulates in the soil during this time when rainfall exceeds evaporation. During the growing season, crops cal? depend upon the reserves in the soil when evaporati09 exceeds rainfall. The Mediterranean pattern is just the opposite. The dead-season, summer months, during which <

rock

99

92

Chapter Four - Climate & Cl irnat ic evaporation towers over almost non-existence rainfall, drain the soil of whatever small quantity of moisture remains from th~ pre~iousgrowingseasoh.Thesoil profile begins the slow process ()f accurnulating moisture with the onset of the rains upon which crops must depend for all their water. Rainfall exceeds evapotranspiration during most of the growing season so that by the time the rains end, crops can rely upon a renewed profile to reach maturation. The relationship between evapotranspiration and precipitation supplies the cornerstone of a widely accepted system of climate classification devised by C. W. Thornthwaite (1948). Thornthwaite's climate index centers upon the annual fluctuation of the water balance in the soil which he calculates by relating precipitation, temperature, and evapotranspiration. An annual water balance diagram drawn under his influence would include not only precipitation amounts but factors of evapotranspiration, water surplus, water reserve in the soil, and water deficit. W. Ritcher has prepared rainfall diagrams for a number of stations throughout modern Israel (I969: Karte no. 6 and pp. 35-38). Below the Jerusalem diagram is reproduced.

.. FAJAOD

- - Potential Evapotranspiration ----- Precipitation Water surplus ?;;.:O: Water deficiency r / Soil moisture utilization :::--.:::: Soil moisture recharge

I

Figure 2. Water balance - Jerusalem. Following this diagram it is clear that, though rains begin in Jerusalem in late September, there is no agriculturally available water surplus until after the soil water is renewed, a process which begins in December and comes to an end in February. During the central months of the rainy season through March, a water surplus exists which percolates up as springs or fills streams or reservoirs. When the rains come to an end, vegetation is able to draw upon the soil's water reserve which is depleted by the end of May. In this way the soil acts as a kind of storage bank that tempers the beginning of the dry season. Though Thornthwaite's method relies upon a calculation of potential evapotranspiration which overestimates actual water losses, it none the less accurately and dramatically displays the decisive pattern of soil-water availability (Richter 1969: 35). 93

f

i I

tiopkins-Iheljighlapds of Canaan ,Iwopb,serYt3:1!91'1,S t3:,l?()ut;,ctla~lel'lges a;n~p()~ibilit.ies, of>mt raiI1fa!l<~I1Yi!J:;orym~.('lt40f.,.agricultWt3:l>practic~,<::an. be ".m t3:tjfi~}~j p()jtt!~id:; !f§t;((t)~[ld< ,~prem()~t" '2PI}~q.~ffi t.!ory i pf ag,~<::u1Wral.tV{~tn~a~9',.>frPIl'l<:.t.I1~, ,p~r:;~ive, ".Qf ,tV{a b~'2ein,Jh~·; .SCl!l}'~",pla!ns,t"th~i vulnerap#!ty ;of", ne sprouted crcps toahiatusotpre<::ipitationaftergerminati there)s no water ,jn th,esoilitosustain their growth.~ general the faster an areaachieve~ a replenishment of itssQ!l water bank, the less vulnerable its agricultural system to the vagaries of the temporal distribution of rainfall,and the optimal in this resPect \ViU that area be. Since the, factors Thornthwaite's calculation do not, include the rates infiltration, adjustments to the determination of the renewal of soil water and presence ,otwater surplus appear necessary, In, the Highlands, the. sharp,slopes .will. experience more ""'''' ,"""'" renewal of the soil water bank and realization of a This tendency will be reversed .ror the intermontane UC1;)UI", some of which (like .Bet Netofa) are reported to flooded until late in the winter after which they enough moisture to support a non-irrigated summer crop. Agricultural practice, can little affect the rate of ation and evapotranspiration that steals so much of its t ial water supply. The control of surface runoff, however, which may account for the loss of between 12 and 38 percent of the total rell1aining' after the initial, unavoidable effects of insolation, may lie within the reach of the moved to increase the stability and productivity of its agricultural system /101. To a series of communities in the Central Negev Hills, the area's characteristically high percentage of surface runoff actually presented agricultural possibility. The control and direction of the surface runoff of a larger catchment basin toward smaller cultivated areas were achieved in the" creation of a successful system of runoff agriculture in an area '.' of only 100mm annual precipitation (Evenari,Shanan, and Tadmor 1971: 109). b. Other sources of water A number of other sources of agriculturally useable water must be considered in order to gain a comprehensive picture of water availability: stream irrigation, reservoirs and cisterns, springs and wells, and dew. Topographyand the seasonality of Highland Canaan's climate have limited the effective use of streams for irrigation. Few of the streams which carry surface runoff 94

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change flow perennially (e.g., the Keziv and Ga'aton in the north, Hadera and Yarqon in the center). Most are ephemeral, surviving in proportion to the precipitation received by their watersheds. They;flow no more than a few hours after each rainin the Negev, a few days in the .Judean Highlands, and up to.atew weeks or months in the Northern regions (Orni and Efrat 1973: 441-442)•. Fed by runoff or ground water renewed by seasonal precipitation, even the perennial streams dwindle to a trickle during •the summer. Because most of these streams have sharply carved the limestone through which they course and flow now through deeply incised valleys with limited floodplains, the extent of area potentiallyirrigable by gravitational flow remains strictly limited. This factor also reduces the possibility of agricultural use of water which could be intercepted, distributedv rcr stored during the seasonal flow of the streams. The amelioration of topography in the western section of the Central Negev Hills permitted attempts to control and render more effective seasonal flood waters as early as the Middle Bronze Age (Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor 1971: 97-119). In other areas of the Levant flood control systems (including water storage dams) emerged as early as the late Chalcolithic (Miller 1980: 335-336). There is no evidence for the construction of such facilities in the Highlands north of the Negev. Reservoirs and cisterns, however, were widely known through the Highlands from early periods. Where perennial streams and other water sources were neither numerous, dependable, nor voluminous, cisterns and reservoirs could accomplish the high priority objectives of intercepting and storing the periodic rainfall (Hamilton 1962: 812). The Early Bronze III at lAi included a water storage reservoir which collected runoff from inside the settlement, thus constituting an early city water system (Callaway 1975: 45). The Early Bronze city at Tel Arad, just beyond the southern border of the Hebron Hills, was also intentionally laid out in such a manner as to direct surface runoff to its centrally located reservoir (Arniran 1975: 76). Appearing somewhat later, rock-cut cisterns large enough to have played a role in a town water system have been excavated at MBII Hazor where Yadin supposes they were filled with runoff from roofs of dwellings (1972: 38-42). Large, communal rock-cut cisterns from the Late Bronze Age have been uncovered at Tel Ta'annek (Lapp 1969: 31-33). Small rock-cut cisterns are found in every house at 'Ai during Iron Age I (Callaway 1975: 49-51). Close-by in the Bethel Hills at the Iron II town Tel en-Nasbeh, fifty-three domestic 95

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan cisterns chave,been,unearthed,testifyingtothe these facilities (Broshi 1977:9l6).' "'.;Non~, of"''$ese few/examples of reserv9ir~orciste appears:dn'a,locati,onJithatwould' c,~uggest,?its.c,'use agricultural purpoSes;}l.e.,;~tlocated\\lhere,theycould be u to .theadvantq.ge,' 'Of "fields below'thern, ;rulingoutJ use'fulnessforirrigation" (Miller 1980: 337). One.could posh limited, garden..type irrigation carried on jar by jar, buttf'i~ reservoirs more likely stored water for human consumption for watering livestock kept within the settlement. Callaway has suggested' a ,similar function for ,a rock-cut cister~ discovered at the bottom of one of the valleys surrounding the hill-top site of tAi: "the cistern must have been cut fo¢ shepherds to use in watering their flocks" (1975: 52). Similar cisterns "must also have been ,c' hewn in' the vicinity 'of; agricultural 'fields. 'Perhaps one may infer as much fromls'~ 27.3 'where a cistern carved in the vineyard would have facilitated the keeper's watering. In any case, cisterns in the fields, would have made water available for hand watering of household gardens, individual plants such as trees or vines, or rows of other crops. Springs and -wells -would have also provided limited possibilities ,for irrigation of crops. Springs consist outflows of ground water that occur when impervious strata upon which water accumulates intersect the surface. The presence of springs thus depends upon the presence of impermeable strata beneath permeable superficial rocks. The flow of springs depends upon the permeability of upper layers of rock and the amount of rainfall infiltration. A well amounts to an artificial means of tapping the same ground water brought to the surface naturally in aspring, Geological conditions favoring the appearance of springs are found' throughout much of the Highlands where highly permeable Cenomanian and Turonian limestones contain shallow intercalations of impermeable marl which frequently lead ground water to the surface. In the Judean and Samarian Highlands, for example, roughly two hundred small springs are sprinkled in a band running north-south to the west of the present central mountain road (Atlas of Israel, s.v; "Hydrology V/211) . The regions of basaltic superficial rock such as Eastern Lower Galilee, on the other hand, are generally poor in springs due to its impervious nature. Larger springs, such as those along the western shore of the Dead Sea," the Gihon east of Jerusalem, and the spring at Jericho,

or

96

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change Ein es-Sultan, result from exposures of permeable rock which dip on either side of the anticlinal ridge and carry the ground water rot the hills. Good use of this water could be made through the •. construction of terrace systems below the springs, .of which there are numerous examples in the Highlands of later times (Edelstein and Gibson 1982: 52). Channels apparently conducted the waters of the Gihon for the purpose of irrigating portions of the Kidron valley as early as the tenth century B.C.E. (Shiloh 1981: 170). An example of a site with pronounced possibilities of spring irrigation to achieve subsistence is the site of Kh, el-Marjameh in the East Samarian hills. The rich spring at the base of the ravine below the site can be easily directed toward a small level valley. "The combination of ever-flowing fountain and rich land in the nearby plain provided ideal conditions for life in this place" where a planned town was built during Iron II (Mazar 1982: 171-172). Whether such possibilities were great in the early Iron Age is an open question. The number of springs presently in the Highlands mayor may not accurately represent the situation in antiquity. Fe1iks asserts that "there is no evidence that in ancient times there were more than the hundreds of small springs and the few moderate and large fountains which now exist" (1971: 388). It stands to reason, however, that the lowering of the amount of infiltration that has gone hand in hand with the denudation of the Highlands has affected both the volume and the number of springs. Wells dug in order to tap the ground water in the highlands were of a different nature than those dug in the dry wadi beds of arid regions where ground water can be reached between one and five meters below the surface (Miller 1980: 333). In the Highlands wells had to be cut through rock in order to reach the ground water. It is likely that the technology necessary to accomplish this was available in Highland Canaan in the Late Bronze Age (Miller 1980: 340-341). Lapp (1969: 31-33) has interpreted the LB I shaft at Tel Ta'annek as an attempt to reach the water table. The cy Ilndrical pit and tunnel at Gibeon from the 12th century had no connection with the town's spring, but reached for the water table in order to be filled by seepage (Paul and Dever 1973: 138). Similarly the tunnel of the water system at hazer was not dug in the direction of a spring, but in a direction chosen to intersect the water table, indicating, "that the engineers possessed sound geological knowledge" in Iron Age II (Yadin 1972: 176). Convincing earlier testimony to such 97

I I

Hppkins ... Tl)eHignlanQs of Canaan techl1Plogy,

~omesJrpmj,the,.i,~~grPW1diiiw:ater

ge:z;e~wqi91·.<;IatesJr9m;~e .• ·t?~,oriJtttl;.lc:e,n!~nr

jSyst

-,/1t

ot.. ·{i;":l,;,·.'(~!1is:~I . c~~,f~~ };,i:i·.;C~'tHJ\I1~,t:i~s~J~$;;~lJii'il)'.;;~~··le djrec t+9i)'i+n QrderJQj9t~~~~c:t!l1,.··,t,l;\~;iffi<>~~;;~!!icient the; .wa,ter".,9e;ar+Qg, lime.stime;i~t~~t":l \\:bi,cfl. diplo\Va~q;, t (DeverJ969:t"7 7~). '. '.. ..;; " .. • The. primary' concern.of.ttJebuilqers .of.. • thesegigant+ waterworks was to secure a.' reliable supply of '. water could be protected during a siege. In order to accomplis shafts were hewn to existing springs at the foot of h. settlements, and what amount to huge wells were dug. the settlements. The ..use of such "wells. for agricul irrigation would have been. severely constrainedif nott impracticable. The water discharged. tby springs settlements would have been available 'foragricul relative to demands placed upon it byhumanconsumptio general, springs would have been focal points forsyste more intensive, but, in terms of area, limited agricult endeavors (Ron 1966: 111). A final component of. the picture of water availabili actually another form of precipitation. Dew represents' condensation of. water vapor on objects which have coole the dew point of the air around .them, usually by radia during the night. Cool dear nights, high humidity, and winds favor' the formation of dew, and are factors W . explain the spatial distribution of dew which favors iitl;.l~ coastal areas and plains over the Highland regions. The area, of greatest incidence and accumulation is the Central Neg Hills and plains where dew forms more than 250 nights year. The Negev is followed by the coastal plain (sout and central) and the Jezreel Valley where the average an dew nights exceeds 200. The Highlands in general experie only 150-180 dew nights per year which is more than the; of their foothills and much more than the maximum. 50 of Jordan Valley (Ashbel 1971: 186-187). Evenari reports at average annual amount of dew for his stations in the Ne of 33mm (Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor 1971: 35). The temporal distribution of dew reverses the pattern the rains so that dew condenses in greatest quantities highest regularity in the otherwise dry summer months•. fact accounts in part for the common perception that.d somehow mitigates the summer drought (Scott 1962: ~ Noth 1966: 31). In fact, the vegetational and agricultlJ benefit of dew has been over-estimated and.over-emphasi Thus Reifenberg asserts that "often in summer it is 98

Chapter Four - Climate &: Climatic Change the dew falling· by night which preserves the miserable vege'tation1'(ReifenbergJ947: 15). Baly reports that dew "is -: largely "'responsil>le for> the growth of grapes during the summer, ;drought~n,andseeks the support of the biblical testimony which well appreciated the value of dew (I 957: 143; see also de Vaux 1978: 17). The biblical appreciation of dew must be taken with caution, however, especially when recent scientific work has not dearly illuminated the mechanism of dew's benefit to vegetation. Katsnelson reports that contemporary investigations. have shown "that the value of dew in the water balance of plants is dubious" (1971: 1601; see also Zohary 1962: 32). One important consideration is assessing the impact of dew on water availability is the rapid dissipation of any collected dew in the morning as soon as the sun breaks over the horizon. It could be argued that the presence of dew does serve to shield temporarily any vegetation so that losses to transpiration are slightly lowered. This would hardly constitute the provision of badly needed moisture to growing plants. There can be no thought of sufficient quantities of dew reaching the root systems of agricultural plants. For these reasons, and given the relatively few nights of dew in the Highlands, dew cannot be considered an important contributor to the overall picture of water availability. B. Climatic Change To what extent do present environmental conditions accurately represent those of antiquity, specifically those of the early Iron Age? The two factors which must be considered in respect to the possible alteration of the Highland Canaan environment are climatic change and change due to human activities. Being an exogenous factor, climate and supposed climatic change have played prominent roles in a wide spectrum of accounts of human history and prehistory. As an illustration one might point to V. Gordon Childe's theory about the role played by desiccation in the origins of the food-producing economy and the beginning of the domestication of animals around shrinking water sources (1951: 25). The dry and desolate character of much of the Near Eastern and Mediterranean landscape today, littered as it is with the ruins of more prosperous times, thrusts the question upon historians of the ancient and classical world with particular. force. The scope of this question of climatic change is huge; 99

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan butf<:)c9l,lrpt.,rposesthe . ~rgum~ntdoesnot ry¢edto bejoi e~cepla~.~tPointoftbtSli,"?atichistoryofthe post-gl

(P9~!:~A~~<~~?S~Qe;.H?I?S~'!~), •.~Poch, .•\\Ihich·•. Pt9.vili~s.· • .• st·

c1irn~JiscQP:ext0tthe~wenti~tll .• Centllry •.;lDe.limitiitio

?ul"."~onsigeration• .• ~o. only thiSfTlostrecent. pedodmeans alrea(fY:\1ie,are olltof.th~range>of, real andsignifi climate changes . profound enough to show upon the as nomicalscale .0fcHmatic history. Below suchthird-or. changes of glacial proportions, paleodimatologistsha identified second-order.variations, measured in the hundre of years, and first-orderfluctuations which are observa within a lifetime (Butzer 1974: 730). Sincefirst-order fluctuations are generally too minor leave any evidence,' it is the second-order variations whi are the focus •of the study of the post-Pleistocene climat history of the ancient Near East. It makes best sense, the to speak in this context 'of climatic variation rather th climatic change. Accompanying this must be the realizati that, both in terms of' the relative scales of climatic human histories and in view of the available evidence, ther. is no. justification for the view that the climate of Highlai) Canaan or of the •larger Levant has changed profoundly sin,.\ the end of the last glacial period. The view that the Nea~ East has experienced a progressive desiccation, associate<:!; with the name of Ellsworth Huntingon, has proved erroneou~ /11/. Most persuasive in this regard are dendroarchaeological and paleobotanical data. The continuing work of Nili Liphshitz and Yoav Waise! (l973a, 1973b, 1976, 19&0) has cemented the belief in the:; '00',' continuity of the composition of vegetation of the Levant an\:1: 00i0" by inference the basic continuity of the climate. lipschitZ" and Waisel have identified plant remains (pieces of wood' ar~ the major focus of their study) recovered from stratified," archaeological contexts at Tel Beersheba, Arad, and Taana.ch: and from StCatherine'smonastery. The most frequent! identified species from these widely dispersed sites invariabl occupy the same regions today, albeit in limited numbers, their discovery in ancient profiles indicates they occupied antiquity. Thus, the authors claim that during the last four five rnilennia "no drastic changes in the composition of vegetation occurred ••• and, therefore, neither did extreme .. )'>.· ecological or climatic changes" (l973b: 36). Such a cOI:1clUS10ft is obviously important for its refutation of ideas .-"":tjtmti·ngton's of progressive', desiccation. Ancient ~iil\ tJ' es to vegetation in the Highlands before, during, I

/

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100

Chapter Four - Climate

.3<

Climatic Change

after the biblical period win support for this demonstration and further justify the liberty it grants to the use of climatic data from the. modern world inreconstructlrig the climate in the Levantfor>thelastfive milennia. The absence of profound change, however, is not synonymous with the absence of significant variation. Crown suggests that significant climatic variations be defined as those which "affect the environmental possibilities open to man for his livelihood" by inhibiting former modes of subsistence and settlement or affecting the characteristic vegetation and fauna 0972: 313). Because much of the Near East lines the border between "the desert and the sown," even small fluctuations of climate, so that, for example, the amount or duration of precipitation varies, can have profound effects on environmental possibilities by shifting the location of the border. Marginal environments are the most vulnerable to climatic variations and fluctuations. Evidence for significant climatic variations in the ancient Near East is diverse, multiform, of varying quality and applicability, and, above all, widely open to competing interpretations. A review of the evidence applicable to the climate of Highlands and the reconstruction of its history would lead too far afield for our present purposes. Among the various major types of evidence marshaled are: I.

2. 3. 4-. 5. 6. 7. S,

extrapolation from the reconstructions of dimates of adjacent and climatically related areas (particularly northwest Europe). (These reconstructions have been made with almost all the types of evidence listed below.) historical events (migrations, cultural breaks, etc.) purportedly tied to climatic variations hydrological evidence, especially regarding the level of the ground water table, the Dead Sea, and the fluctuation of the Mediterranean Sea coast dendroarchaeological and paleobotanical evidence palynological evidence fossil fauna (especially recovered from cave excavations) pedological and sedimentary analysis paleometeorological deductions.

Some methodological observations about the use of these types of evidence and some examples of current research are in order. First and foremost, the use of historical events purportedly tied to climatic variations in order to support 101

Hopkins .,The Highlands of Canaan

is

certainrecoost(lJetions. ofdimatichistory. an.ebvious c of .C;ircUlarrea$')?i~,and,;~~nfortu~~tely,i;all.~oo . com (e.g,; I?Y.tzerj·~961:"i!l:l~J)•• proper'wme.t/'l()d i.'demands sketches of cHmaticvariati()nsbedrawnup;tndependentI other:historical;>dataA~hichi:they;,mbe ··talled; illuminate, .HYPotheses ..connectingdimatevariations. human. history,writes deVaux,'."cannoFbe proved at le~ urrtil.some success has been achieved in establishing a history of the. climate .of thel\iear East which is independent of archaeologicaldata ;angtl'leexisting texts II (1978:19 ).>IJ, recent example of a reconstruction based upon an untenable mix of historical and more directly climatic data is foundip Neev andiErrrery's study of the Dead Sea. (1967: 28-30).. Sedimentary analysis . of the south, basin of -the Dead produces evidence of. variations in the runotf/evaporatte ratio which can be interpreted climatologically to yield;a pattern of changing humidity. The sequence thus produced. located chronologically by radiocarbon age determinations and, then, "supported by a parallel sequence of historical events on the assumption that cultures developed and flourished most intensively during dry periods, when waves of desert nomads migrated into Irrigated vterritories," Thus archaeological events 'in Israel, runoff/evaporation ratios,.• ;; climatological interpretation, and miscellaneous dates can be' charted side by side to give the impression of a fairly secure reconstruction of climatic variations. But this is far from the case. A recalibration of the radiocarbon dates which ultimately cement the structure, for example, would apart some of the neat correlations. The importance of ",........ ,;\f» recalibration of radiocarbon dates to take into short-term fluctuations in the amount of atmospheric has been stressed by Callaway and Weinstein (I 977: 4). addition. archaeological events themselves concern the Wt',OrlF>';;;'; of Israel, but the runoff/evaporation ratio with which are correlated derives from the south basin of the Dead (separated from the north basin in recent geological until less than one thousand years ago) whose catchment basically consists in the Arava Valley. Thus its testimony clearly limited regionally and of a much different scope say, evidence of seacoast variation. Further, one must ask the level of runoff into the Dead Sea is determined climate. Toward the recent end of the time scale (oc>st·-Alral:J"'V conquest) Neevv iand Emery reject the interpretation of their . evidence in favor of the influence of human activity. Why Iimit :the

102

Chapter Four - Climate &. Climatic

'-"Cl';;<:::

human settlement (or absence thereof) to the most recent pe~l()d?>.Ihefact,is. that very little of the data from the histori<;al. pericd .• absolutely demands a single-minded, .climatological interpretation. The inability to eliminate nonclimatic determinants. represents a very high methodological hedge around definitive reconstructions of post-pleistocene climatic history • .Palynological analysis can. achieve direct evidence for vegetational coverage and especially vegetational shifts (see Butzer 1964: 237-247 for a description of this technique). This type of analysis owes its existence to the great quantities of pollen produced by plants, to the enormous range of size and structure which this pollen exhibits, enabling identification of its source frequently down to the level of genus, and to pollen's resistance to decomposition, especially in anaerobic or acidic environments which militate against bacterial activity. Most informative is the analysis of pollen from stratified deposits, usually pollen cores obtained by boring through lake or peat sediments, which can produce pollen sequences which are then generally represented in diagramatic form. Pollen diagrams present the fluctuations over .time of the amount of various plant pollen as a percentage of the total sample and serve to indicate changes in "the relative distribution of plants within the environment from which the sample was taken. (Eig., woody plants decline while grasses increase.) inferences drawn from pollen sequences are subject to a number of important qualifications. The data may not relate directly to the local environment of the sample, but rather to the regional: many plants are wind pollenated, and their grains travel ordinarily over hundreds of kilometers (Butzer 1964: 237). Also, plants differ in the quantities of pollen regularly produced, and, thus, some tend to be over-, others under-represented in samples. Wind-pollenated species in general produce exceedingly more pollen, because of the imprecise nature of their repoductive method, than do insect-pollenated species. Pine is a good example of the former while the olive is an insect-pollenated species (Dirnbleby 1967: 118; grape and fig are also poorly represented in pollen samples according to H. Wright 1972: 190). These qualifications prevent palynology from testifying about the absolute composition of local or regional vegetation, but still permit valid inferences to be drawn concerning relative changes in vegetational composition over 103

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan time~Here

poHen analysis has achieved its most results. .The work of one . of the '. pioneers of palynologidl analysis, Iverson, .. for example, •.. . has yielded • . •recordsx prehistoric settlement in Denmark in the observed incre of non -arboreal pollen. due to agricultural forest clearance\ (Butzer:l964: 241, 245). "'"pt This potentially rich source of information about the ancient Canaan environment has finally begun to be tapped by recent palynological work in the Levant. The still inchoate application of this type of analysis is the result, on the hand, of the slow a wakening of archaeologists to the importance of environmental data and, on the other hand, of the absence of ideal conditions for the preservation of vegetational remains. As Bar-Yosef "preservation in Mediterranean soils and especially in rossa is poor, where even sophisticated flotation methods have been unable to provide sufficiently large samples vegetal relics" (I980: 124-125). The region contains few the waterlogged areas which have provided in other parts the world the best context for palynological investigation. Recently such areas suited for pollen preservation as do exist have been the subject of palynological sampling and analysis•. A. Horowitz (1971, 1974, 1978) has analyzed and constructed pollen diagrams for five borehole samples taken from the Hula and the Sea of Galilee and two from haifa Bay. The results from one of the Hula samples (Borehole U.P. 15) are the most firm, and their interpretation undergirds Horowitz's attempt at climatic reconstruction of the Holocene period of most interest to us. The Hula sequence reaches back six thousand years, and its chronology is cemented by two radiocarbon-dates (4565 B.P. and 1635 B.P.) taken at different levels of the core sample. Environmental changes are indicated by the fluctuations of the relative percentages of marsh vegetation, open-field vegetation, and arboreal pollen are interpreted as reflecting an increase in humidity. Slight increases of arboreal pollen are generally paralleled by increasing percentages of open-field pollen, -showing the expansion of both under more favorable [conditions, A more considerable positive increase in arboreal 'pollen sees a decrease in the percentage of open-field pollen, "reflecting a thickening of the arboreal cover which competes "successfully against the lower vegetation. The curve of marsh vegetation varies inversely with that of the arboreal, and this circumstance is explained .by the topography of the Hula basin. Humid conditions which bring about an expansion of !

I I

104

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Chapter Four - Climate &. Climatic Change the arboreal cover result in unanticipated diminution of the marsh land since lake conditions expand to the limits of the basin and consequently drown the marsh land. With this understanding of the humidity-driven mechanism of vegetation fluctuation, Horowitz (1974: 408, 413; 1978: 58) brings his pollen diagram into conjunction with the historical periods of Palestine and the climatic stages of Europe and thus presents what appears to be a fairly harmonious picture in which there is some correlation between "climatic and cultural episodes." Periods showing higher percentages of arboreal pollen indicating more humid conditions occur from about 4000 B.C.E, to 2400 B.C.£. (A), from about 2100 B.C.E. to 1100 B.C.E. (B), and at a somewhat lower level between 700-600 B.C.E. and 800-900 C.E. (C). These were separated by shorter periods during which a decline of arboreal pollen accompanied decreasing humidity. These periods peaked around 2250 B.C.E. (A') and 950 B.C.E. (B') after which the arboreal pollen curve remained low until the present. These climatic variations are tied by Horowitz to the settlement pattern which expanded southward during the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze (A), was disrupted by nomadic invasions during the Early Bronze-Middle Bronze transition (A'), recovered in Middle Bronze II and Late Bronze (8), and saw another deterioration at the beginning of the first millennium (B'), the time of Israelite agricultural innovations. The change in humidity which has had such tremendous effect is understood by Horowitz to have involved either higher rainfall (approximately 15-20 percent) or a more evenly distributed annual rainfall with some summer rains. The problems with this reconstruction are similar to some extent to those which bedeviled Neev and Emery's attempt. The overall reconstruction solicits a measure of plausibility because it encompasses a wide range of evidence, but this violates the first principle of an independent climatic history and raises immediately a red flag. The association of the European climatic stages with the fluctuations of the pollen record could be mere coincidence, and there is, in any case, no sure synchronism between European and ancient Near Eastern climatic history (\\ right 1960: 83-84). The problems of synchronism between cultural and climatic episodes are also significant, and the necessary recalibration of Horowitz's radiocarbon determinations would throw off the whole scheme (Stager forthcoming). Further beleaguering this reconstruction is the question about the extent to which pollen patterns from the Northern Jordan Valley are 105

Hopkins' - The Highlands Of Canaan satisfactory indicators~
to co irr th pr fo ek th th to ne Si1

tho At tlu

Chapter Four - Climate & Climatic Change ype tv cast doubt upon it. The difficulties involved in the onstructionof the climatic variations which must have aracterized .the historical past suggest that it is far safer o treat the possibility of climatic variation subtly in a nuancial.way rather than as the mold into which other evidence is fit. For the Late Bronze and Iron Age periods, in any case, climatological reconstruction has proceeded substantially as inference from history, and given the welter of possible determinants few would argue such inferences trustworthy. For at least this short period in highland Canaan (if not for the entire Near East since Neolithic times) present climatic conditions provide good indicators. A similar conclusion is reached by Near Eastern archaeologists David and Joan Oates. They write: in general it seems that there has been no dramatic change in Near Eastern conditions since [8000 B.C.E.], and that in most areas information about the present environment and traditional ways of exploiting it can help in the reconstruction of the ancient situation (1976: 20).

We are left then with the conclusion that the climate of Highland Canaan in the early Iron Age was not changed from that of today, but only varied around a mean closely resembling present conditions. The existence of such variations is certain. They and their possibly significant effects must remain an object of consideration in historical analysis, even though we are not yet at the point of being able to reconstruct their history independently. This conclusion grants a considerable measure of authority to observations that have been made on the basis of contemporary data about the climate of the Highlands and its implications for the conduct of agriculture. The farmers of the ancient Highlands could count on the same agriculturally propitious temperatures known today, but would also be forced to contend with high rates of evapotranspiration which elevated the water requirements of crops at the same time as they reduced water availability. Advantage could be taken of the variation of temperature throughout various regions due to the topographical diversity of the Highlands, not necessarily in terms of market advantages as in the present situation, but in terms of drawing out the harvest season so that a limited number of hands could be used efficiently. Above aU, the relative stability of the climate means that the communities of the early Iron Age Highlands were not 107

.' Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan

\

I

spared facing the·. intense and highly.variable rainfall a~ pdrnari"!,subsist~f1cei.challeJ"lge'JStrategi~s.: :whichai ameliorating :or:ccoping •· • . ·with.~:t:his<.decisive . aspect " clirnate: . 'probably,.·Jorrned. ·•• ·...prominent.: features agricUlturaL systems. adopted in.. this. region. Highest would be assigned to ways of ensuring as rapid as pos replenishment of the water reserves. in the soil so . temper the vagaries of the annual rainfall regime. Give mountainous topography of the Highlands, the control, surface runoff appears at first glance to offer the grea~ possibilities in this respect. Social mechanisms facilita sharing present one avenue toward .coping with rai variation in the Highlands where even contiguous reg" can experience significantly different accumulations precipitation in any given year. Here the effect of ; rainfall regime in multiplying the geomorphological diver, of the Highlands is conspicuous and wins support for: notion that the potential of self-sufficiency was rea .... traded by Highland communities for the advantages .r; reciprocal relations. The treatment of the remalni environmental features of consequence for farming' vegetation and soils - will cement the importance of t variegation of the Highland environment and elevate as we.., the control of its intense rainfall as a crucial agricultUral; challenge.

108

CHAPTER FIVE NATURAL VEGETATION AND SOILS

~orLebonOD.

109

Chapter Five NATURAL VEGETATION AND SOILS A. Introduction HE conclusion that the climate of Highland Canaan during the early Iron Age was not substantially different from that of the present does not mean that the Highland Canaan environment has =====- remained unchanged. The fact is that the degradation of the environment has been severe. The responsibility for this belongs not to climatic change, but to human activities. If climate alone determined, the original soil and vegetative cover of Canaan's hills could have survived until today (Richter 1969: 42). The fact that this cover has not survived only makes supposed climate alterations appear greater than they were. "In any case, the part played by the climate in changing the face, the ecology and the history of Palestine has been far less than that played by man himself" (de Vaux 1978: 19; see also Butzer 1961: 44; de Geus 1976: 176; Whyte 1961: 69). The present state of environmental degradation throughout the Highlands of Canaan makes a reconstruction of the ancient situation a necessity. Such attempts involve great complexities and a broad range of evidence which outdistances the scope of this study. \\e will therefore treat summarily the nature of the climax vegetation, the causes of deforestation and denudation, and the age of the deforestation and its consequences, primarily soil erosion. In addition, the attempt will be made to reconstruct the ancient soil landscape and describe its characteristics. B. Nature of the Climax Vegetation "To one who is familiar with the present day landscapes around the Mediterranean Sea, a vision of almost unbroken forest from the water's edge up to the crest of all but the highest mountains may seem too fantastic for credence"

111

Hopkins - The highlands of Canaan (Eyre 1963: 71). The contemporary visage of the Highlands ... Canaan forms no exception to this observation. It characterized by Ita patchwork of plant life in all stages regeneration and degeneration" (Polunin and Huxley 1978: The most common cover consists of the dwarf-shr communities of garigue and batha, Garigue is a technic term for an area spotted with aromatic herbs and low bus of less than one meter in height with bare and stony patch between them. Batha represents a yet more degraded state which even shrubs are missing and annuals and herbaceo perennials with well-developed root systems or bulbs whi lie dormant through therairiless summer compriset vegetation. Among the garigue and batha are isola, remnants of the forest and maquis of the past. Afe\\! still exist where the climax vegetation (a vegetative that has achieved a state of relative equilibrium wit physical environment) has not totally disappeared - Mt M~. and several spots on Mt Carmel are the most frequently cit (Orni and Efrat 1973: 169; Karman 1971: 202). The climax vegetation, the exact nature and extent which is almost impossible to know, consisted Mediterranean evergreen rnaquis and forest dominated by t . . evergreen oak (Quercus calliprinos) /12/. Quercus calliprinos is joined by the terebinth (Pistacia palaestinia), a deciduot!§ shrub or tree which may attain a height of 9m and whose bark produces an aromatic gum (hence, the turpentine tree), in a maquis association that is the most prominent plant community of the Highlands today (above 300m). Maquis is an often dense (in the valleys especially; it is thinner on thedr)' hillsides) thicket of tall shrubs with an average height of 4 to 5m (Poluinin and Huxley 1978: 1). Although usually jusea shrub today, the evergreen oak probably attained its maximum height of 12 to 15m and formed a forest in the climax stage. Although a true forest, the evergreen-oak terebinth community should not be thought of as the dense forest with little underbrush in the European mold. Rather the oaks are scattered and form open forests or woodlands with a thick shrub layer of maquis (Rowton 1965: 377). Tne low density of trees may be the result of the limited availability of water for which the arboreal vegetation competes by widespread root systems (Semple 1931: 265). Among the other common associates of this evergreen forest and maquis are: Ceratonia siliqua (Carob), a tall (7t() 10m), stout, leguminous evergreen tree with speading branches that produces edible pods usable also as fodder:.

112

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation & Soils Ptstacia Ientlscus-fmastlc tree), a I to 3m high shrub that occasionally grows into a tree and produces a medicinal and industriaL balm; Larus nobilus (lauren, a bushy evergreen up to)Om.high; Arbutusandrachne, usuaUya tree of 5m height; Ph!llyreamedia, . a shrub or. small tree; and numerous other shrubs (Zohar-y.1962: &3). Also a member of the Q. calliprinos-Pistacia palaestina association. is Pinus halepensis, known commonly. as the Aleppo or Jerusalem pine. In association with Hypericum serpyllifolium, the Aleppo pine also forms a distinct forest which flourishes on limestone hills up to altitudes of 1000m especially on rendzina soils. This extremely drought-resistant pine is the tallest forest tree of the Highlands, growing to 10 to 20m high. Remnants of its forest are to be found in the Judean and Samarian Highlands, and Mt Carmel Hills, and the Upper Galilee regions (Zonary 1962: 112-113). The Aleppo pine forest is probably to be considered a secondary climax that did not exist independently in the primary vegetation, except as a sere. The life of the sere may have been extended, however, by natural or artificial disruption of the succession to the evergreen oak climax (Zohary 1962: 90). Interspersed with the "high-maquis'' formed by these trees and shrubs flourishes a "Iow-rnaquis" characterized by smaller bushes up to 2m high (Poluinin and Huxley 1978: 10-1 I). Here are found many widely known and used species such as rosemary, a dense evergreen shrub with lavender leaves, Jerusalem Sage, Summer Savory, Cistus villosus (rock rose), a densely branched shrub up to I m high from which myrrh probably derives, Rhamnus (buckhorn), and the ubiquitous Poterium spinosurn
The Mediterranean evergreen maquis and forest characterized by these plant species represent the climax vegetation which covered most of Highland Canaan before the impact of human settlement and exploitation was felt. Other kinds of Mediterranean vegetation naturally inhabited some of the Highlands' diverse subregions. The Shephelah, the East Sarnarian Hills, and the low-altitude eastern and western extremes of Upper and Lower Galilee are yet home for remnants of the Certonia siluqua (Carob) and Pistacia palaestina climax rnaquis, The low altitude Menashe Plateau and the Allonim Hills (200-300 m) still preserve occasional vestiges of a climax of the deciduous Tabor oak (Quercus Ithaburensis) with the smaller trees or shrubs, Styrax officinalis (Storax) and Pistacia atlantica. The intermontane 113

I

Hopkins .. The Highlands of Canaan basins 'and "the wacfi!vtilleyshave"been so long ctiltivatiori i t h a t t h e i r i ' c l i m a x v e g e t a t i o n i s l i . . : > t iadequa1: " '!woe~tension~of~o~~editet"ranean,zone veg~tation~ penetrate'the Highfanas;J1\, narrow' strip of Judean Dese.rt~ the Negev, fiiHs,isin~abited by lrano-Turoniari vegetaf which is non-arboreahmderaridconditions and is dorninat • by Arternesia herba-alba (one of the worm woods). In drf, sections of the Judean Desert and Negev Hills Sahara'-Arabian vegetati~~ finds a ,home. ' A number 'of qualities of thisbriefIy described vegetation of Highland Canaan hold significance for exploitation of the environment. M. Rowton has stressed open character of the Highland vegetation (1967: 277);. argues, thatthemouhtainwoodlands would have interlaced with grassy areas and would as a consequence provided some excellent grazing land which was at the time beyond the effective control of states and, thus, for the renegade and fugitive. Rowton, however, sees presence of this grassland as a stage in the thinning out the hiII-eountryforest and not as a given of the climax. It likely that the maquis climax would not have provided ample opportunities for grazing without some significant human intervention. Zohary describes rnaquis as possessing 'a coverage that ''sometimes reaches 100 percent and pene" tration into it may become impossible" (1962: 98). Went reports that the impassable dense growth of maquis prevents grazing or browsing by larger mammals (I974: 418). Settlement in or movement through the original cover of the Highland, then, would have been impossible, and even pastoralists would have discouraged unless they were equipped to manage the maquis to their own advantage. A second significant quality which has implications for the exploitation of the primitive environment of Highland Canaan has to do with the bountiful resources it offered. We have already noted a number of trees, shrubs, and herbs with useful products available in the evergreen maquis and forest. This list of helpful plants could be greatly extended, and their products would include edible fruits, pods and seeds (e.g., acorns from the evergreen oak, pods from the Carob), gums (e.g., from the Mastic tree), resins" tannic add, fodder, honey, dyes and fibers, not to mention construction timber and wood for fuel (Zohary 1962: 213-216). The importance of wiIdfoods even in the diets of the most sedentary and II4

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation & Soils agriculturally intensive villages of the ancient Near East should probably receive .more attention, especially from archaeologists (Stager forthcoming). The ··vegetation of Highland Canaan would surely have provided ampleopportunity and-even incentive for the collection and use of wild produce. The. density. of the maquis and forest along with the aridity of the Mediterranean summer renders this vegetation cover highly susceptible to fires. "The long dry summers and the resinous character of the Mediterranean maquis shrubs made forest fires frequent and disastrous, while the high winds of the hot season fanned the flames" (Semple 1931: 290). The Mediterranean maquis today does not show fires of the same great intensity or extent of those of the analogous California chaparral vegetation, but the present cover is much thinner than that of antiquity. One can be sure that forest fires were not infrequent in the primitive forests of Highland Canaan (e.g., Isa 9.18, 10.17-19). The rnaquis vegetation is well adapted to the occurrence of forest fires and regenerates iteself quickly. After a fire, "the old stumps of the burned shrubs often resprout and usually do so before the advent of the first rain" (Went 1974: 420). Pinus halepensis forms an exception to this rule, being propagated solely by seed (Zohary 1962: 90). Frequent fires tend to discourage the attainment of true height and encourage the vegetation of the evergreen forest and rnaquis to become more and more bush-like, favoring maquis instead of forest. C. Causes of Deforestation Because of these qualities - great density, resource-rich, susceptible to forest fires - the evergreen maquis and forest climax virtually ensured its own devastation at the hands of those who settled in or near it or exploited it in a transient fashion. The major causes of the deforestation which has produced the present-day landscape are reported by Zohary as: "the hewing of wood for industry and fuel; grazing and browsing by goats and sheep; dearing of forest areas for tillage; and forest fires, planned or accidental" (1962: 209). The factors. on this list which generally receive the greatest weight in scholarly treatments are those seen as directly tied to expansion of settlement and increases in population. Rowton in particular has presented a strong case linking the deforestation of the Western Asian woodlands with the growth of urban civilization. In fact, he argues that 115

Hopkins.-The Highlancls of Canaan "if'lacc~ssibility,du~<;t:Q.po()r;3,~()mmunicationsand

security: . . AAssp~en,~~ . clQmiran.~,.{fa~tor$e~ving,to··'.'pre. v~geta tiQ11'\(196i';'t74k1Jle:exploitation of the woodland construqiqQ.;timPer•"aneL,,fQr!"tilllb~r ,ito .".be"; used,j manufacturei"of ,.cnarC(l;11,inquarrying, .f<;)r' burning···Jim for heating fuel is clearly tied to settlement, and, accor to Rowton, limited in the .Highlands of early periods by" high cost of transport and inefficient tools (1967: 276).' clearing of agricultural land also correlates with expansion of settlement and/or population. Rowton others consider the pernicious effects 'of " grazing browsing by domesticated animals not as a primary agent deforestation but. as' a secondary . agent which inhibitst regeneratlon.of land·harvested fortimberordeared agriculture that has been abandoned during acontractio settlement. The goats and sheep act in tandem to gobbl newly sprouted seedlings and grass roots, thus preverrting natural forest succession and aggravating soil erosion 1975: 25-26). The independent effect of pastoralist practices receives scant notice. Also receiving little attention from Rowton and the last item on Zohary's list,. the impact of fire climax vegetation. This is odd '. not only because Mediterranean climate presents ideal conditions for fires, also because fire is known to have been a significant human hands from time immemorial. Stewart persuasively argues that early humans not only abandoned (recklessly only from our modern perspective) to surrounding vegetation, but deliberately set fires in achieve a litany of subsistence and other ends (l 118-120). Among other rationales, dense forests offered use to hunter or collector and were dangerous besides. were used to rouse or drive game during hunting, to improve pastures for game, and especially as a tool to procure maintain the yield of certain desirable plants. Fires were set as acts of war. Among pastoralists, the use of fire improve grazing conditions ranks as its highest "Mature woody growth provides less food for man and animals than do fire-disturbed sites, with growth and stimulated seed production, accessible at levels" (Sauer 1956: 54; see also Limbrey 1975: 11 bountiful resources of the Mediterranean maquis and would be sure to respond to this treatment and, density, the grazing of sheep and goats can conceived of without significant fiery inroads into the clima.X: 116

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation «Soils vegetation. It is, of course, difficult to gauge the extent of the.destruction' of the forest cover at the hands of primitive human communities and . especially pastoralists •sincet~ey leave .c little .: archaeologically detectable trace. .What . . is certain, however, is the power of the treatment of the vegetation with: fire, unleashed both accidentally and purposefully by pastoralists and others. D. Age of Deforestation While the causes of the destruction of the vegetation of Highland Canaan are clear, the age and range of the deforestation are difficult to pin down. The geographically variegated nature of the land combines with the diverse and complex nature of the evidence to account for this difficulty. Of the available studies of the course of deforestation in the Levant, M.Rowton's work constitutes the most substantial analysis (I 96 7). Rowton draws especially upon evidence gleaned from cuneiform sources, deriving mostly from the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, in which the references to forested areas give the impression that the mountains of Western Asia were then much more heavily forested than they are today. He advises caution in accepting the "sylvan panorama" suggested by this evidence, however, and labels the deforestation of Western Asia relentless (see also Mikesell 1969). The process of deforestation is viewed by Rowton as a gradual one in which allowance must be made for periodic expansion and contraction. He writes: All through the third and second millennium B.C. the forest cover was gradually thinning out. In the Bronze Age therefore the mountainous country of Western Asia was neither the great forest of pre-historic times nor the bare eroded country it is today (I967: 277). The testimony of archaeology in the Highlands of Canaan and of biblical accounts which mention forests, trees, or wood products does not contradict this picture of a gradual process of deforestation though the evidence is difficult to control. The "locus classicus" for demonstrating the extent of forestation in pre-Israelite times and the beginning of its clearance is Josh 17.111--18 (noted by Herrmann 1975: 92; Bright 1981: 178; Noth 1960: 61; Borowski 1979: 10). The use of the text is not problem-free, however, and questions must be raised both about the applicability of this bit of individual tribal history to any general picture of the extent of forest 117

Hopkins .. The Highlands of Canaan I:hr()nologi~alpl
cover cand the

two.·' variClnts.o!·the; Same:ctradition"appears.to.m reference to anexpa!1sio!1\ofthe.territory of the all' settled •and . •. territorially constrained tribal. group, per even into the Transjordan (Maroni 1979: 239). The date a function of the boundary Iist ,to which this text belong render problematic its use to define the extent of forest a the time of the Israelite settlement. The Hebrew Bible preserves numerous references to forest which .cornprise positive evidence for the continuedexistence of forested areas throughout the biblical period but which'do not provide a solid basis for judgments about their extenta The Hebrew word most often translated. as forest, "ya'ar possesses a range of meanings which includes densel>f forested areas (ya'arhallebanon, 1 Kgs 7.2, 10.17, 21; lsil 37.24) as well as maquis and garigue, the condition gainedb land which has gone out of cultivation (Hos 2.14, Mic 3.12); Mention is made of individual forests: "ya'ar Jeprayim (Forest ... of Ephraim) and "ya'ar hannegeb" (Ezek 21.3, a puzzling>. reference). Kiriath-Jearlrn's name (village of the forest) may testify to a once well-known forest. Wild beasts of the forest (qol-hayto ya'arv.Ps 104.20) make frequent appearances 'in biblical accounts and metaphors. They are killed by Samson (Judg 14.5) and David (I Sam 17.34), employed as a metaphor for divine judgment by Hosea (13.7-8), used as a ready excuse by the sluggard (Prov 22.13 - clearly ironic), and unleashed Elisha on the 'forty-two disrespectful children between Jericho and Bethel (2 Kgs 2.23). Forested themselves were viewed on occasion as lethal devouring more than the sword according to one battle (1 Sam 18.8). References to the customary use of quantities of wood for manufacturing furniture, implements, and carts as well as cultic practices (sacrifices: Gen 22, Lev 107ft., 1 Kgs 18.23) may suggest the widespread availability and use of wood, though the ability of the central government and cult to tolerate possibly high procurement costs must be mind. For obvious reasons, few such wooden implements survived to be discovered in archaeological Richest have been the furniture, bowls, and other items found in Middle Bronze lIB tombs at Jericho (Kenyon 1976: 563).10 contrast, archaeologists have amassed ample evidence of the use of timber in house construction. 118

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation & Soils Arcnaeological'sttJdi~s r~veal a variegated use of wood in the construction of houses in ErezIsrael. It includes tnebuildingoI nuts'IrorrPbrancnes which· were cut down and left inTtneirhaturalstate,the use of lumber in the consolidation offralTles of buildings,in the covering of wooden structures.-as columns for reinforcing walls, for the roofing of clay,stone,or straw buildings, and for making doors and windows (Paul and Dever 1973: 213).

The use of architectural elements of wood (stone and mud brick .have always reigned as the primary raw materials of construction) in ordinary house construction suggests that accessible areas of forest were still present throughout the Iron Age. A sign that the costs of gathering wood for such short-term uses as heating and cooking fuel may have been beyond some communities' means, however, comes from the allusions to the practice of burning manure for cooking purposes (1 Kgs 4.10, Ezek 4.15). In his study of the deforestation of mountain environments, Eckholm has found the destruction of the vegetation paralleled by the resort to using agriculturally essential manure for fuel. "Farmers facing an unduly long trek to gather firewood for cooking and warmth," he writes, "have seen no choice but to adopt the self-defeating practice of burning dung for fuel" (1975: 765). In light of these competing data, it is difficult to avoid assuming the middle-of-the-road position adopted by Rowton: deforestation was a gradual process (1967: 277). The linkage which Rowton envisions between deforestation and the expansion of settlement must be loosened to a degree, however, and his timetable qualified by including the possibility that the vegetation of the Highland regions was significantly reduced to a lower .form of maquis by the activities of their non-sedentary exploiters. Focusing on the more obvious link between settlement, land clearing, and the exploitation of forest resources would push the major assault against the Highlands of Canaan into the Iron Age which experienced the greatest burst of settlement, while earlier periods would have been marked by only sporadic attacks on the climax vegetation in the vicinity of the less numerous occupations. Consideration given to the use of fire as a tool by hunter-gatherers or pastoralists suggests that the deforestation of the Highlands was in fact well underway before the expansion of urban settlement. A second qualification relates to all of the so-farassembled evidence. However reasonable, this evidence lacks the certainty that has been achieved for other regions by

119

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan palynological, investigation•. 1:heidata ': gathered by Horow i have,been.revi~~~dab0ve lncpnnection, with the qeesti c1irT'~tj,c'iy?ria~ion~,,~eabove,. · Ch.>4.§i). 'IJ;h~ir'. ,t~til:llQ.

regar,dillg j,!"iighla.nd'¥i9anaaf'l's,~lilTlax 'vegetatiQnandj:l alteration byhulTlania~tivity,is no more h~lpful.1:he major). of the pollen sequences (Hula-U.P.15,U.P.,6.tMediterran - Y.N. 1568,but.not Krrmeret D-lO l6j2) show conspicu overaHdeclines in, the 'j percentage'of '. arboreal. ,pollen their earliest point (appoximately6000 Y.B.P.) (esp, 1 56). How much earlier this trend can be traced is an question. In the Hula Borehole K-Jam .', sequence decline is indicated from the late Pleistocene (1971: Detailed and well-dated sequences from more sites conceivably answer' theguestion .as to when the rl im;:,Y vegetation began to feel the effects of human when forest cover began to become sparse on the Hi"h,I;:,,,,rl,,, of Canaan.

E. Consequence of Deforestation The. degradation of, the vegetation of Highland through ,the activities "of' hunter-gatherers and n;:,c:tt"ll";:' differs markedly from the denudation that results from exploitation of wooded regions for timber and fuel and clearance of agricultural land. As explained above, the use of fire as a means to render the Mediterranean rnaquis and forest both passable and more productive of certain kinds of vegetation and the subsequent pasturing of sheep and goats tend to degrade the maquis and forest climax to a lower forill of maquis dominated by shrubs and free of taller trees. This remaining vegetation would continue to fulfill its role in soil formation, the hydrological balance of the region, and as a protector of the soil against erosion (Rowton 1965: 376), though destructive floods would have been likely in the wak 7 of forest fires (Went 1974: lt20). In contrast, land cleared for agriculture or combed for timber is stripped of its protective cover and left naked before the onslaught of strong environmental forces. First among these is the erosive force of rainfall, and the rocky soil-depleted hills of the 'Levant today show all too clearly its scouring effects. The rainfall-driven erosion of soil from vegetation-bare slopes is one of the main consequences of the destruction of the vegetative cover and merits some consideration. The.consequence is, that in comparison of what then was, there are remaining in small islets only the bones of the 120

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation &- Soils wasted body as they might be called; all the richer and softer parts of the soil having fallen away and the mere skeleton of the country being left.

It is the sad factthat Plato's description (Cri tias, 116; see Hughes. 1975:61) of Attica under the metaphor of the diseased and wasted person aptly portrays the present condition of much of Highland Canaan. In Zohary's words, "the rooting out of vegetation has brought about soil erosion to such an extent that hundreds of square miles in the midst of a potential woodland area have become bare and rocky outcrops" (1962: 208). Soil erosion may be defined as "accelerated erosion, the removal of soil at a rate faster than it accumulates, so that the product of centuries or even millennia is dispersed" (Symons 1978: 25). Rainfall is the primary culprit, and the determinants of the erosive power of rainfall are: soil type and condition, slope, vegetative cover, land use, and the intensity of the rainfall (Symons 1978: 35). In any ranking system the importance of vegetative cover is high, and its absence is especially deleterious in the Highlands of Canaan where the other determinants are such that the erosive power of rainfall is already great. As noted above, Highland Canaan's rain falls in high intensity, and this fact alone spells high rates of runoff and soil erosion. 'W Ithout the vegetative cover breaking the high-velocity fall of the rain drops, their impact is all the greater on soil that is no longer held in place by extensive root systems. The seasonal drying of the ground means that the soil becomes deflocculated and less permeable and its particles are more easily detached. Without the shade of forest or maquis, surface moisture is more rapidly and thoroughly depleted, so that soil erosion is exacerbated. The hilly character of the Highland terrain multiplies the impact of the loss of vegetative cover and the other determinants as well. In the absence of soil conservation measures, the danger of soil erosion increases as the gradient of slopes increases, and they can be quickly stripped of soil once their vegetative cover has been removed. Soil and vegetation are tied together as one of the first principles of environmental science. The clearing of the evergreen maquis and forest climax from the Highlands results at first in the loss of the important humiferous layer of the zone's soils which then limits the reoccupation of the area to low maquis.. If the vegetative cover is further decimated and the soil further exposed to strong environmental forces, "it becomes skeletic and rocky and its 121

!(

H9pkinsy:~ H.ig~ndsolQan~al}ir

vege~~i(.)n ;.consiS1;$.i••. onlyi\o!,spar;~\.shpd)~/an<;l

(ZOh!!~.,·l~t;;;6';;t<0;.;;·;';';~'(7.f'

•.

As;WithdefOr~$tatio~,:1Q;·;;~e.~~r.rni~tion,ro·

signif~cam.~~~~
" f(.)y~r..9tt1,il?h!~#;~~

probl~'ratiS~·'~FtJ9i~s./()f>ia.. . ;.. ;iS~~m~~t~'}\1(;~iSh·Lin context~ .haveen;.ibl~d~e+a.iriY:preds~da~ing'Lof. peripds.6ferosion""ould· appea.t'tolac~ ideal.conditio Edelstein and Kislev's.study',<.)f. agrlculturalterr.ac Mevasse.ret .Yerushalayim.. has •concluded .... that·..... th~ accumulated behind theterrace.waUswa.sartificalI}'pui place, perhaps originating in the vaHey bottorrlsllQ8!,:,.54 in the absence of more .detailed soil • . analysis'su condusionabout .• the origin . of .th~ .soil is at bestte!1~.a but it hints at. 'the··.· fairly . adval)ce~ ". st'ilte ofsI<.)p~'~r n~cessitating the tran~port(.)fsoil,to the .Ferrac~t~t particular spot as early as the eighth centur'y... . . ".. ,.....•.• ' .., The creation of agricultural terraces which help toprot the soil base reached its peak' in the Byzantine per evincing an intensity of agriculture commensurate with density of population. The abandonment of these ter systems subsequenttottie Byzantine period had an un#el)i dramatic effect on the hllIsidesoil they h~ld in plas:~~o Spores has studied an analogous situation in Mexico'.a.ria shown that the destruction of the land of the Nochix Valley since the sixteenth century,which resulted ina loss nearly one-third of its productive potential, is "directly correlated with a sharp decline in population, abandonment terraces and settlements on slopes and lomas, abreakd0\l;'1) native polity which had served as the' coordinating force the VaHey, and a rapid economicdeclinell.(Spo~es1%9:56 The, ruins of terraces and other. agricultural· installations Highland Canaan are eloquent testimony to this process, a evidence in the alluvial .•valleys. and flood. plains
122

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation {;{ Soils attention
123

Hopkins .... The Highlands of Canaan animals),.and cllmate (especiaUy.: precipitation, , temperat . apdseasonality):onparent;rod< materials. set in pani topggraphic :conte.xts;;(Bl'idges1970:;cl7J.·· ··:.Ml;;of;,the factors/Whichsho).y
Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation 0: Soils light on the. ahcientHighland Canaan environmenfca

l1help

o~IYinde;termining the date and extent of the degr~qa!i0l"l0f itS~ils.;Sedimental)'analysis· a nd the analysis Ofs!r~ti!ied poll~l"l°prOduce thi~ .class of data. Changes in veg~!a~iqitiI

composition. and . increases or decreases of rates .• ()fS~i .. mentation provide . evidence of the disturbance of soils,but not the state or properties of the disturbed soils (Limbrey 1975: 1I 1). We must glean nearly all of our knowledge from the study of the relict paleosols of the present Highlands and by inference from reconstructed vegetational cover. (There is an element of circularity here since vegetational reconstruction assumes a certain soil environment.) The study of the other kind of paleosols, namely fossil soils buried below the modern soil profile and exposed by sectioning, would provide more. direct evidence of the ancient soil landscape. Such fossil soils, which may be preserved naturally or beneath artificial earthworks and monumental buildings, are, unfortunately, uncommon. No investigations of whatever fossil soils might be discovered in the highlands have been attempted. Ail in all, limitations on data and methodological hedges urge circumspection in applying data about present soils to the soils of ancient Highland Canaan. One example of where such circumspection is necessary concerns the acceptance of the usual reports about the profiles of contemporary soils as true indicators of their predecessors. The degraded state in which the absence of protecting and renewing vegetative cover has left these contemporary soils is understandably characterized by disturbed horizons and in particular by the absence of topsoil (upper A-horizons). Zohary cautions that "what has been examined hitherto and described as terra rossa by most authorities represents only a degraded state of this series which has been preserved under open or devastated vegetation, on eroded slopes, or on land under cultivation" (I962: 10). Reifenberg's description of terra rossa clearly falls into this category. He writes: Apart from exceptional cases, terra rossa is deficient in humus, a result of the calceous substratum on the one hand and of the arid climate in summer on the other. As a matter of fact, a low humus content is a characteristic feature of the Mediterranean countries (I947: 73). The soils of the Highlands, however, would have formed originally under a tree canopy which would have prohibited extreme desiccation even during the summer, protected the 125

.... Hopkins - .The Highlands of Canaan fqr:ces, andrene~ed the upper'$ .supply of humus (Eyre 1963: r!zon of.decomposing leaf .Ii ·ould have blanketed the soi an under e climax vegetation. This hori the first casualty of the erosive forces w ed today'seroded soil landscape and wh and large, tile maturation of the region's so onsideratiorn; !n mind, brief portraits of the Ii pes of Highlal)d ,Canaan can be drawn. These a . Mediterranean brown forest, rendzina, basa1ti~, 1 soils,

rd'·limestooes·a.l'ld dolomites' of the Cenoman predomin~~~';~:>tfteHighlands,so the soil give rise is mc)s!'pervasive: the characteristical nean terravrossa,' Terra rossa soils develop ?woodland ",~n~ir()t'l~et'lts.. subject to intensi I1g and belongt?,~ry~f group of soils characterized Ble. profile(l\~~s<()fIsrael,'''Geomorphology III . 1970: 27). Un~e.r:~~ecover of forest and maquis, on would .b~·?·wel1 differentiated moder, >, ,mediate type ,of humus that develops in areas >'~easol1al drought precludes the existence and activity ear:~hworms, merging gradually with the mineral soil below :(l3ptier 1964: 79). Th.e.(B)-horizon would be a well-weathered ~()rizon with lit~le"C3.c:cumulation of leached clay rni,npr'", Ie: huJ'nus. TheC-horizon is the weathered parent material the bedrock. c., "m terms ofitS chemical composition, terra rossa is low lime content (0;,;10 percent) despite the fact that its narern material is lirnestone (Atlas of Israel, "Geomorphology It" .... '·.·.m Differenttates of dissolution of the carbonate and minerals in the limestones are usually called upon to C.II.IJ>a.ul this surprise (Reifenberg 1947: 80-84). The pH of the soil between ().5and 7.8, so it is just slightly more alkaline ....... ;i./!, the neutral conditions considered ideal for the absorption all nutrients needed for plant growth. Terra rossa has cation exchange capacity of 30-40 meg per 100 grams of (Atlas of Israel, "Geomorphology 11/3"). The cation exchange capacity measures the soil's ability to hold necessary nutrients (calcium, magnesium, potassium, and sodium ~~ciany) so that they may be taken up by plants in growth., The range inhabited by terra rossa signals a 126

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation &. Soils good, potentialfertility/l4/. Terra rossa soils are usually les~~anio!'1c;;'met.~I::,in>depth,.andfairly stony due to the conti9l.!O\,ls.. ,disintegration . of the limestone parent rock (Bridges 1970: 5&). The physical properties of..terre rossa are hinted at by the cation exchange capacity since this is often a function of a soil'~da:ycontent. Beaumont, Blake and Wagstaff report that the slay. content of terra rossa is commonly more than 50 perce.~!(I(76: 135)-. Reifenberg's mechanical analysis of two surf(ice samples from the Samarian Highlands shows a clay content of 4& and 27 percent respectively (1947: 77-78). Whatever the precise figure- and site-to-site variability is to be expected - the fairly high proportion of finely grained clay in J~rrar rossa dictates many of its physical properties. Because" of its clay content, terra rossa has a high moisture-holding capacity, what appears at first glance to offer' considerable advantages in the variable rainfall environment of the Highlands (Beaumont, Blake, and Wagstaff 1976: 135). But because of the nature of clay, plants must exert a great amount of energy in order to withdraw moisture from clayey soils so that this property is not unequivocally positive (Zohary 1962: 11; Bridges 1970: 13-15). Additionally, it contributes to the tendency manifest by terra rossa .in a climate with a wet-dry seasonality to bake hard during the dry and hot summer months and to turn to a sticky paste with the onset of the winter rains, "viscous mud" according to Orni and Efrat (1973: 58). These characteristics combine to render plowing of this soil somewhat difficult in a way that detracts from its agricultural usability despite its high fertility. The high clay fraction of terra rossa also decreases its permeability. Thus infiltration rates for terra rossa are not high, leading to the collection of water on the surface and increased erosive runoff. Also contributing to the susceptibility of terra rossa soils to runoff are their topographical positions. Since they are associated with the rocks of the anticlinal structures of Highland Canaan, they are soils of the hillsides. Terra rossas are found in more level areas in the Judean Highlands, especially atop the longer, more gently sloping and broader interfluves of the Jerusalem Saddle. By and large, however, terra rossa soils blanket areas of strong relief where agricultural systems must contend, at least in the long run, with the loss of the soil to erosion at a faster rate than it is being formed anew. Ail things considered, terra rossa is judged by most to be a productive agricultural soil, "the most 127

Hopkins .; The· Highlands of Canaan fertile soil of the.mountain zone soils" (Karmon which, however,· often ~ demands"specialtreat continuous agricultural· exploitation.· (See below; Ch

;,:";';, , ." <' '"

',~

." b. Mediterraneambrownfo:rest soils: .'•. ~',: -. .':;

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Sharing·m~py.o:frtfW •.BroB.erties '()fterrarossa.13-

Medit~rranean b~()v,;~.Jore~t s<.)i1swhich \\leather. fr •... hard limestones through?utthe Highlands. Characteri by an A (B) C profile, th~se soils cover nowhere)! expanse ofterrar<.)ssa amfar~ often found in. complex and. with rendzina .• soils.Mediterranean brown ... fore may contain slightly more. )imethan .terrarossa correspondingly more alkaline~.I~habitinga pH range 7.8. Their. cati<.)nexchange' capacity is higher, abou meq per 100 grams of soil (Atlas of Israel, "Geomo( II/3"; Bridges 1970:,27). Thus, they are also producti fertile agricultural soils, more frequently covering ar smoother topography than the physically similar terra ro

c. Rendzina soils Less well suited for agriculture in terms of their che composition are the rendzina 'soils which develop on 's6 limestones and chalk. Their profile differs from those of~' other mountain soils, being composed of AC horizons.' humus content of the Highlands rendzina is less than that the rendzinas of more temperate regions, though under a forest cover a humiferous topsoil would have developed.} lime content of rendzlna soils is very high, ranging bet~e 30-80 percent, and the soils show a commensurately high 7.7-8.1. The cation exchange capacity is low, about15~\} meq per 100 grams of soil, and, thus, these rendzina soilsci not as fertile as the other soils of the mountains (Atlas Israel, "Geomorphology IlI3'~Bridges 1970: 74; Zoharyl,.,,:,~,} n), This deficiency in mineral content is agricultural!!...,' balanced somewhat by more propitious physical properti~ and better topographical contexts. Their parent rocks for~.;' synclinal structures often characterized by round, rolling hi~< as in the Shephelah and the western part of the Nabl~. Syncline. Thus rendzina soils occupy areas which are le~ susceptible to the danger of erosion and in which a great~\ percentage of the land is readily suitable for agricultllr~ (Karrnon 1971: 31). The clay content of these soils is mud;, less than the other mountain 'soils, ranging in sampl~<' analyzed by Reifenberg between 20-36 percent (I 947: 92)~ 128

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation & Soils ifhepercentages of silt and sand which combine withthe clay ggest that rendzina soils are best described as loamy. In onsequenceof 3its· . physical properties, rendzina is very porous· and has . a low water-holding capacity. Thus it is innately less susceptible to erosion, a characteristic which its topographical contexts enhance. Rendzina is also quite easy to work since it does not become as muddy as do the other mountain soils. While it cannot be labeled a productive agricultural soil, rendzina is also not "so infertile that it is almost useless for agriculture" (Baly 1957: 20). Under a vegetative cover, the now absent humiferous A-horizon would have enhanced its agricultural value (Zohary 1962: I I). d. Basaltic soils Basaltic soils occur only in the northern Highlands, predominantly in Eastern Lower Galilee where they cover, sometimes thickly, volcanically formed plateaus and hills. Like terra rossa, the darker basaltic soils are clayey in texture. In fact, they possess a chemical composition quite similar to terra rossa, despite the difference in their parents. The lime content of basaltic soils varies widely between 0-25 percent, and their pH ranges correspondingly between 6.6-8.0. The cation exchange capacity is more or less equivalent to that of Mediterranean brown forest soils, approxima tely 50 rneq per 100 grams of soil (Atlas of Israel, "Geomorphology Il/3"). The soils of the plateaus are well suited for agriculture; slope soils are littered with good-sized rocks and boulders. e. Colluvial soils The floors of the valleys and intermountain basins of the Highlands are covered with non-autochthonous soils which have washed down from the surrounding slopes (Atlas of Israel, "Geomorphology II/3"). These colluvial soils derive from the mountain soils described above and share in the chemical composition of their parents. Their pH is somewhat more alkaline, 7.4-8.2. Physically, these soils range from clay to loam and thus suffer from the expected range of deficiencies with regard to ease of cultivation and waterlogging. When not plagued by impeded drainage, these generally brown soils provide productive agricultural environments which are persistently enriched by down wash from adjoining hills.

129

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan 2. Soils and Agriculture While it would . be a mistake to state.the role of sol shaping agricultural· systems ina deterministic way, it without saying "that soil is the.fundamentalelement u whi<:h,all traditional. agricultural , endeavors depend above,Ch•. 2§B.1)•. Thus a full . understanding of. thepr perties •and distribution of the soils of Highland Canaan indispensable for picturing the nature of its agricultu systems. Yet the question arises: How far can we go with gross descriptions of the Highlands' soils which have , presented? General conclusions about the agricuitura,f potential and challenges of the soils provide some significant insights. Yet even apart from the methodological issue:>} involved in the reconstruction of ancient soil landscapes" degraded environments, these insights remain broad a actually distant from the loci in which agriculturalsyste. take shape and operate. At the community level wher agriculture sustains or fails to sustain a particular populatic in a particular environment gross catalogs of soil types, larg scale maps of soil distribution, and general descriptionso~i soil properties are of little account. ..-:: Data concerning the physical and chemical properties~f soils are tantalizing, however, even on a general level; hO\JIj" much more so on the local level; If we want to know how air agricultural system functions in a given environment, • . a;'1 relationship which in ecological terms is characterized bya pattern of energy exchanges, then data about soil and the like are essential /15/. What kinds of crop possible on the soils of a given environment? What types crops and cropping can be sustained? Does the fertility of soil set limits on the size of the population that can nourished by agriculture at a given technological level? do the types and distribution of soils affect the larld-u~e·i··.·.··· pattern? Such questions as these are increasingly answered in anthropological studies of present-day cultural communities by the collection of detailed, Hied data relating to all aspects of the of human communities and their environments Rappaport 1968: 244-246). Such a study of a living community is, of course, impossible for the historian, yet a inspection and consideration of the soils which provided exploitation base for the local community in ancient HilghJlanCI Canaan contains some possibilities for achieving quantifiable data. An attempt has been made at such

r,

DO

Chapter Five - Natural Vegetation ({ Soils by D. \Vebley (1972) who studied the Shepnelah site of Gezer using the method . of site-catchment analysis in order to calculate th~. economic, (Le., subslsrencel vpotentlal of its 10cation..Webley .fir;st produced a detailed soil map of the areasurro~ncling Gezer "and then classified the area's soils with respect of agricultural and pastoral potential, recognizing the variableness of this potential with advancing technology. In his calculation of the potential of these soils, Webley assumed certain soil-specific cereal yields which were long-term means that took the year-to-year variableness of the agricultural environment into account. Necessary and likely crop-fallow rotations were also included in the equation. The calculation of the number of humans supportable by a given yield of grain from the soils surrounding Gezer,was based upon a necessary daily minimum subsistence intake of two thousand calories which was stated in terms of the amount of grain per year per person. Goat herds were also included in the calculation with assumptions made about the dynamics of the herd (e.g., what percentage of offspring per year) and the areal extent of its grazing requirements. The human equivalent was assessed at the meat of forty kids or twenty goats per year per person. The extent of the land available for agriculture and grazing was set at a radius of 5km for grains (maximum distance of source from market [consumptionj) and two hours' walk for herds. Webley calculated the potential yields of all the arable lands within the 5km radius simply by multiplying the extent of each soil type by its mean yiela and then reducing this figure by the percentage of land lying fallow in any given year. The calculation of herd sizes was made on the basis of the total amount of land within a two hours' walk which was not being cropped in any given year. This series of assumptions, classifications, measurements, and calculations led Webley to assess the population of Late Bronze Age Gezer at 1365, a figure which he found to be in "reasonable agreement" with estimates arrived at on the basis of population densities in urban environments (I972: 179). Webley undertook the above analysis of the environment of Gezer as one part of an attempt to test whether "economic considerations of resource availability and population size will be the primary factors controlling site location" (1972: 169). It would, in fact, be hard to deny that these factors were important determinants of zonal settlement pattern along with defense, trade, and other social and political considerations. Webley's study of Gezer may show only that 131

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan the seftlementofGezer .• wasec,0logically possible perSpective; of satisfying subsistence needs in vironment:;;Whe.ther,>!nfact,'Gezer·/·had; to indeed dependsolely'upon 'agriculture O;1S1'c,,";1Ji SI11 environmentto5ustain'itSpopUlation altdgether. ',n A number of assumptions which undergird calculations are also questionable. Thus,Webley takes rij. account of transhurnance and hunting as sources ;'of sustenance, yet these doubtless contributed substantially.rtc, the diet of Late Bronze Age communities, as did gathering~rt/ the forest and maquisnot to mention non-cereal prodUCe from vineyards, vegetable gardens, and orchards. Foodstuffs may also have come through non-agricultural pursuits by w~'lt of trade {the size and location of Gezer are suggestive intni$,.':i respect). All of these may have boosted the popLllatiOi1~:. potential of the site. On the other hand, Webley also fails ~o'/;3:> consider production for non-subsistence needs, a lack whiC!"';)~:;; would ..lower, perhaps :considerably, population estimates based upon productive potential. This list of qua1ificatio~s manifests the appropriateness of Webley's own reservatiop about the reconstruction of prehistoric farm economies i~ detail. Yet his study of the soils of Gezer demonstrates the potential significance of a careful consideration of the soils which support a community's agricultural system. Th~ detailed mapping of the soils of a site can lead to a better, albeit general, appreciation of the dynamics of the local agricultural system. G. Natural Vegetation and Soils: Consequences for Highland Settlement The consideration of : the natural vegetation landscape . of the Highlands reveals two points of significance for the conduct of agriculture in the early .... Age. First,the question of the extent of forestation is vital for its implications about the demands on the settlers of this region with respect for forest clearance and the productivity of its soil environment. The available evidence indicates that' the vegetation of the Highlands was not in the climax stages at the beginning of the Iron Age, but was probably a reduced' more Sparse form of maquis, the result of limited urbanization and the impact of non-sedentary exploitation; Because of this, any expansion of settlement in the Highlands would have demanded a smaller quantity and adifferenf 132

Chapter Five - 1\atura!

&: Soils

quality of forest clearance than has usually been imagined. Soils on the hillsides would not have been terribly eroded, however, and while some deleterious consequences of previous exploitation of this environment must be assumed, a rich soil base would have greeted agriculturalists in most areas. Hilly lands that had been cleared for agriculture or combed for timber in previous centuries WOUld have shown a different picture: the susceptibility of unprotected Highland soils, especially terra rossa, to erosion is great. Lands newly brought into cultivation would face the same prospect. Thus, a consideration of the place of soil conservation in their agricultural systems must occupy a significant part of any description of Highlands' settlement. Second, the potential significance of the study of soils as the zone of vital intersection between a community and its subsistence needs points forward to the consideration of the expansion of settlement in the Highlands in the early Iron Age. How has the growth in the number of settlements affected the nature of the soil environments they enjoy? Does a consideration of the relationship between the settlement sites and their productive bases suggest a particular type or intensity of agriculture? The answers to these questions can only come through a description and analysis of the nature and size of the population of the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan.

133

CHAPTER SIX POPULATION

Valley of Shecbem, with Mounts Ebal and Gemim.

135

Chapter Six POPULATION A. Introduction HE transformation of the settlement map of the Highlands of Canaan during the transition from the Late Bronze to early Iron Age has been labeled by Weippert as "the only archaeological fact" that can be associated with the "Israelite" settlement (1971: 135). However one judges the correctness of this characterization, the absolute increase in the number of settlement sites in the early Iron Age is the primary datum of Israel's emergence recognized and accepted on all fronts (Bright 1981: 178; Gottwald 1979b: 195-196, 202, 655-656; Aharoni 1982: 180; de Geus 1976: 166-168; Miller 1977: 255). That this transformation of the settlement map translates in a straightforward manner into an increase in the size and density of the Highlands' population is often assumed (as for example by Bright 1981: 178) without a hint that settlement pattern is not solely a function of population size. A thorough study of the dynamics of the relationship between settlement pattern and population size has never been carried out with the Highlands settlement data. This deficiency is to be explained not only with reference to the influence of the immigration model of Israelite origins, but as well by the prevalence of the understanding of population as a dependent variable of economic systems. Even such an analyst as Gottwald, while discussing the lack of reliable demographic knowledge about ancient Israel, skips over population growth as an independent determinant in the formation of Israel in favor of "technological factors" which had the effect of producing a better-fed and multiplying population (I979b: 654-656). Also striking in this respect is the schematic diagram of human-habitat relations published by William G. Dever for the Central Negev Highlands Project. Standing outside the circle of relations is "population; number, density," the outcome of cultivation, grazing, and landscape, 137

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan with not even a single route for feedback shown (1980: the marginal Central Negev Highlands the influence of environment (landscape) and of technology (cultlvati grazing) is certainly high relative to more optimal settin As research into the settlement of this region however, it is safe to assume . that the importance particular populations able to transform the environment to operate certain technological systems will emerge. inadequacy of the view of population as merely a dependent variable has been demonstrated above. (See Ch, 2 §B.3.a). Rather than, theoretically, viewing population - its and distribution - as the final outcome of a complex relations or, pratically, halting when an assessment population growth or decline has been made,.here". question about population provides the starting pofnt, W were the essential attributes of the emergent populafi landscape in the early Iron Age Highlands, and how Was th population landscape determinative for the conduct 'of agriculture? This orientation will produce some new insights into the nature of early Israelite society and agricultural systems. Yet the exploratory nature of the following dis:" cussion must be admitted•. The lack of demographic data bewailed by Gottwald will also afflict this attempt to relate the change in the population landscape to the conduct of agriculture in the early Iron Age Highlands. Cautious conclusions based on presently available data are no substitute for the results of a research strategy designed particularly with the collection and analysis of demographic data in the forefront. There can be no question that this latter is precisely what is needed if a true picture of early Israel and its agricultural economy is to be sketched. Such a necessity does not confront the study of ancient Syria and Palestine alone. As recently as 1979 ethnoarchaeologist Carol Kramer issued a similar general call: Additional empirical data on population size and composition, and their relationship to site size, house size, and number of household objects, are sorely needed, as are data on the nature, causes, and consequences of population stability or change, and variations in rate of change, particularly in non-industrial societies (I979b: 10). B. Settlement Pattern The basic fact of the expansion of settlement in the 138

Chapter Six - Population Highlands can be displayed in numerical terms. The results of site surveys. that .have been conducted over the last two decades show 136 early Iron Age settlements in the Highlands of Judah, Samaria, and Upper Galilee compared with only twenty-four Late Bronze sites, constituting nearly a five-fold increase (Campbell 1968; Aharoni 1957; Kochavi 1972). Such a numerical description of the settlement pattern reveals little about the essential attributes of this population, however, save for the obvious fact that it occupied more sites. What is needed is an analysis of this pattern of settlement in terms of the three levels of which it may be conceived as consisting (Trigger 1968: 53). On the broadest level, attention must be paid to the zonal pattern, the nature of the distribution of communities throughout the region. This is not only a matter of the number of sites in a given area (the density of €""c settlement) but also the location of these sites, relative '''' to each other, relative to particular geomorphological conditions, and relative to lines of communication. The layouts of the individual communities present another level of analysis: the arrangement of structures, installations, and public places within a site. Of particular importance from the demographic standpoint are the area of the settlement and the density of the constituent dwelling units as well as the patterning of the latter which may give some clue as to the social structure. Finally, the individual structures, installations, and public places that constitute a settlement must be brought into view. The nature of the buildings whether domestic or special-purpose, must be delineated. In the case of domestic buildings, the composition of the domestic group as well as its use of the dwelling area represent vital elements in the determination of settlement population size. An analysis of the expanded settlement in the Highlands along these lines requires not only surface-survey data, but data from the excavations of. a fairly even distribution of settlements. Fortunately the number of both newly founded and renewed settlements of the early Iron Age that have been excavated has grown markedly in the last decade (reviewed in: Aharoni 1982: 159-179; Lapp 1967; A. Mazar 1981: 32-36; de Vaux 1978: 673-679). (See Map 3 [p.326].) 1. Community Layout Beginning with the level of community layout, certain characterizations of these settlements can be made. The 139

Hopkins- The HighIandsof Canaan settlements were smaUbyanystandard~St~~~rrepClrtSf:' theiave~a8e'sizeoftheviIJages in th:e;Highlaflds()f,JJudah Samaria:wasabout.5,
/16/: 'Izbet Sartah Tel Hcirashim Giloh . Tel Esdar Bet lur Tell Qid

'Ai Tel en-Nasbeh Shiloh Tell Beit Mirsim Tel Masos Hazor

17

-;

I

0.40 ha 0.45-0.50 0.50-0.70 0.78 0.85 1.00 1.00 1.SO (?: Iron II size) 1.80 (?: MB size) 3.00 4.50 6.10 (n)

Some of these small sites were surrounded by fornflcatrons, while the majority shows no evidence of a defensive wall. Tel Harashlrn, Tel Masos, Tel Esdar, Tel en-Nasbeh, rlrl/.''''_' and Tell Qiri are among the unfortified sites, while 'Izbet Sartah, Bet Zur, Bethel, and Giloh belong to the former category. It has been suggested that the arrangement of the buildings of the unfortified settlements compensated for their lack of a defensive wall• • •,• • • an~in particular are taken as examples' of the arrangement of.buildingsin continuous lines forming a somewhat circular complex (Shiloh 1978: 50). However, the attribution of this arrangement to: security considerations is shaky as contrasts between these two sites show. At Tel Esdar the entrances to the houses face inside the perimeter they create, while the opposite situation prevails at Tel Masos, Yet it is precisely those buildings whose entrance ways face outside at Tel Masos that actually share walls or adjoin. At Tel Esdar the houses are only near neighbors. Such perimeters, then can be called defensive only in a very limited sense, and it is more probable that they more or less contained the site rather than excluded the surroundings. Along the same line of reasoning, Fritz labels Tel Masos an "enclosed community" (1981: 6j)~ In a recent study, Braemer considers Tel Esdar with its isolated houses 140

Chapter Six - Population arranged nonetheless in some circular pattern' to '(be/a preliminary (attempt ,at > town .orgaruzatien, Te $Os advances a stage further in that it contains n~t onlY"/J~ of Jinked houses, but public buildings and acentralJxstr~t (Br:aemer 1982: 20)• Yet it too includes some isolated hotises and much empty space in its midst. Noting the existencehf building 1000 at some 150 meters from the house chain atTel Masos, Kempinskisuggests that the "fortified settlement served only as a nucleus for a wider scattered settlement" (1978: 37). Even if the chain did not have defensive functions, this arrangement of a settlement nucleus or focal point accompanied by a scattering of isolated houses or activity loci has its parallels somewhat later in this same northern Negev. In the tenth century, Horvat Haluqim, Ramat Matred, and. Horvat Ritrna present clear examples of dispersed settlement in this region (Braemer 1982: 18-19). Another type of house arrangement may have had defensive functions according to Bra who int~rJ: ,t~.Jhe clustering of domestic buildings a ..., "in this way. "This grouping of houses centered on a point," he writes, ..was' able already to constitute of kind of defense against the exterior" (1982: 22). Callaway has reported three such clusters of houses distributed around a central court in area S at Kh, Raddana (usually including one larger house along with smaller ones) and has drawn implications about social structure rather than defensive needs (1974: 92; also Harmon 1981: 13). Obviously the two are not incompatible. Whether the distribution of pottery and artifacts in these houses will support the social-structural interpretation is yet unknown (compare McClellan's attempt (1977) at this type of analysis). The recently excavated site o1f~has produced an as yet unparalleled sitearra,ngement:'The domestic dwelling is adjoined by a large enclosed courtyard built of massive stone walls. One would expect that the inhabitants attributed to this courtyard an importance commensurate with the effort required by its construction, though exactly what this was is not certain. The excavators. guess that the courtyards served as corrals for livestock (A. Mazar 1981: 11-12). The presence of large courtyards at Giloh, a nuclear house chain and dispersed buildings at Tel Masos, and converging clusters of houses iat Kh, Raddana and tAi gives the impression of greatly varying densities of buildings and associated structures at these sites. This impression may be quantified, but even where precise data are available, 141

o

Hopkins -The Highlands of Canas 11 the methodological ;problem "Of >proportionality ~hedges usefulness,lof ,thel'inUmb~rs.ilJnless• 'the.. entire;stratum panieulat"lsite :hasroeerr.;excavated; it lis dangerousdto'as that the. ,excavatedPQrtipo;accurately represents' the site whole;; in1Jterms10f;;the:mumbers .of and kihdsbf buildin Giloh, .for rexample,wouldcontain ·tenoomestic. units Ii the o.one excavated if . the;: area excavated>represeot~ porportionally the site as a whole. Thus one could calculate a domestic building to area ratio of between 14-20/ha for this site. Six . domestic,buildingsarecertain wlthinthe 0.14ha excavated port ionofTel Masosarea A, yielding a buHdingt<1 area ratio of 44/ha.Yetthe fact that excavations at the center of this site showed that there were large empty spaces suggests v-that Area ·Ais in fact not porportlonalfy representative of the site as a whole and that this figure would have to be reduced•.Data are not available to make such a calculation for1Ai,though Harmon suggests that there were not more than twenty domestic buildings on the 1.0 hci site of 'Ai, giving a ratio of 20/ha. Yet compared with the figure for Giloh with its large courtyards, twenty houses per ha would appear to underestimate significantly the occupational density of this site, a density which the site plans of the Kraus excavations. Figures that perhaps more representative of their respective sites are available for the iron II period: Tell Belt Mirsim (50/ha), Tell el-Farah IlIB (56/ha), Tell el-Farah lIlA (50jha), and Beersheba U (42/ha) {Shiloh 1980b: 29; Herzog 1978: 42). The fact that Tel Masos compares more favorably with these Iron H towns than... with its. own Iron I contemporaries is conspicuous and may be a further clue about the inaccuracy of the ratio calculated.

a. Non-domestic buildings While the domestic buIlding characterized by pillare~ construction and comprising two,three, or four rooms ca'i! justly be labeled thetypicalbuiJding of early Iron A Highlands' sites, it is by no means the exclusive type. A the typical domestic buildings are joined by buil g:i obviously different. architectural style, perhaps public buildings and metanu~gicworkshops(Fri tz 1981:65-68 make~ mu<:h of ,this architectural diversity). A. public building (pillared) may alse) b~fe)undamong domestic types at Kh., Raddana where it houses large cistern and rock-cut pits

e

a

142

Chapter Six - Population (Callaway and Cooley 1971: 12-H). At structure, dernonstrablycultic . in nature from finds it produced, emerged from Stratum XI and included paved areas and some pillared construction . (Yadin 1972: 132-H4-). ··The major building excavated at proved to be a

~~:i~~ l~~S· ~q~~~:e(6~i: (Ah~roni ~~;~~O~ojrt~~"

pillared buildings that had been labeled "houses" at tli'tr·tlme of their initial discovery can now be interpreted as storage buildings because of their architectural design and the large quantity of storage jars (mostly collared-rim) found within them (Finkelstein,Lederman, and Bonimovitch 1982: 149). As already mentioned, Giloh contains stone-walled courtyards adjoining the domestic building, the size of which suggests their inclusion on any list of structures at early Iron.Age sites (A. Mazar1981: 11-12). b. Domestic buildings and associated pottery types and installations

Domestic building. A great deal of energy has been devoted to the analysis of the typical structure of the early Iron Age settlement sites in the Highlands, the domestic building or house. Most of this work highlights the distinctive architecture and construction of the so-called "four-room house." It is Shiloh's widely accepted thesis, in particular, that the four-room house constructea with monolithic square stone pillars is "an original Israelite concept" (I970: 180) and, thus, "a real trademark of Israelite occupation" of the Highlands (Aharoni 1982: 163). The house plan is characterized by a rear room spanning the width of the structure from which three long rooms stem perpendicularly (Shiloh 1970: 180). The principal room in this plan is the rear room. Other common plans, e.g., the ''three-room house," are subtypes of the basic four-room design (Shiloh 1970: 186). The plan has been described in somewhat different terms by other scholars who have disputed the appropriateness of the designation "four-room house" (Fritz 1981: 63; ~right 1978: 151) and have emphasized the focal nature of the central area (called often a "court") rather than the rear room (Wright 1978: 151). Nevertheless, Shiloh's portrayal of the basic design of the house as well as his attribution of its creation to the Israelites remain fundamental components in most conceptions of Israelite village and town existence in the Iron Age. All of these above-mentioned studies of the domestic 143

Hopkins~Jhe

Highlands of Canaan

dweHingofthe.lt'pn Age,: however, have now been edipse(J thet$=9Il1preh~~.~ve.(;atfil()g.and.···.·'0rd e red by two rooms ~omprises an equal num of appearances on a slightly larger number of sites, forty examples on J)ineteen sites (Braerner 1982: 60). Braemer .notes several features which unify the dive~ e types of house in his typology: a principal rectangular spac:~ as a cen!ral . feature, the frequent association of a mor~ narrow ro()m~ith the larger space, and.fairly constant width of thTlarg~rand smaller rooms~ Yet there are elements()~ the .plans 'rVNc:h render homes. distinctive: the dimensions~ diff~r~ntsub-::divisionsof lateral and transversal rooms, tti~· nature. of the separations between rooms (solid walls v~: pillars), and differences in the system of circulation created by the placement of the main entrance way and the presence or absence of stairs. Braemer's results demonstrate a unity "f conception.' despite the variety of solutions adoptedt" particularvdcmestic needs and situations. He notes, as weH, the existence of different models of domestic architecture which make an appearance from time to time (1982: 93-9..5, 97-99,1.56..157). , Along':\Vi!hdIsputing Shiloh'smorphologica! focus on tfi~ ''four-r~ornhouse,"Braemer also shows through a chronological and .regiohal survey that this basic type of house architecture was not limited to the areas of Israelite occupation, unless one 1$willing to extend the .limits of Israelite cultural Influence beyond any reasonable bounds, He writes:

i

,I \

The appearance at the end of the 13th century of these types of plans associated with the pillar technique; their intensiye,ptilizatioo in the J Zth century in the Negev, the ,Judean-:~ian rqgtUands, and the Esdr:aelon; then after a timelag, at the end of the 11th century in the coastal plain; thesilr.ultaneous presence of almost all the 144

Chapter Six - Population types at Tel Masos and Tell ,Qasile, 00 sites,:,Lwith .agr~<:,::,lt1Jral,pr(,)to-urban, and url:>anchar~cteJ;":thesf.!<are th~mostm~r\.:ed .yait~.,.of"the;:;eadY:!.lroo ,'t\ge!:;I:(he

hYPoJhesisoJ y. Shiloht , distinquishingaregionof;~~f.! ' formatipnofthese.types at.rthe end. of the 11th century (Judah-Samarla) from ..which there 'occurred a phen.... omenonofdiffusion into the zones occupied by the Israelite population, does not seem to us verified by the recent discoveries inthe Negev and coastal plain. It does not permit, moreover, one to explain the houses of this type at Tell Qasile and Tel Sera where the population was very likely Philistine 0982: 103, 105).

The functions of the various rooms or areas of the dornesticdwelling have not be,en fully determined, and substantial ,disagreement exists regarding a number of significant points. At the top of the list lies uncertainty about the nature of the principal rectangular space: was it in fact a courtyard? Wright is the major advocate of a positive response to this question. He bases his view that the central area was an open court on the presence of certain installations in this area (especially in house 1727 at Shechem where a kiln and silo were found), on its variable width compared with the other segments (but see the table of room widths provided by Braemer 1982: 95), and on the observation that access to other rooms is gained exclusively through the center (197&: 151). Of these, only the presence of smoke-creating facilities appears to have any cogency since variability in size can be accounted for by a variety of functional reasons, and the role. of a room in the communications system of a house can hardly be correlated (J to whether or not it is roofed. To the impracticality of a roof t'''''' over an area where fires are kept, the existence of ovens arid H,<~1I.il similar installations in side rooms,generally considered as ~~ roofed areas (contrast Albright 1943: 50-52), presents~. contradictory evidence. Among the early Iron Age houses, Tel ' Esdar no. 90 contains a cooking spot in the corner room. House no. 88 at Tel Masos includes ovens in both the central rectangle as well as the transversal rear room (see the plans collected by Braemer 1982: 210, 253; most excavated dwellings preserve no indications of the 'location of ovens). The variation in the location of ovens is consonant with the existence of outdoor, warm-weather and indoor, cool-weather ovens reported by Kramer (I979a: 147-14&, 156) in the Zagrps village of Shiihabiid. Moreover,at this site hearths which provide heat are located exclusively in the roofed living area. 145

Hopkins'-'foe'i1ighlandSo!'Canaan The·total pIcture proVid~dbYtlle$ectata(ishal-#l}"e~nSr

butit'i'defmitel3t"'d~S"@t';i>errnlt'i~,i~sserti()n0·,ith .

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central7f."ectangUlal'r'1pface'!~a.· . . ' '" contends.in;~dditio~it;ls; ••..• ". -»: i~t~trtj!asn (I 984 ,~4)does,.thatcthe.She<.itt:~0f~~e:tlPorf~wl'tidl

primarily based '. hisconclusionsean,inToo' ,V/aY"be typical <.of.••Its type, (ias 'the . . . absence';;l;of"1'iUars'ta indicators. of .industria1activity;suggest~;'Moreover,· th~ of theShechem house (8th <;~ntury) makesit'partic inappropriate as ·.a; modeldor,the;,early,'lron Age;do dwelling.Jn .absence 'of ;atonvincing .:casejthat'thecen space was unroofed, and given ,the generally'sm<:lil siz these buildings as\\;'f!ll ast~hcirsflness .of ;;.thedim conditi()fls. in .b()th •th~raif)~()al<~. ,a~.~un-;
.

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Chapter Six- Population

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stones arranged unsystematically", while the rest of the floor Was:li>eatenearth»or.>exposed •. . bedrock (A. Mazar 1'81: 8). Pavement ',also 'covered ,fully>theroom opposite the entrance at .·~Izbet <Sartahh(a~~dm.thatiwould· ·ordinarily·. be a lateral room.except' that in this example . •. the entrance has shifted) and partly covered the lateral room of Tel Masos house no. 2. The'lz;betSartah boiise-alsopossessed apaved entrance way, as does the rather Indecipherablehouse SE 12/3 from stratum B2 atTell Beit Mirsim (data drawn from Braemer's catalog of houses, 1982:1&1,'238,' 253). Wright has suggested that the paveda:reas were used as . Ilvestock-quarters for the farm animals as well as tor-storage' (197&:151). Such a suggestion makes·good sense. Stager (forthcoming) has provided additionaYsupport for this hypothesis b~ noting the small size of the passageways created by the pillars that often delineate. this.sideroom .and by his interpretation of the "draln-pipestructure'' uncovered by Lapp at Tel Ta'anek (12th Century B.C.E.) as a domestic house (so also Braemer 1982: 287) equipped with fodder bin, .mangers, and a tank for watering .: farm animals. One reservation about this interpretation •of the function of the lateral room of the hOeusestem~fromthe placement of the entrance to this room. In houses with only one lateral room, access to the area behind the pillars is generally gained at the far end of . the house away from the main entrance (Braemer 1982: 64). Where two lateral rooms are present (the "four-room house") both near and far passageways are found, where they can be distinguished. Tel Masos house no. 88 possesses a much larger opening into the lateral room near the main entrance, but at Giloh no.&;the first pillar near .the main entrance is a pilaster; hinting that access was gained at the other end of the house (A. Mazar1981: 8). If this were the case, then animals .?being iledto their stable would disrupt the entire central room on their way. Variation in the location of the entrance to the side rooms along with variation noted in the specific area paved caution against attributing too great a degree of.. standardization .to early Iron Age domestic structures. A. sec<:>..nd, general caution concerns the absence of any broad-based .evidence for the function of the rooms or space of these buildings. No attempt has been made on a significant scale . to.cgrrelate , .. artifacts and .: installations found in part i<:ula,rrooms with. particular functions. McClellan's study of,patterns'jn the co-variatlon of artifacts excavated from the.h.ouses of,TeU.Beit Mirsi~ Stratum A treats their 147

I I

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan ~istribUtion

in' ~ouses,thr6l!ghoutigro '.. art~~~~ ···~DO'>V,.strQ~g.~ciati~QsU\vith"partiCt;t1ar ?buH (~Ocg.;.p~!e-ri}°lJthjar~r*ith;in~ustrialbllildings)twhile·'•. a~e .rTl()re .<:()ri)W()I1 ) n c~r~ainse<:t()rs9.fthe. ,site (e.g"t st o item~ in ti1et;l()rtheast quadrant}.l'v!cCleIIandid notatte. or \VasunabI~ because of ti1e nature of the data,toascer whether. for example, storage .items were morecommol'lP' the lateral rooms..of domestic .houses or cooking pots inI centra.l., rectangula.r$paces•. The .distrlbutlcn- of artifactsd domestic bui1dil1gs. was also left unconsidered in Brae workwbish. concentrated on architectural design. He note c0l'1duding his study that a .complete portrait has not r~':Per~(j.uI1JiJ the ,', necessary i;~alysis'of .installations n()YSj~()I(j:g()()dSha~been C~ndlJcted(l982:157>. '.Pottery types and ·instaIlations.'W.hile lac:king. the kind' systematfc, statistical analysis thatwo.uld develop fuHy implications of the material remains of early Iron settlement sites, certain regularly encountered pottery trp and installations deserve' brief mention in this context, '! association of characteristic pottery techniques and for ',' with the early Israelites has long been a' part of , archaeological tradition (Albright [I 960] 1971: 118). \\hile similarityof basic early Iron Age pottery forms with those the Late Bronze IIB period has been noted, distinguishing characteristics are stressed. Thus Ruth Amiran introduces Iron Age pottery in her corpus: The continuity between the Canaanite pottery culture of, the Late Bronze and Iron Age pottery culture, including both Israelite and other pottery, is clearly apparent On the other hand, the profound changes brought ~ ........ +.,,,. in Canaan by the settlement of the Israelite tribes easily discernable in various material phenomena, and foremost in the pottery [e.g., burnishing instead painting] (1970: 192). The ethnic attribution' of certain pottery types Israelites is commonplace in archaeology and historical' reconstructions. Maroni, for one, labels the characterisnq pottery of the early Iron Age Highlands "conquest (}982: 174). It is marked by a decline in pottery technique gritty' clay and non-uniform firing· - and dominated by kinds of vessels with distinctive 'attributes: the cooking with an elongated, triangular rim and often loop handles; the collared-rim pithos, Despite its widespread acceptance,' 148

Chapter Six - Population this ethnic attribution fails to be convincing on rnethodologicalandhistoriographic· as well as substantive grounds. Weippert%has;r~ised>animportantquestion a bout the extent to which changesin potterystylescanbe.taken as indicative of changes inpopuiation (l97l:H33-134;de Geus 1976:168; Ibrahim 1978: 123).'i,'He adds force to this question with examples where too rnueh. in the way of inferences about population movements has been asked of ceramic analysis. The propensity to correlateartifactual change with population • change betrays a historiography wedded to viewing change as the result of exogenous processes. It operates, in Mendenhall's strong words, "under the monstrous hypothesis that the ancient peoples involved were absolutely incapable of;any kind of • economiccitechnologlcat, or social change" (1973: 150)."Thus those who would attribute certain changes in the pottery culture of the early Iron Age Highlands to the ethnic entity "Israel" are caught in the double bind of a restrictive and untenable view of social change and a circular argument which assumes the presence of large scale immigration, of which artifactual change, so interpreted, is then offered as proof. The Characteristics' of the regional distribution of the collared-rim pithos demonstrate how substantive grounds for this attribution are also lacking. Ibrahim's study (1978) of this jar shows that it appeared not only in contexts associated with Israelite settlement, but also at east Jordanian sites which must be associated with other peoples (Sahab is the best example). Not only are there non-Israelite contexts which contain the collared-rim pi thos, but there are Israelite sites which do not (Tel Masos being a notable example), a fact which also leads A. Mazar to reject these pithoi as indicators of "Israelite" settlement (1981: 30). The pithoi are nonetheless characteristic of the early Iron Age expansion of settlement in the Highlands. The explanation for this phenomenon rests, however, not in the ethnicity of those who settled in this region, but in their social, historical, and economic situation (so also Ibrahim 1978: 124). A. Mazar has arrived at the same view of the typicality of these vessels: This fact may be explained by the role played by these pithoi in the daily life of the settlers. The pithoi could be used as containers for grain and water, and would be an essential item in the early Israelite house, together with the cooking pots. Indeed, these two items make up the bulk of the pottery inventory at both our site [Giloh] and other similar settlements (1978: 30). 149

Hopkins,:,:Jh~

Highlandsl>iCanaan

The. eoUared-rim,; pithoiYbelong;*;,in'Dther "wordsi' to· consteHati~n.of'material' and'$dC~J~~~etsY1Qfear1yhJr

settlement .·Whichal'eiadaptati()~'ifor;~ingisubSist thevariableHighlandsenvi:o~tlJ81~i(EiJji'''''i('. ·.i"; ,., Theslze of, these eonared~irnJ)ithc;iireflec:tsavita.i'

this .respect. Amiran'deseribesthepithos'asa;!'ve container.> reaching I.ZOm,· or ,more in height,wbose·'. clearly .indicates thatit .was used for domestic storage'!·.( 143). Early Iron Age examples reported witb measurerri include: one from Hazor.fca, H5cm; Amiran 1970:'pl':i~~ Bethel (ca.117cm; Kelsol968:pl.I7),'anoa numbec'fl\ Sahab OlO-115cm;)brahim 197&: 11.5).lt is a scandal none of the usual sources(e.g.,Amir~n's corpus) or' W cited above report estimates of the capacity of this.jad case of the later;'lrnlk"storage jars is notablydiffe. for a suggestion regarding the use of the royal, stamp means of guaranteeing standardization prompted attem determine the capacity .of this jar, The complete "lrnlk from Lachish measure about 60cm inl1eight and have ea ties averaging 45 liters (though the amount of deviatio significant) (Ussishkiri 1978: 77-80; Grace 1956: 106-10n these "lrnlk" jars, known, to have been employed in the tr of foodstuffs, predominantly wine (Rainey 1983: 61), shri comparison with the volume of the collared-rim pithol...R calculations. give the capacity of . these jars at. about; liters, approximately three times that of the "lmlk" jar: 11 Filled with either water (ca. lkg/I) or grain (wheat O.7&kg/l, barley ca. O.62kg/l), these pithoi would constit extremely heavy burdens; Such- a weight would radie restrict the use of these jars in trade, such as is mistak assumed by Ibrahim (1978: 12Z-124). The jars themselves have constituted items of trade, though evidence for,th manufacturing sites is not yet available (see A. Mazar [19 30] who argues from the variety.ofrim shapes to a va . of production centers), but they were obviouslyinst permanently where they were used. The discovery» collared-rim pithoi at settlements of so-called "se mi-nom to whom, for example, Yadin attributes Hazer XII (1972: 1 suggests the sites served as home bases for their occupa Filled with barley, a single pithos could supply two thous calories per day, enough for aisingle person for about~;~. months, based on. Weble¥,s figures for human dietary n~ed$ and the caloric value of barleyf! 97.2: 177). ,...' . .. ' For the purpose of storage, ' pithoi were joined on sites~" the early Iron Age settlement expansion by grain-pitsJ(fi .

150

.

·c.:""",V'.

Chapter Six - Population

l

into the ground. Borowski has noted that terminological irn-

pr~iSion'inarcha~legi<:al reports hampers study of .. Iron ~: Age'sto~a~efadnties,arid'he attempts to being some order

~; .~.

to:the' chaos by ,. suggesting definitions •. . (1979:107). A ugrain-pit"'isftasmaU' stone-lined or plastered pit used for storing grain in bulk." A ':silo" is a; larger subterranean facility of' the' Same purpose. That grain was stored in these facilities is for the most part a guess since seed remains are not often recovered. Specimens of wheat and barley are reported from Persian period silos at Tel el-Hesi (Stager 1971: 86). Sometimes these facilities are in close association with domestic buildIngs. At IIzbet Sartah, for example, some of the pits are attached to the house, while numerous others pocket the area'justoutside its walls (Demsky and Kochavi 1978: 24). Other early Iron Age houses containing what are most probably grain-pits are found at lAi, Tell Beit Mirsim, Bethel, Kh•. Raddana, Tel Masos, and Hazer, The discovery of these pits both in and outside of individual domestic buildings may warrant the adjective "ubiquitous" in describing their occurrence (Demsky and Kochavi 1978: 24). The location of these grain-pits in domestic contexts wins support for the view that they served the needs of individual families rather than larger communities. Completely filled, the grain-pit in house no. 152 at 'Ai, measuring 0.90m in diameter and 2.80m in depth, would hold about 7,000 liters of barley, enough to sustain ten persons over the course of a year or half that number for two years. The value of these subterranean grain-pits cannot be doubted in a region of erratic precipitation and crop yields, yet the contribution of grain storage to subsistence security should not be over estimated. Except in the most arid areas, storage of grains beyond the needs of a single crop failure (that is, more than two years) was not to be expected (Colson 1980: 21-22; but contrast Stager 19.7l: 88, n.9). Cisterns for storing rainwater and water transported from springs constitute another frequently encountered installation in early Iron Age sites. Such rock-cut, pear-shaped pits could be lined with waterproof lime plaster or dug into impermeable rock /20/. lAi provides numerous examples of the latter where the settlers took advantage of the impermeable Senonian chalk to hew a cistern in every house of the village. The excavator of the site takes this for evidence of "an appreciable sophistication" on the part of the Cistern builders (Callaway 1975: 51). At 'Izbet Sartah, on the other hand, rock-cut cisterns are located only "here and 151

Hopkins .. The ,Highlands of Canaan there'\ and are. <described by ; the: excavators -as (Demsky·ao(LKq.<;.tl~vi:1978:21). No cisterM,::),\lhat discovered (l~jGi1qh Mazar ·1981; . ~.3~ :rh~J e rock-cut ciste.rns 1o,early Iron Age villages is not is forgrain-:p1~L.cle.spite the over-whelming. pr cisterns attAi and at the Iron II town of Tel en-Nasbe which was also settled at this time (Broshi 1977: 916).'

'A.

152

Chapter Six - Population ialpyramid that render his calculations all the more blerhatiC•. ~,attempto:fD;'!Webley·. to calculate' the population of ientGezer based upon the economic potential of its irnaiate environment was reviewed above (Ch. 5 §F.2). Even the welter of assumptions such a study of agricultural tentialrequires could be brought under control, the result ouldremain an indication of the population which mixed farming could potentially support around a particular site. Such calculations can be useful as pointers to the existence of l'lon-agriCulturalpressures, networks of exchange, and political relations when the potential population they suggest deviates substantially from the actual population as measured by other means, but they hardly produce trustworthy absolute measures. The same holds true for M. Broshi's attempt to estimate the size of the population of RomanByzantine Palestine on the basis of its grain-growing capacity as known from the pre-State-of-Israel 20th century. So many assumptions are demanded by this method that it pushes credulity to its limits. Indeed, many of the assumptions made by Broshi are fallacious: that the percentage of grain in the diet is invariable, that all of a single year's harvest was consumed in that year, and, above all, that the grain-growing capacity of a region is a constant over time (until the agricultural revolutionl) (1980: 6-7; see also l'vlayerson 1967:. 43). In fairness to those who employ these methods of estimation based in some way on subsistence potential, it must be noted that they always emphasize the maximal character of the estimates so derived. The desire to arrive at a maximum figure stems from the desire to dislodge the incredible overestimates that have in the past marked opinion about ancient population. Even the maximal estimates are tiny in comparison to some classical reckonings. The most systematic and fully presented attempt at population calculation for ancient Israel is that of Yigal Shiloh who relies upon a density coefficient (number of persons per unit area of settlement sites) to estimate populations of Iron Age towns (I980b: 27-30). Shiloh's method is based upon the assumption that towns of the same type will share the same density of occupation. Tell Beit Mirsim St. A is chosen as the representative site on which to base a determination of occupational density because of the clarity of its town plan and the definition of the kinds of buildings and spaces it permits. Shiloh calculates the density of its occupation by estimating the number of dwelling units that 153

Hopkins :-;The Highl;ands 9fCanaan would be contained by the \'Ilhol~,§i~~ Q9Jh~.;p;a~ excavated. portion; multiplying then~m~ero~i9\Y by.anaveragE; family si?e,andthe.ndiVjdivg~,;t ofoc~l!pantsby.' tl)~ JotaL<(lrea .• ()f 'ithe.~i't.e..,..\;EQ Mirsim .• S't~A Shiloh ·.finds J 64 ,dw~Ilir\g . uQj~§i' . . e.aI; familyo! 8 Individuals making atotalofl,312.pepl() 30 dunam .' site.: These figures yield a densitycoe:fficiE; inhabitants per dunarn, Similar calculations are made el-FarahIIIb (45/dn),Tel el-Farah lIla (40/dn), and I Il (47/dn), all of which Shiloh labels'!provincialto similarity of these results" leads Shiloh to .regan persons perdunam "as an optimal density coeffic various Israelite provincial towns" (I98Gb: 29)~ He no these figures are comparable to others deterrni ancient Mesopotamian cities as well as for many Eastern towns of the 19th and early 20th centuries (]98 The application of Shiloh's fixed density coefficient; sites of the early Iron Age settlement expansion is block several considerations. First, according to Shiloh's r reasoning this density coefficient applies only to towns same type as Tell Beit Mirsim St.A. Precisely what is by type is not sufficiently delineated by Shiloh, thou must include such factors as the presence or absence defensive wall, the density of buildings on a site as we the extent to which a town is integrated· in a broa economic network. If such are indeed indicators of type, the it is puzzling that the 12th-eentury site of Tel Masos,' included with the other three Iron Age II settlements W were walled (without certainty at Tel el-Farah) and pa an economic network managed by the monarchy. Tel does not share these features, though it was involved in form of trade, and it was also not so densely packed other sites. The fact that the data from Tel l\Iiasosyif; density coefficient in line with those of the others isoot, to any similarity of type, but to its dispersed comm layout. Calculating density coefficients from excava portions of sites assumes proportional representation of.; whole site. The probable faultiness of this assumption foci Masos Area A artifically inflates the density coefficient.' . In addition to measurements of site size, Shil calculations depend to a large degree upon how one cou the number of domestic buildings. Confidence in his den coefficient for Tel Masos is not increased by the disccv that his house count cannot be made to conform to published general plan of the site. There are eightbuildi

as

154

Chapter Six - Population ·d.Outon>the site ·plan~ but <Shiloh reports nine: eight Uingooits andapublicstore-house (l980b: 29). Reducing if;~t<;lby :.a ··single«house wouldvrlower the· density ffitienttoforty.;.ooeperdunarn. If the area tuallyrcontains but six;dwellingunit~ which is just as ely;theothedensitycoefficientdrops to 35/dn. Similar esrions.rabout house counting can be raised for Tell Beit Mirsim .where McClellan has found forty domestic buildings instead of Shiloh's thlrty-slx, a difference that raises the pensity coefficient to 48.5/dn (1977: 12). }\ related issue emerges from the different ways in which the same density coefficient is used to determine absolute site populations by Shiloh on the one hand and Broshi, whom Shiloh acknowledges as working along similar lines, on the other (I 980b: 33, n.2). Shiloh determines site populations by multiplying the density coefficient by the total settlement area (l980b: 30), while Broshi first subtracts 25 percent of the settlement area to take into account public and open spaces (1980: 5). The conflict here is not just one of arithmetic, but is theoretical, between the value of total area versus purely domestic area as a measure of the number of inhabitants. The balance of evidence falls on the side of the latter. Cook and Heizer's mathematically refined study of aboriginal populations of California found strong correlations between living space and population, but not between total settlement area and population except within relatively uniform regions. As the diversity of territory and site catchments increases, the relationship between site area and population "may break down and, indeed, disappear, the two variables tending to become completely independent" (I 968:

115). Broshi's procedure of adjusting site area for public spaces appears sound on this basis, but how then can the density coefficient be the same as the one employed by Shiloh? Finally, Shiloh's density coefficient is based on an average family size which is drawn not from the excavated remains themselves, but from "abundant information available in the historical sources of the period regarding the structure of the nuclear family as part of the larger patriarchal groups" (l980b: 29). Shiloh's estimate of eight in the single family that he believes occupied each of the dwelling units lies at the- high end of the spectrum of opinion on this question. Based upon a great variety of data, J. C. Russell offers an estimate at the opposite end of the scale, counting 3.5 - 3.8 persons in the nuclear family unit in late ancient and 155

Hopkins -:rhehighlandsof Canaan medieval,,;times.· Underlying Russell's' estimate appreciatiooofcthehigh.,mortalityrateintheanci ~nWhich ,:'itwou!olrequir':eaboutsixchHdl"en tothe,~ I"eplace>the; d(':agt.mderH·good·.,conditi()ns'11{f95&. 35j Angel'spaleodemographic?work, ". albeit Hmited, point sarne,direction: 4.lbirthsQut only J.9.survivors pen! the Iron Age (I972: 94-95, table 28; belowCh.9.§D). too, thinks eight is too high an average and notes t figures aim for the upper limit of population at Iron Ag (1980b: 29). To be sure,any calculation of absolute pop made on the basis of a density coefficient of fort)d persons perdunam of site will overshoot the actual level wide margin. This discussion makes clear the dependency of density coefficient on data and assumptions related domesticbuiIding:thenumber of such units per sit composition of the household, and the size of thef This dependency is masked somewhat by the term ity coefficient," but it is real nonetheless. A metho population estimation which is explicitly based upon domestic dwelling while at the same time reducing significance of estimates of family size and composition be found in the formula of Naroll which relates popula size directly to the dwelling area of a settlement. Nar~ studied eighteen mostly North American and Ocealli¢' societies and concluded that "the population of a prehistoric settlement can be very roughly estimated by archaeologis~ as of the order of one-tenth of the floor area in sq meters occupied by its dwellings" (1962: 588).Na suggestion has. not been tested widely enough to mal« anything more than tentative, but such comparisons as been attempted tend to bear out both the nature 0 relationship between dwelling area, defined as the total under the roofs of dwellings, and population as we Narol l's quantification of this relation. Le Blanc pre four cases in which the average dwelling area per pe ranges from 7.3 to 11.0 square meters, "reasonably close' Naroll's prediction (1971:211). Kramer's work on the Zagros village of Shahiibiid finds a range of between 9 and square meters of dwelling space per person (1979a: 155). The application of this formula to early IronA~ settlements is complicated especially by uncertainty a the extent of the roofed area and the absence or presene a second story. The amount of available data, howe places the most serious limitations on computationsba 156

Chapter Six - Population pon' NaroIl's formula/21 {~" Among' the excavated early Iron e;HighlandssiteS;tontyat'Mi and TelMasosdo domestic tiildlngsexi~t\i~'sUffi<:ient numbersand'\cldequatestate of reservation and publication" 't(f'make ,'.~ "calculations at all meanIDgfuI~'UiASsummg >single-storfand'.entirely \ roofed domestic buildings,'the dwelling area of five 'houses from tAi ranges from a ,low of 17.8 square meters toa high of 44.0, making room for an average number of 3 occupants {22{. In both Stratum III and II Tel Masos' houses possess sufficient dwelling Space for an average of 6 persons {23{. Though strikingly divergent,' both of these averages fall within the range of the nuclear rather than the extended family. Calculations of the total population of these sites obviously cannot avoid the problem of proportionality. Recognizing this, Naroll's formula suggests a population of about 60 persons at' tAi (supposing the existence of 20 houses on the site),and 118g at Tel Masos(supposing the existence of 198 houses on the site). The Tel Masos figure, while fully half that arrived at using Shiloh's density coefficient, is certainly too high given the dispersed site plan. The tAi figure clearly underestimates the total population of the site, as noted above, since it does not match the obvious density of the village. Using new data,' Stager (forthcoming) sets the number of houses at early Iron Age tAi at 80, yielding a population figure in the range of 300 persons. The true figure may lie somewhere between these estimates, but in any case, the community of tAi is by no means a large one. If 'Ai is typical of other similarly sized Highland settlements (see above list of sites), then a picture of inhabitants primarily clustered in relatively small groupings dominates the population landscape of the early Iron Age Highlands /24/. 3. Zonal Pattern of Settlement Despite decades of archaeological excavation and survey, the total expansion of settlement in the early Iron Age Highlands has not yet been mapped. This fact limits the extent to which the zonal pattern of settlement can be described and the conclusions that can be drawn on its basis. Even with the presently available evidence, however, the radical change in the distribution of settlement size and a number of characteristics of their location can be displayed. a. Determinants of settlement sites The settlement pattern of the Bronze Age Highlands has 157

Hopkins: ,.. J1.eHighlanQ$of Canaan been studiedanclpresente(t~fl.fuHer~tail t han otherpe~~ The; y.;<.>,~kc<.>,f >ThQrna$o:rl)omPWOi.~rnplja~izes.th~>ecoJ . p()t~flt~aJqf.x,¥,~us;r~gi()fls;,a.S,tI)~)i~d! explanation\ ol>$er;Ye.d,pa.tt~r;fl§~~se,;:pa.tte,rns;/e,m~rge:inS()far:· as lai:~~e ;corre,sPQ9del1qe,ca.fJ';be fDoJe,9" ·.I:le,!y.;~e,flfthe:;fre,.q and size, 0f.$e,ttlemen~~!tpin.the yarioussubregionsQ one hand and the .<:cologicale,)Cigenciespf.ti)e areas Q other when theyare,viewedacc0rding JQtI)e needs of agricultural. economy".(1 979:63). Whi1eit is rmpossib gene,ralizeaboutti)esettlementpf,theliighlands z.one, '.. through the periods,f the scale. TWo.: subregioils whe,re this :contr particularly true are the Menashe Plateau and the Sa High!andsexceptfor.thecore. ()fthe NablusSy (Thompson 1979: 44, 48; see also Campbell 1968: 19-41, 41-45). The Late Bronze sites tend to conform to the ge tendency of Bronze Age settlements, naturally pronounced in some areas than in others, ''to est themselves in or near well watered valleys and level regi and to avoid. the marginal agricultural zones" (ThomP$Q,~ 19?9:42).Repeatedly, Thompson is able to explaini~ location of settlement sites by pointing to the wealth;.ri.g~ poverty of a subregion in water (precipitation, springs, wadis), gentle topography, and good soils. The sizeQ,! settlements also. reflects this complex of determinants,.,¥.iti. areas of circumscribed agricultural potential hosting . dispersed patterns of smaller sites and most valleyar;~~!i' displaying a prominent tendency towards centralizat!9flt Occasionally Thompson posits the influence of importan.\,. trade routes, especially in encouraging centralization~
a.

158

Chapter Six - Population watershed. In the east-west running basins of northern Upper \1Ga1llee Maroni surveyed a chain of Canaanite (through Late !rBronz~)cities including
HOpkins -Th~:Highlands of Canaan

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~ui.·.·• •the;;'S:rt5~IX;;Ylttrll~~ • • ri!1~fleul~utaJ:.~~efltial.· • ·• f

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where occupation was initiated irl'theearly Iron Age Samarian .Highlands, someln the core region of the: N Syncline- situatedatthe~dgeof"basins like Marj Sanur ( Hajj H79Z.:xJ 9734]) and.theBeit Dagan valley (Kh.lbn [1792 x 178.3] and Kh, Tanafl861 x 1759]), another loea the tail of the •Wadi Far'ia in the .• East Samarian Hill Bur] [1820 x18&.});belong tQ this same category. candidates5an be drawn from the ranks of newly estab settlements in the Ju<:iean Highlands as' would be ex from the . regionalptecipitation patterns. The tel 0 Zakandah(1641 x I193),'situated on a protected hill area of gentle topography surrounding a spring, is except in this respect. Its position close to the north watershed highway also merits notice. By far the majority of the newly founded early Iron sites,' however,. do not overlook optimal. agricu] conditions. The contrast with sites where earlier inhabit found reason to settle is great in this respect. Based on 1'0 judgments about agricultural feasabiIity(soil type, arnoun level land, water availability) and recognizing the limitations of such rough judgments ! of Jarman and Webley 1975: 177-1&6,201-221), half (26 the 53 sites on which occupation was renewed in the e Iron Age offer conditions advantageous to agriculture, only about one-sixth of the newly founded sites such a boast. In this respect, the early Iron Age exoansio settlement'~Ft~e •Hlghlandsintbareas never prev!, occupied occurred as a kind of pushing back of the bord, the habitable zone~. At the same time, however, it is esseI'll: to •• recognize . that settlement of the great majority);~f previously occupied sites • with favorable .agricult~" clrcurnstancesoccurred after these sites had lain vacan the entire· Late Bronze Age (21 of 26). Their ren settlement constitutes a kind of recovery of the habi zone. If these sites with broken occupational histories oe(Oi'e their early Iron Age settlement are added to the sites wit pr~--early Iro~ Age settlement. histories, then the. by" pkt~re.of the environmental conditions of the expansio~,;gr' the settlement brightens considerably. Many of the sites 01 160

Chapter Six - Population surge of occupation do inhabit marginal limited,access
hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan lines of communication•.The p~s~ti9n;J)f.most 00. hill~J''' tops may join this relative ,.Lnaccessability.in sugge~ priority. of,security ;c:.oocerns•. A\.JXli~i'ln,fW;·f9ne1.Wp. this factor be the. one ~tofo'lerridjngsignitlc:.ance·in· of settlements. in. ~rael·';Jl\tlas.p.f.Jsra~l:}~.v•. !'Cartpgr:9But •these . locations ;c:.i'lnalso -: beinterPf~ted.Jroll} perspective. Ron has empl'lasized ;the,tenclencyof.settl never to besituated.onareas suitable for.cultivati views .the preservation-of cultivable land as the determinant. Settlement buildings are located on rocky ridge tops, thus leaving ..free .: the adjacent. arable Similarly, the propensity to locate at the margin watershed rather than on the backbone upon which the ;mCl:!.~t road runs is explained, at least in the Judean Highland . the importance of being close to the most extensive are cultivable land (Ron 1966: 120-121). Obviously assessments of the importance of the security factor ang "arable-land" factor are not mutuaHyexclusive. The loc~ ' . of early Iron Age settlements on defensible sites that dOi~ remove agricultural land from cultivation represents welcome satisfaction of different interests. The absence of near-by sources of fresh water repres another characteristic of the early Iron Age settlementsjt~; often emphasized as particularly disadvantageous. Reco,-!r~i to rock-eut cisterns is envisioned as a kind of speci#z treatment demanded by the environment as a conditionQ~.{ permanent settlement. While it is true that very few of the. sites of the early Iron Age expansion of settlementarft; blessed with proximate springs or perennial rive~~~' (exceptions come to mind such as Kh, Raddana and Bet,,~~; where fairly voluminous springs are located at the bas~)\e& both sites), this fact has. been too greatly emphasizedli.n9; does not deserve to be singled out as especially indicative.. 9~f, the harsh conditions which early Iron Age settlers ha4~t~.l·; overcome (Albright [1960] 1971: 113; Borowski 1979:\,,~~~ Gottwald 1979b: 656). Propinquity of perennial water sourc~~ does not appear to be a top priority in the location of ancient villages, the lack of which creates terrible hardship~ Numerous successful occupations of all periods of this regi~~ thrive no closer than 2km from the nearest water sourc~~; One may note Kh, Rabud where two wells are located about~; km north of the site and Hesban (in the Transjordan) wher:7 the nearest springs are 1.7 and 2.0km distant (La Bia!1$~. 1979a: 2). Of course, the indispensability of water and}~; patterns of its use lend it a relatively greater weight in, .•~t; 162

Chapter Six - Popula tlon community's balancing of factors in site selection, but it is still one among a set cof factors which must be weighed (Chisholn;t 1962:114..120). Miller's study of .water use in Syria and Palestine from very early times through the Bronze Age shows thatn.earby .• water sources have not been the prime determinants in site selection. "The immediate availability of surface water," Miller writes, "may not be the chief variable influencing settlement location," observing that "with modern rural settlements in semi-arid areas ••• distances of between 5-10km to the nearest perennial water source are common" (I 980: 332). The fact that so many sites are situated well above their water supplies presents an additional indication of the relative diminution of the ease of access to water as a determinant of site location in the early Iron Age highlands. b. Dispersed settlement and pressure on resources However one assesses the balance between defensive and agricultural needs and need for water in shaping the choice of sites in the early Iron Age expansion of settlement in the Highlands, the transformation of the zonal set tlerr.ent pattern remains conspicuous. If the Late Bronze Age settlement pattern is marked by tendencies toward centralization, then the early Iron Age settlement pattern displays a dispersed map: many more sites of smaller size at less distance from one another. T..../ 0 methodological problems erect a slight hedge around this statement. The broad dating range of most ceramic finds does not permit the precise determination of what percentage of the sites was in fact occupied contemporaneously. The number of sites occupied at any given time was certainly not as great as the number of sites ceramic evidence places wi thin a given period. Oftentimes the proximity of similarly sized sites offers a clue about non-contemporaneity under the assumption that two separate populations could not subsist on the same resource base. This is an agrument often heard with respect to the Late Bronze sites of 'Ai and Bethel and Taanach and Megiddo. Examples among the unexcavated sites of the highlands are easy to spot (compare the locations of Kh, Kussein [165& x 1&67] and Kh, el-Babariyye [1664 x 1&63J). Second, the possibility that some percentage of these sites represents seasonal occupation is high. Certain sites do not represent independent settlement, but are the secondary settlements of people who also 'occupy another site. The phenomenon of temporary settlements is, of course, not confined to the pastoral component of the population. The 163

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan seasonal rl1tgratioo "oragric~ItUransts ,~~ dlstarit ,Ii~ wt~~~~re~c:I·:s~r~tegy'",:~e,r:~.5?mrnunityn~~s.~~rna~ trahspO:tat1on;'mea~~:;;aii
164

Chapter Six - Population f land available to the individoal cultivating family is nnally dictated by the constraints of the nucleated village, ially by" the time' it takes to travel·to'andfrom .rts Ids. Inthisrespeet, there is an inhetentHthitationon the tent of land resources, one that is Independent of competition from neighboring settlements. The limiting radius under conditions of primitive transportation technology is usually considered to be an hour's walk or about 5km depending upon topography (McDonald and Simpson 1972: 127). It is hardly conceivable that the predominantly small clusters of inhabitants, like tAi,that compose the population landscape of the early Iron Age would have experienced pressure on their resources within the circle of land use imposed by,thedailycommute.It must be quickly added, howeverv cthatvmost settlements of the early Iron Age "Highlands did not enjoy anything close to a 5km radius of •exclusive territoriaL use. Even a superficial look at the settlement landscape shows this plainly. North of Shechem, for example, the early Iron Age sites of the Nablus Syncline are rarely more distant than 5km from one another. The effective radii of these sites is probably something in the neighborhood of 2km or less /25/. The occupational density of this region is probably the greatest of the Highlands south of the Jezreel Valley, but the effective distance between settlements of the other regions of the Samarian and Judean Highlands comes closer to that of its sites than to the 5km ideal figure. in the Judean Highlands south of Jerusalem, average radii are approximately one and one-half times those of the central Samarian region, still well below the limitations imposed by pedestrian travel to the fields. The surveyors of the Bethel Hills observe that early Iron Age sites were occasionally at distances of 1-2km and sometimes at distances of up to 5km one from the other (Kochavi 1972; 154,). The settlements surveyed by Aharoni in southern Upper Galilee are sometimes only 1 or 2km apart (1957: 147). From this picture of a fairly dense distribution of nucleated settlements throughout the Highlands' region (data on Lower Galilee and the Negev Highlands are lacking), it is evident that the actual radius of agricultural operations was significantly smaller than the technically potential radius. But the question about the existence of pressure on resources is not answered by this conclusion, however suggestive it may be. In order to determine whether the restricted, radii of cultivation apparent from the density of settlement translated into pressure on resources, a judgment about the 165

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan ~bilitY2t

the territorypf particularsi~esJo supp popy1CitiPQsrnust. be. made. As hasalready,been nOte iU<:igme,Qt . ,demandS a . . . detailed • . . analysis. of, '. the agricultl.!raL prpduC"tion.of a site's territory •. as . w accurate. estimate its >population.,l?resent insufficient on both counts,but if a general appeciat have any. validity, then the tiny populations of most early Iron Age sites suggest that even •territoriesre to radii of 2km, that is, encompassing about l256ha, have provided ample agricultural bases to sustain sit ulationsv-Sires the size of lAi would need to place fraction of this available land into production in orderto.:f their .Inhabitantsand store for an emergency/26/. In.ot words, from . what the zonal pattern of settlement a nature of the community layout suggest about availability and from what the domestic architecture an building densities suggest about population size, noob discrepancy between land needs and resources exists f agricultural communities of the early Iron Age. expansion of settlement and the staggering increa population density in the Highlands over the levels 0 Late Bronze Age, the population density had not builttd;( point of creating a crisis of pressure on resources conside from the standpoint of an agriculture-dominated mix~ economy. This does not mean, of course, that pressure··OJ:l. resources never existed for any single community or in any given region during this period or that such pressure mayn?t have played an important role in producing the pattern'jiQ~ dispersed settlement that characterizes the populati~ landscape. If one were able to discriminate diachronicall~ among the various settlements, their types, sizes,.~ locations, a hypothesis Involving the expansion of settlemeQt under the influence of pressure on resources frommQt,~ optimal to more marginal settlement locations or, indeed':'i~ the reverse direction, could be formulated. As it standSi however, the population landscape reveals a pattern.<>;f settlement in which growth in numbers of people and growth in numbers of settlements runparallel in such a way as.~ regional crises of pressure on resources are visib1e.·~'t'f!# Support would be won for this conclusion by a comparisq\1 with the next peak of settlement and population in the Highlands, Iron Age U. Again the number of sites dimhS' (from twenty-four to forty-nine in the Judean Highlands, t~: example). This increase is accompanied by an expansion . Of'. the boundaries of previously occupied sites. At the sametirnct 166

Chapter Six - Population e total needs of villages grow especially as the monarchical §titutionimposes .e'l(ergreater~emandson the produce of e fi~lds.l}superfj.ciallookreYeals a .crtsis of resources of eat proportions, one that: makes the growth witnessed by eearly Iron Age appear placid. : Deep and thorough-going st have been the changes of agricultural system entailed in his later period. C. Population Landscape and Agriculture What is known of the population landscape of the early Iron Age Highlands produces several important indicators of the conduct of agriculture in these regions. The dominant feature of this landscape is the dispersed pattern of small settlements variously situated in environments that span the scale of agricultural feasibility. The diversity of their locations with respect not only to agricultural conditions but also defensive possibilities and communications routes compels the conclusion that no set of equally weighted agricultural challenges and possibilities characterized the life of these villages. In this respect the closer inspection of settlement sites does not produce results that deviate from those expected on the basis of the gross cataloging of the geomorphological features and soil distribution in the Highlands presented above. The review of the zonal pattern of settlement does suggest that one challenge which the settlers of the Highlands did not have to face especially was competition among villages for land. For agricultural subsistence there does not appear in general any significant discrepancy between land needs and land resources. It is necessary to emphasize that the investigation of the relation between settlement sites and their productive bases has not been discriminating enough to make this statement definitive. Similarly, no answer to the question of whether the expansion of settlement in the Highland regions brought about the occupation of characteristic geomorphological and soil contexts has been achieved. However, the tentative conclusion about the absence of pressures on land resources stemming from competition for land suggests that no objective focusing on increasing the productivity of limited land resources demanded high priority in the conduct of agriculture in the early Iron Age Highlands. Most villages of the region were not in the position of needing to make great, intensifying investments in their lands in order to maintain themselves 167

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan ~griculturaHy.~his,of.".•~ourse, ..·is~?t,t~esaJ'n~~ssa it arableSland was •. ufree·';wnhin;t~e~gr+cuI~uraJ-sysIe . there were . 'no~tremend()us'co~ts·invoJv~d 'in 'i>rIng into production and ···rnaintaining'it.lt does remain to speak about agricultural objectives telatingto the and maintenance of : productive farming land and th strategies adopted to achieve these objectives unci specific environmental and demographic constraints 0 early IronAgeHightands.(Seebelow.~h.&).Howev light of the zonal pattern of settlement it appears that may have been rnorexvital objectives and strategies a which the primary structure of agriculture in this tim place took shape. It is more likely that a-challenge of great weight on· diverse agricultural agendas of Highlands communitie imposed by the small size and no doubt fragile nature communities themselves. The ability of these communit maintain an adequate supply of labor with which to carr agricultural operations must have been a constant con This perceptiori creates an interesting paradox: the' villages which were collectively part of a large population growth in the Highlands, were by population instability and inadequacy. Carol made much of the early Israelite concern with tion, arguing that "Israelite society urgently required plenishment and even a surge in population to combat effect of the famine, war, and disease at the end of Bronze Age and to provide the human factor ne,ce~;satY'forF normal agricultural efforts" 0978: 98). Such a need ooiint5··;t6the possible presence of : means to enlarge the population size, that is, social mechanisms that production. Notions of solidarity beyond the im!medialt~ family can function in this way, as can contributions to ceremonial occasions and a host of social forces. Gottwald has caught a glimpse importance in the formation of early Israel of motivations enlarge the effective size of the population and thus Increase' production. A vital role was played by

the reality that these small-scale intensive turalists were not producing the greater part of surpluses to support a voracious leisured class. What produced they consumed or bartered,., and thus critical question for. them ••• was to organize forces .relations, or production that could secure them a and advancing subsistence level (I979b: 662). 168

Chapter Six - Population attention needs to be paid to means of increasing the li,jat>Of'.StJp{)ly other than through natural increase or absorption remain essential. Meyers has pointed to the 1).•e xistence of sanctions against sexual misconduct that wasted reproouctive energy and threatened the nuclear family as supportive of the priority of population increase (1978: 99). The success of efforts at population building is surely responsible for a share of the increase in numbers. On the other hand, natural increase in population cannot explain the slope of the growth curve, and much of the expansion of settlement must be accounted for by the influx of groups from outside the Highlands (Stager forthcoming). Joining the social concern to increase the numbers of people or the effective size of the population stands the straightforward agricultural concern to make the most of the limited amount of labor available. The seasonal climate, enforcing a period of agricultural rest, makes such a concern for the optimization of labor all the more urgent. Several features of the domestic dwelling and its associated installations and furnishings shed light on what must have been another weighty challenge in the Highlands' agricultural villages. The possibility that a stable was a regular feature of the domestic dwelling indicates the importance of the pastoral component of agricultural life and, furthermore, locates at least some share of this component among the permanent inhabitants of a site who devoted a major portion of their energies to strictly agricultural pursuits. The importance of the coupling of different strategies of exploiting the environment that constitutes mixed farming cannot be underestimated in the early Iron Age. Of equal importance was the ability, technically and socially, to store foodstuffs as a buffer against the greatly variable yields of Highland agriculture. The large collared-rim pithoi and grain-pits so common on the sites of the early Iron Age Highlands are concrete attestations of this high priority objective. The fact that storage jars and installations belong primarily to domestic loci is instructive of the fundamental level of economic activity and decision making, namely, the household. Nevertheless, the existence of "storage buildings" at various sites (Kh. Raddana, Shiloh, Tel Masos, and possibly 'Izbet Sartah to judge by the size and configuration of house no. I12) hints at broader institutions of social responsibility. If storage was as important as the existence of these facilities, installations, and pithoi appears to indicate, then 169

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan extra-village networks of reciprocity would not .~. pected features of the .population landscape. Attep wa ysof<storinK ," foodstuffs from . one 'yeanto the", tQdi;'lersificationoftheexploitatiortoftheenvironme function ;tospread' '.the.risksinherent '" in:thestr subsistence in "this variableregion~Sincetheabili community to spread risk is dependent largely on the of energy it can marshal, risk spreading is pair optimizing the supply ,of labor in the conduct of agricul Together, these two constitute what was probably the decisive objective in the structuring of agriculturei Highlands. (See below, Ch, 9). Following upon the examination of the HighlatJ(1 environment, this description and analysis of the popula landscape of the early Iron Age completes the settingof,: stage, as it were, for the presentation of a pictureofl~~' actual operation of its agricultural systems. We turn, the~j~~ an examination of agricultural technology in the earlY'I~~' Age, the crop producing, processing, storing activities i\n~ other elements of agricultural practice by which a partisul~r population sustained itself in this particular region.:.'Th'e review of the environmental and demographic factors:tfas converged upon three objectives by which the agricUltural systems may be characterized. The intense and highly variable rainfall of the region can be seen as the primary subsistence challenge, and so the objective of water conservation and control provides the first focus of the examination of agricultural technology. While not as urgent in the short-term, the maintenance of agricultural lands is'a vital necessity, especially in the hilly terrain of . the Highlands. Thus the objective of soil conservation and fertility maintenance supplies the second focus. The objective of risk spreading and the optimization oflabO! receives the greatest portion of treatment below and the ultimate position. There is a clear limit beyond which variability of the Highlands climate cannot be labor-intensive Iron Age technology. Consequently, spreading of risk and the mobilization of hands to this effort becomes the decisive objective for achievement of subsistence security.

170

CHAPTER SEVEl\i AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES A1\.D STRi\ TEGIES: WATER CONSERVA nO1\. Al\iD C01\.TROL

Pools of Solomon.

171

Chapter Seven AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: WATER CONSERVATION AND C01\TROL A. Introduction ATER availability is the critical environmental constraint under which agricultural systems must function in Highland Canaan. The patterns and forms which available water takes in the Highlands present the most significant challenges to any agricultural community. First and foremost among these challenges is that posed by the high rates of runoff which steal mass quantities of this valuable commodity from agriculture. The seasonal climate with its high intensity rains, the hilly terrain, and the characteristics of the soils combine, almost willfully, to make water conservation a high priority task. Extremely high rates of evapotranspiration and the limited accessibility of springs and other sources of irrigation water raise the stakes involved in water conservation and control still further. It is no wonder that archaeologists and historians of the period of the emergence of Israel have often turned to water control and conservation devices in order to explain the expansion of settlement in the Highlands. (See above, Ch, 6 §B.3.a.) Securing and conserving water constitute the number one challenge which Highland settlers had to face. B. Terrace Systems Among the strategies for water conservation and control to which hill-slope cultivators the world over have often turned is terracing (Spencer and Hale 1961; Donkin 1979). While it is true that terracing is commonly viewed primarily as a soil conservation measure, its potential role in the water balance of an agricultural environment makes it also a leading strategy for water management. This is especially true of hilly regions in arid or semi-arid zones or in climates with 173

hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan an uneven distribution of rainfall (Mayerson 1960: 2). discussion of the contribution of terracing to water servation and control will include a description of the ture of terraces and terrace types, a picture of the aims functions of terraces and the requirements of the' construction and maintenance, and.. a consideration of th date for the appearance of terraces in the Highlands. Agricultural terracing has transformed, through centuri of its practice, the natural landscape of Highland Canaan. represents a dear example of a special treatment by human agents have shaped the environment from which derive their sustenance. In simplest terms, agriculturalz terracing is the technique of the creation leve" agricultural surfaces on hillsides, in valley bottoms,a. elsewhere. Quite a number of different types of agrkultur terraces. play important roles in the farming econorni around the world. A preliminary classification by Spencer Hale lists ten distinct types which range from channel bot weir terraces found in arid areas to wet field terraces of rice-growing communities of southeast Asia. The prevalent terrace type of the Highlands is termed by Spencer and Hale the "linear sloping, dry field terrace," and the creation of arable land behind a stone wall built across a hillside (1961: 4-15). The Hebrew Bible limited occurrences of two terms which may refer to this kind of agricultural terrace: "madrega" (pl. madregot) and "sedemot". The term "madrega" is found in Cant 2.14 and Ezek 38.20 where the contexts appear to have the terrace wall more narrowly in view. Borowski lists this as one of the two terms which may be interpreted as denoting "terrace" (1979: 31). The term "sedemot" is found in Deut 32.32, tsa l6.8, 2 Kgs 23.4, Jer 31.40 (Qere), and Hab 3.17. Borowski concludes that this term "seems to signify a special type of field or place of cultivation, the most likely interpretation of which is 'terrace'" (1979: 31). In a fuller discussion Stager expands the corpus of this term to include two Ugaritic citations (CTA 23:8-11 and CTA 2.1.43 [reconsrructedl) and concludes that "in Ugaritic and Hebrew poetry the term is used to denote 'agricultural terraces,' especially those on which vineyards were planted (CTA 23.8-11; Deut 32.32; and Isa 16.8), but fig and olive orchards were grown on 'sdrnt' as well (Hab 3.17)" (I982: 113-118). Other terrace types also occur, e.g., the terrace types of the Negev (Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor 1971: 97-118). No comprehensive classification of the terrace types of Highland Canaan has been carried out. 174

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation &: Control Though the study of .even the most common .of the Highlands'terraces is still in -rts infancy, the basic aims and fuoctions';of'agricultural"terra<:ing· hlive beenelucidated by field observation, common sense, and ethnographic analogy (Edelstein and Gat 1980: n-7&; Edelstein and Gibson 19&2: 52; de Geus 1975: 67; Ron 1966: 34, 122; Spencer and Hale 1961: 5-f». The primary aim of terrace building is to create leveled surfaces•.These leveled surfaces are more accommodating to the operation of the animal traction plow, and in some locations they may serve to expand the arable area accessible to irrigation water (Semple 1931: 440). The creation of leveled surfaces permits the achievement of another of the basic aims of terrace building: to control runoff. The control of runoff both reduces soil erosion from the hillside and enhances the accumulation of nutrient rich soil on the terrace surface by capturing soil particles washed down from upslope and retaining decaying organic matter and debris. The end result may be the securing of a greater depth of soil behind the terrace wall. The control of runoff also protects crops from the potential hazards of fast-moving sheetwash (Brush 1977: 98)•• Above all, by decreasing the amount of runoff through the increase of depression storage, terraces facilitate the penetration of water (either rainwater or irrigation water) into the soil. The construction of terraces also provides a resting spot for stones cleared from the surrounding fields which are used for the revetments or in fill at the base of the walls. "The creation of a terrace was not a simple task" (Edelstein and Gibson 19&2: 52). Terrace construction was both a tune-consuming and complex task which demanded no small .amountof engineering, geological, and hydrological knowledge. Even the first simple efforts at terracing of primitive' agricultural communities would involve "recognitioncof.vlandforrns, the nature of the regolith [layer of rock material that underlies the soil], the character of the soils, precipitation regimes, and the nature of surface water" (Spencer and Hale 1961: 4; see also Ron 1966: 121). The first step in the construction of a linear sloping, dry field terrace on a hillside already cleared of vegetation was the building of the terrace wall laterally across the hillside. Edelstein and Gibson have been able to distinguish five different types of walls in their field examination of terraces in the Highlands. The earliest dated wall, and one which is typical of the Iron Age, was ''built of large triangular stones to form a series of pillars. Smaller stones were used to fill in the areas between 175

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan the larger .stones" (Edelstein andGibson1982:52)~The.d ofpecliyitypftl1eslope;determines . the ., necessary· h . the4e!:'rage; .wallxp-nd.• 1;hus'.' ;the iamounl,of .Iabor••·.·requi cOrQpletehi(Edelsteinand,Cat.l9&0: Z&;Lewis1953:2} placement;,;.of . walls«..a nd.,the •. buHding'ofterraces facilitated on -the Cenomanian and Turonian dolomites of the Highlands which often' contain bands (H'IP"'" readily dissolved chalk or marl and have assumed a stE~p~ilk·e morphology (Karmon 1971: 329; Orni and Efrat 1 These natural step formations form the foundation of terr.lcEl).:' waHswhich are placed on the front edge .of the hortzontat steps (Edelstein and Gat 1980: 77; Arniran 1962: 102). recognition of the existence of these step formations good example of the kind of geological knowledge of wIllIe"}.··. the ancient terrace-building community made use. Upslope, behind the walls, the terrace beds which Edelstein;.c. and Gibson) have investigatedhavesuggested caref\.llf' attention to the layering of the fill: "first a layer of gravel, then a layer of soil, then a layer of stones or anothersof gravel, and finally a layer of organic soil." The gravel base immediately behind the wall was provided to permit .tf:l~ percolation of water from one terrace to the next (Edelstein and.Gibson 1982: 53). The amount of labor necessary 'to complete the terrace bed was dependent upon the availabilitY of fill, that is, primarily upon the depth of the soil and unconsolidated regolith in the terraced area. On hillsides with sufficient soil and regolith, back-slope digging and fore-slope filling up to the terrace wall would accomplish the task.' On slopes with only a thin covering of soil and regolith, however] the necessary fill would have to be transported to the terrace from surrounding slopes or, more commonly it appears, from the valley bottoms below (Spencer and Hale 1961:20; Edelstein and Gat 1980: 73). Soil also accumulates behind the terrace walls from natural processes of soil genesis and erosion from upper slopes. In order to secure an accurate assessment of the level of labor required by the terracing of the Highlands' hillsides, it would be important to know if terracing of these slopes were possible in the early Iron Age without the time-consuming transport of soil from the valley bottoms. Edelstein and Kislev's study of the agricultural terraces of Mevasseret Yerushalayim did find that soil behind the 8th century terraces had been transported to the terraces from another site, the location of which they did not determine (Edelstein and Kislev 1981: 54-56). This could be interpreted as evidence 176

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation & Control of . the extent to which soil erosion in the Highlands had progressed by; the8thcentury;J§ho~ver,and·not-be a reflection of 'the dictates of the natural extent of thesoi! cover. Under the maquis vegetation 'which presumably covered the early Iron Age Highlands.vterra rossa sells-may well have been as deep as a meter or more on the slopes. (See above, Ch, 5 §D, §F.a.) The kind of slope would also have been a factor in determining the ready availability of soll for terrace beds, however, and areas with a step-like morphology would have offered but little back-slope area from which terrace fill might have been secured. Other kinds of slopes would likely have allowed the creation of terrace beds without the need to import vast quantities of soil, The still-functional terraces of the Highlands today and all the cross-sectional diagrams which one finds in literature show the area behind the terrace wall to be a brim-full, more-or-less level, horizontal bed (e.g., Lewis 1953: 3). Agricultural terraces are thus conceived to contain "deep profiles of imported soil," "leveled up to the top of the revetment" (Stager 1982: 112). The existence today of many age-old terraces which are fairly full of soil that forms a level surface may be explained by some set of principles of proper terrace construction, but other factors, notably the long-standing accumulation of sheetwash and other debris, have played a part. One ought to exercise caution, in any case, in supposing that the terraces which may have been built by Highland communities in the early Iron Age must have conformed to ideal specifications about fullness and levelness. In fact, the creation of a level terrace bed "is not a prerequisite for a successful terrace" of the linear sloping, dry field type (Spencer and Hale 1961: 9). Levelness is vital when terraces serve to create artificially irrigated fields where the even spread of water is a priority. Otherwise absolute levelness (for the sake of ease of plowing, for example) occupies a low position on the list of terrace aims. The other more important functions of soil and water conservation are accomplished by the creation of a leveled (relative to the hillside) terrace bed whose soil need not rise to the very brim of the terrace wall. Fill for such terraces is more likely to have been available on newly cleared Highland hillsides of all types in the early Iron Age. The foregoing description of the construction of terraces presents a picture of an involved and labor-intensive set of tasks. Edelstein and Gat concluded that the construction of the terraces of the Highlands "was a complex operation 177

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan d~l'I1andingastaggering;investl'l1ent nT, T,rnA,:;>n,... I""h",r";fl,,g

Z3)., Needless t~ sa)l,;;th~dabordemandsofterracesyste mt faU silent withtb~:t9;mpletion oftheinitialconstru Maintenanceals<> ';"eqt1.il'~ahighjnput"of daborthe the insp~ction,: t~pair,' ;andreinforcementof"terrace (Turkowski 1969~,24k;The;high,.,labor.,.,requirement;oh ace ' systems 'has ;;n~t,gone '," unnoticed 'in .Iiterature terrace-farming' communities. Authorities on develop agricultural communities frequently name the high costs' terracing -as 'chief among factors militating against ;th introduction in fragile ,environments (Pelzer Anthony et al, 1979: 120). Because of their ,high labor. costs, terrace usually found in cultivating communitiescharacterizedb set of correlatedcondrttonss-Nettrng, for example, notes tha among ,the hHlfarmers of Nigeria factors of econorr( feasibility limit terrace systems to land which could "prod heavily and on a sustained basis" (Netting 1968: 61). Incl;li study of land use in Israel, D. Amiran links the establishment of terrace systems to economic and demographic factors;; ''the amount of labour invested in these ancient terraces and,: their maintenance was tremendous, an investment possible only when labour' was a cheap commodity and when the crops grown on these terraces commanded a good price in a stable market" (J 962: 102). Beaumont envisions a correlation between terracing and high population density in the history of eastern Mediterranean farming (J 976: 133-135). Even where population is dense and labor cheap, the existence of terrace systems "raises questions about mobilization 'of labor and the social organization production" (Netting 1968: 3; see also Barlett 1980: 554 who mentions the issue of compulsion). While the terracing of slopes in a populated hilly region may not have been the kind of project necessarily entailing centralized organizatton-anc support,it was an activity which demanded cooperation ,or singleness of purpose within a community that applied this kind of special treatment to its environs (Spencer and Hale 1961: 2). Such cooperation has been demonstrated by Ron for the construction of terraces surrounding springs in the Judean Hills. He writes: "Each spring-irrigated terrace area and irrigation system was built as a complete unit designed. in advance, taking into account the size of the irrigable area" (I 966: Ill). While, the terraces which Ron has studied surely do not derive in their present form from the early Iron Age, the dynamics of such terraced areas would seem to demand a 178

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation &: Control systemic approach at any point in history. For non-irrigated hill-slope terraces, too, Edelstein and Kislev argue that "cer1ain"pattern' of•arrangement '. of' terraces would' emerge once it became clear that building terraces at random is undesir able,". Ideally, the whole slope would be developed as a unit 09&1:55); Whether terrace system construction was the impulse of smaller or larger forms of social organization, however, does not change the need for mobilizing labor and compelling a contribution in work-hours far in excess of the demands of a non-terrace agricultural enterprise. The building of terraces is a classical example of the intensification of agricultural systems which demands a significantly higher total input of labor than a non-terraced regime. The major question which the existence (or posited existence) of widespread terracing in the Highlands occupied by early Israel raises, then, is the question of the availability of labor to construct and maintain the terraces. This question about the availability of labor has been raised lately in a small number of the many studies relating to agriculture and the expansion of settlement in the Highlands. Edelstein and Kislev, for example, ask whether land shortage relative to population density might have encouraged inhabitants of the Highlands to adopt such a labor intensive and relatively low-yield technique as terracing (1981: 56). Stager suggests that the construction of terraces in the Highlands was stimulated by the swell in the population which accompanied Israelite settlement. Population densities become "sufficiently great to require terracing in order to sustain agriculturally based villages," as terrace construction served to forestall degradation of a pressured environment (forthcoming). While the mechanism which underlies this view of the intensification of Highland agriculture makes good sense, the previous examination of the population landscape of the early Iron Age suggests that densities had not in fact become sufficiently great to compel the intensification of farming through terracing. In fact, Stager sets the date of the achievement of "pressure on resources" so early (I200 B.C.E.) as to render it almost meaningless. The construction of terraces is seen as arriving with the establishment of new settlements rather than after these settlements themselves had experienced growth that might have exerted some pressure on their productive bases. The villagers that settled ~Al and Kh, Raddana "were well advanced in the technique of terrace agriculture when they established their settlements de novo on hilltops and laid out their terraced plots on the 179

Hopkins~-The .HighlaI1ds

of Canaan

§19ge~ ben~athl';(~tager:.tforthcorniJ)g)."(etthe size, g["iiPhic)\t~tability,~. <.U1c:ldi~fibution,;.pf ;settlementsi e~rlY·lr0!1;yl\ge.aighlands ..do;nQt .·.'JI.!n·(SUpport .1,0('; <;thisii

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.

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argued:thatterracing is the absolute minimum require of any> and alLagriculture in the Highlands opened up in early Iron Age.ln most discussions of agricultural settlem in .the Highlands terrace systems are, in fact, viewed minimum level of special treatment set by the environiment;~;;.;p;. a level that must be met without regard for the social forms it demands from the settlers. Ron labels as known" the fact that "agricultural regions of Medit~rranean cannot exist without terracing" (I 966: Geus asserts that ·!it was the terraces which made aglricul1:url~.·· possible on the slopes" (1975: 70), and Borowski goes so to claim that "settlement . could not have been ac:hH;:VE~d;;;;; without" terracing of freshly deforested hillslopes see· also Reifenberg 1955: 35). For Carol Meyers, terracing techniques are a prior condition for the Highlands. She views terraces as among the technologtcat innovations that "resolved the environmental made this demographic shift [the settlement of Highlands} possible" (1978: 95). There is good reason to believe, however, that terracing not the minimum threshold of intensity at which agricultural systems in the Highlands must operate. The reasoning which supports the view that terracing is a prior condition lacks solid foundation. Most of those who hold this view that terraces are a necessary first step, base their claim on the susceptibility of the soil of the Highlands-hillsides to erosion and on the acknowledged fact that terraces are the effective way to prevent its devastating consequences.Cropscar4 however, .be grown successfully on slopes without terracess even the 20-30°· slopes which are prevalent in the Highlands (see also Huntingford 1932: 335). The risks of soil erosion may be perfectly obvious to modern commentators, but examples of short-sightedness among pre-industrial cultivators are numerous (Symons 1978: 26). There is no reason to suppose that early cultivators in the Highlands were any better prepared to recognize and heed the signs of soil erosion than many of their successors. It has already been noted that the. assumption that cultivators farm their environments under' the> influence of long-term considerations of continued agricultural viability is overly optimistic. The combination 9! 180

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation & Control these two factors- the ability of slopes to support cultivation, although not in the long run.and the blindness of many .traditional farmlng . communities to the devastating impact of soil erosion and its long-term consequences - casts great doubt over assertions about the indispensability of terracing to Highland settlement. These considerations may be sufficient to dislodge the view that the growth of the settlement of the Highlands in the early Iron Age was accompanied as a matter of course by the construction of terrace systems. They should, in any case, make .plain that the terracing technology provided no pull toward settlement in the Highlands and cannot be regarded as the "technological innovation" which permitted that settlement. It is much more cogent to assume that terracing in the Highlands was a response of the Highland communities to exigencies encountered as the duration of their settlement progressed. This is precisely the view that Spencer and Hale put forth in the context of their attempt to account for the beginnings of terracing. Against the supposition that concern over soil erosion prompted the development of terracing techniques, they argue that the "concern over soil erosion is a late development." "Soil erosion, and its prevention," Spencer and Hale assert, becomes a concern only to peoples who have long occupied a given landscape, who become gradually aware of growing scarcity of agricultural lands, who must face the task of enlarging their agricultural productivity, or who must face the task of regaining productivity in a landscape suffering from soil erosion (1961: 26-27). Such a view recognizes the interaction of food-producing communities with their environment as a process of moving toward and falling away from a situation of relative equilibrium in which both the human community and its environment vary over time. Considered from the standpoint of their roles as stabilizers of the soil environment of the Highlands, terrace systems may not have played an important role in the Highland settlement and cannot be rearded as a minimum level of special treatment demanded by the environment. Yet the primary importance of terraces for the ancient Highland agriculturalists would not have been their service in the soil balance but their role in the water balance of their regions. The contribution of terracing to water conservation and

181

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan control has been outlined above. Chref among its values is" control. of • • runoHand •the 'increase iindePJ:~~futts~o:~ge: water 'penetration that ' it '. provides.·'iThe"impt1rtancexof,tfl capabilities' can be made ,dear' by, recaUingtwo 'observati about theclimate of· theHighlands.;,iFirst,the>concentra of the Highlands' rains in a shortrsea:son and consequently 'high intensity' resurt.. insignificant 'i. rates runoff. Between 12 and 38 percent av able rainwater is lost to agriculture as runoff. (See ",hnVip5'/'{ Ch.4 §A.5.) While farming communities can do nothing crease the intensity of rainfall ,which their lands re(:eive;;"i/' terracing provides a way of significantly reducing the amount' of losses to runoff. Similarly, the increased penetration rainwater which terracing makes possible is a advantage in a seasonal climate where the soil ordinari carries no water reserves from one growing season next. Terraced hill slopes will experience a replenishment of ground water supplies and thus be rendered's less vulnerable to the vagaries of the rainfall regime. both of these contributions of terracing to water conservation to increase the stability and the productivity of agriculture, Such benefits, moreover, are observable in the vear-to-vear operation of an agricultural system and appear as oositrve gains in crop yields and drought resistance. This contrasts with the gains of soil conservation which are primarily, preventive in nature. It is in their role in the water balance of Highlands' agriculture that terraces could more plausibly be viewed as a minimum threshold for agricultural activity. "The art of terracing," writes Davis in his study of hill country dry farming, "made agriculture more dependable in a land of varying resources" (1981: 9). Yet even viewed from this perspective terraces are no necessary prior condition for agricultural settlement, though they ·do appear to offer a great adaptive advantage in the uncertain environment. The character of the population landscape 'of the early Iron Age does not warrant the conclusion that the advantage of increased reliability offered by terracing had become compelling at this time, even if i the necessary, input of labor could have been mustered.' Under different conditions that would have made stable productivity a more desirable and essential goal, the construction of terraces for the purpose of water conservation would be a vital feature of Highland agricultural systems. It might be possible to venture beyond this conclusion if one could be more certain. about the dating ," of 182

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation &. Control agricultural terraces which litter the Highlands today or which r'are'
Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan trusted (l96l:25-30). Stager has attempted to seta'~termi ad.quem\',forterrace ~~Jmo1.ogy.:that wouldpredate.lsr settlement in the •.• Highlands by appealing to the occurre the word "Sdmt,"·. translated \'terraces," inUgariticp Stager argues that,!'already by the late Bronze Ageter vineyards were a common enough sight in the hills be Ugarit that bards could evoke their imagery insustai metaphor without fear of being misunderstood" 0982: 11.6).\1 remains to be explained, however, how the terraces around the populous city of Ugarit on coast can be taken as evidence for their appearance Highlands centuries later. For this to be true one forced to adopt the mistaken view that the art of terraci spread by diffusion because it constituted a "pull" to,,yards1:.it:S use in an intensive agricultural system. In the absence of hard data, many authors are date the appearance of terraces in the Highlands influence of other considerations upon which construction appears to be predicated. Thus, for example; Borowski opts for an early date in line with his belief terraces are a minimum threshold technology: "The extensive use of terracing in the hill country was introduced by Israelites in the early days of their settlement in this as a means for creating agricultural land" (I979: 28). De focuses on the importance of security for terrace systems: So one must assume that such valuable and installations as the terraces, which extend often more than a kilometer from the village, with at a considerable distance, presupposes [sic) units of some significance, if not the territorial the Iron Age (1975: 69).

Security would appear to be an important consideration, even if it were the decisive factor, the dating suggests is centuries-wide. Dates suggested for individual terrace systems archaeological investigation do not resolve the questions when terracing was first practiced on the Highlands, when it became widespread, or when it reached the extent today both the functional and collapsed remains of terraces indicate. The excavators of 'Ai have uncovered what may the earliest-dated terrace wall in the Highlands in area\\G downslope from the Iron I village. There is no proof that lengthy section of wall is an agricultural terrace, but it traverse the edge of the slope "in an irregular pattern" which 184

Chapter Seven - Water Conservation & Control is/ viewed as highly unlikely for building foundations or defense works (bot compare the outer Iortificatton walls at Gilohdescribed in A. Mazar 1981: 12-17). The earth held in place by the wall overlays remains of Early Bronze age houses, and thewaU was itself butted by a second terrace wall placed in the Byzantine period. The terrace wall would thus most likely date to the period of the unwalled village of Iron I, 1220-1050 B.C.E., though no other confirmation of these data is reported by the excavators (Callaway 1969: 15-16). Evidence of terracing at the nearby same-period site of Raddana is much less sure. Callaway and Cooley report only that "there is evidence of either terraces or remains of huts on the hillside, and Iron Age I pottery is on the surface of the ground" (1971: 14). Excavation of the hillside might turn this pure conjecture into a reliable piece of evidence. Mention has already been made of the excavation of Edelstein and Kislev at Mevasseret Yerushalayirn, Here the combination of pottery sherds found in conjunction with the terraces and the dating of the associated settlement site yields the most trustworthy indication of terrace age. The earliest level of occupation is Iron II, and 8th century B.C.E. pottery from the terraces is plentiful, with no earlier specimens found. Since some later sherds were also found in the terrace soil the Iron II period must be thought of only as the date when the initial work was undertaken; construction and maintenance continued up through the Arab period. Observing that many of the terraces around Jerusalem appear to have been constructed at about the same time, Edelstein and Kislev suggest that the terraces of Mevasseret Yerushalayim are but one small part of a large agricultural project undertaken by some centralized authority. They name King Uzziah, the 1I10ve r of the earth," as the likely architect of the enterprise (1981: 54, 56). The continuing investigation of terraces around Jerusalem will help determine if there is any basis at all for this conjecture. At present, then, the evidence for dating the terrace systems of the Highlands and the introduction of terracing into the Highlands is inconclusive. What is clear is the great adaptive advantage that a system of terraces would confer upon an agricultural community which was equipped to apply this special treatment to its environs. The especially Significant contribution of terraces to the priority task of water conservation and control would add stability to a community's agricultural system and render it less vulnerable to the omnipresent vagaries of the Highlands' rainfall regime. 185

Hopkins

c-

The Highlands of Canaan

The benefits of terracing in this respect w0\.l~d b~ o:Qvio\.i immediate•.. Yet it is important to.: rell)ernber.~~J:". constructioQ. is •.••. not • • th~ . • . ,,~~ne.i.q~l1OrVli9f7.agri .: settlemeI)tinthe Highlanc;ls. Rath~.r::Jc;ostly .tesrac~tsy must. be .': viewed as the .•. respense >ofalong,:"tenured developing community to demands for a 1l)0r~stab1E; dependable productive regime, whatever the formw those demands might have taken. C. Irrigation One of the reasons why terracing with its efforts at water conservation and control would recommend itself to Highland communities confronted with the intensify their agricultural systems is the dearth of possibilities for achieving agricultural stability. through werrer.•• management. Stream irrigation, to take the most example, is possible only to the most restricted extent area poor in perennial streams and rich in deeply valleys (Dalman [1932, 2: 31] notes the absence of a rechruca] expression for irrigated land in the Bible). Cisterns reservoirs, known from early periods in the Highlands, serve only a limited agricultural purpose because of their normal locations. Areas in proximity to springs, on the other hand, probably attracted settlement from the earliest times and were the focus of intensive agricultural efforts throughout Highland history. For example, the potential of irrigation through the "portholes" in the Siloam tunnel through which water could be spread to fields in the Kidron Valley has often been noted (Shiloh 1980a: 17). Ron's study of terraces in spring areas makes plain the intensive efforts of cultivators to avail themselves of perennial water supplies. Surrounding the springs in the Judean Hills, Ron found al) extremely high proportion of elaborate irrigation wor~ consisting of collecting pools and reservoirs, irrigation conveyors and channels, and the leveled terraces to which.the spring-water was directed (1966: 111-116). While the present form of the irrigation works does not permit a date earlier than Roman times, the presence throughout the HighlandsiI) all periods of so much attention to ensuring the water supply in all its available forms suggests that irrigation systems around springs are also ancient. From spring-based irrigation systems, favorably situated communities could reap-r-a productive bonanza which would extend not only to dependable, high-yield harvests, but would. enable two 186

Chapter Seven - '\Xi ater Conservation & Control

harvests in place of the one generally permitted under Mediterranean conditions (Vogelstein 1894: 18; Semple 1931: 377-378). D. Field Techniques

Terracing and irrigation, however limited, are the two major strategies for water conservation and control which could have helped Highland communities achieve a more productive and especially a more stable and flexible agricultural system. Various field techniques would have constituted another set of strategies, one which, while less dramatic than major terracing and irrigation construction and invisible in the archaeological record, would have also contributed to water conservation. As Walton has put it, "the principles of moisture conservation are basic to dry-farming practices," and practices based upon them would surely have characterized agriculture in the Highlands (1969: lIS). The creation of a "dry mulch" through repeated and shallow plowing stands as the most important of the field techniques designed to conserve precious soil moisture (Forbes 1976: 7; Walton 1969: 119; Barrels 1939, 1: 312). The plowing serves to break capillarity in the soils, and thus while the upper soil layer becomes extremely desiccated, the moisture of the lower layers is protected from evaporation. Weeding also contributes to maintaining the soil moisture by reducing transpiration through weed leaf surfaces. We will have the opportunity to discuss these and other field techniques in more detail when we take up fallow practices and the labor demands of field work below. Suffice it to note that the effect of many of these practices on the agricultural water balance will be a decisive consideration in their adoption and use.

!

I I, t

lS7

CHAPTER EIGHT AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: SOIL CONSERVATION AND FERTILITY MAINTENANCE

CoU~ct.ing Du.ng

189

fur Fuel.

Chapter Eight AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: SOIL CONSERVATION AND FERTILITY MAIl\TENANCE A. Introduction NCUMBENT upon every traditional farming community is the task of protecting its soil environment and conserving the plant nutrients that it provides. Several features of the Highlands combine to heighten the challenge of this task for its agricultural settlements. Chief among these is the great erosive power of the region's intensive rainfall which threatens hill-farming communities with the loss of their soil base and impels preventive measures for long-term survival. The dry, seasonal climate limits the rate of soil formation and the characteristic vegetational cover is not generous in its contribution of organic material. To meet these challenges, several avenues for the maintenance of soil fertility and the protection of the soil base were open in the early Iron Age highlands. These included both measures which serve to restore nutrients to the soil and those which act to temper their loss. Among the techniques which serve either or both of these objectives are fallowing, crop rotation, fertilization, and terracing. The place of these and other techniques in the soil conservation regime adopted by Highlands' cultivators might be better elucidated if accurate information about the nutrient demands and yields of crops relative to the innate fertility of the Highlands' soil were available. In the absence of such data, a description of these practices must rely upon ethnographic analogy, agricultural science, and scattered classical, biblical, and talmudic references and allusions to agricultural practices. The latter must especially be treated with caution since one can scarely be certain when an ancient source, be it Yarro or the lawgiver in Exodus, speaks idealistically or reports descriptively about the agricultural system of its time. 191

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan B. Fallowing and Land-Use Intensity All but those agricultural systems characterized by most intensive land-use allow their land units some period(~ rest subsequent to cultivation. This agricultural fallowing.iit basically a strategy for halting decline in crop yields due the exhaustion of soil nutrients and the build-up of endemis;S("?\' pests and diseases over the course of the cropping period. The.. fallow allows the land a rest .from the nutrient demands of the crops and a chance for replenishment of these nutrients.:? The fallow also breaks the natural pest cycle which permits diseases and harmful insects associated with particular crops to return year after year. The ability of a fallow period to accomplish these. two . objectives, especially the.Jor depends to a large degree upon its length. As an integra.l of an agricultural system, the length of the fallowingp is, in turn, dependent upon awhole range of variabI~s. shifting cultivation regimes of the' tropics, for examp where leaching-diminished soil nutrients are exhausted aft only two or three years of cultivation and land is plentiful, the period of fallow may extend to some twenty years. This lengthy rest permits the' complete restoration of thenatuhH vegetation of the land, which is the key toreplenishment\6f soil fertility. Under short-fallow systems, like those of the Mediterranean region, the fallow-period vegetation never becomes more than a thin covering of weeds and grasses which falls far short of the restoration of the natural vegetation (Grigg 1980: 37-38). To the extent that weeds and grasses also deplete the available soil nutrients, theIr presence may even be a negative factor under short-falloW' systems. For this reason short-fallowing techniques are only incomplete vehicles in the restoration of soil fertility (Russell 1973: 336 lists the conditions which make for good fallowing).'''· Besides contributing to the restoration of soil fertility and the control of deleterious pests and diseases, the fallow also can play a role in conserving precious soil moisture (Gras 1925: 25; Grigg 1980: 34; Semple 1931: 406; contra Beaumont, Blake, and Wagstaff 1976: 165). It can play this role when it is correctly managed, that is, when the land is not simply left to sit passively for a season but is properly worked with this end in mind. The most efficacious fallowing "requires constant husbandry" (Walton 1969: 120; see also Semple 1931': 386). The evapotranspiration that robs the soil of the wate~ reserves it accumulates during the rainy' season ordinarfly 192

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation & Fertility leaves a cropped or unworked field devoid of moisture long before the end of the summer months. (See above, Ch, 4 §A.5);Theevaporationof water from the soil can be halted, however,byrepeated plowings of the fallowed ground during summer months following the cessation of the rainy season, a practice known as soil mulching. The plowings serve to break capillarity by creating a deflocculated layer of soil through which the subsoil moisture cannot be drawn up. "Below this dry top layer," reports Forbes, "the soil remains surprisingly damp" (1976: 7). It must be admitted, however, that repeated plowings of fallow ground would be a labor-intensive practice carried out under the heat of the summer sun. Thus Borowski has argued that'v'since plowing was a time and effort consuming activity, it is sage to assume that when sowing did not take place, as during the seventh year or the year of the Jubilee, no plowing was performed" (1979: 79). This observation has some cogency especially given the demographic characteristics of the early Iron Age Highlands. Against the gainsaying of the practice of plowing of fallow ground as a rule, however, it must be pointed out that all agricultural practices are dependent for their performance on the availability of labor, a diminution of which might, of course, lead to the neglect of many important elements of a stable agricultural system. Thus the plowing of fallow land is also conditioned by factors other than the desire to avoid any additional labor. Furthermore, it may be that the plowing of the failow resulted in labor-saving during the cropping seasons, as, for example, a reduction of weeding due to the destruction of weeds by plowing (Forbes 1976: 7). Another labor-saving result of summer plowing is the prevention of the formation of a hard crust that plagues clayey soil that is baked all summer long without relief (Walton 1969: 120). Where the importance of water conservation is high, the plowing of fallow ground was, accordingly,an integral element of fallow practice. This bare-ground fallowing (as opposed to green fallowing which rotates grain crops with leguminous pulses or grasses) and its associated practices function to remove land from the demands of continuous cultivation, aid in the restoration of soil fertility, break the natural cycle of noxious plant pests and diseases, conserve accumulated soil moisture, cut down on weeds, and render the preparation of fields in the following year less arduous. The practice is not, however, without its baneful effects. In particular, the absence of ground Cover on the fallowed land during the winter months 193

Hopkins - The' Highlands of Canaan of heavier rain makes/the' soH of the fallowed land .that more vulnerable to erosion (Beaumont, . Blake;' and "'Wag 197(,:45; Butzerd97lf:64).;Repeatedplowings.exacerbcit vulnerability and also, open the 'door,~ider{towinde (Walton;A 969:';.120). Thus;the roleiof·thefallow· i conversation' is double-edged. From the. standpoint of fallowing •practice, what was; intensity of land use in the agricultural systems of High Canaan, that.is, what crop-to-fallow ratio characterized agriculture? Before attempting to answer this mustdirst remember.that the variability the en vironment of Highland agriculture circumscribes usefulness of any general consideration of land-use in1~erlsi1ty" Combining with a diverse geomorphology and a heterogeno rainfall map, the wide spectrum of soils" with theirvaryi inherent fertilities and physical settings,also presents limi to ageneralpicture.ofland-use intensity. One would not all be surprised by the operation of a relatively higl1~~,; intensity agriculture in certain especially advantageous loct (e.g., arable land surrounding a water source). Even in,a( uniform envlronrnentv-however, land will likely be farmed ina; variety of intensities corresponding to natural growth anq development within a given community, not to mention, locational factors,': Thus, from all angles one would expect that land use in. the Highlands was characterized by a mix of; intensities during most periods. But what was the typical land-use intensity? The so-called "sabbatical-year law" of Exodus 23.10-11 commands the; fallowing of fields one year out of seven. If such were the agricultural practice generally characteristic of . the Highlands during the early Iron Age, then one would have feY label the system as one of extremely high intensity, bordering on continuous or permanent cultivation /27/. It is plain,: however, that a considerably lower ratio of crop to fallow period has prevailed in the Highlands, as well as in the restor the eastern Mediterranean, throughout its history of settlement. As an example, discussing the question of the observance of the sabbatical year in the Second Temple period, Vogelstein notes that one arrives at the view from. talmudic sources "that a single fallow year in seven did not suffice and that the ground must have been left fallow more often for the fallow comprised the most appropriate means to supply the ground with freshvitaHty" (1&94: 4&). Based on literary sources and on the practices of contempor-e arytraditional farming communities, it appears that the. 194

Chapter Eight - SoH Conservation &: Fertility sab1)atical ,year Iaw, cloesnotclescribe or enjoin a compr~gensivei9r iflclusi"e~ystem otagri<.:;ultural
Hopkins -The Highlands of Canaan (White' 197Ob:. '113) /28/. However,'whHewe can be cett . th~"erllergence •.•. ~f- .s0rlle •• forrll0flegllrlle . rotati~ devel()po;entcfrorn' •.,bienflial, "bare ·'fallo\\,IngEln •..·R()rll~n ·notadreof.blblic'71· agr-onomists canstepf()rwa~d.:int~f· of .> under Mediterranean conditions,' to overcome •the obsta~!t~ especially' the summer drought, which stood in the way'?! continuous rotational cultivation (White 1970a: 290). .' The possibility of legume rotation in the ancient Highlati~~ may be at least held open by demonstrating the eXistence'~~~ cultivation of leguminous crops .in the early Ironf\9~' Borowski presents an analysis of plant terminology preserye,? in the. H~brew .Bible and plant remains" uncov~r~ archaeologically that confirms that most. of the legumifl~~ crops known early in European and Near Eastern historyw~I~ indeed known also to the Highlands (1979: 137-142; not all(),f these finds come from the Highlands). Broad beans (Vitia faba; "pol"), lentils (Lens cuiinaris, Medic.; Iltada~tm"), vetch (Vida ervllia, .Wild., ?), chick peas (Cicer arientumI.;~; "harnls" ?), and peas (Pisurn sativum; ?) are all well atte.~ted throughout the historical periods by archaeological finds.~e existence of these crops alone cannot be taken as proof o.f the practice of legume rotation, however, though it may sound plausible to argue that ancient farmers could have observed readily its beneficial effects in their fields. Borowski has appealed to what he believes is indirect evidence for legume rotation provided by the prohibition of the sowing of "two kinds" O
c t 1 q w g1 m WI

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation

« Fertility

was possible. is only 'the beginning of the inquiry about the place of such a rotation in fhe·agricolturalsysfem as a whole. The underdeveloped state of "our understanding of the dynamics ofJegume rotation under Mediterranean conditions is .noRelp in this respect. The total picture is not so dismal that a system of green. rotation in the Highlands should be ruled out altogether, as La Bianca does for the Transjordan for example (1982:21), though the probability that legumes played a significant role in early iron Age agriculture is low. Certain conditions may have worked to enhance this probability. White opens up one inviting avenue in this respect when he ties the adoption of partial legume rotation to increased demand for grains. He writes: The alternation fallow - winter grain - legume - spring grain makes an appreciable addition to the annual output of grain. It is significant that in Europe after the decay of Roman power and the reversion from an urban civilization making heavy demands on bread-wheat for town consumption, there was a return to the old crop and fallow system over most of Europe (l970b: 122). Strong encouragements to the adoption of a legume rotation the demand for bread grains or animal fodder - may have cemented a more important place for a green rotation.

::>1 ly Ie

2. Crop Rotation

s, :t )f Jt )s

ts s, ~

:t st \t

.e

a It

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s, .f

e II n

The same problem of data limitations beleaguers attempts to specify the broader pattern of crop rotation in which any fallow system played a part. One must agree with Barrois: "One cannot prove ••• any methodical attempt at crop rotation for the ancient epoch" (1939, 1: 312). Yet it is worthwhile opening this question just to take note of the possibilities of and constraints on broader systems of agricultural rotation, especially the relationship between summer and winter cultivation. Relying upon contemporary practice in Palestine, Gustav Dalman has paid considerable attention to the two types of cropping arrangements which the seasonal climate prompted in the region (1932, 2: 130136). Since grains and most legumes demand significant quantities of water for the greatest period of their growth, while crops like chick. peas and sesame only need a moist ground for the germination of the seed and demand only meager quantities of moisture for maturation, dry-season and wet-season cultivation patterns have emerged. As Dalman 197

napkins - The Highlands of Canaan ~tt: the task pi the farmer is lIto appropriatetim~andin.expedientways

sees

proceed boto>at as well as.to·e th,e ..'. dght;.;reJationship',r: between. Cbothc"kinds,. ;Therequired planting and harvesting times for summer and wInter crops mean that summer' crops ca follow winter crops In the same file since the formermtJst~;,s in the ground before the latter have been harvested.,~ , reverse is not true, however, and summer crops wiUbe harvested. long before the rains of winterhavesignaled·th~r·' initiation of wet-season planting. It ris possible, therefore;, that summer crops maybe followed by winter crops after, which the field must rest at least the five months until the next ;.vinter. Stretched out over a few years, this relation?hip; between summer and winter crops expresses itself in two: characteristic patterns of rotation. Under system A;a summer crop is followed immediately by a winter crop after! which the field lies fallow during the rainy season until the,; next summer crop is planted and the cycle begins again. Diagrammatically, this appears as so: Year

2

1

3

4

5

I go I CD CEJ I ITl@ CD

Fig. 3. Possible rotational pattern A. It will be noted that over the course of four years, this

pattern includes two periods of rest from the heavy demands of grain crops during the rainy season. It is essentially ,a biennial crop-fallow rotation with both winter and summer crops being taken. Under System B, a summer crop is followed by a winter crop which is followed immediately another winter crop, after which a pause through the rainy seasons brings the cycle around again to the summer planting. Diagrammatically this appears as so: Year

1

2

CD CE Ir----

3

4

5

9O--..--_¢r=j §

Fig. 4. Possible rotational pattern B. 198

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation IX Fertility Such a system is significantly more intensive since over a longer span of five years it includes only one period of rest during the rainy season when the growth of grasses and weeds and strong weathering contribute to soil nutrient replenishment. The point of displaying these somewhat theoretical patterns is not to suggest that something similar characterized rain-fed farming in the ancient Highlands. Rather, we note, first of all, that Dalman's record of the existence of the more intensive system B among communities practicing traditional agriculture with no industrial inputs communicates something of the flexibility of field arrangements. Two winter crops are grown within two years with no intervening period of fallow but the dry summer months. Secondly, we note how biennial fallowing incorporates possibilities for some kinds of summer crops should a community require them. In the case of leguminous chick peas, these crops might even be regarded as a kind of green fallow through the summer months. As far as the importance of summer planting for the ancient economy is concerned, Dalman is skeptical. The winter cropping pattern observable today among traditional communities corresponds well with that of antiquity, Dalman argues, "while the summer sowing must have been much more limited, so much so that probably it by and large did not take place" (1932, 2: 136). Most recent works apparently agree, since the possibility of a summer crop (actually planted in late spring) receives scant notice in studies of agriculture in ancient Israel. Borowski, for example, does not even mention it in his discussion of the agricultural calendar, even though he reports that some crops, sesame and millet, are sown in the late spring and harvested about two months later (1979: 70-71). Yet Forbes has observed a technique of growing vegetables, including beans and squashes as well as millet and other crops, during the summer months in lowland southern Greece which should caution students of ancient Highland agriculture not to be too rash in dismissing the possibility of summer crops just because the season appears so forbidding. The practice observed by Forbes combines multiple ploughings to protect the subsoil from the sun's desiccating heat with the careful planting and tending of plants. The seeds are sown in shallow pits, roughly one pace apart, with a pint or so of water poured into each pit immediately before sowing the seed. When the plants have sprung up, but are still quite small, they are given 199

Hopkins- The Highlands of, Canaan another. pint. of water so. that they will 'growfargie .eno to put down.roots into the clamp $ubsoiJ.)11)isli~,t~ :~~;~:in~ •. • t~~t~he·:.plan~:7c~~V7 • (I976:7~~.:,:"/+'.}T~f;:;"'·")J:~ Forbes does not report oh tfi~' extent of thi~int~~l summer. planting or the level of/the comrn\jnity's d~ upon It. No doubt they are not great•. The)a.b.or.dei:l')?n this practice is considerable, especially, )t\Vould. a.l'l' relative to the yield per .hectare of these thinly sown plil Whether this. kind. of summer cultivation was kn()\V1') practiced in the ancient Highlands is also beyond. our,a..pi to determine. Yet the existence of this techniquet' suggests that. we not close the door too quickly on suw cultivation, a component .of .ancientagricultllraL,pra.S which could have provided an additional measure ofelastJ and, thus, resiliency to, . agricultural production in Highlands. 3. Sabbatical-Year Law The third issue of importance as regards land use in the Highlands of Canaan has possible impact of the sabbatical-year law. the provenance, date, or character of this latlon, we may ask hypothetically how such a nr;,rtirp ,-VlU>\l;... have formed part of an agricultural system in early Age highlands (in addition to the literature cited earlier in this chapter, see Alt 1966: 103-171; Cazelles 1946; Jepsen 1927; Morgenstern 1928; Paul 1970; Rost 1965: 255-259 on th¥; date and provenance of this legislation). The most iml'ortan~f observation has already been made. The stipulations of thT,. sabbatical-year law, it was shown above, do not encompas~,~ complete system of agricultural land use: fallowing wasmus!J;., l more frequent than the one year out of seven which the l'i!:~t I enjoins. With this observation we have avoided the Pitfa.Vr'.. which has trapped many scholars who, apparently. in thT~/ absence of any appreciation of agriculture, have taken th T I sabbatical-year law to describe the totality of agricUltural!.. practice in ancient Israel. Such thinking leads, of course, t a l the quandary of how community farming so intensively coulc:hi ever survive the absence of a full year's harvest. Talk about idealistic legislation begins, and the search is on for evidence • about when and if the sabbatical year was ever observed. These are all legitimate concerns, of course, but naivete about the intensity of land use in the ancient Highlands spurs the eagerness to address them before the possible place of

I

200

Chapter Eight - Soli Conservation (\( Fertill ry the sabbatical year in the largeragricultural system has been properly·considered. How,wouldacommun!ty-wide fallow occurring every seven yearsfitinto.the biennial fallow practice? Beginning with the strategy that sees a farmer's holdings divided into two parts so that half is cropped and half is fallowed every year, one recognizes immediately· that the sabbatical year would break the normal rotation for only that half of the farmer's holdings which were scheduled to be cropped in that year. While this has no effect on the amount of crops which the community would do without as a result of the sabbatical year, since a full year's produce would be eliminated regardless of the actual percentage of the total land that was idled for this reason, it does make plain that the farmer was not left without options as regards augmenting production in the year previous to the sabbatical fallow. In this year previous to the sabbatical, the farmer could increase production by eliminating the fallow (F) of an area (P) just cropped (C). In order to compensate for this heavy use, this area would then be rested not only for the sabbatical year (5), but also for the subsequent year as the other half of the farmland (Q) continued in its regular biennial rotation. This is illustrated diagrammatically below. P

C F

C

F

Q

F

C

F

C F C S

C C 5

23456

7

C F

C

F

C F C

F

C C 5

234

567

F

C

S

Fig. 5. Sabbatical year in biennial rotation. If possible by virtue of other elements of the system (especially labor . supply), this momentary increase of intensity would augment production though yields would surely be depressed in the field which bore the brunt of the increase. Such a theoretical model for fitting the sabbatical-year fallow in the normal rotation is not intended to make it appear as a provision that could be handled matter-of-factly by the communities of the ancient Highlands, but only to render it more comprehensible and less menacing as an agricultural institution. When the widespread views of the sabbatical year as the center around which all agriculture in the Highlands revolved or as the single means for the restoration of fertility adopted by the ancients on magical

201

Hopkins» The Highlands of.Canaan grgunQ$" <m~ abandooed,aplausible' place. ioritimrH" agriculture, cannot so easily be ruled out. Other . asp ~h~rcagr~,<,Wtprpl".$Y$temj;;Qf..tbexHighlands .·would·al cqntribu!f'fD§il)ithis);r~~t • ..,rhe .iregular.prodt1cti~t1 n9rlJlabsu~p1us,\thediversification "of .agric:ulturalp~ the pastoral.component .'. of'Mediterranean . agriculture; social mechanisms may 'be called upon to' help explain' ancient Highlanders might have been able to abandonstriC%~ agricultural.. pursuits every seventh' year. (See below, Ch. j 9 §C .3, 4). ..' . '. . . . ..>"t!;~j.; One final and vital point remains to be made in concludi~," our consideration of land-use intensity and fallow practic:!. We must not fail to note the theoretical bent oftheaoove discussion and the fact that itdoes not take the variability'~~ the '. agricultural .environment •into account: Over the Iot.'lg . term, no rotational scheme will flow smoothly (Dalmari1932," 2: 133). Room must be left for interruptions incultivatisn i t which are not intrinsic to the fallow system but are the result of droughts, outbreaks of plant pests or diseases, or social instability. To suppose any form or rigidity in the pattern of cultivation in an environment such as that of the Highlarid,s would be especially mistaken, and we must add to its natural variability !berelativejnstabilityof each historical epoch. The willingness of Highlands' communities to make adjustlJl~[lts)n<3;I1Y rotational scheme in view of crop failure and other interruptions would appear to be a social necessity. C. Fertilization Agricultural rotation schemes in the Mediterranean characteristically include techniques of fertilization designed to maintain the nutrient balance in the soil and to compensate for the imperfections of bare fallowing (Grigg 1980: 38; Turkowski 1969: 24). Chief among these techniques is some form of application of manure in order to restore nutrients depleted by cropping. "Farmyard manure," writes White, "is amongst the best of the more readily available substances which provide the plant with those elements which are necessary for healthy and vigorous growth" (l970b: 12/f). As with green-fallowing practices, no biblical agronomists have bequeathed knowledge of the existence of the practice of manuring in ancient Highland Canaan or its extent or even whether the ancient farmers of the region recognized its efficacy. Archaeology can scarcely be expected to help uncover' evidence of practices which leave 00 permanent 202

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation & Fertility trace in the soil (Borowski 1979:217). Nonetheless the Hebrew Bible preserves significant inferential evidence which corroborates ethnographicobseryations aPout .the potential importance of manure in .the agricultural •• practice. of the Highlands. . . }. •. . The primary piece of evidence comes the form of a simile employed mostly in prophetic predictions of a disaster heightened by the exposure of the corpses of the condemned community members. The prediction occurs five times using similar language including the same word for dung, "demen": 2 Kgs 9.37; Jer 8.2, 9.21, 16.4,25.33. Jer 16.4 is typical: >

They shall die of deadly diseases. They shan not be lamented, and they shall not be buried. They shall be as dung (domen) on the surface of the ground. The simile itself does not reveal anything about the agricultural use of dung, though we may infer from it that the presence of dung on fields was conspicuous. The value of dung was hardly on the mind of the one who coined this expression. Rather the force of the comparison rests in the transience of dung as well as in its worthlessness and odiousness (see Job 20.7). That the agricultural use of dung may lie in the background of these texts is suggested, however, by one of them (Jer 9.21) in which the simile employing dung is paralleled with another that is definitely drawn from the agricultural sphere. The human corpses shall fall like dung (de men) on the surface of the ground, Like sheaves behind the reaper, and none shall gather them. Stronger support comes from the sixth and final occurrence of the word "dornen" in a simile descriptive of the death of an enemy (Ps 83.11). The psalmist recalls what happened to Midian, Sisera, and Jabin: who became dung for the soil (hayti demen la'adama) The "lamed" employed here would appear to be a "lamed" of assistance or partisanship which would make this an explicit statement of the recognized value of dung as fertilizer (Williams 1976: par. 282; Borowski 1979: 220). One further text helps to explain the appropriateness of this simile for depicting exposure. Isa 34.7 sketches the background for this 203

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan usage by, referring to slaughtered animals (the God) whose entrails will enrich the soil.

Wild 'oxen shall' faIlwit~1hem; , and young steers with the mIghty Their land shall be~oaked with blood, , and their soil made rich with fat. While the language of this statement is not the technical language often used to describe the fertility of (e.g., Num 13.20: "~emena" vs, "razat~ "fat" vs, "lean"), connection between animal fat and blood and fertility is dear (Borowski 1979:222-223). Thus the that pictures corpses lying around "like domen on the surface of the ground" approaches a literal statement. All told, these texts from the Hebrew Bible provide indirect evidence -. for .the existence of the practice manuring or at least practical knowledge about the benefits" of manuring in Iron Age Israel. While this conclusion does explicitly encompass the .early Iron Age Highlands, the' ubiquity of the practice of manuring in the Mediterranearis: through time renders its existence highly probable. h:i:.\ Manuring (and the use of other fertilizers, organic and inorganic) is such an integral part of modern, industrial agriculture that one must be careful not to exaggerate the importance of manure in the agricultural systems of ancient Highland Canaan. There are limitations on the restoration of soil fertility by the application of manure which are inherent in the dynamics of Mediterranean agriculture. Manure is an excellent source of nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium as well as all the trace elements required for plant growth. In addition, "it supplies an abundance of decomposed organic matter, and a rich assortment of bacteria and fungi which contribute indirectly to soil fertility" (White 1970b: 124). But how much manure was available in the ancient Highlands'?" How much labor was necessary to husband it properly and to . apply it to the fields? Did climatic or soil conditions permit' the application of sufficient quantities of manure to replenish soil nutrients? Brief answers to these questions will show that the farming communities of the ancient Highlands must have possessed some ambivalence about the benefits and cost of manuring their fields. The dry climate presents a serious obstacle to the application of manure for the restoration of soil fertility; Not only does it discourage the decomposition of manure, but it sets upward limits on the quantity of nutrients that can be 204

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation &. Fertility beneflcially introduced into agricultural soils. An oversupply of nitrogen, in particular, can have a detrimental effect on plants • by increasing their leaf surface and thus their rate of transpiration and water use (Reifenberg 1947:135; Russel! 1973: 31). Too much nitrogen, Russell notes.v'will encourage rapid leaf growth which will not contribute directly to the grain yield but, by increasing transpiration early on in the season, will increase the risk of water shortage at the critical heading-seedset period of growth" (1973: 789). So any dressing of manure must be carefully considered and the balance between leafy growth and water supply kept constantly in view. The placement of the manure is also crucial since the addition of manure at too great a depth may break capillarity between soil horizons by creating pore space and thus inhibit the flow of stored water into the zone where it becomes available to plants (Reifenberg 1947: 135-136). The delicacy required in the application of manure in a Mediterranean climate can be cushioned somewhat by proper husbandry of available manure. What is called for in the first place is the full decomposition of manure before it is introduced into the fields. Thus, "the dung h111 possessed special importance for dry countries like Palestine" (Semple 1931: 408). The classical writers on agriculture paid careful attention to the principles of the construction and maintenance of compost heaps (White 1970b: 132-133). We can only assume that similar care was shown at times in the early Iron Age Highlands: the Bible preserves only hints about the practice of composting (Isa 25.10; Luke 14.35) /29/. The decomposition of the compost material into compounds readily available to plants and non-injurious to the capillarity of the soil is accomplished in a compost pile by turning the pile regularly and by ensuring an adequate moisture level. Some form of protection from the desiccating rays of the sun will keep the pile from drying out. An impermeable collection spot is also highly desirable to retain moisture and to minimize losses of nutrients through leaching (Russell 1973: 639). Through these measures, a compost heap can provide good fertilizer which avoids the water loss and crop burning that results from the addition of fresh, unrotted manure to the fields (Semple 1931: 411). If composting is to be carried out, then farmyard manure must be collected in a single location. Here the most important characteristic limiting the use of manure in the agriculture of highland Canaan is met. Not all the farm animals are kept permanently on the farm. Pastoral activities 205

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan areoft~~dlrried.• out pasture. Even, ti'\0seremaining could no cOhfinediwithin a radius that would permit their dallyr to corrals and stalls, Iocatedinthevilfage, especlally-d the dry ,summer months.' Thus, the greatest portion manure of the community's livestock resources was the farm~Ohly the" work Cinlll1als 'are regularly housed in stalls.vthough it is possible that the practice of fa1:telniiJ~. cattle installs may have been common (see 1 Sam ?~,2'1'i~; i,i Amos:~.4,:Jer 46.21,MaF6.30,Hab 3.17, and references to 'fatlings [merl). Stager presents dence that stalls for these work animals were the side room of the domestic dweHing (forthcomlng);' 01C'((' sighifltance in this respect' is 'the high incidence floors in these side rooms. As Stager notes, this pa 1,erner"ft' would facilitate the easy removal of bedding froll1the stalls to the compost heap. The use bedding, it should be noted, is vital for the ... r.",,,•• r,,::>i"inr,"r\,'f'i the fertilizer value of animal excreta since it both dung together and absorbs the urine which contains a portion of the valuable nutrients (White 197015: 124). The circumscription of stall-feeding of farm animals imposed by the seasonal climate means that the compost pil~: receives only a small portion of the potentially available manure and probably cannot be counted on to playa vital r~l~; in maintaining soil- fertility for field crops. The amounfo~; labor involved in carting the compost from the compost pil~,i presumably ,located near the stalls, to the fields as weH~~! that required for the husbandry of the decomposition proce~' no 'i' doubt deterred 'farmers -frorn' increasing attention' to'" cemposting, Manure could also be applied to the fields by a less'; demanding method, however. The community's flocks and' herds, including those, returned from dry-season pastures~ would be grazed on fallow fields, orchards, and harvested fields where ''the most efficient manuring machines known"! attended to the chore of fertilization (White 197015: 134). Exoa 22.5, which defines responsibility and sets restitutio~~ in the case of the trespassing of, grazing animals on another's property, can be best understood.. against" just such ,~c;~ background. At night the flocks were folded on the fields 'in'

206

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation & Fertility alternating locations so that their excreta would be distributed. evenlys-Dalman-sexplains that one cannot doubt the existence of this practice in arrtiquity- "because the need for fodder as welJas the (desire to provide manure no doubt at that timebrougbt about the nighttime stationing of herds on harvested and fallowed fields II (1932, 2: 145). Grazing on fallow fields not only deposited manure but also served the purpose of eradicating weeds. Grazing on harvested fields permitted animals to feed on the stubble at a time when the beginning of the dry season had faded the greens of other pastures, The dung directly applied by sheep and goats would not, of course, be as efficacious as carefully conserved compost in supplying nutrients to the soil since it would be exposed to the elements and become thoroughly dried out or leached. It may be, however, that this paler form of manuring fit more realistically into the agricultural systems of the ancient Highlands since it both required less labor and demanded less soil moisture for the plant growth that it supported. Compost might have been reserved for vegetable gardens or kitchen gardens which were worked more intensively and supplied with greater quantities of water. Besides manure, other types of organic fertilizers were available to the farmers of the early Iron Age Highlands. These need only be noted since they played no central role in the agricultural systems. Semple (1931: 407) and Dalman (1932, 2: 141) report that it was a common practice to burn stubble in the fields and thus provide an ash fertilizer. The Book of the Covenant contains a precept (Exod 22.6) which most likely has in view the use of fire as a tool in the fields, though it is impossible to tell if the burning of stubble is involved unless the mention of stacked grain is a clue that harvest is in progress. The importance of stubble as a source of nourishment for. flocks as well as the inherent inefficiencies of volatilizing most of its worthwhile constituents by burning suggest that this practice did not occupy an important place in Highland agriculture. The case for the use of wood ash as fertl1lzer is, at least in theory, different, since it is a very rich source of nutrients. Wood ash contains no nitrogen, but is very high in phosphorus and potassium. By studying its occurrences in the Hebrew Bible, Borowski has shown that one kind of ash, "desen," consisting of the fat soaked wood ashes from burnt offerings, found an agricultural application once it was transported out of the cultic sphere (1979: 221-223). One can scarely imagine that "desen" was available in an amount significant enough 207

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan to have had anything . but a very minor. role in Hig .agriculture or., that tre.es;andotherwoody: growth w . burned for the sole purpose oicreating ash fertilizer• .B as' a . method of . field . clearance' -with. its , imro enhancement of soH.fertility is another matter altogeth D. '. Terrace Systems Finally .we come again to terracing techniques which been discussed above in depth. Terracing plays a dual rc>l~ soil conservation and fertility maintenance by both provi a shelf where organic. matter and minerals can accurnul thus ': replenishing the soil, and by preventing the 10 the .soil base. to erosion. .\Ve have already noted a (Ch, 7 <§B.) that the adoption of terracing in the High can more probably be viewed as a consequence of therol plays in the water balance of the region rather than. protector of the soil environment. Nonetheless it, important to emphasize that terraces do playa vital rol~ stabilizing the soil environment, an indispensable role the standpoint of long-term land utilization, especially gi the great susceptibility of the hillslope soils of the Highla to erosion. This is the essential point which emerges ag and again from studies of' terrace farming communi Elaborate terrace systems are a sign of an agriculture bei conducted in balance with its soil environment. Terraces represent the conservation of the soil base and stand in dire7~ opposition to what can be termed "soil mining," i.e.,tt}~ "consumption of the stock of soil, nutrients, or humus.'~.xw mining may be an inescapable feature of theear-!y development of agricultural regions, and it may provide,~ the maintenance or even the increase of agricultural out?~ over the short run (Ruthenberg 1976: 11). But itis~: characteristic. of a balanced agricultural. systemnor;io~ about ., whose long-term stability one could be optimistic. What stimulates a soil-mining community to become':i:l terracing community probably does not derive fromat\Y·· discerning prescience. Rather the stimulus .comesirom:'~ experience of falling yields due to the neglect of the soil ba-~ or from pressure to increase output stemming from changes in the situation of the farming community. The creation)~ terrace systems in the ancient Highlands of Canaan result~ both from the push of these kinds of pressures on the prac:t~~ of soil mining and the pull of the short-term advantage:9f terraces due to their role in water conservation. '<'+~ ';)

208

Chapter Eight - Soil Conservation &: Fertility ..There are exceptions to the rule that existence of terrace systemssigniiies a balanced and stable agriculture. Spores haspresented
Efforts were.made to erode the pockets of terra rossa soil formed between the lapies on slopes, into the terraces below them by partly dearing the stones along lines perpendicular to the slope, thus forming channels and facilitating soil erosion (Ron 1966: 46). One may wonder to what extent terraces of the valley bottoms or of •wadi beds or even on valley sides may have been filled initially or periodically renewed by efforts to disturb the soils lying above them. One of the advantages of terraced slopes is that they provide leveled surfaces which make the job of the plowing easier. Plowing along the contours of a slope (as opposed to across them) in general constitutes a field technique which also has a role to play in soil conservation since the furrows thus created tend to trap water rather than providing channels to facilitate its flow downhill laden with precious soil. Similarly adapted for soil conservation is the plow of the ancient Highlands, the "ard" or scratch plow. Instead of turning over the soil as the mould-board plow is designed to do, the ard merely opens the soil. This limits the exposure of the more easily eroded lower soil horizons and leaves the field covered with small lumps of soil that are more resistant to erosive forces (Butzer 1974: 64). E. The Soil Base in Highland Agriculture While the statement of the challenges confronting agriculturists in the early Iron Age Highlands with respect to the protection and conservation of their precious soil base comes easily, a definitive picture of the strategies adopted

209

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan remains' . elusive.TheJimitation on hard knowledge results primarily 'from .'the nature. of .the .practices thems.el veswhi~.; generally leaVe no lasting traces. Greatest certaintyc<;infJ~~;i attached to the 'practice of the biennial rotation,lthougt; little .af'.a . definite .'. nature . about • • green, fallowing,/the sabbatical-year law, or a larger rotational pattern emerges 'to flesh out this basic scheme. The consideration of land-use intensity does produce an awareness of the existence of possibilities for elasticity in crop production, possibilities which the variable environment would urge forcennly-i.on Highlands' communities. The availability of labor would constrain the settlers' ability to make adjustments, such >a:s those needed to compensate for the relinquishing of produce during the sabbatical year. The function of such Institutions with '. respect to the mobilization of labor cannot .• be overlook~d, however. Labor supply also looms large in the practice of fertilization where it joins delicate environmental conditions and the seasonally limited availability of manure in suggesting that no intensive application of composted manure boosted yields except in small garden plots. Highland communities may have had to be satisfied with a particular level of yields which they could do little to enhance onia broad scale. Terracing would have been a costly method of maintaining a level of yields, a method that must have become necessary or profitable at some moments in Highland history. The portrait of early Iron Age Highland settlement that has been emerging here suggests that this period was not one of those moments. The apparent limitations on the ability of these communities to apply to the environment special treatments that would boost significantly absolute crop yields adds importance to the strategy of broadening the productive base in order to ensure subsistence. 1

210

CHAPTER NINE AGRICL'L TURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: RISK SPREADING AND THE OPTIMIZATION OF LABOR

Cana: Kefr Kenna.

211

Chapter !'< ine AGRICULTURAL OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES: RISK SPREADING AND THE OPTIMIZATION OF LABOR A. Introduction HE two most prominent characteristics of the climatic regIme of Highland Canaan shape the most vital pair of objectIves for the establishment of stable agriculture: risk spreading and labor optimization. The seasonal character of the Highlands' climate and the climatically determined agriculural year contrasts with the aseasonal demand for food and produces periods of labor shortage as well as of underutilization of labor. Under these circumstances one of the priority objectives of agricultural communities is to optimize labor, balancing demand and availability throughout the agricultural year. The demographic characteristics of the Highland settlements - their small size and instability amplifies the importance of strategies which find their place in Highland agricultural systems in response to this aim or contribute to Its achievement. Secondly, the variability of the climatic regime, especially precipitation, necessitates risk spreading, the distribution of a community's energies across as broad as possible a spectrum of variably productive agricultural and other pursuits. Diversification of subsistence means is the chief strategy for spreading risk (Ruthenberg 1976: 25). As well as being a function of the relative diversity of the environment, the ability to diversify depends largely upon the availability of labor. In this and in other ways labor-optimizing and risk-spreading objectives are closely related so that strategies elected in line with one sometimes facilitate but often run counter to the achievement of the other. Together, these two objectives are manifest in a characteristic structuring of work in the fields, land use, and social institutions. B. Work in the Fields While agricultural operations traditionally associated with 213

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan the Highland regions of Canaan have been described detail. (see above, ch, 1 §A), no focused attention has given to the relation of these activities and their associ~t tools to the priority objectives of risk spreading and! optimization of labor. Without repeating a full descriptiQn work in the fields, plowing,. planting, .tending, harvesting, other operations, an analysis of crop producing and processi activities reveals several prominent ways in which they are structured by the desire to spread risk and to make the rnost of available labor. 1. Plowing and Planting Wet...season.field crops<are the main focus of sUbsis,te agriculture in the highlands, and of thes~, the cereal~~ and w~eal command the predomin~nt share of atten!i09 below, ~C::3}. Fr.om the perspective of risk spreading the consequential consideration involved in grain production the timing and conduct of plowing and planting. No general .sratementof plowing and planting the HighlanClscan comprehend the complexity of a fa.rmer',:>, decision ~botitthe first operations of the agricultural The misimaic cataloging of four plowings - one in the summer, after the harvest, one after the first rain, one plowing prior to planting, and one final plowing to seed -" serves only as an ideal whose dependence on agricultural practice is difficult to judge (Vogelstein 1~94:, 33-36). Based on his observation of traditional farming int.Q~2 Judean hills, Turkowski enumerates two plowings,. sinc,~'; "cereals must have twice broken up ground," but alsol1ot~f> deviations 'from this norm (1969: 28; see also AschenQren~~r.; 1972: 58~~The purpose of the first would be to render thes6i}f; more p()rous to therains .and less inviting for weeds'11)~f second plowing .would be linked to planting, making {inilC preparation for sowing. Isa 28.24' may refer to these same:, two plowing objectives by its use of the verbs "ptb" (lito open'! the soil) and "sdd" (lito harrow" the soil), the latter further defined. by the verb "swh" ("to level" for broadcast sowing;~ see also Job 39.10). An additional plowing to cover the seed i~ possible, but whether rowed or broadcast, there wer~c available less arduous means for covering seeds than another" run with the plow (e.g., dragging a bundle of sticks or grazing' herds over the fields). 'Whatever the normal practice, variety would be anticipated.AsVogelstein puts it: "Plowing method was not uniform throughout.' Local circumstances and

214

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading & Labor Optimization differences among the farmers with respect to intelligence and industry bad a diversity oisoiI-working operations as theirconsequence",H894: ·33).,/< Decisive amongcthe determinants of the conduct of plowing apd planting was the farmer's decision regarding timing. On land that had been fallowed the previous year, plowing was unfeasible because of the hardness of the sun-baked soil, Working the soil had to wait until the rains softened its surface (Antoun 1972: 8; Borowski 1979: 79). Land recently cropped could be plowed earlier. Yet for all intents and purposes the coming of the winter rains initiated the agricultural year and was the key in the farmer's decision making process as well. Here the variability of the Highlands' precipitation regime is decisive. The timing of the first rains is not constant e . If the rainy season were to begin early, the farmer could plant early and risk the night frost in the hills, a lengthy rainfall pause before the heart of the rainy season, or a heavy spring rain that might beat down precociously tall stalks, hoping for a good harvest from a long growing season. If the rains began late, then the farmer would be forced to plant at a later than optimal time and would risk in a diminished season immature grains at harvest. Yet whether the rains began early, late, or normally, the unpredictable shape of the rainfall regime through the season spelled risk regardless of the moment chosen for planting. Thus the variable environment encouraged a variable plowing and planting schedule in order to spread the risk to the crops (Feliks 1971a: 376). As Dalman writes: Because the question is always to what extent the rains will fail to fall over the course of the season, the whole sowing must absolutely not take place after the first drenching rain. It is necessary to carry out an early as well as a late sowing so as to make the most of the different possibilities of the weather (I932, 2: 176). This practice of staggered sowing is one of the primary strategies for spreading risk available to the farming communities of the Highlands. To estimate the value of this strategy one need only recall the vulnerability of newly sprouted crops due to the absence of water reserves in the soil at the beginning of the season and the fact that the most frequently experienced rainfall pattern is the multiple peaked season in which distinct periods of rain alternate with intervals of dry weather. The dangers for the subsistence cultivator inherent in relying upon any narrow period of 215

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan ...

'

plantjI'lg, that is,1r\banking upon. havingcorrectlyanticipai' the rainfall. pa~t~r(h~anscarcely~()y~~estimatE:!d. . One .can picture the intersect1oncof:the;dimaticyeCl, theproduction~. cydeLot.; particular) icrop$
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization Ihebenefits of. staggered plowing and planting across an optimal windo!. created by the rainfall regime quickly disappear as a delay in or long pause at the beginning of the rainy season or some other factor reduces the size of the window. When the operations of plowing and planting are constrained into a more concentrated pattern the risk of crop failure mounts, difficulty in gaining access to animal power is exacerbated, and labor may indeed be insufficient to conduct normally the plowing and planting operations or even to complete them. Variations from the norm of two plowings could be expected. And should the farmer successfully plant the crops, further snags in the allocation of labor wait through the season, especially at harvest time. Failing the opportunity or ability to achieve a propitious planting, the farmer might be driven to sow crops outside of the optimal window, risking a significantly diminished harvest or even a total waste of precious seed. By considering the hindrances that are created when the practice of staggered sowing is obstructed, one obtains a clear view of the importance of this strategy for risk spreading as well as for labor optimization. The severity of this latter problem would vary, of course, with the efficiency and availability of labor, though the dynamic would remain constant. The question ought to be asked, then, if there was any marked change in the efficiency of labor during the early Iron Age period which witnessed the emergence of Israel in the Highlands. Such a change might have rendered the community of early Israel more impervious to the vagaries of the rainfall regime if it increased the community's ability to plow and plant its fields during a constricted optimal period. This question has often been answered positively with regard to the introduction of iron which, it is believed, would have permitted the forging of a better, more efficient plow. The iron plowpoint Assessing the validity of this claim necessitates a look at two questions, the full treatment of which would lead beyond the scope of this study: when did the use of an iron superior in hardness to bronze become widespread in Canaan; and would a plow with an iron plowpoint permit more efficient plowing of Highland fields? The phrasing of the first question itself reveals a fact which precludes a deterministic or simplistic notion of the transition from the use of bronze to iron in the early Iron Age. The superiority of iron is not a given in ancient metallurgy (Waldbaum 1978: 68-69). The iron available for the manufacture of weapons and tools under 217

Hopkins .«: The ,Highlands of Canaan IronAgesmeltingtechnologywasbl~!'!let"yj.toft,(ot·;I'Wt it"on") which ,even J.wben'(:old..worl<ed;~sW~i#1poor:isub$."

for' bronze'"(Maddin. MUhly,.andWheeler;1.9Z7: J 24) io"t of J hardness, ductility, and .ability .... to/maintain;·shar (Waldbaum 1978:· 69). The utility;;of iron matches surpasses that of · . bronze vcrdy.ewhensesubject to. v techniques. of ironworking': which •serve 'ito ; Increas strength, name1y: carburization ("steeling"), quenching," tempering (see Stech-wheeler etal.198h 245-247 for;;;~, technical description of ironworking).Thusthe appearanteit~~4' iron plow points is itself not as important as the •appearanees of iron plowpoints which have been intentionally worked i't(y render them superior to their bronze counterparts.;;a~ On this question experts in ancient metal1urgyadmit~~ present data are inconclusive and that no certain deter~ rnination can be made of the date at which the productio~;! of iron became the manufacture of steel. In thewordsof: one'" group of specialists: "we do not yet have sufficient data to make a general characterization of the adoption of iron and; the development of iron making technologies in the ancient! eastern. Mediterranean and Near i.ast" (Stech-Wheeler eta~; 1981: 268). The deficiency of data extends to all types: literary, art ifactual (including not only iron implements, but facilities for the production and working of iron) j30/,and geological (sources of iron) and is somewhat exaggerated by the wealth of analytical tools now available to further our knowledge of this crucial transition. The use of both .optical and electron scanning microscopes for interpreting metal microstructures and methods of elemental analysis enable researchers to determine the percentage of tlncontentof bronze and carbon content of iron, to differentiate between intentionally and accidentally carburized artifacts, to' determine whether an implement has . been subject quenching and/or tempering, and to assess something of the level of technical skill achieved by the fabricator of any particular article (Stech-Wheeler 1981: 247). At present the results from this analysis are admittedly inadequate and subject to a high sampling error because of the small size of the sample upon which they are based. However, they are beginning to contribute to the picture ofa gradual and sloping transition from bronze to iron as the "working metal" (Snodgrass 1980: 336 "iron used to make functional parts of the real cutting and .piercing' implements that form the basis of early technology") in Canaan drawn; from other data, namely the comparative distributionot 218

Chapter Nine

»

Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization

bronze and iron during the crucial period. Waldbaum's study of this distribution shows that for Palestine "iron had not yet completely
obtaining it in the period of social, political, and economic disarray that marked the end of the Late Bronze Age (Stech-wheeler et al, 1981: 265; Waldbaum 1978: 71-72; Snodgrass 1971: 237-239). The constriction in the availability of bronze ushered in a transitional period in which iron technology developed empirically, impelled in various regions by greater or lesser degrees of economic necessity (Snodgrass 1980: 337, 368). It appears that this transitional period ended in Canaan in the l Oth century, but, as the Taanach artifacts show, the technology retained a degree of unpredictability. Snodgrass has noted that "even in a fully iron-based economy, there may still be iron artifacts which bear no traces of carburization or hardening" due to the variable skill of individual smiths (1980: 338). Yet not only a question of the relative abilities of individual smiths, it cannot be forgotten 219

hopkins ... The Highlands of Canaan that the production of .steelediron.'was . the , result,;, nasl:ent,.te<;hnology. ~bil:b .s~('edwith0thera;ncie!'lt; f)Ologies.pc{ dearth cof.standardsiandthemeansto·;a thern.(Se~.above,ch. 2§B.2.) If .. this interpretation target,thenone must concludeithat. updhrougbti) centuryB.C.E. the choice between bronze .and ironc hardly. have been a dramatic one in terms of utility,a1}d farmer in Canaan could hardly have been the consumecAr.. ,ii: only superior iron plowpoints produced by the nasce.ijt ironworking technology. .", ·.,.i"'l~j Perhaps. the iron implements from Taanach andth~ir implications do not mirror the situation in the Highlandspf Canaan which are the focus of our study. Is there'ahy evidence to .suggest that the Highland farmer made)~~~ earlier or any more consistent use of steeled iron? One~~n turn, here, to but a small body of iron artifacts uncovereo'.f'.'1. the Highland regions, none of which has been sUbjecttot~ same detailed metallurgic analysis as the Taanach material. Iron objects have been found at four Highland sites occupies! during the 12th-II th centuries: Har Adir, lAi, KhirbetR.a~: dana, and Tel el-Ful (Waldbaum 1978: 24-25; Dothan 19&2:9}" 93). Of the total of eighteen objects, three may claim to~ agriculturally related tools /31 j: a pick from har Adir ,ira possible plowpoint from Khirbet Raddana, and the well...kno'Vtl plowpoint from Tell el ..Ful, Of these only the pick has been studied metallurgically, though not fully. Muhly reports that this analysis shows that "the pick was made of carburized iron (steel) that had been quenched and tempered" (1982:4'; Maddin, Muhly and Wheeler 1977: 127). This is suchc:t!'l outstanding find that it resists incorporation into historil:c:ll reconstruction, especially since in general evidence showS that quenching became a widespread technique. ~f ironworking no earlier than the 8th century and that intentional tempering surfaces only centuries later, around the 4th century (Maddin, Muhly, and Wheeler 1977: 128-131). Note should be made of Muhly's assertion that these four sites stand out in the development of ironworking in the eastern Mediterranean as the only sites at which iron appeat~ "independent of any evidence for contact with the outside world" and are new settlements, home to no Bronze Age metallurgical traditions (I 982: 50). (Tell el-Ful mayna! belong to this category since the plowpoint was unearthed-In a fortress [stratum II-A] which some claim [Sinclair 1976: 4lj.~; Dothan 1982: 92-93; contra Aharoni 1982: 191] to have been Philistine). It is not difficult to imagine that the development 220

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading & Labor Optimization of .•. it"0I'l\Vor~ing .might ··.h~ve proceeded .ata faster pace at tll~~ne\V~f!ttlf!mer~s,.Situat~d.at.scme remove-from the broni,Tif'l?us~ry·arldtraqing· n'1echanisms,and .perhaps intent up(mrnaintaining'theIrindependence. Snodgrass has noted that . rf!l~tive to the.· international character of commerce in· .• bronze (and especially the vital constituent tin), "one effect of the .mastery of iron-working was ••• to increase self-sufficiency and lessen the dependence on outside resources" (Snodgrass 1971: 221). Whether new data will provide support for the possibility of a differential adoption of iron-working : fueled by a Highlands' desire for selfsufficiency is, of course, unknown. In the absence of such data it seems best to assume that the Highland cultivator was no better off than the cultivators at Taanach who would have experienced only varying success with the iron implements produced by this nascent technology, to the extent that their superiority over bronze would not have been a matter of universal acclaim. It is hard to imagine that the iron available in lieu of bronze at this time conferred any distinct advantage upon its users. This conclusion might be altered somewhat if one could add to the suspicion that the Highlanders were spurred on to a more rapid development of iron metallurgy by other factors in addition to the desire for self-sufficiency. In fact, it has often been postulated that the expansion of settlement in the Highlands was materially predicated upon the coming of iron implements capable of clearing the forested land and plowing its rocky soil. One of the consequences of the large-scale adoption of iron, de Geus writes, "was the opening of new areas for agriculture" (I 976: 168). Gottwald also adduces the importance of iron: "iron in Israelite techno-economics had a great and immediate impact. Iron axes enabled more rapid and thorough clearing of land, while iron plows, mattocks, spades, sledges, etc. meant that more land could be cultivated per unit of human labor with larger surpluses" (I 979b: 655, but note p. 637). We can refine this deterministic assertion somewhat and limit it to the suggestion that the conditions under which the expansion of agricultural settlement took place in the Highlands, especially the need for clearing the evergreen forest and rnaquis and the more arduous and demanding plowing of rocky hill slopes, impelled early Israel to a more rapid appropriation and development of ironworking in order to make an advance on the capabilities of bronze tools. This assertion is less difficult to accept though it is also not without problems. Forest clearance may 221

ti()pl
Canaan

well.. hiiV~ .ffleD .•a~~. oo~.f9r.~:li~? cOI1Hf\U~~ ...Q).~ ,~anqH::;~.91 s()nz~·.p10~p()i.ms: . . as . otne,( ·'.I..lt~ I •... '. .•..•. ~9j~t~)';. thrpughgut .·ttle'· Ir;pl) evidTf\ce, remains the traction plow,the "ard" as it is often labde~? coupled to an individual beast or a yoke of draft animals.' Itl~ basic form of the "ardvhas remained constant since it: introduction in prehistoric times: it consists of a long plp~ beam to which has been connected an elbow-shaped share beam at whose end the plowpoint would be affixed (Turkowski 1969: 28-:31; Salonen 1968: 27-28). The characteristjg functioning of this scratch plow has often been noted;~t serves to break the soil from below, to cut a furrow thrp~g~I' the soH without turning it over as. the mould-board plough;I~ designed to d.o (Turkowski 1969: 32; Forbes 1976: 6). 1N~. j seemingly incomplete .. cultivation is linked towa;~~J. conservation.and soil fertllttyrnalntenance in that it does fl~~! ~ expose deeper layers of the soil to the desiccating effects ~ the sun while. at the same time it breaks the capillaryl network through which moisture stored in them would '! otherwise escape. Butzernotesthat the scratching ofthenarq:',1 h~llps dguar9 '.' agains~ th~ dep!etiodn. of 'lorgdanic matter,~~,'f e SOl an against erOSIOn since It or man y oes not exposri the more easily eroded B-horizon to the effects of tfle, I weather(l974: 64). The very use to which this scratch plowi.~ j adapted, It seems to me, restricts the .exterrt to which~t~ ~.' efficiency can be improved by increasing the hardness of it~; plowpoint /33/. lyloreover, the sp~ed of the traction plo~ J

llanjn

i

.ol

v:

2 2 2 1

tI

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization

is deterrninedby the strength and endurance of the draft animals, .and~almanreports that· one of the principles of field division rests>: 00 'the need to guard against the overworking ,:and exhaustion of the animals (I 932, 2: 168). Given the charactertstic-shallowness of the furrow cut by the Hard, flit is unlikely that a steel plowpoint with more durable edges would permit the draft animals to keep up a more rapid pace. In . examining the corpus of plowpoints from Canaan, Arieh has noticed a change in the design of the plowpoint with the introduction of iron so that the ratio between the point itself and the aperture that attaches to the plowshare beam appears to increase. Stronger iron, he argues, permitted a lengthening of the plow point so as to permit a greater penetration of the soil (I 97 3: 44). Greater penetration, of course, would require greater traction and slow the plowing process. There is obviously a trade-off between the better aeration of the soil made possible by longer plowpoints and the speed of the plow, a trade-off which might be better suited to the deeper loess soils of the Beersheba region than the shallower terra rossa soils of the major portion of the Highlands. In light of all this we must seriously doubt any overly positive answer to the question of whether an iron plowpoint would have permitted more efficient plowing of Highland fields. One can indeed suggest reasons why early Israel's metallurgy would have been spurred on to a more rapid rate of development, but these reasons cannot be said to stem from the necessities of the expansion of agricultural settlement in the Highlands. Evidence for the continued use of both iron and bronze plowpoints joins a consideration of the mechanics and functioning of the primitive" ard " in suggesting that metallurgic developments in the early Iron Age did not have a dramatic effect on the conduct of agriculture in the Highlands. Thus, to return to the broader question, there is little to suggest that the gradual switch to ironworking increased the ability of the farming communities of the Highlands to carry out the most essential agricultural operation, to plant their fields during the optimal period set by the variable rainfall regime. 2. Harvesting At the other end of the growing season from plowing and planting, the operations of harvesting present another set of crucial considerations especially from the standpoint of labor

223

Hopkios» The Highlands of Canaan supply .ThefJnani~()ldandseqlJ<;ntiaFsetofoperationsm edin harvFs:ti'ng{m~e~it~e'rno~tdt!j;~nsivetmaj~r,o' Of.·••·.tf1e.• • :
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading Or. Labor Opt i rruza tion Despite these . factors which may serve to spread the harvest out over a relatively longer period of time and thus reduce its intensity, it remains a complex task and one which demands a degree of attention unlike other operations of the agricultural year. Harvest involves a sequence of interrelated acts: (l) the harvest proper - reaping or picking; (2) collecting the, harvested stalks; (3) transporting the harvest to the threshing floor; (4) drying the harvest; (5) threshing to disarticulate the spikelets and remove the hulls (glumes); (6) winnowing and sieving to separate the grain from the chaff and to clean the grain; (7) measuring and storing (Turkowski 1969: 101-9; Borowski 1979: 92-102). Among these, the degree of attention is most sustained during the reaping or picking of the cereal (see Vogelstein 1894: 59-60 on various techniques of harvesting). As with the other harvesting operations, the difficulty of this back-breaking task is magnified by the hot, dry, and stressful conditions of the summer during which it took place and which probability limited tne harvesters to the cooler morning hours (Paul and Dever 1973: 158). The fact that the requisite tool for this operation, the sickle (Hebrew "hermes" .Deut 16.9 and "rnaggal" Jer 50.16), continues throughout the Late Bronze and Iron Ages to be made from a variety of materials - flint, bronze, and iron - suggests that no improvement of the material technology eased the drudgery of the harvest (Borowski 1979: 95-96; Galling 1977b: 293). Indeed, as Pritchard deduces from the quantity of flint sickle blades recovered, "much of the harvesting at Gibeon was done by Stone Age methods" (1962: 114). however, it is likely that some form of collective labor groups provided relief in this respect and, thus, found a place in the harvesting scene. Turkowski reports that the variable ripening time of the cereals permits "relations and friends to help each other harvest the wheat" (1969: 103), and Antoun has made an analogous observation about harvesting at Kufr al-Ma in the Transjordan, noting the inclusion of others alongside the extended paternal family at harvest time (1972: 12). Reciprocal labor exchange devices are com man among agricultural communities which experience great seasonal fluctuations in labor demand (see, e.g., Brush 1977: 104) and would seem to be all the more encouraged among ancient Highland communities given the high priority objectives of risk spreading and labor optimization. Another form of communal cooperation, though not necessarily labor sharing, that probably characterized the harvest scene involved the use of the threshing floor. The 225

Hopkins ,.., The Highlands of Canaan biblical ~videncedor"th~communalor private pwnership.:t thre$hiQS·.,floor~• • • is1l>.i)(~~~,l<,~fer~flcesi·to.:t.i).e:t.i).l'e$hing:f.l :t.i).~.,!~g5r~!'l,lkinclynalna

thethr~shi!'lg··.floors()fthe. town of ,KeiIah,iaref~rence'. wQi

is open.toeither .interpretation(l·Sam.23.1),thethreshi flooruponwhichEk>a? . . sleeps:which permits a .communal'i interpretation (Ruth 3.2), and the.threshing floor at the gate of Samaria which strongly favors it (l Kgs 22.10). Turkowski, howeverv.reports-that threshing ..floors used collectively were characteristic of the Judean Hills before the contemporary era of individualized.iarming (I 969: 105). One of the great limitations of ancient technology speaks for the existence of a number of threshing floors, located propritiously for win~ nowing, but/at no great distance from the grain-producing. fields: transportation technology was primitive and ineffic;;;o" lent, The time and effort required to transport the harvest to; the threshing floor could be decreased by increasing its proximity to the fields. Sheaves of harvested stalks were especially bulky and difficult to manage (see the simile in. Amos 2.13), especial1y when compared to sacks of cleaned grain. The proliferation of threshing fields would decrease the extent of .communal '.cooperation entailed in this operation of . the harvest. In less secure times, however, threshing floors at some remove from the village would be subject to raiding, a circumstance which would reassert the value of communal cooperation (see Judg 6.3-6, 11, and I Sam 23.1). The necessary intensity of harvest and the high degree attention that it demands (due to the need and desire to harvest the fields at the most propritlous time and to the nature of the sequential operations of the total harvest scene themselves) lead to the conclusion that harvest time marks a . peak in the annual curve of labor demand /34/. If the labor requirement (work hours per period of time) is at its highest during harvest, then a community's ability to meet this demand at this time will be crucial. The amount of labor available at harvest time may impose a limit on the extent of crop production and, thus, on the extent of the areas that can be profitably cropped. At harvest time labor supply appears to be more decisive than the availability of land resources in determining the extent of production. Practices (such as staggered sowing) and environmental circumstances (such as variegated land) which soften this limit are those which result in a spreading of labor at least at this crucial time.

226

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization f'ressur:eswhich work in the opposite direction would stirnulatemeanstolncrease the availability of labor. Given the absence- of developments toward more efficient harvesting •technology such as an "improved" sickle, such means .\Vqulci likely be social in nature. 3. Vine and Tree Crops Alongside field crops, vine and tree crops held an integral place in the agricultural systems of the ancient Highlands. These crops were crucial not only for their essential and highly desirable products, but additionally for their fit in the agricultural calendar dominated by the production of grains. Tree and vine crops contribute to the diversity of the Highlands' subsistence means in a way that does not sharply compete.with but rather complements the other foci of agricultural energies. The complementarity of trees and vine crops results from the pattern of care required by established vineyards and orchards. Grape vines and fig, olive, and other fruit orchards obviously entail a much longer lead time than field crops between planting and harvest, but established orchards and vineyards are stable for many years and yield their produce with a minimum of care. While this is not a matter of "complete repose" as Barrois exaggerates 0939, 1: 323), the crop producing tasks can be undertaken fairly leisurely and in an extensive rather than intensive manner. Lag time, durability, and degree of attention required vary, of course, with the type of vine or tree. The olive leads the field in both lag time and durability, a result of its slow growth pattern. Full yields are obtained only from trees that have grown for several decades, but they remain productive almost indefinitely (Boardman 1976: 189; Aschenbrenner 1972: 53). The fig and the vine require a decade or more before the beginning of significant production and generally do not survive more than a half-century (Aschenbrenner 1972: 55-56). The operations of the agricultural year for vine, fig, and olive are similar in the fact that each requires cultivation (to control the weeds in the fields, to increase the infiltration of the rains, and to aerate the soil), pruning (to enhance the development of the fruit), and some form of harvesting and fruit processing. Among these operations, it is only the cultivation that competes with the field-erop operations for the available supply of plow labor, though the competition is not fierce for there is no great time pressure on the cultivation of vineyard and orchard. 227

Hopklns

«

The Highlands of Canaan

. . TJ;e patter~of acti~itlesdi'lergesgreatly when it corn~s~~\

theSl'e<;ifi~of.care)~~n~~pr,o~ess~g; ;denla~de?;.' byeac~i~if1~2~ji

of fruit..ByfO;r~fl::rn().~t;s~ITIPle·andJl~~std:rn~nding'. i~'tJ'i~j20 fig· tree (FiCtis" carica D1;:~e'en~'!1';;l)rying'i~thejo?lf processing activity requiredr and the harvest· is ;·especi~lI~;i;' unrushed and drawn out since the fruit of the fig tree ripe?~ not at once but incrementally over the course of the .summer (Aschenbrenner 1972: 56-57). The only special demand oifig production relates to its curious pollination system involvinp symbiosis with a tiny wasp which reproduces in the flower's (turned galls) of the male tree (caprrflg) (Zohary 1982: 58'. For a significant production of fruit from the female tree, the galls from the caprifig must be brought into proximity with the flowering 'female fig at the correct moment. Thete is . no direct evidence that this technique was known'; and practiced in early Iron Age Highland Canaan (Borowski 1979: 170, n.99). Given the apparent importance of the fig in the agricultural economy of the Highlands' villages, however, it is likely that some form of positive interference in the pollination of the fig was practiced. The care of vineyards is throughout more demanding than that of fig orchards. Vines (Vitis vinifera L.; "gepen") must be trained - either into a standing habit supported by wooden props or along the ground supported by a few carefully positioned stones. The latter habit seems better suited to conserving soil moisture and avoids also the cost and maintenance of posts (Semple 1931: 397-399). If the vine was trained to spread on the ground then cultivation around the trunk necessarily required the strenuous use of the hoe in place of the unwieldy traction plow (see Isa 5.6; noted also by Borowski 1979: 162). Pruning (zrnr), usually carried out before leaving in the winter, was an essential operation upon which the yield of grapes is directly dependent, especially given the desiccating effect of the hot sun during the summer when fruit is developing. Too much vegetative growth can be damaging. For this reason also grape leaves are thinned out after the setting of the fruit. The products of thinning and pruning are absorbed into the household economy (diet, fodder, fuel). These crop-producing operations are not intensive ones and for the most part do not coincide with the operations of the grain producing calendar. Pruning and cultivation take place after the plowing and planting of grains have been completed. This complementarity is also true of the harvest and processing activities, which tasks, however, are highly intensi

J

228

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading

(X

Labor Optimization

ive, Iheharvest and the processing of grapes are concen-

trated in a short period of time at the end of the summer and do not stretch out like the harvest and processing of grain (Aschenbrenner 1972: 51). Once grapes have matured, there is considerable pressure to gather them before theyfaH from the vines, become dehydrated, or fall prey to insect or animal pests. Surveillance is vital as the grapes ripen and harvest begins, and the vinegrower or harvesters likely spent the night in the vineyard in specially constructed shelters (sukka bekareru '- Isa 1.8; mlgdal - Isa 5.2; see Borowski 1979: 161). Given the intensity of the harvest operation and the sheer volume of grapes that even a small vineyard can produce, it is not unlikely that harvesting was carried out by collective labor groups (Aschenbrenner 1972: 56). While table grapes were eaten, grapes were dried to be stored as raisins, and grape syrup and vinegar were produced, it appears that the largest portion of the harvest was processed into wine. Winemaking is technically simple though it does require suitable facilities, especially if large quantities are to be prepared. Equipment and installations which are cogently interpreted as designed for winemaking are plentiful in and out of the Highland region of Canaan. However, one encounters difficulties in arriving at a certain dating for these agricultural installations, and it is necessary to admit that few of the numerous wine-making installations can be placed in the agricultural operations of the early Iron Age Highland communities. Borowski differentiates between two types of wine presses associated with Israelite settlement and associates these with distinctive biblical-technical terms (1979: 165-166). The "yeqeb" designates a press hewn in bedrock in or near the vineyard (Isa 5.2). As with terraces, such installations, which naturally stand outside of archaeological context, are difficult to date. The most unambiguous and thoroughly investigated examples of the "yegeb" are those found at the famous Gibeon winery. Of particular interest is the "tread basin" of area 17 (locus 205), a circular rock cutting about 3 feet in diameter and 1 foot 10 inches deep. This shallow basin is found in association with other rock cuttings, including a large plastered vat (locus 204), that can plausibly be interpreted as a system for pressing, decanting, and fermenting a great quantity of grape juice (Pritchard 1962: 96; 1964: 10-11 and figures 5, 56, and 64). As far as the date of these facilities is concerned, however, the excavators can only provide a date late in Iron II for their abandonment (Pritchard 1964: 13-16, 27). Whether 229

Hopkins ... The Highlands of Canaan these insteiletlcns-were-Innse before the Iron II (1)1 Yl:>egu~sse<::f.

;"i;,';;'"

, "if

]"1),e;;oth~ritYpe,,;,;{)~,;;Winepressi,jshthe,t,"gat",1';a ' manufactur~d,i.{)f $tpnes;an
context (JUdg6.,H)"iThe,generations...l ong use-to which s valuable agricultural,jnstallation is put , .creates ".; dating problems ;·despiteits"location;. ina potentially,stratifieq context. Theenost.isecurely dated and best preserved Ifgat'l ' has been unearthed,' at Gezer, a site in the transitional Shephelah, The flooco! the press consists of "a single,ovCil stone, ca. 1.6501 by 2.QOm"in which, was hollowed out a sump for collecting the last bit of juice and toward which the stone sloped. The walls were built of uncut stone, cemented by mortar and plastered.; The quality and sturdinesssscf construction are .noteworthy, testifying to the special importance of this particular facijlty. Used through. two strata, the .winepress (labeled a "vat", by the excavators} dates to the. mid...12th, through mid-11th centuries, the Iron I/Philistine settlement of Gezer (Dever, Lance, and Wright 1970: 25-28 and pl. 7&). Neither the "yeqeb" of Gibeon nor the "gat" of, Gezer come from both the time period and the region of interest in this study, but they are no doubt representative .: of the type of facilities employed" in winemaking in the early Iron Age Highlands. While the high degree of processing devoted to the produce of the vine finds a parallel in that required by the processing of the olive, the pattern of care of the olive (Olea europaea L.; "zayit") is much less full than that of the grape. Cultivation-Is, of course, necessary, but the wide spacing of the trees permits this to be carried out with the traction plow. Pruning is not a separate operation, but generally takes place during harvest. As with the vine, the products ofollve tree pruning are absorbed .into the-household economy: leaves serve .as fodder and branches as fuel for the fireplace and oven. The need to fill in the characteristic hollows of the trunks of olive trees is not a pressing one (Barrois 1939, 1: 323)~

The almost carefree maintenance of the olive during the year is balanced by a fairly complex harvest and processing picture. However, the demands of harvest are rendered much less pressing by the stability of the ripened olives on the trees. As Balynotes: it does not matter very-much if the olives are left on the tree for some tirne,before they are picked, so that the farmer is able to gather his olive harvest whenever his 230

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization work in the fields gives him time, either before or after plowinganof . olives .entails a . m~~'<:>fthree methods: primarily beatinq>the tree branches with sticks (Deut 24.20), but also pruning branches to speed the process and reach inaccessible fruits, and picking (Borowski 1979: 176-177; Aschenbrenner 1972: 54). Gathering fallen fruit from the ground caused few problems if the olives were destined for the press. The process of extracting and purifying olive oil involves three steps and a few facilities. First the olives must be crushed. Only one facility that can be identified as an olive crushing installation appears in the archaeological record of the Late Bronze and early Iron, Age Highlands. The lone example is the large mortar unearthed at Bethel in the socalled "olive oil factory" (Kelso 1968: 30 and pls, 85b, 89c, d). Possessing an interior measurement of ca. 0.7m wide and O.5m deep, this mortar from the Late Bronze Age was found in association with other oil production equipment as well as debris from the process. Mortars such as these could well have crushed olives in significant quantities. There is nothing in the archaeological record even remotely resembling the round-stone crushing machines familiar in the Hellenistic period and beyond. It must be considered likely, however, that well before the Hellenistic period a more simply wrought cylindrical stone was rolled over olives spread out on ahara surface cut into bedrock in order to crush them (Forbes and Foxhall 1978:39; Eitarn 1979: 148). The second step in the oil extraction process involves pressing crushed olives. This could be accomplished by placing heavy weights upon woven baskets filled with the crushed olives. Such methods would not have been very efficient since only the dead weight of the stone would have exerted pressure to expel the oil. Recent investigations into this process by David Eitam have detailed a significant improvement in the design of the press. By the 8th century B.C.E. the above arrangement was modified by the addition of a beam anchored in a wall above the baskets of crushed olives that pressed down upon the stones that covered them. The increase of leverage provided by the beam greatly improved the efficiency of these presses. Forty such installations have been discovered in a survey of the Samarian Hills, and a number from other locations can be added to this list, including the cut-stone installations found at Tell Beit Mlrsirn and identified by Albright as dye vats. 231

Hopkins-The Highlands of Canaan According ,to',Eitam"the' archaeo!ogicalpicture testifies,(fQ', "an • . advanced state oLdevelopment".,reached byithis ··.b '. pr:~~~., 9yring' ..the }, periodof\t~e ..mol'lilr<;hy< (1 279;, I 4(;.,.1 ! 5()-1'52,.·1.~~)!' H()"YJarbflck.iet()the,~Clrl5'Iron.Age,the.J., of -: th.Ls '. d~veI9pment .stretchjs .not ret ..known•• It' isw noting .that...the installations of . the ••"oHve. oil factory". ~rd Bethel do not include. a pn~ssfor the collection of. oil. Ift~~i~ mortar alone .were relied upon for the crushing and tile.; pressing, then the process would have been both incredibly' slow and inefficient, with most of the oil remaining in the pulp.' . . . . .... The pressing operatio£l produces a mixture of olive oil and. water (with the quantity ()fwater exceeding that of the cil.. by. four or five times, according.to Forbes and Foxhall 197&: 34, 46)~ The. final stage of processing .olives provides for the separation of the oil frornfhe water. This can be effected in' numerous ways. With the Iron Age II installations described by Eitarn, this separation was accomplished by the provision of. a way for the buoyant oil to rise to the top of the mixture and overflow into a lower collecting basin or jar (Eitam 1979: 1~9). Oil could be ladled from any vat in which the output of the. press was' allowed to stand or the water could be drawn off through an outlet at the base of the vat (Forbes and Foxhall 1978: 29). A 2m x Irn x O.6m vat was part of the "olive oil factory" at Bethel (Kelso 1968: 30).1t goes without saying that such facilities as these could well have served double-duty as winemaking equipment (Joel 2.24). It makes sense that the community would seek to increase the productivity of its large investment in these expensive facilities by using them for as many suitable enterprises as possible. This dual-use would be facilitated by the circumscribed and non-overlapping grape and olive processing times. 4. The Structure of Work in the Fields

Several concluding remarks can be made at this point regarding the structure of work in the fields. First, the. interrelatedness of the operations of the agricultural year deserves to be highlighted. While this appears to be a trite observation, it has significant implications that are more often than not neglected. As an example, it was shown that the •question about the increased efficiency of the iron plo\Vpoint remains open. But those who are willing togo beyopd "tile. evidence to make a claim for the importance of 232

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization this material improvement for early Israelite society are often oblivious to the fact that seed sown eventually becomes grain to be harvested. The available labor supply at harvest time imposes real limits to the amount of crop that Can be profitably grown. The advantage of the iron plowpoint from the standpoint of subsistence may be real with respect to achievement of more reliable harvests, but often it is presented as providing a productive bonanza. It meant larger and less costly harvests that freed the society to shift energy to other activities. But how can this be if the iron plcwpoint stands next to the flint sickle in the tool inventory of the early Israelite farmer? The importance of a diversified subsistence base for stable village life in the uncertain and variable climate of the Highlands of Canaan cannot be overemphasized. Tree and vine crops represent real advantages in this respect (though the yields of these plants are also dependent upon the weather), especially because of the complementarity of their patterns of care with the grain-dominated agricultural calendar. This observed fit of the tree and vine crops into the agricultural calendar of the Highlands raises to a level of consciousness the "labor calendar" that is implicit in the course of the year. The times of peak labor demand are clearly the time of plowing and planting when the pressures on completing the process are great, and, higher than this, the time of the grain harvest, that lengthy but intense period of ensuring subsistence for the coming year. There are obviously periods of low labor demand as well. The period after the harvest and processing of grains but before the

preparations for the new agricultural year stands out most prominently. Figs would, of course, be harvested throughout this period, and the grape harvest and possibly the olive harvest would occur as well, though these are relatively concentrated events and would not monopolize these weeks. During this and other periods of low labor demand that likely occurred, labor would be available for other irregularly timed agricultural tasks (such as wall building, clearing new land, removing large rocks and tree stumps from the fields, repairing agricultural installations) as well as non-agricultural labors (house-building, larger labor projects). The inter-seasonal lulls are not the only periods of potential of underutilization of labor, of course, but are joined by intraseasonal hiatuses. The changeable weather of the rainy season, it has been noted, presents periods of dry days when plowing can proceed alongside of periods when the rain halts 233

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan agricUlturalopetations~'These/rainy?d~ys 'offer leisure()rfoJ;:.~()l"kaw~y. f rofO;~e fielcfs.'JLi

•.. ••. • • •.. p

r•.• ·.0rle·••.·ot.i~.~i@ajor:il~~n:trast$cPetYleenJtlt::different

oittle Ka.grkultural\Yearfrom the community in' order to carry out ..~ various tasks. Some crops require periods of intensea.~? sustainedeffort, a . more or Jless continuous application of labor over a period of time, while the growing of others .ls accomplished in a more •extensive and less concentrated fashion entailing cnly :intermittent labor applications. T~ opposition, which is usually most obvious when comparing agricultural systems of drastically different intensities (see, e.g., Wadde1L1972: 218; Netting 1968: ll9),isalsoappare within the. diversified system of, the Highlands. The contrast between 'the fig and grape harvests is especially marked in this . respect. So, too, is the .contrast between the intermittent, albeit arduous labor of the plowing and planting season and the fast-paced, concentrated conduct of the grain harvest. More than just a measure of labor demand over the run oithe agricultural year, this contrast provides an index of the quality of life enjoyed by Highland's communities. The social .i. fabric of these communities is woven both during periods of intense (and perhaps communal) preoccupation with specific. agricultural tasks (viz., the harvest festivals) and less intense periods that permit participation in the ongoing social and political life of the community. It is difficult to treat this "quality of labor" index as an absolute measurement; its importance would become apparent were it to be employed as a relative measure contrasting the agricultural system of one period .with another, say the early Iron Age with the period of economic growth under Jeroboam II and Uzziah, Two ways in which the structure of work in the fields can be interpreted as responding to both -Iabor-optirnizlng and risk-spreading needs merit note. The premier strategy of staggered sowing not only spreads the risks originating in the variable environment, but is well accommodated to limited supplies of both animal and human labor• Its advantages with respect of labor availability are all the more apparent during the harvest when the labor-demand curve peaks. Risk spreading through the diversification of crops - wheat alongside of barley, vine and tree crops alongside of grains also helps spread labor out across the full run of the year, dampening the seasonal contrast. There can be little doubt

rtt

234

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization that full advantage was taken of the fit of tree and vine into the agricultural calendar dominated by grains. C. Land Use 1. Types of Land Use Before considering the effect of the objectives of risk spreading and the optimization of labor on the pattern of land use in the ancient Highlands it is worth recalling the definition of land use offered previously: the degree to which a given plot of land is cropped over a period of time coupled wi th the extent of capital and labor applied to it. (See above, ch, 2§A.) Direct evidence for the types of land use surrounding the typical village of the ancient Highlands which can be delineated under such a definition is largely unavailable.Cropping frequencies leave no trace in the soil, and centuries of farming and/or neglect have obliterated whatever other vestiges of field systems might have remained (Golomb and Kedar 1971: 139). Terrace systems are an exception to this circumstance though dating remains problematic. Indirect evidence comes from the Hebrew Bible which preserves numerous terms that can be associated with categories of land use and may be in some way reflective of the situation in the early Iron Age Highlands. The terms are certainly not systematized, however, and do not give the appearance of technical terms. A number of texts record what was clearly the most important triad of land use: fields (sadot), vineyards (kerfirn irn}, and olive orchards (zayit) (I Sam &.14-, Deut 28.38-40, and Neh 5.11; biblical Hebrew does not include a separate word for olive orchard - "zayit" is used collectively as well as to refer to the individual tree and its fruit). The "fields" mentioned here are probably grain fields, though "sadeh" possesses a very broad semantic range including land in general and fields specifically planted in cereals and other annual crops. Different plots within fields are labeled "helga" or ''helgat hassadeh" and are said to be planted with barley (2 Sam 14-.30-31 and Ruth 2.3, 17) or lentils (2 Sam 23.11-12), though the same term can also refer to a vineyard plot (2 Kgs 9.21, 26) or tenting site and burial plot (Gen 33.19 and Josh 24-.32). The garden (gan, ganna) is mentioned as producing vegetables (I Kgs 21.2) or fruit (Jer 29.5). Less clear, the "karmel" is also filled with "fruits and good things" (Jer 2.7)

235

Hopkins- The: Highlands .Ocf Canaan among which grapes..a ppearato-be included,lsa ·:16.10and;J' 48.)~)•.The: .:grol.lping••qf~land"iuse>,typesin.Amos '·4.. 9 (gard [gannotekem]; vineyards·{karmekem); dig .•. ·orchardshe'e:n~~ kem]; andoliveorchards~z~!~ke:mJ)may ! ndicatesomething' of theirproximity, geographic or economic, in Iron Age lL The terms for terraces have been not~above:'~madrega'~ and: usedemot" (ch •• 7 §B). Stager finds literary evidence for the standard practice of growing vines but also figs and olives on these terraces (1982: 118). Elsewhere he contends that the: early < Israelite • settlers of the .Highlands used .•.• terraces: inefficiently •for growing cereals in order to remain: independent of the Canaanite bread basketsH 975: 13). The biblical. references Stager adduces provide a good.indication of how terraces were cropped in monarchical Israel. and the growing of cereals on terraces does find some ethnographic support (Lewis 1953: 6). However, the explanation misreads the nature of self-sufficiency (that is, subsistence security) in Highland agriculture. "In-eff iciencies'' which promote crop diversity are compensated for in the spreading of risk. Further, given the role of terraces in water conservation and risk reduction, the planting of the main staples - grains and legumes - on hillsides that had been terraced would be encouraged. Any construction of terraces in the early Iron Age Highlands would appear to create" a productive site for a variety of crops and not one devoted exclusively or preferentially to a single type. Crop specialization emerges in economies dominated by centralized rule or participating in broad networks of exchange (Hopkins 1983: 193-202). A number of terms for pasture land are also preserved in the Hebrew Bible. "Migras U (Num 35.3 and Josh 14.4) is a prominent example. As Borowski notes, however, this term is used nearly exclusively to designate priestly land attached to the Ievitical cities (1979: 55, n.41). From the root "nwh" more general designations for grazing land are unaweh" (2 Sam 7.8) and the poetic term "ne'dt" (Jer 25.37,Amos 1.2, and Ps 23.2), often found in construct with "rnidbdr" (Jer 9.9, 23.10, Ps 65.13, and Joel 1.19,20, 2.22) 1351. Forested land in various stages of succession is termed "ya'ar.' Arable land that has ceased to be cultivated becomes dominated by "briers and thorns" (samlrlsayit; lsa 5.6, 7.23, 24, 25). Numerous other terms for garigueattest to consciousness of the existence of this scrub land. (See above, ch.: 5 §B). Isa 7.25 makes it clear that such land could also be used directly in the agricultural systems of the Highlands: it is "a place where cattle are let loose and sheep tread."

236

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization The land surrounding . an agricultural village would also house/numerous > Jnstallati6n . loci, some directly used in agricultural enterprises, which are a type of land use though it. does not fit readily on the intensive-extensive scale. Among the agricultural facilities for which the Hebrew Bible preserves terminology are storehouses ('o~ar, lasam i m, megGra), towers (rnigdal), watchman's huts (sukka bekarern), threshing floors (goren), grape presses (gat, yeqeb), and cisterns (bor). Sacrosanct land constitutes one final category of land use for which the Hebrew Bible preserves various references. Included would be the high place (bama, 1 Sam 7.17, lO.5, LO, 13), "holy ground" (ladmat-qodes, Exod 3.5), and altars (mizbeah), sacred tree groves (no specific term; see Cen 13.18), and grave sites (geber), though no tombs have been discovered for the biblical period. Historical forces would naturally be paramount in shaping the distribution of this type of land use. Based on this limited evidence of land-use categories preserved in the Hebrew Bible as well as on the topography of the Highlands and ethnographic analogy, the types of land use surrounding an agricultural village in the early Iron Age Highlands would probably include (in order of approximate intensi ty): (kitchen gardens and isolated tree plots) 1361 spring-irrigated terrace systems hill and valley slope terraces valley bottom fields level hilltop and ridge-top fields, vineyards, and orchards hill and valley slope fields, vineyards, and orchards grazing land (including gangue) rnaquis and forest land wasteland (e.g., swamps, steep slopes, exposed bedrock) installation locil37j sacrosanct land 2. Land-Use Pattern The existence and relative quantity of any given category of land use found around a village and the proportions of land devoted to tree, vine, or field crops or grazing are determined by a manifold set of factors. Natural givens (categories of terrain, climate, vegetation, and soil) are crucial, though not decisive, and care must be exercised so as

237

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan not to conceive of landuse'igelasticaHy.(as;doAllan ;HJ'6'= 30-35 . and ., Wersch; 197 2:;J&O"'lS2)~});&serup'sviewi;of fertility,.as?:a /variable,related;•. tl)popl.11ati()n Cidensity agricultural .technology; (See.fabove~;.c~;2J;§B.n;· extended ·toindudetheWhole'cbngeries ;ofen~itoh . ...••• factors,·;·;.production.demands,?~nd;tecfmologicalcapabillt;ie~

affecting the costs ofagrlcultural··production.Econorrdc conditlons (transportationcosts,marketdemand); histork,ll circumstances (relative security), and social factors (crop preferences, inter-village exchange .: mechanisms) all vital roles in determining land-use intensity and crop mix. In any given situation the pattern into which these types of land use would be constellated shows significant effectscif the risk spreading and labor.optimizing objectives of Highland .agriculture, At the .heart of the land-use pattern lies the objective of optlmizing labor. Given the primitive means of transport available in the early Iron Age Highlands, the productivity of labor is greatly dependent upon the distance between the village residence and the cultivated fields (in general see Chisholm 1962: 21-35; Hall 1966: xx-xh Mitchell 1971)• .The first impact of distance is felt in the time required to travel to the fields. Because of the costs of this travel time, labor is more productive closer to than farther from the village. The distance-dependent variation of labor productivity encourages the location of agricultural pursuits of greatest intensity (that is, demanding the greatest input of labor) at the least distance from the village. At greater distances the labor costs of intensifying production cannot be borne due to the already high costs of travel. A second determinative impact of distance in the labor costs of cultivation is felt in the transportation of the produce from the fields to the village place of consumption. Crops which because of their weight or bulk and lor perishability demand a greater input of labor for transport, tend to be. located so that these costs are minimized. Because of the limitations on manuring, the transport of this material to the fields has no significant effect on agricultural location in the Highlands (see also Mitchell 1971: 360). The effect of distance on the location of agricultural production, originally noted and described by von Thiinen, has been demonstrated for rural areas throughout the world where travel to the fields is mostly pedestrian and the transportation of produce relies upon animal power (Chisholm 1962:5&; Mitchell 1971: 365-369; Stryker> 1976: 347). It represents the operation of agricultural systems by more or 23&

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization less rational agents. However, whereas von Thiinen conceived of thisrationaLbehavior as the endeavor to maximize income (Chisholm <1962:4 3),for the farmers of the Highlands this rationality must be understood in terms of the objective of optimizing •. labor <which,of course, is the primary cost of cultlvation, The distance-related considerations of transportability and travel time to fields combine to fashion the pattern of land use around the nucleated village into a series of concentric bands of cultivation of given crops at given intensities. Irregularity is the key word to describe the shape of these bands, however, given the variegated topgraphy of the Highlands (see also Mitchell 1971: 360). The location of terraces, the most intensive type of land use widely possible in the. Highlands, manifests this variegated pattern well. Ron has found that the percentage of terraced areas surrounding a village does decrease with increasing distance. Around the village of Suba in the Judean Hills, for example, Ron observed that "while 87% of the area of the inner ring which radiates 200 rn from the center of the village were terraced and cultivated, only 66.3% of the second ring (r2 = 500m) and 31 % of the third ring(r3 = 1000m) were terraced and cultivated" 0%6: 119-120). Particularly favorable areas are terraced even beyond the usual limit. How would crops be distributed on the terraces? Given what is known about the labor and transportation demands of the crop mix grown in the ancient Highlands and from the study of the land-use patterns of contemporary communities practicing traditional agriculture in the Mediterranean region, it is likely that terraced areas supporting vegetable gardens would occupy the closest band. This would permit frequent visits for cultivation, harvest, and perhaps manuring and jar-irrigation. Vineyards would also be found in this band of greatest intensity, with the perishability and bulk of the harvest as well as the need for surveillance and frequent visits for tending encouraging a proximate location. The assertion of Baly (1957: 100) and Borowski (1979: 157), based partly on Judg 14.5 and 21.20-21, that vineyards were often located at considerable distances from the village, can be affirmed only for the era of commercialization of viticulture in the Highlands during the monarchy. Isolated tree plots would also appear in this band - fig, almond, olive - if only ''to give shade and an atmosphere of coolness" as has been suggested (Beaumont, Blake, and Wagstaff 1976: 165). The terraced areas surrounding the village would likely also 239

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan support: a particularly . . Mediterranean ·"crop;cQmbinatlon:'M. intec,.,cultl,lre,tof.' cereals ,and ,olivetrees/3g/c.';t'i'f.rttbrig factor:sencouraging>this,', combinationJ.,are;tl1eJlongtlag beforenewl yplanted olive trees become productive~·the" spacing required by the roote System ··bfthe;treesi'.ahd compatibility of harvest times (White 1970a: 2&&;;$ 1931: 391). Further out, terraces.might support' thebienniar grain rotation and orchards of figs, olives,or other fruit trees~ Since the amount of terracing surrounding aHighlari~ village in the early Iron Age was restricted, thissameorcrer of staple crops' would probably be found in the more' level areas adjacent to the village site. Vegetable gardens >aha vineyards would lie closest in, possibly followed by interculture of fruit trees and grains, then the' grainfields and finally the orcharas, Crops would naturally tend to land best suited for their cultivation. Gardens and grain fields oh the valley floors and gently sloping hillsides; vines and trees occupying the less level areas. On the fallow grain fields and among the orchard trees grazing land would be provided. Within the radius of a day's round trip, the non-cultivated and incompletely cleared land would constitute the remainder of the zone of pasture land. Within and beyond this border maquis and forest would supply the village's need for firewood and building timber as well as serve as a resource for hunting and trapping and gathering vital wild footstuffs. The greatest disruption in this general pattern emerges around water sources which are often not located in the greatest proximity to the village. (See aboveych, 6 §B.3). At these extremely productive agricultural locations, irrigated terrace systems requiring enormous inputs of labor permit the most intensive cultivation. Such sites will skew the entire pattern and are examples of particularly favorable areas which Ron observed to be terraced even beyond the usual border (Mitchell 1971: 363; Ron 1966: 119-120). Despite topographical variegation, or rather, precisely in line with it, the distance-determined pattern of land use emerges specially clearly in the Highlands because of the objective of risk spreading. Risk spreading through cultivating a diversity of crops is coupled to risk spreading through cultivating a diversity of topographical settings. The great diversity of the agricultural environments created by a variegated landscape overlaid by variations in rainfall, soil, and vegetation elicits the attempt to exploit as wide a variety of niches as possible (see above,ch. 3· §C). Thus the 240

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization ~ypical land holding of a viHage household was likely to be fragmented <- dispersed rthreoghout the . agricultural lands .controlled by the viHage... The primary advantage of this fragmentation of agricultural production lies in reducing the chances ofa· complete crop loss to any single destructive agent and in increasing the chances of a favorable match with an unpredictably variable climate (see Grigg 1980: 22-23; Galt 1980; Price 1981: 411). The primary negative consequence of fragmented land holdings is the multiplication of time lost traveling to scattered holdings /39/. It is precisely the attempt to limit the effect of this disability that promotes the zonation of crops according to intensity. Thus the farming household mediates the conflict between the objectives of risk spreading (encouraging fragmentation) and the optimization of labor (promoting consolidation) in this case by locating the more intensive agricultural endeavors closer at hand and by substituting less intensive field techniques and crops as distances from the village increase. The ability of a Highlands' community to make such distance-determined substitutions yet still plant a variety of settings is the fortunate consequence of environmental diversity. The conflict between these two objectives is rendered less severe also by the fact that the smaller gardens, vineyards, fields, and orchards that constitute a fragmented holding are in fact more ideally suited to the smaller quanta of human and animal labor that can be mustered by the household at any given time. In addition, the fragmentation of fields can also facilitate a community goal of eqalitarian land distribution and thus promote village cohesion.

3. Crop Mix and Yielding Characteristics The ability to spread risk through planting a dispersed land holding is enhanced by the surprisingly broad spectrum of crops which were available to the Highlands farmers. Biblical references and plant remains and epigraphic materials uncovered archaeologically demonstrate the cultivation of a substantial repertoire of crops distributed through garden, field, and orchard /40/. The list of the "seven species" (Deut 8.8) has often been relied upon as an indication of the importance of the particular crops chosen for listing. That the cereals, wheat and barley, stand first on this list comes as no surprise. The often noted superiority .of wheat as a foodstuff makes this typically biblical pairing of wheat with 241

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan barieY'sttiking (inthe.fields:R.uth 2.23; Joel 1.11, 31.'tO[poeticparallelism}>asjfoodstuffs:25am 17.28 and 41.08)'..; The c'differinggrowth
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization (Forbes and FoxhaH . 1978:37-38) for which the active ingredient-rock· salt.,was abundantly supplied adjacent to the.Highlands around> the .:Dead Sea. The process probably needed no,"introduetion"'inHelleniStic or . Roman •times as Borowski asserts.'(1919:179..180). Apart from all else, the chief value of the nutritional contribution of these tree crops consists in the fact that> it can be stored. Grapes, figs, and dates are easily dried and pressed into cakes, the high sugar content acting as a preservative, and olives can be pressed for oil or pickled and stored for up to two years (Forbes and Foxhall 1978: 37). It is difficult to overestimate the importance of such storable foods in the uncertain agricultural and historical environment of the early Iron Age Highlands. Conspicuous by their absence from the list in Deut 8.8 are the vegetables, herbaceous edible plants apparently held in low esteem by the author of this description of the land /41/. This neglect should in no way be taken as indicative of the unimportance of these garden and field crops in the subsistence base of the ancient Highlanders. While the vegetable garden was, as Zohary puts it, "woefully lacking in variety" without tomatoes, cucumbers, lettuce, beans, peppers, and other familiar plants, it contained vital food stuffs 0982: 73). These included: pulses (lentils, broad beans, chick-peas, and probably common garden peas); bulb vegetables (onions, leeks, and garllc); gourds (watermelon and musk melon); and a handful of condiments (Zohary 1982: 73). Broad beans, lentils, chick-peas, common peas, watermelons, and the condiment black cumin have all been documented archaeologically in Iron Age contexts (Borowski 1979: 129-145, 207-212). It may be that some of these vegetables (particularly the leguminous pulses) were grown as field crops, perhaps as part of the cereal rotation. Yet the value of intensively cultivating - through manuring and jar-irrigation nearby gardens in order to produce good and more consistent yields would not have been lost on the ancient Highlanders. The dietary contributions of these vegetables vary, of course. The pulses have about the same nutrient value as cereals, with a slightly higher protein content. Others are often good sources of some vitamins and minerals as well as providing bulk for smooth intestinal function. The diet of the Highlands was no doubt further supplemented by gathering wild plants (see above, ch, 5 §B; Zohary 1982: 95). Despite risk spreading through a mix of garden, field, and tree crops, subsistence security was nonetheless fragile. A 243

goocf .;.i.ncf!<:;~t9('i~(~.th!~;pr~.cariousness .lies.lnthenotoriollS Vj;l riab~~;MI~lcf~'¥Y!'.,lll.Qlf;lll ,,Qf;l~· •.H ighlands'.• crops•.·.• experie (e"c~ptipnt
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization agriculture ..in the Transjordanthat shows well these wide inter..annualfluctuations.;c'lProduction·· ina .. goodyear," he ~Tites,"may be seven times that ota bad one" (1972: 8) /42/. Werschobserves the» same precipitous fluctuations for Messenia and suggests that a range of yields provides a more meaningful perspective on the subsistence struggles of Mediterranean agriculture than do average yields (1972: 179). Given the dependency of yields on the precipitation regime, one might expect the range of yields to follow also the normal distribution curve. This curve may well hold toward the maximum side, but the existence of numerous deleterious and destructive agents (uneven distribution of rainfall, pests, plant disease, other natural as well as historical disasters) clearly acts to flatten and probably displace the curve toward the minimum side (right skew). The existence of some such range of yields is the best indicator of the impetus to risk spreading and also risk reduction that would have been felt by the farming communities of the ancient Highlands (White 197Gb: 112). The variability forces upon the Highlander another coping strategy: the need to adjust production to compensate for the variability. Allan labels it "reasonable - if not axiomatic" that subsistence cultivators would ''tend to cultivate an area large enough to ensure the food supply in a season of poor yields." They attempt to produce, in other words, "a 'normal surplus' of food in the average year" (1965: 38). This important concept helps further to define the pressures on labor supply which the variable environment often exerts. It serves as well to communicate something of the dynamic of land use. In one probable scenario, the need to plant a relatively larger amount of land in an uncertain environment pushes the zones of cultivation out further from the village where the least costly (smallest labor demand) intensities of production are pursued. These bring a low-eost return in the average or good years - helping to produce the normal surplus - and a least costly failure in the bad. The expansion and contraction of this zone of cultivation would be a natural part of short-term fluctuations in climate, historical circumstances, and, above all, labor supply. 4. Agricultural and Livestock Husbandry The presence of the category "grazing land" on the above list of land-use types raises the question of the part played by livestock husbandry in the agricultural communities of the 245

-Hopkins - TneHighlands of Canaan

anclent Highland~.As.Fredrtk ,Barthnotes"in',rnostsocie the. regimes ofagriculturean<tpastoraHsmareoot lforpan' as "specialized socioeconornic;activities,f'A:>utare''pursue mul ti-Pljrposehouseholds,often 'involved 'in theactivities'". several 'regimes ,simultaneously"r(197 3:\t4; 'see also Adams;',e: 198h13). Evidence for the place of livestock husbandry"rin' the, subslsrenceeecceorrtyi'ef. the Highlands has beenadduce
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization goats, during all periods of occupation since the settlement of the site .In Jron F(La Bianca 1978: 229). The adoption of similar research •strategies and methods would vno doubt produce identical results in excavations of Highlands settlements. Yet the importance of herding remains to be fixed and one cannot be certain of exactly how prominent it was. The indispensability of livestock husbandry in the economy of Highlands' communities is a function of the subsistence advantage offered by the simultaneous pursuit of agriculture and pastoralism. The dietary contributions of herd animals can be significant. Milk is the most important product (Deut 32.14), and it is transformed into a variety of consumables including curds (hem'a - 2 Sam 17.29) and storable cheese (I Sam 17.18) (Bates 1973: 155). Animals were also used directly for food (l Sam 14.32) though such consumption would certainly not have been incautious since the beasts were themselves a form of capital. Contributions to home industry are also derived from the herds. This is particularly evident in the case of sheep's wool (serner) which was spun into cloth and used for garments (Deut 22.11) beginning in the Bronze Age (Paul and Dever 1973: 215). Within the context of agricultural land use, herding provides a way to make use of marginal land too poor or distant to be cropped and fallow land resting from agricultural production, thus increasing the productivity of land resources. The augmentation of productivity is gained at little cost to the agricultural work force since shepherding is generally carried out by otherwise unproductive non-adult and geriatric labor (Adams 1972: 6; Freeman 1970: 178). The grazing of animals on fallow land, orchard land, and land freshly harvested is particularly important in another way, already mentioned, since the manure deposited by the animals helped to maintain the fertility of the fields. Dietary and household craft considerations, augmentation of land and labor productivity, and help in sustaining yields of field and tree crops all serve to indicate the central importance of animal husbandry in the Highlands' agricultural economy. The indispensability of stock-breeding, however, derives from its contribution to the spreading of risk through diversifying subsistence means. Livestock are subject to a different set of environmental hazards than crops - different pests, different susceptibility to meteorological disasters, different diseases which means that a combined pastoral-agricultural subsistence base is more able to 247

Hopkins - The Highlahdsof Canaan 'withstand any .• single .environment~lattack.'. Though he.~~i~ shares/agriculture's· dependency '
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &- Labor Optimization grazing land extends out to the distance that can be covered in .a daily round .trip to pastures and back to where the animals are corraled at night. The radius diminishes considerably when the herds are in milk since they must be returned to the village homes every night for milking (Swidler 1973: 26). The size of the herds that could be sustained within these boundaries h the ancient Highlands is not presently known, though, as indicated above, the number is bound to be a fluctuating one depending upon the situation and needs of individual villages. As a maximum sustainable level, \V ebley makes a calculation using a figure based on contemporary Bedouin activity of one goat or sheep per four hectares of land in the Gezer catchment, but it is impossible to gauge the accuracy of this estimate (1972: 177-178). Herd size is only referred to in the Hebrew Bible when the intention is to emphasize the great wealth of certain persons (Nabal: 1 Sam 25.2; Job: Job 1.3). Reports of herd sizes from the ethnographic present are not readily available. The paleosteological work of LaBianca at Hesban has endeavored to ascertain the relative importance of crop and livestock production throughout the occuptional history of this site,. His model assumes that land-use patterns involving a mix of grazing land and fields occupy the center of a continuum at whose opposite ends are the range-lands entirely given over to stockbreeding and the crop lands or the exclusively farming communities (19790: 5-7). There is long-term oscillation over time along this and other correlated continuurns (e.g., settlement pattern, land-eontrol pattern). Of these the most readily measurable continuum is that of diet, especially as regards the age of animals eaten, with greater percentages of young animal meat expected in the diet as the dependency on stockbreeding grows. With the age of the consumed animals read from bones uncovered in excavated strata, LaBianca found higher percentages of older animals being eaten in Iron II as opposed to Iron I, indicating a more balanced mix of agriculture and animal husbandry in the overall economy of the earlier period. Note that this is only a relative measure - LaBianca himself assumes the continuous existence of mixed grazing and farming in the Hesban region throughout the Iron Age (l979a: 7-9). The greater agricultural feasibility of the Highlands of Canaan (significantly greater annual precipitation means) suggests that here farming might occupy a slightly greater weight than in the lransjordan. But the complementarity exists nonetheless. The question which remains unanswered is how

249

Hopkins> The) Highlands of Canaan major the t:()le th,a~ pastorCllpursui,sflctually .playedin"h

sub$isten<;~i()tJ~e1:{iighl?-nds'settler~.~roughouttheje.( Iron{\ge.~,;~nlt,•... 'u Jo/0, ...,£iT/ •.••..•. .••••.•.••..~ • •.• •..• ...• •. •• .•••..•• ·.·(lfZ~<

'.. Overctime,.whenth.e integration of.· animal husba.ndry agriculture.would breakdown and the edge in thecompetiti . •. .•. i for. resources (fields versu.~pasturelands) would shifttO\Vfli~ the farming sector,the.tnost likely pathway of divorce inth~ ancient Highlands was some form of transhurnance, Ecological conditions permitting the movement of flocks anci herds accompanied by some segment of a community Of specialist shepherds to seasonal pastures at some remove from the home settlement appear. to exist within the Highlands and adjacent areas (so, too, Gottwald 1979b: 446). In the Judean and Sarnarian Highlands seasonal migration may have been directed along wadi beds toward the Jordan valley, as has been reported for 19th century Bedouin inhabitants o~ the Transjordan(La Bianca. 1978: 12), or perhaps westward toward the marshes of the coastal plain. Galilean Highlanders may have .found pasture in the many basins which remain verdant long into the dry season because of the collected winter rains or the marshes of the Upper Jordan Valley or migrated to Highland pastures in the Bashan or on the slopes of Mt Hermon which stay snow-covered until mid-summer. The transhumants would .Iollow the rains home and arrive in time to permit the workforce committed to stockbreeding to make a contribution to plowing and planting. Ecological possibility notwithstanding, such migrational patterns would only be possible in certain political environments. Gottwald has argued that such "summer upland transhumance ••• tended to .be quickly appropriated by centrally controlled animal husbandry in Canaan" (l979b: 448; see Amos 4.1 and I Chr 27.29-31 for suggestive references). At this state of our knowledge it is impossible to know the extent to which ancient Highland communities might have been engaged . in transhumance, Given the shape of the settlement pattern and the population landscape, it is unlikely that competition between animal husbandry and agriculture became extreme and very many Highlands' villages spawned transhumant pastoralist groups. 5. Land-Use Pattern: Summary Despite only indirect evidence a sketch of the pattern of land use surrounding villages of the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan can be made and the ways in which this pattern is

250

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading

« Labor Optimization

moulded by the objectives of risk spreading and labor optimizing can, be displayed••'The zonation of crops is a .response to the desire to make the most of available labor, but at the same time it .suits the spreading of risk due to the variegation of the environment. which offers aplentitude of distinct farming niches. The cultivation of a fairly broad spectrum of garden, field, and orchard crops enhances the ability to spread risk. Besides significant dietary contributions, high on the list of the benefits of some crops - the tree crops in particular - is their storability. The importance of this characteristic is made prominent in the light of the highly variable yields of all of Highland agriculture. This circumstance also pushes farming communities to expand production beyond the needs of a single year - placing an even greater burden upon a limited labor resource. Both the Hebrew Bible's terminology for grazing land and livestock and the variability of yields point to a prominent place for pastoral pursuits in Highlands subsistence. Exactly how prominent remains an important unanswered question. The indispensability of pastoralism lies in its contribution to risk spreading - usually at little cost to the agricultural workforce. The complementarity of agriculture and pastoralism in the demographically unstable and environmentally variegated and variable Highlands, the form and dynamics of their relations, and their relative importance through time all demand further exploration. The intersection between pastoralism and agriculture in the context of the transformation of the settlement map of the early Iron Age Highlands - the growth of settlement sites and population - may indeed hold a key to answering the question of how subsistence challenges played a part in the emergence of Israel. D. Social Structure and Institutions Up to this point the focus of this discussion of agriculture in the ancient Highlands has fluctuated between the village or community and the individual cultivating family as the centerpiece of the agricultural system. It remains to consider a bit more deliberately the relations between the smaller and larger social units that constituted early Israel from the standpoint of how these relations are influenced by the objectives of risk spreading and the optimization of labor. Needless to say, the bounds of the present work and the history of research into the social structure of Israel make a full treatment impossible. It is also the case that the picture 251

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan structlJring;Pl\"esented}h~re;wiUbe than,;definitlve,}t:rlir"roring;';the.0iyet;un~erde~elopedi social,scientificinquiryi~toancient Israe.L:;m;;; ;y,; iii'

ef-sociaj

. Recent; ·anthropologiCa.f';.;;~ork;;;on. ,xruralu;societies highlightedtheimpcll"tance;:of;.the·house.hold;as; thein: functional . e lement.(seeBarleU·.• ·.l980:.553..;56J).Orlove;:a:n'tl Custred ;have •focused on the ;household,;as the unitl~!;< economic activity ..and ,the.locusofdecision making ': with regard to·· production,consumption, and exchange in the peasant societies of the Andes (1980: 37). Sahlins makes-mucl; the same point about tribal economics which he' labels Hthe familial mode of production."uProduction is a dornestic function," he writes.!'.The.decisions are taken with a view to domestic . • needs; production cis .geared to.vfarnil ial requirements" (1968: 75). Similarly, Brush. notes', that it is "not the village as a unit, but rather the individual household that is the actual user ofresources and.producer of-subsistencez.Arid in most traditional economies,the 'household is the significant unit of both production and consumption" (1977: 69). There ., can be little.: doubt that these are appropriate descriptions of the functioning of the smallest social unit in early Israel, the !'bet Jab":.(seeAndersen 1969; de Geus 1976: 133-136; Gottwald 1974b: 285-292). The "bih Jab" wasvan "extended family," composed of two or more nudearfamilies united by consanguinousties(Murdock ·'1949: 23). Gottwald defines it as the "functional living unit gathered around a family head at any given moment and it was, in a narrower and more definable sense, the lineage - i.e., all the biological descendants of a known common ancestor." He suggests as well that this lineage may extend through five generations (I979b: 285-287). Four generations are all that appear at the same time in biblical accounts, however (in Josh 7 Achan is a member of thethirdgef\eration of "b~t Zi:ldi ,revs. 18], but the text also mentions Achan's children [vs, 24]. Only three generations ever take active roles in narratives. Gideon's story is instructive. Gideon,': the "least" in his "bet 'ab," is obviously a mature and able adult, a leader of military actions (Jud 7) and fuU participant in agricultural work (6.1 O. Yet the inhabitants of the town whose cultic site Gideon destroys appeal to Joashhis father as the family head and bearer of authority over his son (vs, 30). Gideon himself is accompanied into battle by his own first-born, Jether, who is "still a youth" (8.20). The features of Gideon's portrait (as well as those in the case of Saul in 1 Sam 9.1-4, 1.1.5) provide a clear indication 252

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading & Labor Optimization of the:funCtional and residential character of the "bet Jab": it habitation" •(de Ge'usJ9,76i.1~5).Amaterial 'reflectIon of the residential chCiractercanbe discerned In. the arrangement of domestic strustures at ., Iron I sites such as tAi and Raddana. The site plans of these villages show the grouping of houses in clusters around a shared courtyard, such as would suggest the banding of nuclear into extended families (Callaway 1977: 92; Harmon 1981: 13; Gottwald [1979b: 291] notes Judg 17-18). Gideon's agricultural labors take place in the context of his "bet 'ab," as far as can be determined, He is pictured threshing wheat in the wine press near the oak that belongs to his father. Saul, t?o,goes at his father's direction to search for the lost asses of Kish (I Sam 9.3). From all accounts, access to land, the baslc.? means of subsistence, was lodged in the first instance with the "bet 'ab" (Gen 31.14-16; Nurn 27.14; 1 Kgs 21.3). The size of the labor force which might be called upon for the provisioning of the "bet 'ab" can only be estimated since no full display of its members is preserved in the hebrew Bible. If constituted by five generations, Gottwald suggests ~/ctC''V that a "thriving 'beth-Jav' might easily comprise from fifty to I one hundred persons" (1979b: 285). This estimate appears quite high, more ideal than typical, however, and it incorporates no explicit consideration of fertility and mortality rates, especially infant and child mortality rates. An estimate based on dwelling units is also possible. If house k~ \.< clusters at Raddana, for example, represent extended ell< Y1 families, then each of these would be inhabited by 3-4 f
253

Hopkins. - The Highlands of Canaan

to .render .thei''b~t}~bl',\less.tt1anasta~le,;unit.Qne)()bviou~ means JostaQilit}'sothe;;la<:;/)ie¥emel"lt\(),flar&ebovseh()19f§iA.~Ji; is ; esp~ially) ;lIOreliable.:,rew;families;readJ" ideaL:size:high . morta!itycrates, nip""t:hem,,ln;the\.btKi.,o[he. ;;highmonalitj'; experienced In the ancient W'9rld}Jmakes the joint survival'of . siblings of three or more. generations indlrectJine otdesce!"lt for one sex {or
Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading (\( Labor Optimization cooperation. ; (See - above,

§B.2,3). The leasing of draft in the Book of the Covenant prpvideearlyevidence (Exod22.14-15), represents a form of non-reciprocal-.- exchange involving some kind of payment whi91might have served to provide the traction needs of "betlanot" without larger livestock. Some operations of the agricultural system appear to demand larger labor groups than could ordinarily be provided by the "bthJab." The constructiorr'of terrace systems not only entails a huge expenditure of human energy, but according to their systemic requirements, coherent planning and direction. (See above, ch, 7 §B). Since the transformation of the hillsides by the building of terrace systems has no small impact on the valley floor, notably by absorbing run-off that would otherwise water and enrich its fielos, it also presupposes the involvement of some community of interest. The same would hold true for drainage projects, though these are not greatly in evidence in the early Iron Age Highlands (see Thompson 1979: 28). The situation in both these cases is not dissimilar to, though less significant than, the upstream-downstream competition for water that marks irrigation culture. Adams contends that "the nuclear family is not a viable defensive, productive, and managerial unit" in this situation (I972: 4). Other projects which perhaps do not necessitate, but because of their arduous demands, elicit communal involvement, are bringing new land into cultivation, the preparation of fallow land (Turkowski 1969: 23), and building communal agricultural facilities as well as non-agricultural projects of direct benefit to the community (well digging, defensive works). The smooth operation of the Highland agricultural systems entails the cooperation of individual households in a number of areas and further limits their autonomy. The integration of agricultural and pastoral components can be a serious problem. The grazing of animals in and around cropped fields easily results in conflict and invites planning that transcends the household level. Antoun notes the jeopardy into which the household following an eccentric rotational pattern placed its crops when the village lands were opened to stock grazing after the general harvest (1972: 14). There are instances in the ethnographic record where such regularization of agricultural calendar is absolutely essential for ecological reasons. Nukunya, for example, discusses an example of village regulation of the times of planting necessitated by the presence of an insect that can spread from mature crops to ani~s,JorWbich stipulations

255

Hopkins- The Highlancfs of Canaan younger'enes(f97.5:207).Whilethe: liighlandsdo ootappe tobeYsQ !exa<:;ting,c,'tipula ~ion~,regittdingl'eSPOrlsibili

cOmpensation". tor !~'agrieultur:~ltr~spass;'!fouodint~e'Bo

theCevenantH:xod'22.~-6lp~ove1he'necessitY"',bfregUt

conflicts" whiCh>: arise·!, from" if diversity ' ! of' agricult practices being carried jndoseproxirnity~ From re'gionsof Africa and' Asia there' is evidence for .. itl~~~' herding in which ani mals-owned by anurnberof are pooled and the collective herd led to grazing grounds (Winrocklnternational .:,: Livestock Research and Training: Center 197k 17). Whether Exod 22.10-13 has this practice as its basis can only be guessed. The above-mentioned tendencies of' Highlands agricultural systems all fall ,.' under the" general rubric of labbr' optirnlzatjorw's.and. •. it ,cannot .be doubted that this vital objective contributed to' the formation of supra-household sodalities in early Israel; No less crucial and no doUbt:'a primary inducement to reciprocal relations between households are the features of the environment that enforce the objective of riskspreaaing. Despite strategies by which households attempt to cope with variable yields (such as the production of a "normal" surplus),socialrelations provided the best insurance against subsistence failure in the individual extended family. f..lutualaid may be looked upon as an episodic feature of social relations - necessary only in the case of emergencies - but the frequency and magnitude of variations in the annual harvest suggest that dealing with these shortfalls would be a regular function of social units larger than the "bet Jab." This is particularly clear as regards the functioning of the "food bank on the hoof." Exchange between families would constitute the primary means for this banking mechanism. The sodality which carried ouithese necessary functions' and expressed the interdependence of households in the' ancient Highlands was the 'miSpa/:la.' The importance for ancient Israel of this form of social organization en": compassing the "bet Jab" is nowhere doubted (de Geus 1976: 137). Avoiding the technical term clan, Gottwald labels the "mgpa\:la" a "protective association of families" and suggests that its social functions were twofold: "to protect the socio-economic integrity of 'beth-av6th' threatened with dimunition or extinction and to organize troops- for the tribal leVY~"Putting aside the military role of the "miSpal)a,~ Gottwald concelves.oof the function of the protective assocletion--es "emergency» means to restore the normal 256

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &: Labor Optimization autonomous basis of a member family." The "mi~paDa" has "reserve power"rather . than "positive power" (I979b: 267, 315... 31 6).. Given what has been posited above about the incomplete.autonomy of the. "bet'ab,"this view is in need of some adjustment with respect to the regular function of the "miSpaba" as. the social context for.: the agricultural life of the. ''bet 'ab." The coincidence of "miSpal)a" and village or village sub-section (de Geus 1976: 138; Gottwald 1979b: 316) and the voluntarily endogamic nature of this unit (de Geus 1976: 141) are both naturally conditions for episodic emergency aid as well as regular cooperation. But the solid linkages established in this pattern are more suggestive of the latter than merely the former. The meager hints preserved in the Hebrew Bible with respect to the functioning of the "mgpai)a" as a cultic community (I Sam 9.12; 1 Sam 20.6, 29), one that holds annual feasts (de Geus 1976:143), further cement the picture of the "mgpa!:la" as a collective formed by "bet 'abot" who would regularly call upon it for cooperation in agricultural tasks and the sharing of resources in times of need. The festivals may well have had some census function, as Frick has suggested (I979: 248), and have provided a context for the negotiation of reciprocal labor-sharing arrangements. Moreover, such festivals and the sacrificial feasts that accompanied them provided the periodic context for informal exchange, exchange such as required by the operation of the "food bank on the hoof," \ly hile marriage customs in ancient Israel are anything but clear (see de Vaux 1961: 33-34), such customs as are evidenced - the "mohar," the wedding feast (Judg 14.12) doubtless were avenues for the flow of economically vital goods back and forth within the endogamic "miSpai)a." The "mg pai)a" was indeed called upon to provide emergency aid, but provided the context for regular reciprocities as well. A specific piece of evidence for this regular functioning of the "miSpal)a" with respect to subsistence needs may be found in the old suggestion. recently elaborated and presented freshly by Dybdahl, that land tenure in ancient Israel was communal. The evidence for this supposition derives from ethnographic analogy - particularly the wide-spread form of communal land tenure in the Near East known as "mesha'a" tenure - and an analysis of the descriptions of land division and inheritance customs and their associated terminology preserved in the Hebrew Bible. Among the characteristics of the communal system of land tenure for which Dybdahl finds evidence stands the holding of land in the larger social group 257

Hppkins- Ihe.Highlands otCanaen (t~~I.;)2",,)3}.In.the cas~ot.an<:ientJsI"~¢lit..~~.tJ"I~!'rniSp

tJ"I9l~p~ar.~.to. p~~el>cl~iq,q()ldiflggr.~p+oft<;~ain.

•

CCi.t\:gori~s.·'j~f:lapd••·. pn~ ,t~n<:tioll .£o.f.•.•. thefj'1

respect '.' .is. .dearly:evidencedin ;;ithei;l1e.~re\\(·il,eiJ;l

recoveryof.landori.theprevention·ofthe·(ali~nati()p:(')f

from. within'~mBpaoa'Lboundaries (Ruth4.:3"f, N um27.4 On the other hand, there is .noreferencetoither~g process of distributing land to the families that constrt the "miSpal)a." The numerous accounts of. the process nY traditional Near Eastern villages painta< picture of.i,~ preliminary division of land according to quality andthen'j~ parcelling out of segments in accordance with the numberot eligible . "bet 'abOt" .within the "miSpaba" (see also Ada~ 1972: 4). While the evidence for the existence of a commu~~ land-tenure system in pre-monarchical Israel is by no meOJ)~ conclusive, there is sufficient evidence to lendfuI"th~~ credence to the view of the "miSpal)a" as a vital functioning. sodality in constituting as well as in protecting the life of the ancient Israelite "bet 'ab." Just as one is forced to qualify .the autonomy of the"b~~ 'ab" and give considerable import to the j encompassing "miSpal)a" in achieving the agricultural objectives ofrisIs spreading and labor optimization, so, too, the "mgpal)a" is nQ social isolate, and the boundaries of its circumference-are not impenetrable. Beyond the orbit of this association, however, when one enters the realm of the third level of Israelite social organization, the "sebet ," the concreteness and tangibility of social relations weakens. According tod\: Geus' definition, the Israelite tribes were "regional alliance~'l of. "essentially independent" "mi§pal)ot" which retained' the real soclal. power (1976: 156). Such an understanding ofth(j tribe as the least stable and substantial of the basicIsraelite social forms .represents a great divergence from preponderant view of previous decades. in. which aocarent "weakness" of the tribes was attributed to their status -as vestiges from purely nomadic days (Gottwald 1979b: 293-294; de Geus 1976: 144). It is based on the current anthropological discussion of the nature of the tribe and its place, if any, in the evolution of societies (Fried 1967: 154-175; Dole 1968; Service 1971: 99-132). Without directly entering this debate or rehearsing the essential characteristics of the Israelite tribe, it can be noted that it is this stance vis-a-vis tribes and tribalism thar. permits one to ask how .. tribes formed and functioned as impermanent "regional alliances" of"mgpal)ot~' from the standpoint of agricultural subsistence. 25&

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading &. Labor Optimization .. Despite endeavors of "m~paQotftto spread the risk inherent In,theiragricuituralendeavors, the dependence of all forms ofi,subsistence con the unpredictably variable pattern of raintaUpresentsthernost determinative limits to village alltonomy. Considered from this perspective,the tribe could be-cast dn.rthe-role of integrating subsistence diversity at a scale significantly broader than that of the "mgpaI)6t." The critical question is whether or not tribal territories incorporated on the basis of their productive circumstances the potential for effective exchange networks. A negative answer to, this question comes from geographer Baly who considers Israel's tribal territories to be "authentic pays" and tribal unity to have been forged from a unity of subsistence strategies that mark their territories (1957: 67-77). But Baly's description arises from a static view of natural regions and their suitability for different mixes of crops, a view which a broader understanding of agricultural systems as shaped also by demographic and technological determinants shows to be inadequate. From what is preserved of tribal boundaries in Josh 13-19, moreover, it would appear that in a strictly geographical sense the tribes did encompass substantial diversity (Aharoni 1979: 21+8-259). Benjamin sits (Josh 15.5-11; 18.11-20) astride the southern Bethel Hills and stretches eastward into the Shephelah along the northern side of "nahal sorek," thereby encompassing three geomorphologically distinct zones. Zebulon is another good example (Josh 19.10-11+): its territory takes in part of the floor of the Jezreel Valley, the Nazareth Ridge, Tiran Basin, some of the undrained Bet Netofa Valley as well as the Allonirn Hills of western Lower Galilee. Geographical homogeneity may be characteristic of the districtlng of the monarchical period (Aharoni 1979: 316, 355), but it hardly pertains to the tribal regions whose borders have been fossilized in the texts of Joshua. It must be noted as well that tribal "borders" show great flexibility depending upon historical circumstances and that this ability to adapt to changing circumstances contributes greatly to tribal viability (see Gottwald 1979b: 254). However one characterizes the tribal territory and its geography, there is no questioning the fact that local variations in rainfall accumulations open the way for concomitant crop success and failure for agricultural villages within the same tribal boundaries. In other words, while it is true that "miSpab6t" themselves attain a wide mix of subsistence means because of their variegated 259

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan

enYlr~n~eirts,Uas/tGO~w~ld;~igh~1}' .• ·cleimS.j~,·.his

agc;i~s!;~~the .,';Ylik.:!ih()<>d»"()f.,the';;chiefdom.i;;Jas)s·a orgal'liiatiori;ill.ji,earlylSra~l; H9Z9b:323), itis,thepr

environfl1enta~rl.lncc:rt~~y~which ·is.decisive • • ifl>d.e;e whether .thi~!:mix wooldor.> would •.• not . provide, fo sufficiency. 'r}t 'is almost a ' nc:cessary .. presuppositj() continuedsettledexisten<:e in. the Highlands that . one munity or "mi~paba"
260

Chapter Nine - Risk Spreading

&.

Labor Optimization

requirement of supra-household planning and cooperation further impel the formation of larger sodalities. Since social relations are the best insurance against subsistence failure for the individual cultivating family, the "mgpal)a" must be conceived as forming the social context - the risk-spreading context - for the agricultural life of the family. Mutual aid was not reserved for "emergencies" but was a regular function of this group. Such agriculturally related impulses were not, of course, the only such inducements to social relations in the early Iron Age Highlands. The military function of the "miSpal)a" to which Gottwald has pointed may well have been a more decisive role. (See earlier in this section.) Nevertheless, the population landscape of the Highlands can be imagined as thoroughly criss-crossed by relations carrying out the vital agricultural objectives of optimizing labor and spreading risk.

261

CHAPTER TEN CONCLUSION: SUBSISTENCE CHALLENGES AND THE EMERGENCE OF ISRAEL

Mountu.ins of Galilee and Samaria..

263

Chapter-Ten

CONCLUSION: SUBSISTENCE CHALLENGES Al\;D THE EMERGENCE OF ISRAEL MAJOR achievement of this look at agricultural subsistence in the Highlands of Canaan has been to identify the crucial challenges which confronted its inhabitants in the early Iron Age. In the process, the frequently cited list of obstacles faced by the settlers of the Highlands in the period of Israel's emergence has been tested. Both a general appreciation of the dynamics of agriculture and a detailed examination of the specifics of agricultural systems in the early Iron Age Highlands have shown this customary list to be a misreading of early Israelite life. In general terms, the reconstruction of Israelite settlement has focused too narrowly upon tools and techniques and has posited contributions for these - e.g., for the development of iron metallurgy - which were abstracted from the reaIia of agricultural systems. Divorced from the environmental and demographic parameters of agricultural systems, innovations in tools and techniques assume larger-than-life proportions. A limiting definition of technology has also played a role in obscuring an array of other essential knowledge and skills, especially social skills. Most reconstructions of early Israelite settlement place much emphasis upon forest clearing as a key to agriculture in the Highlands. But given the vegetational state of the Highland evergreen forest and maquis and assuming that fire was a more. significant land-clearing tool than the axe, the magnitude of this task cannot have been as great as has been imagined. Moreover, fully cleared and prepared crop fields emerge only gradually around pre-industrial farming villages. Water is an essential for life, of course, and the seasonal availability of water suggests that the hewing of cisterns - in impermeable rock or to be plastered - be included among the prerequisites for Highland settlement. But the evidence from

265

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan the occupation sites of the period does not bear out assumption: water cisterns are not such a prominent of the archaeological record. Similarly, ease of water was often outweighed by other factors in the selectk of settlement sites, demonstrating its' relative rather absolute priority. The creation of agricultural terraces also been given a much too prominent place on the list challenges facing Highland settlers. The rich soil profiles emerged from beneath cleared forest certainly faced prospect of degradation due to the erosive power of Hj,ph,l",r,ti precipitation. Yet there was probably considerable COnS1Jmption of the soil base before costly terraces were cOfl..stru to maintain productivity. Evidenceforwidespreadterr is at best thin in this period and does not become substa until the Sth century. The tasks of terrace building, cistern hewing,and clearing no doubt occupied vital places in the agricultural 1 of the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan. Its structure did not, however, respond exclusively or even primarily to these requirements. From a consideration of the entire constellation of environmental, demographic, and technological parameters of agriculture in the Highlands there emerges a much different set of challenges that gave shape to the struggle for agricultural subsistence. To lift up these challenges as discrete entities is problematic - their interrelation in systems of agriculture having been manifest repeatedly above - yet they provide a useful way to outline the picture of Highland agricultural life achieved here. The geomorphological variegation of the Highlands, frequently heightened by the nature of its climate, vegetation, and soils, shapes the first of these key challenges: to take advantage of the environmental diversity. In point of fact, the natural diversity of the Highlands does not so much pose a challenge to its settlers as it presents possibilities for securing agricultural subsistence. The challenge emerges from constraints imposed by the overall agricultural feasibility of the environment and by other parameters .~ notably inefficient transportation and limitations on labor supply. Nevertheless, the diverse environment challenges agricultural settlers to exploit a maximum number of niches or settings by planting a diverse repertoire of crops at a spectrum of intensities and by mixing Iivestockrhusbandry with farming. To the extent that this is possible, village and even familial autonomy is promoted. It should be noted in passing that this environmental diversity also limits inclusive .< •.•••

to

<

266

Chapter Ten - Conclusion characterizations' of agricultural life in the early Iron' Age trlighlands:·0ttlere,t\isno;;single ;set.et- environmental chaiienges that" fconfronted2alL\;1srael•., Recognition of this fact casts seriouS;tdoubtstupon/daims >fora'single innovation " in agricultural+technology ·.as·the .. key lor explaining the transformation of the settlement map. The locations of the dispersed sites of .the early Iron Age with . respect to agricultural '.resources "onlycement this restriction. No blanket term can .serve to characterize the agricultural feasibility of these settlement sites: they nestle in both marginal and quite favorable locations. The . variability. of the Highlands environment, especially the erratic precipitation regime, stands behind a second key challenge: to butler the variability of the environment and to cope with its . impact . on agricultural subsistence. Riskreduction strategies are . buffering agents; risk-spreading strategies are the agents for coping. There is little doubt that risk-spreading strategies provided the greatest enhancement of subsistence .. security in the early Iron Age Highlands. Partial justification for this assertion lies in a negative or at least neutral assessment of capabilities for risk reduction, primarily the construction of terraces. But this decision with respect to terracing is hardly clear-cut. The control of the intense rainfall has to number among the most crucial agricultural objectives demanded of settlers in this hilly region, and terracing is the number one strategy by which to achieve this objective. Of utmost importance is ensuring as rapid as possible replenishment of water reserves in the soil. By reducing run-off and increasing infiltration terrace systems facilitate this replenishment and thus buffer the vagaries of the annual rainfall pattern that loom so large in determining the success of a year's crops. Around springs, terraces would expand the area available for irrigation. These benefits are apparent in the short term and, depending upon the extent of a community's dependence upon terracing, would add considerably to the stability and reliability of agricultural production. The .omnipresence .of threats from the variable rainfall and the consequent importance of risk-reduction strategies further suggest that communities would be willing to accept a greater labor burden in order to reap the benefits of costly terrace systems. The existence of strong motives for agricultural behaviour stemming from the high-risk Highland environment increases the probability that terraces found a placeuin;the:.agricultural system of even the small and

267

Hop(cins ·.::.lhe.H ighlands9~< C::iinaan unstaql~cpl'Tll'Tlut'litiesJhat ..·dot..Jthe.i~e~tlel'Tl~nt!ll1ap "of. eClFIYijlroll(l\ge.\!;rhis~is!;I1ot .: to·l'Tlin~rn:ize; • tl1e",immense.!i!

costs ".•0f!!teFrCice..1.buildingDand ·•.. roaintenans:e., rqutronly; suggesti;;that<.su<::tl'r.costs !!might >.pave.!beenriwillingly;; uneconomicaHy borne.)byeven. labol'-,strapped HighlaT!.4. cultivators-c.L . .i~.t~ Therabsence of ·.a significant body of archaeological evidence for the existence of terraces around early Iron Age settlement .sites prevents one, however, from foUowingthis line of reasoning confidently. The!suspiciot'lthat theamoun1 of terracing or .the extent of dependence upon terraces.was strictly limited in the early Iron Age Highlands emerges alSQ froffi,aiconsideration .of the zonal pattern of settlement a~ the apparent match of land resources and land need s.Wh~.f,l this settlement scene changes radically in Iron Age II, terraCe. systems. also begin to appear prominently in .: ·the archaeological record, reinforcing. the significance of their absence in the earlier period. Rather than a dominating feature on hiH-slopesthroughoutthe early Iron Age Highlands, the ap pearance of terrace systems would have been a much more random' phenomenon, the result of variable local conditions. and site histories. The number' of villages which would have boasted widespread terracing •was probably not large, and, thus, risk reduction did not contribute substantially to subsistence security in the early Iron Age Highlands. Risk-spreading strategies that take material forms are, in contrast, abundantly evidenced .botharchaeologically and biblically. ThecoUared-rim pithoi, storage buildings, and grain-pits so characteristic of early Iron Age settlements are all concrete expressions of the attention paid to storing produce from.a year of plenty to provide for . a year of farming ·failure~ The broad spectrum oL.food crops .- some of them storable - that has come to light further attests to the importance of risk spreading in early Israelite agricultural life. The contribution of pastoral pursuits -. the chief means of diversifying subsistence means ~ to: coping' with. .the vagaries of the environment cannot be doubted. Livestock husbandry is indispensable to subsistence security in the Highlands, though the extent of dependence upon herds and flocks and of •success in integrating them into farming practice is not yet known. Numerous agricultural practices which leavenoarchaeologically detectable record, must also have played .vital roles in spreading risk: staggered sowing, field fragmentation, and the production oia normal surplus,

268

Chapter Ten - Conclusion tOj')amce justthree•. lnaddition,the role of supra-household sod;», groupings'", . especiaUYLthe "mgpa l)a" .- providing a context for the sharing of risks. is evidenced by biblical data and suggested .byethnographic.analogy. Social relations provide the best insurance against subsistence failure for the individual cultivating family. The same holds true for the Village which had to be able to call upon differently situated communities for relief in times of crisis. The ability of ancient Highlands communities to meet the above challenges - to take advantage. of the diversity of the environment, to apply special treatments to buffer its variability or to organize agricultural production to overcome it - is largely dependent upon the available labor supply. Thus a third and crucial challenge surfaces: to provide for the total agricultural labor needs of the village and of the individual cultivating household. The ultimacy of this challenge can be read from the population landscape. The small and demographically unstable villages composed of small and unstable families constantly faced crises of insufficient hands to achieve agricultural subsistence. Reference can be made here to the labor demands of forest clearing and cistern hewing, but the tension is much more a part of the ongoing conduct of farming than of some set of requirements of initial settlement. The pressures to plow and plant propitiously, to harvest grains and gather grapes at favorable moments, and, in general, to muster a sufficient work force at the right time were real and great. Alongside these labor demands of regular farming operations, demands on the supply of labor to put into place risk-reducing and risk-spreading strategies were an ever-present challenge. The building of terrace systems, construction of storage facilities, and the installation of irrigation works all demand supra-householdplanning as well as greater quantities of labor than can be supplied ordinarily by even the most viable family. Since an improvement in the efficiency of agricultural labor - by virtue of the development of an iron plowpoint, for example - cannot be called upon to resolve this tension in the early Iron Age, the social dimension of subsistence comes more prominently into view. Labor supply is a function of population size, but also partly a function of social organization and the existence of social inducements to contribute increased hours in the fields. Another key element would have been the formation of communal work groups for cooperation in times of peak labor demand when fragile households were unable to supply their total needs and

269

Hopkins- The Highlands of Canaan for collective; investments ···.in ; the agricUltural . econQrryyc beyond ·.;th~ ·.;domain· f ofjindiv4dualfPnouseholds.;·;$4milady'f redprocaltex<:hange>.networksiHnkingxfproximate}!miSpal}ot~~

wouldhave.. come intoexistencein()rderto"tlikeadval'ltage;?~ variable: harvest times by sharing labor. The potential of·sudi sodalities suggests strongly that the population landscape of the early Iron 'Age Highlands was-thoroughly criss-crossedby social relations which contributed to meeting the-challenge of providing for the labor needs of agricultural subsistence. One important objective for the establishment of stable agricultural systems in the Highlands that cannot be joined to the list of the crucial-challenges which faced early Iron Age settlers is the dual ;objective er preserving and •replenishing soil nutrients and guarding the soil base against erosion'; The terrain of the Highlands and the high intensity of its annual rainfall join forces to prompt the protection of its mantle of vital soils. The seasonal climate and relatively small contribution of natural vegetation to soil formation raise the stakes in soil conservation still higher. But other aspects of the agricultural . system circumscribe the decisiveness of these environmental conditions. The achievernent : of the biennial rotation offers a good example. This is a typical strategy elected in line with the productivity of the soil and its maintenance. Achieving it is no small task - demanding as it does intensive inputs of labor for land dearing and field preparation - but the practice itself is not so telling for early Israelite agricultural Iife.: More intensive rotational schemes are simply" not possible except under irrigation or with industrial inputs. The least intensive agricultural land-use systems demand significantly more rapid forest regeneration patterns than the Highlands boast. Similarly, the role of fertilization in replenishing soil nutrients cannot have been large in the Highlands, and crop production under the biennial rotation must have been satisfied with yields that could not be significantly enhanced. The importance of doing what could be done in this respect cannot be gainsaid,but the inherent Jimitationspush agriculture in other directions, especially towards expanding the subsistence base. Similarly, the construction of terraces in order to protect the soil base played only a limited role in Highland agriculture despite the fact that terracing stands virtually alone as a strategy for defending hill-slope soils against erosion. Terrace systems simply cost too much relative to the .gains that ancient Highlanders might have envisioned. Earlylron Age farming villages could ill afford to focus their agricultural energies 270

Chapter Ten - Conclusion toward$l~~g...~~.trn\']ad~antage~ The '. primary efforts of Highl~n<:fs:;~tt~r~:~ere/dire?t)d 'iJl other ways than towards

soil eon.s~l"Vati~~andferti1itymaintenaoce • . Jhus;~~triaa.\~f.subsisteneeehidlengesgave .shape to the agriculturatli:fe!ofthe Israelite settlers in the early Iron Age Highlands,'Viz~: •

1.T()t~k¢~d~~ntageoi~n\'ironmental diversity

2. 3.

.Tobuifer;the variability of. the environment and to cop~~ith ,~ts impac:ton agricultural subsistence To proyide for the total labor needs of the village and indiyidual cultivating household

In considering this constellation of challenges and the strategies elected to meet them, again and again a glimpse is caught of the essential status of the social organization of agricultural subsistence. To imagine an appropriate picture of farming in the ancient Highlands, the hands-in-the-dirt features of agricultural operations must be sketched in the midst of the social fabric in which these operations were organized . and their'costs, benefits, and liabilities were distributed. The challenges to be faced in Highland agricultural settlement permitted no social isolation for household or village, but impelled these into larger circles of social relationships. It is only through these latter, and not through the aegis of some technological breakthrough, that some measure of subsistence security could be achieved. This conclusion about the prominence of the social dimension of agricultural subsistence security provides a good vantage point from which to gauge the implications of this study of farming in the early Iron Age Highlands of Canaan for the diachronic question of the emergence of Israel. It may be possible to understand the transformation of the settlement map of the early Iron Age Highlands and the evolutionect .the larger social body of Israel as a process propelled by' the attempt of a growing population of settlers to meet the challenges of agricultural subsistence in the Highlands! (compare Weippert 1979: 33). With the breakdown of Late.. Bronze Age society, the highlands were left devoid of strong polity and empty of all but a small number of settlements•. :; The low . population density, the disruption in social. institutions, and the instability of the period contributed. to the structuring of a subsistence system situatedat"the' more extensive end of the· agricultural-pastoralspectrum••The non-nucleated population of the Highlands:<::onstituted"a greater fraction of the whole, 271

Hopkins

.'r

The.Highlanc!lJof Canaan

a.9dJt lJ~~l.tre
thesal'De ;time .p.n increalJednumber of hands .provided;t~~ potential for movement up the scale of agricultural intensity; and the numbervof vilJages where agriculture constituted the primary means of subsistence began to grow. Whatever th~ source of t~~p()ptJ1ationgrowth, it would be a l11istake to corceive. thetransforl'D~tionof·the settlement •.• map narrowly as" the initial"settling clown" Of nomadic or migrant groups which had previously been socially distinct and unrelated to settled.agricultllralists.Rather, it. represents a movement along the . pastoral-agricultural ;'.continuum ; in response to increasing demands for subsistence and social production. increased number of Highland Inhabitants-: could not nb~ supported by the Late Bronze Age economy. The shift faa more intensive exploitation regime relieved these pressures. New social relations were forged in this shift to.c\ village-based, predominantly agricultural subsistence system. While still incorporating a significant component of livestock husbandry, a decisive change was taking place among the groups - turned villages -struggling for subsistence under this new regime. They were relinquishing the ability afforded by a predominant dependency upon pastoralism to respond readily to the vagaries of the environment. In place of such capabilities and . the autonomy they undergirded, these communities were impelled to build networks which could be relied upon for the exchange of vital commodities in timt!$of need. The establishment of many new settlements in areas of less than. optimal agricultural feasibility increased. the 'need for such cooperation and added as well to the demand :tor labor ..tofund+various "special treatments" to increase the stability of: production. While the growing population bad reached a level sufficient to instigate the intensification of production, the supply of labor cannot initially have been adequate to meet all the challenges of achieving agr1cultUl'al subsistence security. The development of mechanisms to increase absolute labor supply, encourage a greater pee capita contribution of labor, and to optimize labor thr~ communal work groups.was a necessity. Gottwald is surely correct in suggesting that the critical question for .: -tbe Highlanders of the early Iron Age, when no broad economic system imposed a level of agricultural· production, "was1iO organize forces and relations of production that could secUll"e 272

Chapter . Ten - Conclusion them a stable and advancing subsistence level" (1979b: 662). The 1 importance of . the.' labor;~corilponentLin pre-industrial agricultutal.economiesjoinsc"with.thecharacterof .. the population landscape of this period to produce the recognition that the process of intensification was a gradual one that jogged an •. extremely jagged course toward agricultural subsistence securi ty, If the picture of the agricultural life of the period of Israel's emergence developed here accurately portrays the challenges faced by Highland settlers, then in it may be found the matrix for some portion of early Israelite literature. Such has already. been discovered to be the case with some of Israel's legal traditions _. notably a few laws in the Book of the Covenant which appear to regulate a diverse agricultural scene (Exod 22.5,10-13,14-15). It is not difficult to conceive of stipulations concerning sexual conduct as rooted in the challenge of . increasing the population in general and protecting the fragile household in particular (e.g., Lev 18; see Meyers 1978: 98-100). The sabbatical-year law is an eloquent examplemot only of.: how an understanding of the agricultural world of ancient Israel aids in exegesis and the recovery of the matrices of biblical literature, but also of how the challenges facing early Israelite settlers may have fashioned particular institutions. Having seen the potential fit of a general year of fallowing into the cereal rotation, now imagine the demands that preparing for this year would make upon Highland agricultural systems. Nlobilization of labor to increase pre-sabbatical year plowing and planting and to gather a larger harvest, construction of storage facilities, maintenance of distribution networks, and planning and coordination of community-wide efforts are all activities that such an institution would elicit. The practice of a general fallow year is no less than a simulation of a crisis of crop failure. It creates, tests, and maintains necessary devices for coping with such a failure - the consequences of which all adult members of a farming village would no doubt have vividly implanted in their memories. Besides satisfying any number of other community goals (e.g., it can also be interpreted as a social leveling device), the sabbatical-year law embodies a divinely sanctioned institution which would enforce elasticity of agricultural production and promote social cohesion, both essentials for subsistence security. Other examples of the potential of viewing the challenges of agricultural subsistence .asthe matrix of early Israel's traditions come .to mind. The narratives of the patriarchs and <

273

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan

->: --~"

~~~idandliterature of earlier' Israel :th~ picture of agricultural life' presented here is invaluable; for d1artingthe trajectoryof>Israelitesociety and the changes brought about by the formation of the monarchy. Early lrait Age society was very much a transitional society .. o,ne Whic~ occupied a quite short;;albeitmeaningful,period-in.' Israelite history as a whole. The challenges which characterized its agricultural subsistence systems and the strategies elected to achieve them did not remain altogether valid for monarchical times. There" is ample evidence of a. disjuncture in the agricultural life of households, villages, and tribes that owes its existence to the different set, of agricultural challenges that stemmed from the creation and maintenance of a royal institution. Twopriodties;. of "' an;';" agricultural economy, dominated by the, monarchical state ;stand» out.?
Chapter Ten - Conclusion 5.25) at the expense of other crops and pasture land for herds and flocks stands in opposition to the village-based subsistence objectives of risk spreading and optimizing labor through the diversification of subsistence means. Secondly, the self-explanatory demand of the royal house for regular levy conflicts with the realities of the variable environment of Highland subsistence to an extent that is hard to exaggerate. Together, royal pressures for specialization and regularity provide a clear indication of the nature of the impact of the formation of the monarchy on the agricultural systems of the early Iron Age Highlands (see Hopkins 1983). The extent to which the monarchy succeeded in advancing, blocking, or displacing altogether the characteristic objectives of the pre-monarchical period in the creation of new agricultural systems demands separate study. It is certain, however, that this change occurred and that the tension between the nature of agricultural subsistence in the period of Israel's emergence and in the monarchical period itself contributed greatly to the shape of Israelite and Judean history and to the literature that emerged from it.

275

NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEXES MAPS

Notes to Chapters One de Two NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1 ··." . •. rh~the(}ryof··.the ···gradualsettlement of 'semi-nomadic stockbreeders cuts across the grain by offering a "life-style" rather than a technological •innovation .asa . key· to . understanding the entrance of Israel into the Canaanite Highlands. In place of a material explanation for' why these folk decided to settle, it sets a supposition about their ethos, Semi-nomads are "land-hungry" and ''always hanker after a more settled life in the coveted agricultural countryside" (Noth 1960:69). The study of the place of pastoralism in the larger agricultural system can test this supposition and suggest. an alternative explanation for a settlement pattern which Alt, Noth and others explain historically
Notes to Chapters Two, Four A five 7 In a more recent study, Boserup further substantiates this point by reference to the phenomenon. that peak-season.labor sets the limits of agricultural production. She writes: I!But when high rates of population growth result in a steady increase in the supply of peak-time labor, there-Is .incentive to expand the area under cultivation, and agricultural output becomes more elastic"JI ?75-.259). & Ope aspect of· Boserup's picture of the population parameter that cannot be carried on is her claim for its independence of changes in technology. Boserup may have felt the need to radicalize her assertion of the importance of population in the face of its widespread neglect. However, the relationship between population and agriculture is nota Iinearvbut a circular one in which feedback plays an important role. See further on this, Sandersl?72:147-148. NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR Climate and Climatic Change ? The percentages are based on data from Jerusalem, as are so many of the climatological calculations as a consequence of the long sequence of meteorological observations begun there in 1846. There is some room for doubt about the reliability of extrapolating from the Jerusalem data to cover the whole of the Highlands, but this is a question for expert meteorologists. 10 The 12 percent figure was arrived at in the following manner: I00-60.percent (the loss to evaporation) leaves 40 percent. The 5 percent figure for surface runoff is 12 percent of this remainder. Alternatively, if we accept the 15 percent top of the scale given by Orni and Efrat (1973:148), then the total runoff loss would be 38 percent by the same method of calculation. 11 Philip Mayerson (1960:8) catalogs the various refutations of Huntington's theory. Semple 0931:100) lists the variety of positive evidence against it. Ellsworth Huntington (1911:403). presents a graphic representation of "the whole course of climatic pulsations from the earliest times to the present" which shows a progressive desiccation through fluctuations of decreasing amplitude to today's conditions. NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE Natural Vegetation and Soils 12 Zohary (I962:71-73) discusses the means of reconstructing the climax vegetation of a deforested area. He notes the following sources of information: remnants of the former plant cover, preserved because of their stubborn nature or intentionally in "sacred groves," doc.. umentary references to forests and trees, and ecological analogy. Q. calliprinos, whose name will not be found in the standared taxonomic works, is the eastern Mediterranean variant of the western Mediterranean Q. coccifera (Kerrnes Oak), according to Zonary (1962:102)•. 13 Spores (1969:557-569) was able to place chronologically a major bout . of erosion by examining pottery-bearing alluvial deposits which revealed a soil stratum clearly washed down from the surrounding hillsides. Such well-defined profiles are probably too much to hope for 280

Notes to Chapters Five & Six among the alluvial soHs of the intermontane basins of the highlands. Compare, however,theresults of the analysis of fluvial and colluvial deposits on the island of Melos carried out by Davidson, Renfrew, and Tasker (l976);C\ ~'" 14 The limestone parentage of terrarossa -accounts for this high cation exchange capacity. The relative aridity of the region, its wet-dry seasonality, and consequerrtlallyIow rates of . mineral loss to leaching mean that the potential rcation- capacity of~ terra rossa is often unrealized. In comparison, the leached soils (alrlsolls) of parts of southeastern Pennsylvania have cation exchange capacities in the range of 10-20 meq, 15 It is worth noting here that the determination of soil fertility in an absolute sense wiU not be a sure predictor. of its agricultural use. Within an agricultural system,as"Barlett (1980:551) points out, determinations of soil quality are lodged in "an interaction of prices, markets, technology, and population density and are not based on an absolute agronomic capability." NOTES TO ChAPTER VI Population 16 The determination of the area covered by settlements often proves problematic, especially at the sites of renewed occupation. Some of the sizes presented here represent explicitly reported estimates while others are calculations based upon site plans or other data scattered in publication reports. For example, the estimate of the size of the Hazer occupation is based upon the report of the area of the top of the upper tel and the discovery of Stratum XII, the earliest settlement of the Iron Age, in all the excavated areas of the upper tel (Yadin 1972:129). The sizes of two important sites in Upper Galilee, Sasa and Har Adir, were unavailable to me. Whether all these sites are correctly associated with the early Israelite occupation is a proper question. Tel Qlri and IIzbet Sartah are least secure in this respect given their locations in proximity to non-ISraelite settlements of some size and given the fact that the sole "evidence" of the identity of the occupants comes in the form of certain pottery types and building styles whose testimony in this respect can be seriously questioned. See below, "Domestic buildings" and "Pottery types and installations." 17 Braemer's main methodological critique of Shiloh is that he began his study with a conception of the four-room house, a stance that necessarily limited his field of vision and resulted in a circularity of reasoning (1982:42). 18 Accordingly, Weippert (1971:134-135) is not quite correct in his understanding of this pottery as "a particular fashion (ModeerscheinungJ of the early Iron Age" whose occurrence at ~ settlements of the period is not at all surprising. Rather, this pottery belongs more integrally to the social and economic settings in which it is found. 19 Calculations were made on the basis of the scale drawings of one of the collared-rim jars from Sahab provided by Ibrahim (I 978:116). The volume of this jar was approximated byca!culating the volumes of each of twentycyHnders . into which it was imaginarily sectioned. The volume of each cylinder of internal area was determined by multiplying 281

·Notes to Chapter its height; tlmeatheareacf.the .~ir<;lE; at.~ts..(:.~f\ter,!hus.a,ifTling~t, a'{~ageof: ~StsJOe~gisk.!~~IJ1"le,$Pta,!.·i\f9jH!lle'i. 9:.~~~,e.1~~~ntY

wa~;-1~~.~(J¥t~~'::~lg-:\'Jf:$/~)14;(J:~;E(~i::'~~4:q--:-;;~;~~t'~1'';;2z;t;:k:T/~:7:~j;i,--~:r1~~'-:)::;'J;_:\;F;~i'1:4'_i;:}·· '·F ',:.';.,<",_" 20 "fhe
s

Internal area wascalculated.from measurements supplied in Braemer's site-by-slte house.catalog (1982:166-169)., 23 The figures for the houses at Tel Masos are as follows: No. of occupants House no. Internal area (m 2) St. III 74 70.7 7 2 70.8 7 St. II 42 613 6 60 33.8 3 88 81.7 8 16764.7 6

lnrernalarea was calculated from measurements supplied in Braemer's slte-by-site house catalog(l982:251-254).~·with the site. of 'Ai, Braemer has recovered his measurements from published plans. 24 Some house sizes from those other communities can also be computed. Again, the data are taken from Braemar (1982:202, 209-210, 238), except in the case of Giloh, whose excavators provide exact measurements (A. Mazar 1980:8-9). Site and House InternaJarea(m 2) . No. of occupants Bethel no. 38 119.4 12 Tel Esdar no. 90 41.5 4 10 'Izbe t Sartah no. 112 103.9 87.3 Glloh no. 8 9 One. house per site does nor-permit any .meanfngful conclusions. In Leblanc's data large standard deviations of dwelling areas among the domestic, units cauticn- against taking .any given household as .an 282

Notes to Chapters Six, Eight

&,

Nine

indicator of the village average and suggest that only large samples will be accurate{l971:21O). 25 These radii can be determinedaceurately only by .surface rreasurement.Measurements'ofdistances }'as the crow flies" underestimate tl1e, trued~stances, because,.of .'•. .• the.mountainous . topography. 'Approximations of the ;radius oLexc1usive use can be made by measuring the distancedrom-eaeh site-to its nearest neighbor in three different directions and halving the average. See the method as employed by MacDonald and Simpson (I 972:127). 26 Assuming an annual yield of 750kg of grain per hectare and an annual consumption of 41t0kg per person, planting only 30 percent of the terri tory. enclosed by. a 2km radius has the potential of producing two times the annual requirement of grains for a population numbering the three hundred persons at the top of the estimate scale for 'Ai, Broshi, however, reports an average annual consumption of grain about half the figure used in this estimate, a rate of consumption which would halve the.rpercentage of territory needing to be brought into production (19&0:7). NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT Agricultural Objectives and Strategies: Soil Conservation and Fertility Management

27 Here, as below, we are considering the impact of the sabbaticalyear law exclusively on sown fields, leaving orchards and vineyards out of .consideration, 2& Legumes are plants whose root system can develop nodules which fix (i.e., turn from gaseous to solid form) nitrogen. Russell (1973:359) states the process thus: "Nodules contain bacteria living symbiotically with the plant: the plant leaves supplying the carbohydrates and the bacteria the amino acids for the combined organism." 29 Borowski (I979:22) suggests that the cities with names similar to "madmeml" ("compost") namely Madmen (Jerlt&.2), Madmena (lsa 10.31), Madmanna (Josh 15.30, and Dirnna (Josh 21.35), "could have specialized in compost making." Limited and labor-intensive transportation means probably would not have permitted the distribution of bulky compost from central preparation sites. NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE Agricultural Objectives and Strategies: Risk Spreading and the Optimization of Labor 3D, . See, the very brief discussion of ironworking installations in Muhly 19&2:53-54. To my knowledge, the only reported iron smeltry cernes from the ongoing excavation of Tel Yin'am (in Eastern Lower Galilee) where a smelting chamber together with iron slag has been unearthed and tentatively dated to the 13th century. The excavators also point out the absence of any indication of Philistine contact (Leibowitz 1979:229-230; 1982:64-(6). 31 The small percentage of agricultural implements is not unexpected .given the. locus of archaeological excavation and the funeral practices 'Of the ancients. As \\Ialdbaum notes (I 980:85), 283

Notes to Chapter Nine "because ordinaryctools care .notxcmmonly.placed in graves, e"i~ for the development of agricultural, industrial, and' domestKf implements Ismuchspottfersthen-for weapons," '$; 32 ,".See,aboveiCh.5§Ci'i!3esides.the;tiSe;offire Yreferredto;her~#<' other .techniques oftree.,.fellingwereprobably;more ,conspicuous than the "scene.of d!woodsman;and'taxe',~;that·.is'·con jured' up, by 'many descriptions of the' settlement of the .Highlands (Deut '19.5}.Cleatirrg's could be achieved by deadening of trees through a process of girdling; Initial planting of a field opened to sun and rain through the deadening of trees would work around the dead trunks. The trees could be removed in installments. Zohary (1962:210) notes that the removal of trunks and roots from regions of terra rossa soils' is the greatest obstacle inland clearing. This would remain true whether trees were felled lniriallyor deadened and removed only as time passed. The readily plowable field probably only emerges over a period of time among' technologically simpler farmers. 33 In this regard it is significant that there is evidence that the"'ard" has been used without any metal plowpoint at all, only a share-bearri of special hardwood or fire-hardened wood. This has been observed in contemporary farming communities in the Andes where it is obviously not a practice of choice (Brush 1977:92). There is literary evidence for it in classical Greece where Mediterranean farming conditions prevail (George E. FussellI972:14-15). 34 Studies of seasonal 'labor requirements of Mediterranean-type agriculture are not prevalent, to say the least. Adam's discussion of agriculture in the Diyala plains of Iraq (irrigation-based agriculture where the most obvious limitation on cultivation is set by the availability of water) includes a report of the annual labor requirement for traditional farming 0976:14-16). This summary clearly shows the major peak in labor utilization is connected with the cereal harvest. 35 For a discussion of the cognate "nawurn" in Mari texts, see Weippert 0971:1 16 n.61) who gives its primary meaning as "pasture land." A. Malamat (J 962:l46) considers it basically as a form of settlement, "encampment." Dever (J 972:106-1 07) accepts a very broad definition: "the entire complex 'that characterized the countryside: camp-group, traditional grazing lands, herds." 36 Orni and Efrat (I 97 3:460) assert that the kitchen garden has been tended in the Mediterranean region "at least since the Chalcolithic period." However, there does not appear to be any evidence in the town plans of early Iron Age sites for the location of a kitchen garden, so termed because of its proximity to the hearth. The site of Giloh near Jerusalem contains· large enclosed courtyards, but the excavator interprets these as pens for livestock (A. Mazar 1981:12). The usual density of nucleated settlement would deter such convenient sources of produce for the household. 37 The' 8th century farm at Khlrbet er-Ras excavated by Edelstein and Gibson contained the following agricultural installations: wine and oil presses, cisterns, towers, water conduits, reservoirs, artificially cut caves, pathways, and corrals (1982:46, 48). This farm is, however,a product of circumstances much changed from' the early Iron Age, as well, no doubt, of royal investment. 38 Ruthenberg' definesinterculture as "arable crops grown below perennial crops," while intercropping designates "the growing of two or

2&4

Notes to Chapter Nine more crops in different but proximate rows." On the Mediterranean combination of fruit trees and cereals, see Vogelstein 1894:43. Baly (1957:102) suggests, probably rightly, that vineyards were also intercultivated: "The pulses were grown in the old days between the vines, the vineyards being so prepared that there were a succession of hillocks on which the peas and beans were planted, and hollows into which the water drained and which were used for vines." The greater need for cultivation around vines and the more demanding tending that they require probably discouraged this intercultivation relative to the olive-grain combination. 39 For a dramatic (but by no means unique) example of the fragmentation of fields around the Palestinian Arab village, see Granot t (1953:2 I 0-211) whose Plan C shows the land holdings of the village of Beit Nabala of which one owner possesses 161 dunam in 53 separate plots: 40 For discussions of the crops of the ancient Highlands and their relative importance in the diet and economy of ancient Israel, see Borowski 1979:129-215, who devotes three chapters of his dissertation to biblical terms for crops, the characteristics of their cultivation, and their archaeological representation; Zohary 1982:97-104; Negev 1972b:III-112, where biblical references to diet are reviewed. It should be noted here that the reconstruction of the pantry of the ancient Highlanders is bedeviled by the haphazard references to foodstuffs made by the Hebrew Bible (e.g., no mention of the common pea) and the youth of archaeological attention to the recovery of plant remains for the historical periods in Syria and Palestine. 41 Perhaps the author shared the attitude of Prov 15.17. It is only without considering the social locus or intention of texts such as Prov 15.17 and Deut 8.8 that they can be taken as evidence, as Borowski does (1979:207), of the ''underdeveloped state of horticulture" in the biblical period. Something of the character of the list in Deuteronomy is indicated by its exaggerated depiction of the possibilities of mining iron (Deut 8.9), rich deposits having been found in only one location - in the Tr ansjordan, 42 With the exception of the olive, there is little data on the yields of non-cereals. The focus on cereals as the mainstay of the diet and economy is understandable, though the essential contribution of other crops should not be overlooked. Among these, the olive shows a definite pattern of alternating yields which has been documented regionally and even within the whole Mediterranean (Aschenbrenner 1972:63). This may not have presented grave difficulties on the small scale of olive raising in the early Iron Age Highlands, but would have provided a tremendous impetus to the creation of storage facilities and to engaging in trade when olive oil production was attempted on a royal scale (Boardman 1976:188-189). 43 The more common terms include:

so'n 'ayil rabel kebes, kibsa fez

satYr, 'atOO gedY

sheep, goats ram ewe lamb, ewe lamb she-goat he-goat kid

baqar

Mr par para 'egel, 'egla

285

cattle head of cattle steer cow calf, heifer

Hopkins-The Highlanda ofCanaan

':",'-','>"',":::';" ,','.• "',,"

',,',

LISIOF ABBREVIATIONS AAAG Ar1~a!s of theAss~i~tion of American Geographers AAR American Academy of Religion •... AASOR Annual of the ASQR<, AEHL Archaeological-Encyclopedia of the Holy Land (see Negev197g] ASOR American Schools of Oriental Research ARAAnnua! Review of Anthropology BA Biblical Archaeologist. BAR Biblical Archaeolegist Review BASOR Bulletin of the ASOR BRL Biblisches Reallexikon (Galling 1977] CTA Corpus des rrabletres en cuneiforrnes alphabetiques [Herdner 1963] EAEHL .Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the l-Io!yLanti .. , . HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual IDB Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, 1962 IDBS Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, SupplementaryVolume,1976 IEJ Israel Exploration Journal lESS International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JESHO Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient J1\4ES. Journal of Near Eastern Studies JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly Society of Biblical Literature SBL S,""JA Southwestern Journal of Anthropology USQR Union Seminary.Quarterly Review VT Vetus Testamentum, VTS Vetus TeSctaITU:l;ltu!}l, Supplements WA World Archaeology ZAW Zeitschdft fur die Alttestarnentliche Wissenschaft ZDPV Zeitschdft des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins

286

BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Robert.McC. 1965 Land Behind Baghdad: A History of Settlement on the Diyala Plains. Chicago: U. of Chicago. 1966 The Evolution of Urban Society: Early Mesopotamia and Prehispanic Mexico. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co. 1972 "The Mesopotamian Social Landscape: A View from the Frontier." In: Reconstructing Complex Societies [see Moore 1972], pp, 1-20. 1981 Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement and Land Use on the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates. Chicago: U. of Chicago. Aharoni, Yohanan 1957 "Problems of the Israelite Conquest in the Light of Archaeological Discoveries." Antiquity and Survival 2:131-150. 1975 "Arad." EAEHL 1:74-75,82-&9. 1976a "Galilee, Upper." EAEHL 2:406-408. 1976b "Nothing Early, Nothing Late: Rewriting Israel's Conquest." BA 39:55-76. 1979 The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography. Transl, &: ed. Anson F. Rainey. Rev. &: enlarged edn, Philadelphia: Westminster. 1982 The Archaeology of the Land of Israel: From the Prehistoric Beginnings to the End of the First Temple Period. Ed. Miriam Aharoni, Transl, Anson F. Rainey. Philadelphia: Westminster._ Aharoni, Yohanan; Evenari, Michael; Shanan, Leslie; &: Tadrnor, N. H. 1960 "The Ancient Desert Agriculture of the Negev. V. An Israelite Settlement at Ramat Matred." IEJ 10:23-36; 97-111. Albright, William F. 1943 The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim, vol, III: The Iron Age. AASOR, no. 21-22. New Haven: ASOR. 1943 liThe Gezer Calendar." BASOR 92:16-26. 1957 From the Stone Age to Christianity: Monotheism and the Historical Process. 2nd edn, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins. 1960 The Archaeology of Palestine, rev. edn, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books; reprint edn., Gloucester, Massa Peter Smith, 1971. Allan, William 1965 The African Husbandman. London: Oliver &: Boyd. 1972 "Ecology, Techniques and Settlement Patterns." In: /vlan, Settlement and Urbanism [see Ucko et ale 1972], pp, 211-226. Alt, Albrecht 1966 "The Origins of Israelite Law." In: Essays in Old Testament History and Religion, pp, 103-171. Transl, R. A. \\ ilson. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday &: Co. Amiran, David H. K. 1953 "The Pattern of Settlement in Palestine." lEJ 3:65-78; 192-209; 250-260. 1956 "Sites of Settlements in the Mountains of Lower Galilee." lEJ 6:69-77. 1962 "Land Use in Israel." In: Land Use in Semi-Arid Mediterranean 287

Hopkins - The Highlands of Canaan Cultures, pp, 101-112. Ed. D. H. K. Arniran, Arid Zone Researches, no. 24.'Paris:>UNESCO. Amiran, David H. K., &. Gilead, M. 1954 "Early" Excessive Rainfall and Soil Erosion in Israel."IEJ 4:286-295.·.·, Amiran, Ruth ." ' 1970 Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land: From Its Beginnings in the Neolithic Period to the End of the Iron Age. N.P.:Rutgers U.P. 1975 "Arad," EAEHL 1:75-&1. Ammerman, Albert J.; Cavalli-Sforza, L L.; &. Wagener, Diane K. 1976 "Toward the Estimation of Population Growth in .Old World Prehistory.". ' Iru Demographic Anthropology: Quantitative Approaches,.pp. 27-61." Ed. Ezra B.W.· Zubrow. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series. Albuquerque: U. of New Mexico. Anarl, Emmanuel' 1963 Palestine' Before the Hebrews: A History from the Earliest Arrival of Man to the Conquest of Canaan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Andersen, Francis L. 1969 "Israelite Kinship Terminology and Social Structure." Bible Translator 20:29-39. Angel, J. Lawrence 1972 "Ecology and Population in the Eastern Mediterranean." WA 4:88-105. Anthony, Kenneth R. M.; Johnston, Bruce F.; Jones, William 0.; &: Uchenda, Victor C., eds, 1979 Agricultural Change in Tropical Africa. Ithaca: Cornell U.P. Antoun, Richard T., 1972 Arab Village: A Social Structural Study or a Trans-Jordanian Peasant Community. Bloomington, Ind.; Indiana U.P. Applebaum, S. 1976 "Economic Life in Palestine." In: The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions, 2:631-700. Ed. S. Safrai &: M. Stern. Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, section 1.2 vols, Amsterdam: Van Gorcum, Assen,

Appleman, Philip, ed, 1976 Thomas Robert Malthus "An Essay on the Principles of Populafion's Text, Sources, and Background Criticism. Norton Cri tical Edition, New York: W. W. Norton. Arieh, Itzhaq Beit 1973 "An Iron Plough-Share." In: Beer~Sheba 1: Excavations at Tel Beer-Sheba, 1969-1971 Seasons, pp, 43-44. Ed; Y. Aharoni, Publications of the Institute of Archaeology, no. 2. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv U. Institute of Archaeology. Aschenbrenner, Stanley 1972 "A Contemporary Community." In: The Minnesota Messenia Expedition [see McDonald &: Rapp 1972], pp, 47 ~3. 1976 "Archaeology and Ethnography in Messenia," In: Regional Variation in Modern Greece and Cyprus [see Dimen &: Friedl 1976], pp, 15&-167. 2&8

Llloiiography Ascher, Robert. 1961 "Analogy in Archaeological Interpretation." SWJA 17:317-325. Ashbel, D[ov). 1951 'aqelim 'are? yisra'lH la'azoriha. Jerusalem. Meteorology Department of Hebrew U. 1971 "Israel,Land of (Geographical Survey): Climate." Encyclopedia Judaica 9: 181-154. Atlas of Israel: 1970 Cartography, Physical Geography, Human and Economic Geography, History. Jerusalem: Survey of Israel, Ministry of Labour; Amsterdam: Elsevier Publishing Co •• Baker, Paul T., &. Sanders, William 1. 1972 "Demographic Studies in Anthropology." ARA 1:151-178. Baly, Denis. 1957 The Geography of the Bible: A Study in Historical Geography. New York: Harper Oc Row. 1963 Geographical Companion to the Bible. London: Lutterworth, Bar-Yosef, O. 1980 "Prehistory of the Levant." ARA 9:101-133. Barlett, Peggy F. 1980a "Adaptive Strategies in Peasant Agricultural Production." ARA 9:545-573. 1980b "Introduction: Development Issues and Economic Anthropology." In: Agricultural Decision Making: Anthropological Contributions to Rural Development, pp, 1-16. Ed. Peggy F. Barlett. New York: Academic. Barrois, A[ugustin]-G[eorges] 1939-53 Manuel D'Archeologie Biblique. 2 vols, Paris: Auguste Picard. Barth, Fredrik 1973 "A General Perspective on Nomad-Sedentary Relations in the Middle East." In: The Desert and the Sown [see Nelson 1973], 1'1'.11-21. Bates, Daniel C. 1973 Nomads and Farmers: A Study of the Yoruk of Southeastern Turkey. Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, U. of Michigan, no. 52. Ann Arbor: U. of Michigan. Beaumont, Peter; Blake, Gerald H.; & Wagstaff, J. Malcolm. 1976 The Middle East: A Geographical Study. London: John Wiley Oc Sons. Beebe, H. Keith. 1968 "Ancient Palestinian Dwellings." BA 31 (May):38-58. Ben-Tor, Ammon. 1979 "Tell Qiri: A Look at Village Life." BA 42:105-113. Bennett, John W. 1973 "Ecosysternic Effects of Extensive Agriculture." ARA 2:36-45. Bernhardt, Karl H. 1969 "Nomadentum und Ackerbaukulture in der friihstaatlichen Zeit lsraels." In: Das Verhaltnis von Bodenbauern und Veihzuchtern in historischer Sicht, Pl" 31-40. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaft in Berlin, Institut fur Orientforschung, Veroffentlichung, no. 69. Berlin: lnstitut fUr Orientforschung. Bess, Stephen Herbert 1963 "Systems of Land Tenure in Ancient Israel." Ph.D. diss, , U. of Michigan. 289

Hopkins - the Highlands of Canaan Bhatia, D. K. 1968 ''SOme Reflections·ort1Anti-lYfalthus Thesis of Indian Journal of Econornics 48:427 -435. Binford," U~wis;R;";J\
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hopkins - The highlands of Canaan Frey, Hellmuth. 1957'> Das~uch.· der Verbindung. Gottes mit. seiner Gemeinde. Die Betschart des Alten Testaments, vol •. 6. Stuttgart: Calwer~, FriCk",Frank, S:. ' , ; , . ' , " 1977 The. City .in. Ancient . I srael•• SBLpisse . Series 36.. Missoula: . ",Scholars. ., ;;"h ,;' .." .. ; . . 't . 1979 "Religion and'. SoclopoHticalStructure in Early Israel: Ethno-Archaeological Approach." In: SBL 1979 Seminar Papers, pp, 233-253•. Ed. Paul J. Achtemeiervvolcz, Missoula: Scholars. 1981 "Social Science Methods and Theories of Significance for the Study of the Israelite Monarchy: A Critical Review Essay." Paper presented at the 10lst Annual Meeting of the SBL,San .francisco. (Photocopied). Fried, Morton H. 1967 The Evolution of Political Society: An Essay in Political Anthropology. New York: Random House. Fritz, Volkmar 1981 "The Israelite 'Conquest' in the Light of Recent Excavations at Khirbet el-Meshah,' BASOR 241:61-73. Fussell, George E. 1973 The Classical Tradition in West European Farming. Cranbury, N.J.: Associated U.P. Gal, Zvi 1978 "An Early Iron Age Site near Tel Menorah in the Beth-Shan ValJey.".Tel Aviv 5:138-145. Galling, Kurt 1977a "Ackerwirtschaf t,' BRL, pp. 1-4. 1977b "Sichel." BRL. p, 293. Galling, Kurt, ed, 1977 Biblisches Reallexikon, Handbuch zum Alten Testament, ser, 1, vo l, 1. 2nd rev. edn, Tiibingera J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Slebeck), Galt, Anthony H. 1980 "Exploring the Cultural Ecology of Field Fragmentation and Scattering on .the Island ofPantelleria, Italy." Journal of Anthropological Research 35:93-108. Games, Paul A., &. Klare, George R. 1967 Elementary Statistics Data Analysis for the Behavioral Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Geertz, Clifford 1963 Agricultural Involution: The Process of Ecological Change in Indonesia. Assoc. of Asian Studies: Monographs and Papers, vol, 11. Berkeley: U. of California. Gelb. 1. J. 1967 "Approaches to the Study of Ancient Society." JAOS 87:1-8. Gerleman, Gillis 1977 "Nutzrecht und Wohnrecht." ZA W 89:315-25. Gibson, McGuire 1974 "Violation of Fallow and Engineered Disaster in Mesopotamian Civilization." In: Irrigation's Impact on Society, pp, 7-19. Ed. " .>. T. E. Downing &. M. Gibson. Tucson: U. of Arizona. Glock, Albert E. 1975 "Horr.o Faber: The Pot and the Potter at Taanach." 219:9-28. <.;,,"

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Bibliography Golomb, B., &: Kedar, Y. 1971 -. "And~mt Agriculture in the Galilee Mountains." IEJ 21:136-140. Goor, Asaph 196.6 . • a..... "The Histo.ry. of the Grape-Vine in th.e. Holy Lanri."Economic . •.. Botany2Ci:46-64. •.•· i . . . ....... 1966b "The Place of the Olive in the Holy Land and its History Through the Ages." Economic Botany 20:223-243. Gordon, Cyrus H. 1949 Ugaritic Literature: A Comprehensive Translation of the Poetic and Prose Texts. Scripta Pontificii Institute Biblici, no. 98. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute. Gottwald, Norman K. 1914 "Were the .Early Israelites Pastoral Nomads?" In: Rhetorical Criticism: Essays in Honor of James Muilenberg, pp. 223-255. Ed. J. J. Jackson &: M. Kessler. Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series, no. I. Pittsburgh: Pickwick. 1975 "Domain Assumptions and Societal· Models in the Study of Pre-Monarchic Israel." VTS:!":12. 1976a "Israel, Social and Economic Development of." IOBS:465-568. 1976b "Early Israel and 'the Asiatic Mode of Production' in Canaan." In: SBL 1976 Seminar Papers, pp, 145-154. Ed. George MacRae. Missoula: Scholars. 1979a "Sociological Method in the Study of Ancient Israel." In: Encounter with the Text: Form and History in the Hebrew Bible, pp. 69-82. Ed. Martin Buss. Semeia Supplements, no. 8. Missoula: Scholars; Philadelphia: Fortress. 1979b The Tribes of Yahweh: A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated Israel, 1250-1050 B.C.E. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. Grace, Virginia R. 1956 "The Canaanite Jar." In: The Aegean and the Near East: Studies Presented to Hetty Goldman, pp, 80-109. Ed. S. S. Weinberg. Locust Valley, N.Y.: J. J. Augustin. Granott, Abraham 1952 The Land System in Palestine: History and Structure. Transl, M. Simon. London: Eyre &: Spottiswoode. Gras, Norman S. B. 1925 A History of Agriculture in Europe and America. New York: F. S. Crofts. Grieg, J. R. A., &: Turner, J. 1974 "Some Pollen Diagrams from Greece and Their Archaeological Significance." Journal of Archaeological Science 1:177-194. Grigg, David B. 1969 "The Agricultural Regions of the World: Review and Reflections." Economic Geography 45:95-132. 1974 The Agricultural Systems of the World: An Evolutionary Approach. Cambridge Geographical Studies, no. 5. London: C.U.P. 1979 "Ester Boserup's Theory of Agrarian Change: A Critical Review." Progress in Human Geography 3:64-84. 1980 Population Growth and Agrarian Change: An Historical Perspective. Cambridge Geographical Studies, no. 13. Cambridge: C.U.P. Hall, Peter, ed, 1966 Von Thiinen's Isolated State: An English Edition of "Der 297

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"A Critique of the City in the Yahwls'tCorpus.t'Ph.D, diss., \J. of Notre Dame, Hamilton, R •. W. "Water Works."lDB 4:&11-&16. Hanks, Lucien M. ' .. 1972 Rice and Man: Agriculture Ecology in Southeast Asia. Worlds of Man: Studies in Cultural Ecology. Chicago: Aldlne-Atherton, Haperin, Haim 1957 Changing. Patterns in Israel Agriculture•. London: Routledge Kegan Paul. Harmon, E. 1981 "The Village as a Microcosm for Society in the Hill Country of Israel during the Period of -the Judges (Iron Age!)." Paper presented at the Southeastern Regional .Meeting of the AARJSBL,. 14 March 1981. (Photocopied.) Harner, Michael J. 1970 "Population Pressure and the Social Evolution of Agriculturalists." SWJA 26:67-&6. 1975 "Scarcity, the Factors of Production and Social Evolution." In: Population, Ecology, and Social Evolution [see Polgar 1975], pp.123-138. Harris, Alfred 1972 "Some Aspects of Agriculture in Taita," In: Population Growth [see Spooner 1972], pp.180-189. Harris, Marvin 1980 Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture. New York: Vintage Books. Hartmann, Fernande 1923 L'Agriculture dans l'Ancienne Egypt. Paris: LibrariesImprirneries Reunies, Hayes, John h., & Miller, J. MaxelI, eds, 1977 Israelite and Judean History. OTL. Philadelphia: Westminster. Heaton, Eric \\. 1956 Everyday Life in Old Testament Times. London: B. T. Batsford. Heichelheim, r-, M. 193& "RornanSyria." In: An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, pp, 121-257. Ed. Tenny Frank•. Vol. 4: Africa, Syria, Greece, Asia Minor. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins. Heider, Karl G. 1972 "Environment, Subsistence and Society." ARA 1:207-226. Helbaek, Hans 1958 "Plant Economy in Ancient Lachish," In: Lachish IV: The Bronze Age, pp, 309-317. Ed. Olga Tufnel l, London:O.U.P. 1960 "The Paleoethnobotany of the Near East and Europe." In: Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, pp•. 99-118. Ed. Robert J. Braidwood & Bruce Howe. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 31. Chicago: U. of Chicago. Henrey, K. H. 1954 "Land Tenure in the Old Testament." PEQ 86:.5-15. 1975

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Bibliography Herdner, Andree 1963 Corpus ces tablettes en cuneiforrnes alphabetiques decouvertes Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 1939. Institute d'Archeologie de beyrouth, Bibliotheque archeologique et historique, > ; t.19. Mission de Ras Shamra, v, 10. Paris: P. Geuthner. Herrmann, Siegfried 1975 A History of Israel in Old Testament Times. Philadelphia: Fortress. Herzog, Ze'ev 197& "Israelite City Planning Seen in the Light of the Beer-sheba and Arad Excavations." Expedition 20 (Surnmer):38-43. Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1974 Alimenta Hethaeorum: Food Production in Hittite Asia Minor. American Oriental Series, no. 55. New Haven: American Oriental Society. Hopkins, David C. 1983 "The flynamics of Agriculture in Monarchical Israel." In: SBL 1983 Serr inar Papers, pp, 177-202. Ed. Kent H. Richards. Chico: Scholars. Horowitz, A. 1971 "Climatic and Vegetational Development in Northeastern Israel during Upper Pleistocene-Holocene Times." Pollen et Spores 13:"-55-278. 1974 "Preliminary Palynological Indications as to the Climate of Israel During the Last 6000 Years." Paleorient 2:407-414. 1978 "Human Settlement Pattern in Israel: A Discussion of the Impact of Environment." Expedition 20:55-58. Hughes, J. Donald 1975 Ecology in Ancient Civilizations. Albuquerque: U. of New Mexico. Hunt, Charles B. 1972 Geology of Soils: Their Evolution, Classification, and Uses. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. Huntingford, G. W. Eo 1932 "Ancient Agriculture." Antiquity 6:237-337. Huntington, Ellsworth 1911 Palestine and Its Transformation. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Ibrahim, Moawiyah M. 1978 "The Collared-Rim Jar of the Early Iron Age." In: Archaeology in the Levant (see Moorey & Parr 197&], pp, 116-126. Irwin, Dorothy 1977 "Pflug." BRL, pp, 255-256. Israel Museum 1973 Inscriptions Reveal: Documents from the Time of the Bible, the Mishna and the Talmud. Israel Museum Catalogue no. 100. Jerusalem: Israel Museum. lsserlin, B. S. J. 1955 "Ancient Forests in Palestine: Some Archaeological Implications." PEQ 87:87~9. Jarman, M. R., & \\ ebley, D. 1975 "Settlement and Land Use in Capitanata, Italy." In: Paleoeconorny, pp, 177-221. Ed. E. S. Higgs. British Academy Major Research Project in the Early History of Agriculture. London: C.U.P. 299

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'

, '

An iah'l566fusdkYB06korI.IBe'iCe&ualis oithe District ar()und Harran'Jn t~~Sev!!nth Century, B.C:ASsyriologiscne Bibliothek~ vel, 17. Leipzig:J. C. Hinrichs. Johnson, Douglas L. 1969 The Nature of Nomadism: A Comparative Study of Pastoral l'v1igra,tions"',in Southwester!),. A~ia '" and Northern Africa. Department of Geography Research Paper No. 118. Chicago: Department of Geography, U. of Chicago. Johnstone, W. . 1969 "Old Testament Technical Expressions in Property Holding." Ugaritica 6:308-317. Karmon, Yehuda ' , " 1966 A Geography of Settlement in Eastern Nigeria. Scripta Hierosolyrr.itana, vol, 15. Jerusalem: Magnes. 1971 Israel: A Regional Geography. London: Wiley-Interscience. Katsnelson, J. 1964- "The Variability of Annual Precipitation in Palestine." Archiv fur Meteorologie, Geophysic und Bioklimatologie, Ser, B, 13: 163-174. 1971 "Dew." Encyclopedia Judaica 5:1600:'1602. Kedar, Y. 1975 "Ancient Agriculture at Shivtah and the Negev." lEJ 7:178-189. Keen, B. A. 194-6 The Agricultural Development of the Middle East. London: H. M. Stationery Office. Kelso, James L. 1968 The Excavation of Bethel (1934-1960). AASOR, no. 34. New Haven: ASOR. Kernpinski, Aharon 1978 "Tel Masos: Its Importance in Relation to the Settlement of the Tribes of Israel in the Northern Negev." Expedition 20 {SummerI978):29·:-:3 7. Kernplnski, Aharon, & Avi-Yonah, Michael 1979 SyriaTPalestine II: From the Middle Bronze Age to the End of the ClasSical World (2200 B.C.~324c A.D.). Archaeologia Mundi. Paris: Nagel Publishers. Kempinski, Aharon, de Fritz, Volkmar 1977 "Excavations at Tel Masos (Khirbet el Meshash): Preliminary Report of the Third Season, 1975." Tel Aviv 7:136-158. Kennett, Robert H. 1933' Ancient hebrew Social Life and Custom as Indicated in Law, Narrative and Metaphor. London: The British Academy. Kenyon, Kathleen !'Ii. 1976 "Jericho." EAEHL 2:550-564-. Kochavi, Moshe 1977 "An Ostracon of the Period of the Judges from Izbet Sartah," Tel Aviv 4:1-13. Kocl1ci'vi, Moshe, ~d. ' 1972 yehOda '~meron Og51arn seqer'are'ke'515gi' ba~~enat 1968 1901

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Bibliography [Judaea Samaria and the Golan: Archaeological Survey 1967-1968).1"he Archaeological Survey of Israel, vo l, 1Jerusalem: Keter. Kochavi, Moshe, &. Demsky,Aaron 1978 "An Israelite Village from the Days of the Judges." BAR 4 (Septernber/Octoberhl s-z l, Kohler, Ludwig, &. Baumgartner, Walter 1967 Hebraisches und arrnaisches Lexikon zum Alten 1"estarnen t, 3rd edn. Ed. W. Baumgartner. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Koster, Harold A., s: Koster, Joan Bouza 1976 ''Competition or Symbiosis?: Pastoral Adaptive Strategies in the Southern Argolid, Greece." In: Regional Variation in Modern Greece and Cyprus [see Dimen &. Friedl 1976], pp, 275-285•• Krader, Lawrence 1968 "Pastoralism." lESS 11:453-461. Kramer, Carol 1979a "An Archaeological View of a Contemporary Kurdish Village: Domestic Architecture, Household Size, and Wealth," In: Ethnoarcnaeologyr Implications of Ethnography for Archaeology, pp. 139-163. Ed. Carol Kramer. New York: Columbia U.P. 1979b "Introduction." In: Ethnoarchaeology [see previous entry], pp. 1-20. Kramer, Samuel N. 1963 The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character. Chicago: U. of Chicago. LaBianca, Oystein S. 1978 "Man, Animals, and Habitat at Hesban - An Integrated Overview." Andrews U. Seminary Studies 16:229-252. 1979a "Agricultural Production on Hesban's Hinterland in the Iron Age." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the ASOR, 15 November 1979. (Photocopied.) 1979b "Agricultural Production on Hesban's Hinterland, 198 BC-AD 969." Paper presented at the Sl st General Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America. Boston, 30 December 1979. (Photocopied.) 1982 "Toward a Dynamic Perspective on Transjordanian Food Systems." Faper presented at the Annual Meeting of the ASOR, New York, 22 December 1982. (Photocopied.) Lapp, Paul W. 1967 "The Conquest of Palestine in the Light of Archaeology." Concordia Theological Monthly 38:283-300. 1969 "The 1968 I:.xcavations at Tell Ta'annek." BASOR 195:2-49. LeBlanc, Steven 1971 "An Addition to Naroll's Suggested Floor Area and Settlement Population Relationship," American Antiquity 36:210-211. Lemche, N. P. 1976 "The Manumission of Slaves - The Fallow Year - the Sabbatical Year - the Jobel Year." VT 26:38-59. Lenski, Gerhard 1970 Human Societies: A Macrolevel Introduction to Sociology. New York: McGraw-Hill. 301

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Stenning, Derrick J. . . . ' '. ..J958 : ':'HouseholdViabilityAmongthe. PastoralrFulani," In: 'The Developrnental'
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Yadin, Yigae£ 1972 Hi~<>.rt The head of All Those Kindorns (Joshua 11.10), with a Cfiapter on Israelite Megiddo. The Schweich Lectures of the Brl'tish Academy, 1970. London: O.U.P. 1979 "The Transition from a Semi-Nomadic to a Sedentary Society in the Twelfth Century B.C.E." In: Symposia [see Cross 1979], pp.57-68. Zohary, Michael. 1962 Plant Life of Palestine: Israel and Jordan. Chronica Botanica: New Series of Plant Science Books, no. 33. New York: Ronald. 1982 Plants of the Bible. Cambridge: C.U.P. Zohary, MiChael, &. Spiegel-Roy, Pinhas, 1975 "The Beginnings of Fruit Growing in the Old World." Science 187:319-327.

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Weinstein, James M "Radiocarbon Dating of Palestine in the Early Bronze Age." BASOR 225:1-16. Foster, Edgar E. 1948 Rainfall and Runoff. New York: Macmillan. 1977

313

253 235 EXODUS 3.5 22.5 22.6 22.10-13 22.14-15 23.10-11

237 206, 256, 273 207, 256 256,273 255,273 194·5

LEVITICUS 1.7ff 18 19.19

118 273 196

NUMBERS 13.20 27.4, 11 27.14 35.3

204 257 253 236

DEUTERONOMY 8.8 241, 243, 285n.41 &.9 285n.41 16.9 225 19.5 284n.32 22.11 247 22.9 196 24.20 231 28.38-40 235 32.14 247 32.32 174 JOSHUA 7.18, 24 13-18 14.4 15.5-11 17.14-18 18.11-20 19.10-14

252 259 236 259 117 259 235

JUDGES 6.3-6 6.11,30

226 252 314

RUTH 2.3 2.23 3.2 4.3-6 17

235 242 226 258 235

1 SAMUEL 8.14 9.1-4 9.12 10 10.5 7.17 11.5 13 14.32 17.18 17.34 18.& 20.6 23.1 25.2 28.24 29

235 252 257 237 237 237 252 237 247 247 118 11& 257 226 249 206 257

2 SAMUEL 6.6 7.8 14.30-31 17.28 17.29 23.11-12

226 236 235 242 247 235

1 KINGS 4.10 5.25 7.2 10.17,21 18.23 21.2 21.3

118 275 118 118 118 235 253

Index of Biblical References

152 174 1 CHRONICLES 27.29-31 250

JEREMIAH 2.7 8.2 9.9 9.21 16.4 23.10 25.33 25.37 29.5 31.40 41.8 46.21 48.33

235 203 236 203 203 236 203 236 235 174 242 206 236

NEHEMIAH 5.11

235

JOB 1.3 20.7 31.40 39.10

249 203 242 214

EZEKIEL 4.15 12.10 19.12 21.3 38.20

IJ8 81 81 118 174

PSALMS 65.13 83.11 104.20

236 203 IJ8

HOSEA 2.14 13.7-8

IJ8 118

PROVERBS 12.1I 15.17 15.19 20.4 22.13 28.19

274 285n.41 274 274 IJ8 274

JOEL l.Il l.I9, 20 2.22 2.24

242 236 236 232

AMOS 1.2 2.13 4.1 4.9 6.4

236 226 250 236 206

MICAH 3.12

118

HABAKKUK 3.17

174,206

MALACHI 6.30

206

LUKE 6.JJ 14.35

226,230 205

CANTICLES 2.14

174

ISAIAH 1.8 5.2 5.6 7.23,24, 25 9.18 10.17-19 16.8 16.10 25.10 27.3 28.23-29 28.24 34.7 37.24

228 228-229 228,236 236 IJ5 IJ5 174 236 205 96 196 214 203 JJ8 315

INDEX OF AUTHORS

dams.R.M~.>j7,246-248,25;,258,

284n34 A haroni, Y. 88, 118, 137,139, 143, 148,159-160, 165, 220, 259 jAlbright, W.F.18, 23, 145, 148, 162, ! 222, 231 !Allan, W. 28-29, 33, 48, 238, 244-245 fAit, A. 200, 279n I !Amiran, D.H.K. 83, 90-91, 162, 164, 176, 178,224 'Amiran, R. 95, 148, 150 Ammerman, A.. 152 IAnderson, F.L. 252 lAngei, J.L. 16,50,254 Anthony, K.R.M. 87-88, 178 Antoun, R.T. 19, 215, 225, 244-245, 255 Appleman, P. 43 Arieh, I.B. 222-;!23 Aschenbrenner, S. 19,214,216,227229,231,285n42 Ascher, R. 20 Ashbel, D. 79, 82, 86-87, 90, 98 Atlas of Israel. 79, 84, 96, 126, 128-129 Baker, P.T. 50 Baly, D. 56, 73, 79, 86, 99, 129, 230-231, 239, 259, 285n38 Bar-Yosef, O. 104 Barlett, P.F. 178,252, 281n15 Barrois, A-G. 83, 187, 197,224,227, 230,246 Barth, F. 246, 248 Bates, D.C. 247-248 Beaumont, P. 84, 127,178, 192,239 Beebe, H.K. 146 Bhatia, D.K. 41 Binford, L.R. 20 Blake, G.H. 84, 127, 178, 192,239 Boardman, J. 227, 242, 285n42 Bonimovitch, S. 143 Borowski, O. 16, 18,21, 23, 87, 117,151,162,174,180, 184, 193, 195-196, 199, 203-204, 207,215,222, 225, 228-229, 231, 236, 239, 242-243, 283n29, 285n40 Boserup, E. 29,31-32, 33-34, 39-41, 43-47, 49, 238, 279n4, 280n7,8 Bradford, M.C. 28,30

22i

Braemer, F. 141, 144-148, 281n17 Bridges, EM. 124,126-128 Bright, J. 117, 137 Bronson, B. 41, 44-46, 48. Brookfield, u,c, 33-35, 37, 48c49 Broshi, M 96; 152-153, 155, 283n26 Brush, S.B. 20, 74, 175,216,225, 252, 254, 284n33 Burch, T.K. 254 Butzer, K.W. 100, 102, 103, 104, 106, 111, 123, 126,209,222 Callaway, J.A. 95-96, 102.. 141, 143, 151, 183, 185,253 Campbell, E.F. 139, 158 Ca valli-Sf'orza, L.L. 152 Cazelles, H. 200 Childe, V.G. 38-39, 9.9 Chisholm, M. 30, 163, 238-239 Clark, C. 43 Clines, D.J.A. 22 Colson, E. 151, 260, 274 Cook, S.F. 155 Crown, A.D. 100, 106 Custred, G. 252 Dalman, G.H. 19, 83, 186, 197-199, 202,207,215-216,223-224 Datoo, B.A. 34, 48-49 Davidson, D. 124, 281n13 Davis, J.B. 182 De Geus, C.H.J. 16,23, Ill, 137, 149, 175, 180, 183-184,221, 252-253, 256-258, 279nl, 282n20 De Vaux, R. 22, 99, 102, 139, 152, 195,257 Demsky, A. 151-152 Dever, W.G. 16,97,98, 119, 137,225, 230, 246, 284n35 Dimbleby, G.W. 103 Dole, G.E. 258 Donkin, R.A. 173 Dothan, T. 220 Driver, S.R. 195 Dumond, D.E. 43 Dybdahl, I.L. 257 Dyson-Hudson, R.& N. 246 Eckholm, E.C. 119, 123 Edelstein, G. 16,97, 122, 175-178, 179, 183, 185, 284n37 Efrat, E. 55, 56, 57, 70, 79, 81-84, 86, 88,90, 92,95, 112, 127, 176, 280nl0, 284n36

316

Index of Authors Eitam, D. 231-232 Emery, K.O. 102-103, 105 Evenar i, M 91, 94-95, 98, 174 Eyre,S.R. 1I2, 126 Feliks. J. 97, 195,215 Ferdon, E.N. 32-33,35 Finkelstein, 1. 143 Flannery, K.V.248 Forbes, H. 20, 187, 193. 199-200, 222,231-232,242-243 Foster, E.E. 90 Freeman, S.T. 247 Frey, H. 195 Frick, ES. 257, 260 Fried, MH. 258 Fritz, V. 140, 142-143, 145, 159 Fussell, G.E. 284n33 Galling, K.225 Galt, A.H. 241 Gibson, S. 97, 175-176, 183, 284n37 Glock, A.E. 17 Golomb, B. 235 Gottwald, N.K. 15,22,23, 137-138, 162, 168, 221, 246, 248,250, 252-253, 256-260, 272 Grace, V.R. 150 Granott, A. 285n39 Gras, N.S.B. 192 Grieg, J.R.A. 106 Grigg, D.B. 27, 34, 41, 44-45, 47, 49-50, 192. 202, 241 Hale, G.A. 173-178, 181, 183-184 Hall, P. 30, 238 Halligan, J.M 38 Hamilton, R.W. 95 Hanham, R.Q. 34-35. 45, 47 Hanks, L.M 47 Harmon, E. 141, 253, 282n21 Harris, A. 36-37 Hartmann, F. 18 Heichelheim, F.M 244 Heider, K. G. 21 Heizer, R.F. 155 Helbaek, H. 16 Herrmann, S. 117 Herzog, A.Z. 142 Hopkins, D.C. 22, 236, 275 Horowitz, A. 16, 104-106, 120 Hughes, J.D. 116, 121 Huntingford, G.W.B. 180 Huntington, E. 100, 280nll Huxley, A. 1I2-1I3 Ibrahim, MM 149-150, 281n19

Israel Museum. 18 Jarman.M.R. 160 Jepsen, A. 200 Johnstone, B.F. 87-88, 178 Jones. W.O. 87-88, 178 Karmon, Y. 59,60,61,64,79, 81-82, 84-86, 92, 1I2, 128, 176 Katsnelson, J. 89-90, 99 Kedar, Y. 235 Kelso, J.L. 150,231-232 Kempinski, A. 141 Kent, W.A. 28, 30 Kenyon, K.M 118 Kislev,M 16,122,176, 179, 183, 185 Kochavi, M 139, 151-152, 159, 161, 165 Krader, L. 246 Kramer, C. 138, 145, 156 La Bianca, O.S. 16, 162, 197,247, 249-250 Lance, H.D. 230 Lapp. P.W. 95, 97, 139, 147 LeBlanc, S. 156 Lederman. Z. 143 Lewis, N.N. 20, 176-177, 236 Liebowitz, H. 283n30 Limbrey, S. 1I6, 124-125 Lipshitz, N. 16-17, 100 Maddin, R. 218, 220 Malamat, A. 284n35 Malthus,43 Marf'oe, L. 20, 74 Mayerson, P. 17, 153, 174,244, 280nll Mazar, A. 97, 139, 141, 143, 149-150, 152. 159, 161. 185,253, 284n36 McClellan, T.L. 17,141,146-148, 155, 253, 282n21 McCown, C.C. 55, 59, 222 McDonald, W.A. 20, 165, 283n26 Mendenhall, G.E. 149 Merrill, R.S. 36-38 Meyers, C. 168-169, 180, 273 Miller, J.M 22-23, 137 Miller, R. 95-97, 163 Mitchell, W.A. 238-240 Morgenstern, J. 200 Muhly, J.D. 17, 218-220, 222, 283n30 Murdock, G.P. 252 Naroll, R. 156-157 Neev, D. 102-103, 105 .Negev, A. 242, 285n40 317

Index of Authors Netting, R.McC. 15,21,27,29n2,37,Snodgrass, A.M 21&-219,221" 42,44,47,5I,178,234,279n2 Spencer, J.E. 27,173-178, Neufeld, E.}95 , ", 184' Neumann, L89 ' Sperber, D, 19 North, R.195 Spooner, B. 37 Noth, ¥-98, 117,279nISpores,R. 122, 2t.l9,280n13 Nukunya, O.K. 255 Stager, L.E. 23, 105, 106, I 147, lSI, 157,169, 114, Oates. D. & J.I07 179-180,184,236,253-254, Orlove, B.S. 21, 252 Orni, E. 55, 56, 57, 70, 79, 81-84, 282n21 Stech-wheeler, T. 17,218-219,222 86, 88,90,92, 95, 112, 127, 176, 280nIO, 284n36 Stewart. N.H. 27 Stewart,O.c. 116 Paul, 8.M 97, 119, 200, 225, 247 Street, 1.M 279n6 Pelzer, K.J. 178 Picard, L. 56 Stryker, J.D. 238 Po1unin,O. 112-113 Swidler; W.W. 248-249 Portararo, A.V. 34-35, 45, 47 Symons, L. 121, 180 Tadmor, N.H. 91, 94-95, 98, 174 Price, L.W. 241,246 Pritchard, J.B. 18, 225, 229 Tarrant, J.R. 33, 279n6 Rainey, A.F. 150 Tasker, C. 124, 281n13 Rapp, G.R. 20 Tatham, G. 32 Rappaport, R.A. 21, 130 Thompson, T.L. 23, 73, 158, 255 Reifenberg, A. 1"5, 21,99, 122-123, Thornthwaite, C.W. 92-94 125-1Z8, 180,205 Trigger, B.G.3?, 139, 159 Renfrew, C. 124, Z&lnI3 Turkowski, L. 19,83, 178, 195, 202, Renfrew, J.M 17, 242 214, 216, 222, 224-226, 255 Richter, W. 93, I I I Turner, B.L. 34-35, 45, 47 Ron, Z. 98, 162, 175, 178, 180, 183, Turner, J. 106 186, 209, 239-240 Ussishkin, D. 150 Uchenda, V.C. 87-88, 178 Rost, L. 200 Rowton, M.B. 112, 114-117, 119-120 Van Wench, H.J. 195,238,244-245 Russell, E.J. 192, 196,205, 283028 Vayda, A.P. 21 Vogelstein, H. 19, 187, 194-195,214, Russell, J.e. 155-156 Ruthenberg, H. 27, 45, 208, 213, 225, 285n38 284n38 Von Thanen, J.H. 29-31, 238 Waddell, E.W. 21, 34, 42, 234 Sahlins, MD. 252-254 Salonen, A. 222 Wagener, D.K. 152 Sanders, W.T. 50, 280n8 Wagstaff, J.M. 84, 127, 178, 192, 239 Sauer, C.O. 116 Waisel, Y. 16-17, 100 Waldbaum, J.C. 217-220, 283n31 Sauer, J.A. 22 Sawyer, J.F.A. 22 Walton, K. 187, 192-194 Webley, D. 131-132, ISO, 153, 160, Scott, R.B.Y. 82, 88,98 Semple, E.C. 90, 112, 115, 175, 187, 244, 249 192, 205, 207, 228, 240, Weinstein, J.M 102 280nl1 Weippert, M 22,137,149,271, Service, E.R. 258 281n18,284n35 Shanan, L. 91,94-95,98, 174 Went, F.W, 114-115, 120 Shattner, I. 59, 62, 63, 67 White, K.D. 196-197, 202, 204-206, Sheffer, C. 41 240, 245 Shiloh, Y. 97,140,142-145,153-156, Whyte, R.O. Ill, 123 186, 281n17 Wilkinson, J.Od8 Sinclair, L.A. 220 Williams, R.J. 203 Wilson, RR:'19 Smith, P.E.L. 34, 50,42 318

Indexes of Authors and Places Winner, L. 38 Winrock Int.Livestock._Center. 255 Wolf, E.R. 21,28-30, 39, 279n2,5 Wright, G.E. 143, 145-147,.230 Wright, H.E.,Jr. 103, 105

Yadin, Y. 95, 97, 143, 150 Young, T.C~ Jr. 34, 50 Zohary, M. 93, 113-116, 121-122, 125,127-129, 224, 228, 242-243, 280nI2,284n32,285n40

INDEX OF PLACES 'Ai: 95-96, 140-142, 151-152, 157, 161, 163, 165, 166, 179, 183-84, 220, 253, 282n21 Arad: 95, 100 Beersheba, Tel: 100, 142 Beit Mitsim,Tell: 140, 142, 151, 153-155,222,231 Bethel: 140, 150, 151, 158, 163,231-232, 282n24 Bet Zur: 140, 162 Esdar, Tel: 140, 145, 159, 282n24 el-Farah, Tell: 142, 154, 158 el-Fal, Tel: 161, 220 Gezer: 98, 131-132, 230, 244 Gibeon: 97.225,229-230 Giloh: 140-143, 146,152, 159, 161, 185, 282n24, 284n36 Har Adir: 220, 281n16 HarashimcTel; 140, 159 Hazor: 95, 91,140,150-151,161, 281nl6 Hebron: 158 Hesban: 162,246, 249 Tel el-Hesi: 151 'Izbet Sartah: 140, 147, 151, 159, 169, 281n16, 282n24 Jerusalem: 91, 158, 186 Kufr aloMa: 19, 225 Kh. el-Marjameh: 91 Masos, Tel: 140-142, 145, 141, 149, 151, 154-155, 157, 159, 169, 282n21 . Megiddo: 1.63 MevasseretYerushalayim; 176,.1113, 185 en-Nasbeh, Tel: 95~96, 140, 152, 161,.222 Qasile, Tell:.145 Qir i, Tell: 140, 281n16 Kh. Rabud: 158, 162 Kh. Radda~H4k151, 161-162, 169, 179, 185,220,253, 282n21 Kh. er-Ras; 284n37 Sahab: 149-150, Sera, Tel: .145 Shechem: 145~146. 158 Shiloh: 1.40, 161, 169 Taanach:9S"'i'tiilOO•. l.'n.163,219

319

, INDEX OF SUBJECTS

\

"ard":209,';22~.223,'284n33 (see also plow) basalticsoils5 t 24, .129 . batha: 112 (defined) "bet 'ab, bet 'abet": 252-256 (see also family) bronze: 217-223, 225 building density: 141-142 cereals (wheat and barley): 214,224,241-242 cisterns: 23, 95, 15H52, 186, 265-266 "clan": see "millpaha" climatic change: 99-108, defined 100 climatic variation:100-I08, defined 100-101 classes of production: 47-49 collared-rim pithos/oi: 143, 148-150, 169, 268 colluvial soils: 124, 129 complementarity: of tree crops and cereal production 227-228, 233; of livestock husbandry and agriculture 246-249 compost, composting: 205-206 Crop rotation: 197-200 deforestation: I15-123 dendroarchaeology: 100-10 I dew: 98-99 diet: 242-243, 285n40; annual consumption of grain 131, 283n26; contribution of livestock to 247 diversified subsistence base: 74, 213, 227, 233-234,247,275 domestic buildings: 143-147,206,253; and population size 152-157 draft animals: 40, 206, 216, 222-223, 255 dry mulch: 187, 193 dry season crops: 197-200 emergence of Israel: 22-24, 137, 143-145, 148-149, 167-169,217, 221-223,251,265-266,271-273 environment: as parameter of agriculture 32-36 erosion: as a geological force 57, 59, 61, 62, 64, 68; soil 86, 120-122,126,175,180-181, 191-194 ethnographic analogy: 19-21, 175, 191,237,257 evaporation rates: 83, 92 evapotranspiration: 92-94, 173, 192-193 evergreen maquis and forest: 112-115; biblical references to lI8, 236; characteristics of 114-1 IS; deforestation of 115-123; extent in early Iron Age Jl9-120, 132-133; trees and bushes of Jl2-113 exchange: 75, 257, 260, 269-270, 272 fallowing: biennial, bare 192-195,270; green 195-197; with crop rotation 197-200; and sabbatical year 200-202 family: see "bet 'abo; family size 154-157,216,253-254,269 fertilization: 40, 202-208; limitations on 204-206 field fragmentation: 195, 216, 241, 269 fig: 103, 228 fire: as tool 116-1I7, 119-120,207-208, 265, 284n32; in forests 115 fodder: 114, 197, 206, 248 food bank on the hoof: 248, 256-257, 260

320

Index of Subjects forest clearing: 132~133, 221-222, 265 four-room house: 143.J45, 147 fruit trees: 227-228, 230-232, 242-243 F;' garden: 235-236, 239-240, 243, 28403
Index of Subjects mortality rates: 253-254 Nessana papyri: 17, 244 nor~alsurplus:.see surplus, normal oliy~:)0.~,~~O,~32 . olirepr~:~31-232 ()r£hird:2~~Yt?7,o~4QI,~:0".' '1 OV~~':'145;~o; i'~'~i1h,i,,~<: paleobota~Y:iI6;;1~()-IOr. paleodemogr~phY:50,U2,IS6.

254 paleosteology:16,50, 152,156,'249/254 palynology-16; 34,103.106/120 pastoralism: and agriculture: 169,271-272; see also livestock husbandry pasture: availability 206; biblical terms 236, 240 planting: 214-217 plaster, waterproof: 282n20 plow: mechanics 222-223; role in history 39; see also Hard" plowpolnt . plowing: 209, 214-217, 227; of fallow 192-193; versus hoeing 228 p1owpoint: 217-223, 233 population: and domestic building 152-157; and subsistence potential 153; as parameter of agriculture 38-39, 42-46; density 34, 46-50, 164-186; density coefficient 153-156; growth 42-44, 164, 162; landscape of early Iron Age 137-170, 269; overpopulation 50; pressl.lre31;34~ 49, 164; size estimation 152-157 . . precipitation:anntial variability 87-88,182; effect on .agriculture 86-88,90-91, 94; high intensity rainfall 86, 173,182,191; interannual variability 88-91; spatial distribution 84-86; temporal distribution 86-88 pressure of needs on resources: 49, 163-167, 179 pruning: 227-228, 230 rendzina soils: 113, 124, 128-129 reservoirs: 186 risk spreading: 213 (defined), 215, 217, 225, 234-235, 238, 240-242, 247-248, 251, 256, 258-261, 267-269, 275 rock: Cenomanian-Turonian 57-58, 61, 64-66,68,70-71,96, 124; Cretaceous 61, 64, 68, 71; Eocene 57-58, 62, 64-66, 68-69, 71, 124; Neocene 69;Senonian 57-58,61-62,64-66,68,70-71, 124; volcanic,/basaltic64, 66-67,69, 71,96,124 runoff, surface: 92 (defined), 94, 121,173, '175 sabbatical-year law: 194-195,200-202, 273 seasonality: 79-81, 173, 197-200, 213 sebet: 258-260 settlement pattern: community layout 139-142, 164-165; defined 138-139; individual structures and installations 142-157; zonal 157-167,268 "sharav": 80-81 sickle: 225, 233 silo: 145, 151 site-catchment analysis: r30~t32, 155, 160,164, 166-167 soil: conservation 133, 191,208-210; distribution 123-124, 176-177; erosion 86,120-122,126, 175, ISO-IS I, 191, 194; 322

· .Index of Subjects fertility 34,40, 192; formation 123-126, 191; infiltration rates 91; mining 208-209;reconstructing soil landscapes 124,HS.,)~l; tYJ)e~".28.?)~9.,~ee also terra rossa, rendzina etc; e · · waterJ'alaIlCe. in.92~94•. J 82, 192-193 springs: 96-97, 98, 162-163, 173, 186 ! stable [animal}:)47,J.69,206 . staggered sowing: 215-217, 224, 268 storable foods: 243, 268 storage buildings: 143, 169, 268 sowing: 214-217 surplus, normal: 48, 202, 245, 256, 269 technology, agricultural: as a parameter of agriculture 35-42; defined 36-38; see also "innovation" temperature: 81-83 terrace systems/terracing: 122, 173-186,208-209,235-236, 239-240, 266-270; aims and functions 175; around springs 97, 178, 186; dating 182-186; description 174; labor costs 175-179, 255; types 174 terra rossa: 104, 124, 126-128, 133 threshing floor ["goren"J: 225-226 transhumance: 246, 250 Transjordan: 22, 197,225,245, 249-250 transpiration rates: 83, 92, 205 transportation: costs 30; limiting available land 165; means 164, 226,238 tribe: see "sebet" variability: general 70, 213, 275; rainfall 87-91,215-216, 259, 267 variegation, geomorphological: 56, 63, 67, 72-73, 83, 85-86, 88, 106, 108, 167, 224, 239, 241, 259,266 vegetables: 235, 243 vegetation, climax: 111-114, 280nl2 verticality: 73-75, 240-241, 266 vine and tree crops: 227-232 vineyard: 228-230, 235-236, 239-240 water: as determinant of settlement pattern 158-159, 162-163, 265; availability for agriculture 83, 91-99; balance in the soil 92-94 weeding: 187 wells: 96, 97-98 wine press: 229-230 winnowing: 81 wood: 118-119 yields, crop: cereals 283n26; data 191, 285n42; limits on enhancing 210, 27q; variability 244-245

323

E Judean Desert p-

East Samadan Hills

G

Nablus Syncline

H

Iron Hills

1

Menashe Plateau

J

Mt Carmel

K

Central

L~r

Galilee

L Eastern Lower Galilee M Western Lower Galilee-

N

A1lonim Hills Western Upper Galilee

0

Eastern Upper Galilee

MAP 1

B

Adapted from Orni & Efrat (1971) 16. 54

324

I

o

30

Early Iron Age Sites

MAP3 T·9 iri Megiddo • ·Taanach

T. Farah nlrzah)

• Shiloh Kh. Raddana.........~e.thel. T. en-Nasbeh ·'AI Jericho Gezer s (Mizpahr~i_Jib (Gibeon) T. el-Ful (GibeahY:.Jerusalem Mevasseret ./' .G.loh VerushaJayim • I Bethlehem .Bet Zur T. el:Hesi • Hebron (Eglon) Kh.Rabud T:B;itMi:sim T. Sera. (Debir")

Beer-sheba •

.Arad

.T. Masos

-r. Esdar

326

T. Hesban